Africa Development, Vol. XXXIII, No. 3, 2008, pp. 157–162
© Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2008
(ISSN 0850-3907)
Youth Subjectivities and Associational Life
in Bamenda, Cameroon
Jude Fokwang*
Introduction
How do young people at the margins of national citizenship make sense of
their lives in local society? What mechanisms do they employ to negotiate
transition to full adult status in contexts where national institutional support
for them has become tenuous or disappeared completely? How do we analyse and account for the ways in which younger generations of Africans,
experiencing blocked mobility, deal with their predicament on account of
postcolonial elites’ continuous cling to power and resources? How, and in
what contexts, are social categories (such as youth or adult) constructed,
negotiated and experienced? These questions inevitably demand a critical
discussion of the meanings of youth (understood in this study as a position
of structural dependency), social adulthood, citizenship and social participation. This study answers the above questions by focusing on the subjectivities
and activities of three associations of young men and women in Bamenda,
Cameroon’s leading Anglophone city. The associations include the Chosen
Sisters, the United Sisters and the Ntambag Brothers Association (NBA).
Being an ethnographic study, context is essential for its appreciation.
The study is set against a background of what is known popularly in Cameroon
as la crise – crisis that conjures simply more than the spectres of economic
and political uncertainty; indeed, understood by most as a deep moral crisis.
Against this background, this study analyses the ways in which young
Cameroonians create meaningful lives in local society. Clearly, youths
embody the sharpening contradictions of the late capitalist era (cf. Comaroff
and Comaroff 2005:23) and tend to be ‘positioned at the leading edge of
many aspects of contemporary social change, and experience acutely the
risks and opportunities that new social conditions entail’ (Hall, Coffey and
Williamson 1999:501).
* Department of Social Anthropology, University of Cape Town.
Email: jude.fokwang@uct.ac.za.
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Faced with massive unemployment, many young Cameroonians feel their
youth is protracted and accession to social adulthood delayed. This is
specifically true for many young people in their 20s and 30s who remain
jobless, unmarried and uncertain of their future, but are continuously reminded
by the leadership to ‘wait for their turn’. The protraction of young people’s
youth, or what James Côté (2000) has termed ‘arrested adulthood’, seems
to be the defining preoccupation for many young people who, without
succumbing to despair, continue to explore mechanisms of making ends
meet while aspiring to middle-class status.
The study focuses on young people’s associations which, I argue, can
be understood as critical sites for the production and experience of a diverse
range of subjectivities. By subjectivity, I refer to social actors’ thoughts,
sentiments, and embodied sensibilities, and especially their senses of self and
self-world relations (Holland and Leander 2004:127). Subjectivity involves
making choices about one’s identities as well as resisting those identities that
are imposed by others or outsiders (Brettell and Sargent 2006:4). In this
sense, I argue that young people occupy multiple subject positions – some
of which they define for themselves and others which are defined for them.
Building on this claim, I argue that, for many young people in Bamenda, the
processes of positioning and the production of personhood are largely
experienced through involvement in associational life.
The study analyses the ways in which young people in Cameroon negotiate
their youth against the predicament of potent forces (both global and national)
that structure their marginalisation and undermine their aspirations for
meaningful citizenship and social adult status. Central to my argument is the
claim that, through associations, young people position themselves and claim
adult status by participating as part of a collective in a range of social and
moral projects – most of which draw on and celebrate customary markers
of social adult status. Importantly, involvement in associational life also reveals
other processes at play, such as the collective basis of performance, the
drama of social and moral control, as well as signals of young people’s
aspirations to middle class status.
Critical to my analysis is the transition paradigm which, according to Ken
Roberts, involves among other things, ‘charting the routes via which young
people from different ports of departure reach different adult
destinations’(Roberts 2007:264). In this sense, I show that transition embodies
process, difference and particularities rather than linear development (Soares
2000:209). I also draw on the concepts of personhood and subjectivitity to
explain the ways in which social actors position themselves and are positioned
in varying social contexts and hierarchies. In this vein, I attempt to make
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connections between the categories of gender, moral practice, personhood
and citizenship.
Gendered Identities
How is gender a significant organisational principle among young people in
Bamenda? I show that, while young women seek to reconfigure gender
relations through specific kinds of activities and positionings, members of
the NBA (whose membership is exclusively male) use their association to
undermine female ascendancy and to assert the idea of male superiority,
thereby resisting the possibility of a redefined gender order. These processes
and the various constestations and identities generated thereof signal the
view that there is more to associational life than the simple quest for social
visilibity and claims to adult status.
The gendering of associational life in Bamenda is far from new but the
reincarnation of old patterns in the face of changing contexts. The gendered
nature of associational life among young people’s associations in Bamenda
points to the desire of social actors to position themselves differently and to
carve out new biographic trajectories. In this study, I show that young urban
women in Bamenda tend to opt for exclusively female associations. This is
partly because it provides them broader scope to set their own agenda and
partly as a response to national and international initiatives that assert women’s
issues, evidenced by the growing popularity of the International Women’s
Day (celebrated every 8 March).
Young men in the NBA on their part, seek to position themselves as superior.
By dint of the kinds of activities undertaken by the NBA, members see
themselves as occupying a superior moral high ground than their female
counterparts leading to the emergence of certain masculinities, some of which
are carefully staged in order to represent themselves as the leading youth
association in the community and in other respects in opposition to feminine
identities. The NBA for instance, consisting at the time of my fieldwork of
predominantly unemployed young men, tended to construct and display signs
of what Richard Waller (2006) has termed productive masculinity, which
provided them with a sense of credibility and respectability in the
neighbourhood. Productive masculinity is often associated with the world of
work and responsible citizenship. It is the kind of masculinity predicated on
a man’s ability to work, provide for his family and ensure the general welfare
of his family and kin-network or community. Unlike most members in the
Chosen and United Sisters, who tended to be self-employed in the informal
economy, most young men in the NBA often identified themselves as
‘applicants’ – meaning unemployed. As applicants, they could not easily
assume to be ‘productive’ young men unless they redefined their
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understanding of what it meant to be ‘productive’ by including their
participation in the social projects carried out by the NBA. Thus, many came
to see these projects as productive and worthy causes, pursued on behalf of
the community and aimed at the ultimate development of the neighbourhood.
In this sense, they represented themselves as providers for the community –
and therefore productive.
Morality and Moral Practice
Another concern in this study is the question of moral practice, which remains the substance of much anthropological debate. This is because morality is often tied to questions of power and control. While some anthropologists emphasise an Aristotelian perspective of morality, expressed simply as
the striving for human good (Lambek 2000:313), others maintain that like
culture, it is a set of shared values that underlie certain practices (Zigon
2007:131). However, in this study I am interested in what may be termed the
production of local moralities, that is, a set of practices defined and employed by local actors as constituting ‘morality’. These practices are largely
informed by Christian ethos and local customs.
One of the defining activities of youth associations in Old Town includes
the pursuit of moral regeneration or in their own words, the fight against
social ills. Social actors employ the term ‘moral’ in reference to a range of
practices, beliefs and rules that are critical for the pursuit of human good.
For example, all three associations involved in this study frequently justified
their fight against social ills as essential to their raison d’être. Each association
retained a series of rules or moral codes expected to be followed by members
if they desired to remain in good standing in the association. Transgressions,
such as sexual promiscuity or abortion, were seen not only as bringing
dishonour to the association, but also undermined the broader agenda of
pursuing moral regeneration.
Citizenship
This study also raises issues that relate to current debates on citizenship.
Citizenship is often understood as a social status that derives its legitimacy
from the state. But how does one understand citizenship in a context where
the postcolonial state is perceived to have failed, or is structured in a way
that overtly marginalises and excludes some of its members? Critics have
pointed out that the claims of democratic citizenship are not only false (cf.
Werbner 1998) but also that the dominant framework for understanding
citizenship remains ‘bounded’ or chained to the nation-state (cf. Nyamnjoh
2006) – a link that needs to be interrogated and deconstructed.
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In a context where national citizenship for many Cameroonian youths
means little more than carrying a passport, alternative forms of social
participation (as seen in associational life) empties national citizenship of its
false claims and raises critical questions about the meanings of local
participation, identities and subjectivities. Associations therefore provide scope
for the construction and articulation of new identities, sociabilities and
emergent forms of citizenship, which potentially deny the state its primary
role in defining citizenship.
Conclusion
This study demonstrates on the one hand, the interplay of structural forces
(both global and national) that position young people into categories of dependency, thereby protracting their youth and, on the other hand, how they
negotiate social adult status through involvement in associational life. Clearly,
the study reveals that young people occupy different subject positions, which
lead to the experience of different subjectivities. However, through youth
associations, individual peculiarities blend with collective claims for social
visibility and moral legitimacy. The fact that young people negotiate and
articulate new gendered identities while laying claim to social adult status
does not negate or exclude the multiple contestations, moral economies and
hierarchies generated thereof. If anything, we learn that social formations
such as youth associations permit us to appreciate the vast array of processes, power relations, claims and moralities generated by social agents who
occupy different subject positions, which in turn shape and are shaped by
history and the promise of a better future.
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