From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes

Citizenship as a Regime Canadian and International Perspectives Edited by m i re i l l e paq u e t, n o ra n ag els, a n d au d e - c l a i r e fou rot McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Chicago This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:42:13 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms © McGill-Queen’s University Press 2018 isbn isbn isbn isb n 978-0-7735-5350-7 (cloth) 978-0-7735-5351-4 (paper) 978-0-7735-5383-5 (ep df) 978-0-7735-5384-2 (ep ub) Legal deposit second quarter 2018 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free (100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Funding was also received from the University Publications Fund and the Political Science Department, Simon Fraser University. We acknowledge the support of the Canada Council for the Arts, which last year invested $153 million to bring the arts to Canadians throughout the country. Nous remercions le Conseil des arts du Canada de son soutien. L’an dernier, le Conseil a investi 153 millions de dollars pour mettre de l’art dans la vie des Canadiennes et des Canadiens de tout le pays. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Citizenship as a regime: Canadian and international perspectives / edited by Mireille Paquet, Nora Nagels, and Aude-Claire Fourot. Includes bibliographical references and index. Issued in print and electronic format. isbn 978-0-7735-5350-7 (cloth). – is bn 978-0-7735-5351-4 (paper). – isbn 978-0-7735-5383-5 (ep df). – is bn 978-0-7735-5384-2 (ep u b) 1. Citizenship. 2. Citizenship – Canada. I. Paquet, Mireille, 1981–, editor II. Nagels, Nora, editor III. Fourot, Aude-Claire, 1978–, editor J F 801.C 5726 2018 323.6 C 2018-900954-3 C 2018-900955-1 This book was typeset by Marquis Interscript in 10.5 / 13 Sabon. This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:42:13 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 8 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici Making good, qualitative comparisons is probably one of the most difficult tasks of social scientists.1 Jane Jenson’s work has strongly contributed to making this task not only more feasible and rigorous but also mindful of the empirical complexity of contextualized research. Along our respective careers, as students and as professors, we have particularly thought about and used the notion of “citizenship regime,” developed by Jenson and Phillips in 1996. As the introductory chapter of this volume notes, a citizenship regime describes the way a particular state frames (legally and through public action) the relationships it has with its citizens. As Jenson argues, a citizenship regime is a notion and not a concept.2 The difference between the two is subtle but important. A concept is a built object stabilized in a knowledge-based community at a certain point in time (like the concept of reason in philosophy or the concept of the state in political science). A notion is an intuitive understanding and knowledge of a phenomenon that synthetizes its general characteristics but has no claim to scientific quality. In this respect, the citizenship regime describes the different dimensions of the particular relationship between the state and society without presuming the qualities of these relationships, neither their origin nor their development. It provides an analytical framework that allows us to systematize the relationship between the state and citizens, which is particularly useful for comparative purposes. Notions should not be underestimated: they are the first-hand tools that comparativists use to interpret social facts across contexts and cases. They are thus the first step toward This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 165 18-04-26 12:31 166 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici abstraction and the possibility of explanation. This is precisely where the strength of the notion of citizenship regime lies. In this chapter, we argue that the notion of citizenship regime could be an insightful alternative to one of the main analytical concepts in social movement studies, namely the political opportunity structure (POS), and contend that variations in protest are related to variations in citizenship regimes. The first section of the chapter is devoted to the theoretical dimension of the argument. The chapter then presents one type of mobilization and protest in three societies: housing struggles in France, Quebec, and Ontario. Finally, it outlines the distinct housing regimes in each society and introduces some hypotheses linking protest and regimes. The data used for this chapter are preliminary, mainly based on available documentation, and further research is needed to be able to reach sounder conclusions. What we put forward here is more a research agenda, inspired by the notion of citizenship regime, than a full-blown argument sustained by evidence. The cases have been selected mainly on the basis of our previous research and expertise to illustrate the scope of our general argument. We distinguish between Quebec and Ontario, following Jenson’s (1998) argument about the existence of two citizenship regimes in Canada. Furthermore, Dufour (2013) and Grundy and Smith (2005) have demonstrated that in terms of social movement campaigns, networks of actors have not been pan-Canadian but rather have been much more organized by provinces. We then compare these provinces to the case of France, known for its interventionist state. We adopt a research strategy based on two distinct cases (Canada and France) to assess whether, despite strong differences, similar political processes are at work in the way policy regimes shape protest in each society. It is a classical research strategy in comparative politics (Lallement and Spurk 2003). F rom C it iz e n s h ip R e g im e to Publi c In t e rv e n t io n R e gi me In its initial formulation, the notion of citizenship regime focuses on the question of political and social representation (Jenson and Phillips 1996). Representation refers both to the representation of collective interests by the state and to citizens’ self-representation. For a citizenship regime to be stable, the two dimensions of This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 166 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 167 representation must be congruent. In her subsequent work, Jenson (see for example 2002, 4) formalized this notion and described it along four dimensions: 1 the responsibility mix, which defines how a given society “produces welfare”; 2 the formal recognition of rights and responsibilities; 3 the institutional mechanisms giving access to the state; and 4 the boundaries of belonging and the national identities associated with it. This notion is insightful for a number of reasons. First, it is much more relevant to study politics empirically than to use approaches that only consider formal institutions or that primarily emphasize the role of ideas. It is dynamic, making civil society and collective actors significant players in the game, and does not assign, a priori, particular roles and interests to players. The use of this notion in the literature (Jenson 1998a; Jenson and Papillon 2000b; Monforte and Dufour 2011; R. Laforest 2013) has shown its potential. For example, because Jenson (1998a) was thinking about politics on the basis of the notion of citizenship regime, she was able to show how Quebec society was different from the rest of Canada. Aside from the normative debate about the distinct character of Quebec, it is possible through a comparison of citizenship regimes to show that in Quebec institutions and civil society interact in a way that is different from other provinces, because of norms, rules, and formal as well as informal practices. The notion of citizenship regime also provides the tools for a finegrained analysis, much more complete than that of its main competitor, the notion of welfare state regime. In the latter, political conflict is not really taken into account except as a step leading to the welfare state (Esping-Andersen 1990). Moreover, the notion of welfare regime is much more static and takes welfare and the state as givens rather than continuously changing realities. As many neo-institutionalist concepts and theories, it is better suited to accounting for stability than change. In contrast, the notion of citizenship regime has the capacity to analytically capture changes in something – a regime – that is stable by definition. Finally, the notion of citizenship regime allows for rigorous comparisons at the meso level, which is precisely the level at which we can make sound and cogent generalizations. This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 167 18-04-26 12:31 168 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici In this chapter, we propose to use the notion of citizenship regime as an entry point to understanding variations in social struggles around the issue of housing in three societies: France, Quebec, and Ontario. Accou n t in g f o r V a r ie t ie s of Protests In the social movement studies, political sociology, and comparative politics literatures, there are two, related perspectives with which to explain variation in social struggles: the political opportunity structure and the policy-specific opportunity structure. In what follows, we briefly outline both perspectives and put forward an alternative inspired by Jenson’s notion of citizenship regime. The Political Opportunity Structure Derived from the classical work of Tilly (1978), McAdam (1988), and Tarrow (1998), the perspective of the political opportunity structure stresses how changes in the political-institutional context can foster expectations of success, and thereby the likelihood of mobilization. The main dimensions of the political opportunity structure are electoral alignments, alliance systems, elite cohesion, and state facilitation or repression. Although it is one of the most influential hypotheses in social movement studies, several scholars have argued that it is ill-specified, too broad (or too narrow), and conceptualized in a manner that does not take into account agency and cultural processes, nor the complexity of modern institutions (Ancelovici and Rousseau 2009; Armstrong and Bernstein 2008; Goodwin and Jasper 2004). The Policy-Specific Opportunity Structure The policy-specific opportunity structure is a modified version of the classical opportunity structure argument that aims to make it more specific. As one of the main advocates of this perspective puts it: In the classic conceptualization, political opportunity structures are of a very general nature and imply a pattern of influence that concerns all kinds of challenging groups in a given political context. In other words, these “classical” political opportunity structures represent a general setting that is assumed to affect all movements in a similar fashion and to a similar extent, as if they This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 168 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 169 could be defined irrespective of the characteristics of specific issue fields and collective actors. (Giugni 2008, 300) The opportunity structure is not necessarily consistent across issue fields and policy domains. Thus, to account for variation in housing struggles across societies, we need to go beyond the political system and the state to look more closely at the sector of housing policy. Housing policy being a type of social policy, mobilization may be shaped by the historical configuration of the welfare state, particular legislation, regulations, and subsidies, as well as forms of housing provision (for more on housing and the welfare state, see Conley and Gifford 2006; Kurz and Blossfeld 2004). It is all the more necessary to focus on specific policy domains rather than national welfare models because outcomes often differ more across programs than across countries (Pierson 1996, 178). Such a perspective allows for more fined-grained analysis and nuance. Moreover, the policy-specific and the classical opportunity structure hypotheses are not mutually exclusive. They can be combined in such ways as to increase the explanatory leverage of the opportunity structure model, as Giugni (2008) does. Indeed, he adds a third, discursive layer that refers to institutionalized understandings and norms that constrain the claim-making work of activists. In the case of housing, such understandings and norms imply a given set of prevailing conceptions of housing as a commodity and a right (Patillo 2013). This perspective represents an improvement over the classical take, all the more so if it is combined with a discursive analysis. It can account for variation across countries in terms of timing, magnitude, and claims. However, it leaves out the genealogy of the social groupings that engage in contentious politics. Just as with the political process model from which it draws, it focuses on social movement organizations and other mobilizing structures at the expense of the social processes that generated the social categories in the first place, and in whose name claims are being made. Put differently, it takes interests as given and treats institutional configurations as arenas for social action rather than constitutive factors behind the very actors doing the action. Furthermore, like the political opportunity structure, it relies on the assumption that there is always a clear boundary and distinction between policy insiders and policy outsiders – or between incumbents and challengers – and thereby assigns a particular a priori This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 169 18-04-26 12:31 170 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici particular role and repertoire of action to the different actors involved in the area of housing policy (see Dupuy and Halpern 2009, 706).3 The (Citizenship) Regime Perspective In order to account for variation across societies, we propose a more constructivist perspective. We begin with the premise that “the state has a significant part in shaping the content and definition of interests, and not only organizational tactics and strategies” (Berger 1981, 15). Some groups are thus formed by their stake in particular policies. It follows that these policies shape the interests and identities to which they claim to be responding. But social groupings and constituencies do not emerge automatically as a result of a given governmental decision or public policy. Together, through their interactions, social actors and the state gradually organize interests and give them a particular form defined by particular symbolic and material boundaries (Berger 1981, 10). As Swidler (1995, 37–8) puts it: The cultures of social movements are shaped by the institutions the movements confront. Different regime types and different forms of repression generate different kinds of social movements with differing tactics and internal cultures … Institutions affect the formulation of social movement identities and objectives in yet more central ways. Where the state enshrines “rights” as the crucial legal claim that trumps all others, both individuals and social movements will conceive of the claims they make as “rights” … When institutions make questions of group identity salient, they generate identity-oriented movements and a quest for identity on the part of individuals … [I]ndividuals develop common scripts in response to the features of the institutions they confront. This process is historical and dynamic in that it unfolds over time and is open-ended. In other words, contemporary struggles unfold in, and are shaped by, an environment inherited from past policies and struggles. Struggles are thus both independent and dependent variables. They are inserted in sequences of decisions and events that condition their subsequent development and trajectory. We argue that the environment inherited from past policies and struggles constitutes a particular regime, made of institutional This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 170 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 171 arrangements, rules, and understandings that shape the definition of interests, problems, claims, strategies, and decisions of both state and social actors.4 We thus talk of a housing regime to refer to: 1 a set of laws, regulations, policies, and norms that regulate the housing question; 2 a responsibility mix between the state, the market, the nonprofit sector, and the family in the provision of housing as a commodity and / or a right; 3 the structure of representation and the institutional mechanisms that grant access to the public debate and the policy-making process in the sector; and 4 the dominant and institutionalized discourses that constrain what is thinkable and legitimate in the sector of housing policy.5 We contend that the housing regime shapes the way in which different actors involved in struggles in the sector of housing policy define their identities, their interests, the challenges they face, and the claims they make. Different regimes will thus entail different identities, interests, challenges, claims, and modes of action – in a nutshell: different struggles. We hypothesize that varieties of housing regimes are correlated with, and even generate, varieties of housing struggles. In the next section, we present housing struggles in France, Quebec, and Ontario during the period of 2000 to 2015, and explain how they can be characterized and differentiated from each other. We will then relate these patterns to distinct regimes. Var ie t ie s o f H o u s in g Struggles in T h r e e S o c ie t i es Housing struggles vary across societies. While in France and Quebec they are at the core of protest activities, in Ontario they are much more connected to struggles against poverty and homelessness. The object of protest and claims is also very different: in France, the right to housing has become the dominant claim, while in Ontario, the focus is on accessibility to an affordable home, and in Quebec, struggles are organized around demands for social housing. In terms of repertoire of action, the difference between the three cases is also striking: protest is much more confrontational in France and Ontario, and more diverse This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 171 18-04-26 12:31 172 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici in the case of Quebec. These elements are just some of the specificities we can highlight to show how each society is characterized by a certain type of protest pattern in a particular policy domain. France In France, since the beginning of the 1990s, housing has been considered to be at the heart of social conflict (Mathieu 2012). We can roughly distinguish two phases in the period under scrutiny. The first phase (2000 to 2012) is a continuation of the dynamics established around the struggle for “le droit au logement opposable” (DALO law, or “the enforceable right to housing law”), which was adopted in 2007. New collective actors emerged in the form of informal or loose networks, such as Les enfants de Don Quichotte (Don Quixote’s Children)6 and Jeudi noir (Black Thursday). In 2006, social actors not specialized in housing issues (such as trade unions or Catholic associations) began to include housing rights in their programs, and broad national coalitions were formed (such as La Plateforme des mouvements sociaux pour le logement, which was launched in 2011 and which brought together unions like the Syndicat de la Magistrature and S U D Santé Sociaux, groups specialized in housing issues like Droit au logement [D A L ] and Jeudi noir, and global justice actors like A T T A C and the Fondation Copernic). Since 2012, with the electoral victory of the Socialist Party (P S ), the general opportunity structure has changed dramatically. Improving housing measures was a key promise of the new socialist president, François Hollande, and several legislative measures were implemented in favour of rent control. But several social actors have kept putting pressure on the government. For example, some mobilizations recently demanded the application of the law (a recurring claim), in particular the DA LO law adopted in 2007. From 31 March to 24 April 2015, 300 people who were without housing and declared a high priority in terms of DAL O organized a camp, “le camp des bafoués du droit au logement à République,” to demand housing. Beyond this, the French housing sector is structured around key groups such as D A L . Formed in 1990 as a result of a split in the Comité des mal-logés, D A L first emerged in the Paris area and then became a national federation in 1998. It has been one of the major protest actors since then. The repertoire of action developed and used by DAL, such as direct actions (squatting, illegal occupation of vacant This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 172 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 173 housing, camps), characterizes the type of protest in this sector (Péchu 2010, 72–86). Squatting and occupations are quasi-routine actions for DA L activists. Besides this type of direct action, demonstrations and providing popular education and services to people with housing are also common. The main claims in this sector concern the demand for a better legislative framework to address rent increases, prevent evictions, and build more social housing, and, since 2012, the actual implementation and enforcement of housing laws. Quebec In Quebec, struggles around housing essentially involve community groups, and since 1970 there have been constant mobilizations. A preliminary survey of the 2005 to 2015 period in the daily newspaper Le Devoir shows that housing mobilizations are quite stable in terms of issues, even if the total number of protests is low. The main claims concern abusive rent increases, more progressive regulations to protect tenants in the case of an eviction resulting from payment default, the protection of the renting market as opposed to private properties, the improvement of social housing provision and its financing, and the introduction of social support for individuals (and not just support for housing). The three main advocacy groups7 involved in housing struggles are Front d’action populaire en réaménagement urbain (F R A P R U ), Fédération des locataires d’habitations à loyers modiques du Québec (FLHLMQ), and Regroupement des comités logements et associations de locataires du Québec (R C L A L Q ). Together, their first mandate is to promote the right to housing and the rights of tenants. They are demanding social housing and / or a better regulation of the private market. The main goal of F R A P R U and F LH L M Q is the promotion of social housing,8 whereas R C L A L Q is more focused on the defence of tenants’ rights, especially in the private market.9 In addition, there are the organizations Réseau québécois des OSBL d’habitation (RQOH) and Confédération québécoise des coopératives d’habitation (CQCH), which focus on both non-market and non-state housing provision and are specialized in the defence of their members (see table 8.1 for a summary). The housing sector has been divided along these different types of housing (cooperatives and renting) until very recently. Several This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 173 18-04-26 12:31 174 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici Table 8.1 Organizations involved in housing struggles in Quebec Private housing Social housing Community housing RC LALQ FRAPRU FLHLMQ AGRTQ CQCH RQOH coalitions emerged among these different groups. For example, after the election of the provincial Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ) in 2014, FRAPRU organized the campaign “un logement, un droit” (one housing, one right) by publicizing its report “Dossier noir sur le logement et la pauvreté 2014” (The Black File on Housing and Poverty 2014), which illustrated housing inequalities among the Quebec population and the need for more social housing. Since then, several protests have been organized with large coalitions. One of the most recent was a protest camp that took place in May 2015 to denounce the provincial government’s cutbacks in social housing. This kind of large coalition is rare in the area of housing in Quebec and is related to the current political context and the austerity policies put in place by the P LQ government. There is a long tradition of housing mobilizations in Quebec. Generally more discreet than in other policy domains (such as education), housing activists use various modes of action, such as popular education and, less frequently, occupations, camps, demonstrations, and petitions. The targets of protest are the federal state (especially before the 2000s), the provincial state, and the Régie du logement (which is responsible for the relationship between tenants and landlords). Protests and struggles around the issue of housing are a good illustration of the “Quebec model” in that institutionalized social actors are both confronting the state and cooperating with it (White 2012a; R. Laforest 2011). Conflict and cooperation are considered complementary strategies that can be used simultaneously in different arenas (Dufour 2013). Ontario In Ontario, struggles for housing are very much linked to poverty and homelessness. There are also claims about affordable housing and public housing, but our first preliminary press survey of the 2005 to 2015 period in the Globe and Mail shows that the first issues are by This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 174 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 175 far dominant. Two major actors stand out: the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) and the Toronto Disaster Relief Committee (TDRC). Although OCAP has a provincial mandate, both organizations are essentially active at the municipal level, especially in the province’s biggest city, Toronto. Another significant difference with the other two societies is that the target of protest is mainly the city of Toronto, as if housing issues did not need to be addressed outside the metropolis. The repertoire of action is very diverse: from direct actions, squatting, and demonstrations, to disruption during town meetings and collective actions for the defence of marginalized people. Given the lack of literature on housing struggles in Ontario, we only have a rough picture of the situation. Having said that, the housing sector seems highly confrontational, primarily organized at the level of Toronto, and driven by groups that are active in the fight against poverty. T hr e e D is t in c t H o u s ing Regi mes This brief survey suggests that housing struggles vary across societies. Why does the form and intensity of protest vary across societies?10 How can we make sense of the stability or instability of organizations in the housing policy sector? Why do protests around housing not address the same issues in every society? In order to answer these questions, we propose to look at the housing regimes in the three societies under scrutiny in this chapter. We outline these distinct housing regimes in table 8.2. France Housing policies are not easily compatible with the classical models of welfare states defined by Esping-Andersen (1990). Its classification only takes into account the redistribution of wages to construct the decommodification index and does not consider numerous aspects, such as education, health, and housing. In order to capture the way housing is or is not decommodified, we need to integrate social housing and the way it is distributed (Bugeja-Bloch 2013, 54–5). Looking at housing policies in terms of organization and distribution of social housing, Ghékière (2007) points out that France is a “generalist model,” with conditions of access to social housing relatively open. Public interventions are designed to compensate for market failures, targeting people based on their level of material resources. In the last This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 175 18-04-26 12:31 176 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici Table 8.2 Varieties of housing regime Structure of representation Main ideas about housing Welfare mix Housing policies Fr ance Regulated by the state, private and public Very few entry Strong public provision of social points housing and important statesubsidized housing Housing as a right; quality of housing Q uebec Mainly private, cooperative, and residual public Weak public intervention and mainly towards groups; municipalities play a role In cooperative housing, many entry points for local housing committee (comités logement) Economic development; lack of affordable housing; quality of housing Very weak state intervention; mainly municipal level Very few entry points Not taken as a provincial challenge; concerned with local homelessness and poverty O ntario Mainly private forty years, housing policies and measures have increasingly been directed toward helping people, while building subsidies have declined continuously. Housing conditions during the last forty years have improved significantly: less than half of households declared themselves satisfied with their home or apartment in the 1970s, while in the middle of the 2000s, 75 per cent declared themselves satisfied. The improvement of available accommodations (in terms of comfort) and the fact that private property developed substantially and today involves 60 per cent of housing are the two main reasons behind such a level of satisfaction (Driant 2014). On the other hand, housing inequalities are persistent and have increased in the recent period. The level of finances devoted to housing by households has increased dramatically. Renters devoted 17.7 per cent of their income to housing in 2006, an increase from 9 per cent in the 1970s (Driant 2014, 32). Finally, 3.5 million people are considered to be living in poor housing conditions, while another 5 million are considered to be living in a precarious situation. In 2013, the National Institute of This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 176 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 177 Statistics and Economic Studies (Yaouancq et al. 2013) estimated that 141,500 people were without housing in France. This change is directly related to the 2008 financial crisis. In terms of housing policy, the French government is much more interventionist than the Quebec and Ontario governments. Programs to sustain people’s income are the most significant of these policy interventions, consisting of €14.4 billion in 2006 and around €17 billion in 2015. Two systems exist: the Aide personnalisée au logement (A P L ) and the housing allocation for those who cannot benefit from the A P L . The right to this income supplement depends on the size of the household and the level of income. The direct public support for housing construction represents around €2 billion whereas the level of public support for social housing construction has diminished constantly. Relevant for the time period considered in this chapter (2005 to 2015), a major change occurred after the 2006 to 2007 mobilization for the DALO law. The D A L O recognizes the obligation of the state to make the right to housing effective materially and not just symbolically. This new law was seen as an important victory in the housing sector but its implementation is still problematic and a major issue of mobilization. The election of Hollande, a socialist, was another turning point in housing policy. During the 2012 presidential campaign, he promised to significantly increase social housing, thus departing from the previous right wing administration. Some changes did occur. The first measures were adopted in December 2012. The Duflot Law on social housing was designed to foster the construction of social housing.11 Several fiscal measures were also adopted to facilitate access to home ownership. In March 2014, the AL U R Law was brought in. It includes two specific measures that depart from the market principle: rents are now regulated in big cities and a universal rent guarantee (le garantie universelle des loyers, or G U L ) provides a minimum amount for owners in case of arrears in rent payments. Finally, recent studies underscore how local administrations are playing an increasing role in housing policies (Houard 2011). For example, Desage (2013) shows how mayors play a central role in the attribution of social housing. In terms of formal settings for participation for civil society groups, the picture in France is quite different than Quebec. Social groups are much less systematically associated with social housing policy implementation and are not generally involved in social housing ownership This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 177 18-04-26 12:31 178 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici (such as the cooperative sector in Quebec). Nevertheless, some entry points do exist. The Haut comité pour le logement des personnes défavorisées, initiated by Abbé Pierre and created in 1992 under the socialist government of Bérégovoy, includes members of Parliament, representatives from the associative (A T D Quart Monde, Fondation Abbé Pierre, SA MU Social, F NA R S, Secours Catholique) and social housing sector, as well as civil engineers (U N AF O ). This committee has pushed for the D A L O initiative since the beginning of the 2000s and it is in charge of following up on this law. Other institutions on the financial side of social housing are composed of trade union and business representatives. Aside from this, tenant groups are formally represented at the departmental level12 in a commission regulating conflicts between renters and public owners. All in all, the housing regime in France is characterized by strong state intervention, a significant social housing sector, and relatively developed housing rights (in comparison with the other two cases considered in this chapter), but very few points of entry in the policymaking process for social actors. It induces demands for new rights or the improvement of the housing regime (and since 2012, the implementation of its new laws), and is characterized by the actions of groups from several areas (including housing but also groups involved in the struggle against poverty and exclusion), NGOs, and trade unions, as well as a confrontational style of protest. Quebec The first federal law on housing was adopted in 1935. Historically, in the context of Keynesian economics during the Second World War, the federal government was the main player in the sector. The government invested in housing as part of an economic stimulus plan. The development of social housing units began in 1946, under the responsibility of the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. The peak period for this development was between 1964 and 1978. In the 1970s, federal policy shifted from social housing toward the community sector and cooperatives (Morin, Dansereau, and Nadeau 1990). In 1994, the federal government decided to withdraw from the sector, and gradually transferred responsibility to the provinces. At the beginning of 2000, the federal government reinvested in affordable housing through a new program, but kept itself to a secondary role compared to the Quebec government. This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 178 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 179 In Quebec, social housing was originally the responsibility of the Catholic Church and its institutions, and the provincial government began to intervene in the sector later than in other Canadian provinces. In 1968, the Société d’habitation du Québec (SHQ) was created. In 1986, an agreement was signed between the SHQ and federal corporations, giving the SHQ a monopoly over the Quebec territory. One of the main characteristics of the housing regime in Quebec is the high proportion of cooperative and community development involved in housing compared to social housing. Since the retreat of the federal government, community housing emerged as an alternative to public social housing (Bouchard 2009). It has been and is supported by the provincial government (Morin, Dansereau, and Nadeau 1990) as well as by municipalities (Bouchard and Hudon 2008, 40). The municipal level finances part of the cost of building community housing (50 per cent SHQ, 15 per cent municipalities or groups of municipalities, and 35 per cent residents) and can act as a facilitator in cases of land acquisition. The municipal government is also in charge of municipal infrastructure and zoning, and has a de facto influence on building policies. In terms of the welfare mix, the private renting sector is dominant in Quebec as in other Canadian provinces. Nevertheless, Quebec is the province with the lowest ownership rate – almost ten points of difference with Ontario – and the highest rate of new rental housing – twice the rate of Ontario (SH Q 2008) (see table 8.3). If we add up all types of social housing (rent-controlled, associative, cooperative, and First Nation on-reserve housing), this segment represented only 11 per cent of the total rental sector in 2014. Between 2,000 and 3,000 new social housing units are added each year, much lower than the numbers demanded by F R A P R U (which demands 50,000 new units over a five-year term). Therefore, it is not surprising that one of the main issues for protests around housing in Quebec is the relationship between owners and tenants. Another major issue is the availability of affordable housing. More than 38,000 households were waiting for affordable housing in 2014, 60 per cent of which were located in Montreal (SHQ 2014). In terms of policies, Quebec is an interesting case. While it belongs to a liberal welfare regime, the most important public efforts in housing policy concern cooperatives and other nonprofit-sector organizations, and are much less directed toward helping people individually. In 1997, Quebec adopted the program AccèsLogis, designed to facilitate community housing development and financing. AccèsLogis This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 179 18-04-26 12:31 180 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici Table 8.3 Ownership rate across cases Ownership Rate Quebec Canada 61.3% (2011) 69.3% (2011) France 58% (2013) provides financial assistance for different types of organizations. It works like a loan that becomes a grant when the organization meets the conditions imposed by the SHQ (IREC 2011). This grant can cover construction, restoration, or transformation of a non-residential building into housing. Another program, the programme d’allocationlogement, was added to the regime in 1997 and is administered by Revenu Québec (the Ministry of Revenue). This program – the only one dedicated to helping people pay rent – represented $72 million in 2013 and helped 104,000 households. It is the only program dedicated to people. Finally, the program Logement abordable, adopted in 2002, concerns the return of stable federal financing of social housing. This program is still marginal in the overall policies intervention. In terms of political representation structure, community groups are recognized by the provincial state and financially supported, including for their advocacy activities (White 2012b). Groups and local state actors cooperate on diverse issues in formal or informal arenas. For example, in the housing sector, local housing committees participate in institutional forums and have a paid employee in charge of coordination. Thus, when it comes to the relationship between the state and community groups in the housing policy domain, there are more formal and informal possibilities in Quebec than in Ontario and France. Ontario As in Quebec, 1994 was also a turning point in the housing sector in Ontario in that the federal government ended its financial support of social housing (Hulchanski and Shapcott 2004; N. Smith 1995). Whereas in Quebec the reaction took place at the provincial level, in Ontario the federal government withdrawal coincided with and was associated with the election of the provincial Conservative government of Mike Harris in 1995, who decided to decentralize social housing policy (Schuk 2009; Leone and Carroll 2010). Some years later, the Social Housing Reform Act (SHRA) delegated social housing This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 180 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 181 management to municipalities through the constitution of forty-seven organizations like the Toronto Community Housing Corporation (which today manages around 60,000 social housing units) and the Ottawa Community Housing Corporation (which manages around 11,000 social housing units). Social housing is thus localized, with few public resources and with rising pressure on rents (Hackworth and Moriah 2006). This policy was confirmed by the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty in 2003, despite McGuinty’s promise to reinvest in the social housing sector. He had promised to build 20,000 social housing units, but two years after the election, only 8 per cent had been completed (Hackworth 2008) and no additional provincial funds had been devoted to the sector. In 2011, the Housing Service Act (HSA) replaced the SH R A as the province’s legislation on social housing and rent-geared-to-income (or subsidized) housing. The primary goal of the HSA seems to be the devolution of responsibility for social housing to local municipalities. According to the Advocacy Centre for Tenants Ontario, “the H SA provides greater flexibility to service managers, including the method of selecting households from the waiting list,” thus introducing more discretionary power in the distribution of units (A C T O 2011). Briefly put, public intervention in the housing sector in Ontario is characterized by continuity since the mid-1990s, decentralization at the municipal level, weak support for social housing, and the predominance of the private sector. Table 8.4 compares some key indicators of the housing sector in Ontario and Quebec. There are 260,000 social housing units in Ontario, 100,000 subsidized units, and 160 cooperative (or nonprofit) units (Morris 2015; Vérificateur général de l’Ontario 2011; Turner 2007). Quebec and Ontario have a low rate of social housing (6 per cent for Ontario and 5 per cent for Quebec), but if we take into account those who receive a rental subsidy in the private sector, Quebec comes up second with 10 per cent, right behind Manitoba (11 per cent), which is not the case for Ontario (Dansereau 2005, 29). All in all, social housing in Ontario is highly insufficient to fulfill the need; more than 150,000 households are on the waiting list (Lapointe 2011). The housing market in Ontario is also more dependent on private property and is more expensive than in Quebec. As a result, more people are in precarious living situations with respect to housing. Thus, we can see that poverty and access to affordable housing are interrelated in Ontario because of the type of public sector This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 181 18-04-26 12:31 182 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici Table 8.4 The housing sector in Ontario and Quebec Quebec Ontario Canada Ho using market situation Availability rate (apartment) (2015) 6.6% 4.3% 5.3% Average rate (apartment, 2 bedrooms) (2016) $751 $1,151 $927 Median rate (2016) $700 $1,100 $855 Average value of housing (2006) $182,223 $297,100 $262,873 Individual houses (2006) 45.73% 56.13% 55.32% 10.6% 14.53% 12.7% 1996 56.5%, 43.5% 64.4%, 35.6% 63.8%, 36.2% 2001 58%, 42% 67.9%, 32.1% 66.1%, 33.9% H ousing precarity Proportion of households in core housing need by tenure (2006) Housing distribution Owners versus tenants Sources: SCHL 2015, 2016; Vérificateur général de l’Ontario 2011; SHSC 2010; Statistique Canada 2006. intervention that the provincial government has designed over the years. Moreover, given that municipalities are the main actors in housing policy, we can understand why housing protest is primarily organized at the city level, whereas in Quebec, organizing at the provincial level is preferred. The main hypothesis of this chapter is that the housing regime shapes housing protest. Although more research is required to put forward a sound argument, the cases of France, Quebec, and Ontario seem to support this hypothesis. Indeed, looking at housing regimes helps us answer a number of questions regarding the way protest in the housing sector is organized in each society. For example, why do we have stability in terms of collective actors in Quebec while in France, new protests can be attributed to the emergence of new actors? Why are struggles for housing mainly related to issues of poverty and homelessness in Ontario? Why are squats a much more popular form of protest in France than in the two other societies? In order to address This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 182 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 183 these questions, we introduce more specific hypotheses in the conclusion that point to the role of the housing regime in each society. Con c l u s io n : F ro m P o l i cy Regi mes to P ro t e s t R e g im es ? In Quebec, housing protest is characterized by the stable presence of actors and a moderate repertoire of action. Such a pattern could be linked to dimensions of the Quebec housing regime, in which the role and place of the community sector is much bigger and more publicly supported than elsewhere in Canada. The stable presence of groups over time may have facilitated the constant mobilization around housing issues, even if this mobilization has been limited to specialized actors. It follows that the representation structure of Quebec – the third dimension of the citizenship regime – is a factor facilitating the development of mobilization but not so much of protest. Institutionalization could indeed constrain protest in that as highintensity conflict is less suitable for the kind of relationship that groups have with institutional actors. This is a classical institutionalization argument, very much recognized in the literature (R. Laforest 2013; Shragge 2013; Hanley, Kruzynski, and Shragge 2013). A systematic analysis of housing protest through the lense of the housing regime could reveal how exactly institutionalization works. Apart from the structure of representation, the type of public policies implemented in each society could also affect the type of protest, through a policy feedback mechanism (Pierson 1996). We have seen that the retrenchment of the federal government from the housing sector had a great impact, leading to a transformation of the scale of protest and the emergence of new collective actors in Ontario, and to a change in group strategies in Quebec. In Ontario, the fact that housing protest does not seem to be taking place at the provincial level, but is very much organized around municipalities (and especially Toronto), could be a direct result of a residual welfare mix in which the provincial state is almost absent from housing policies and local authorities mainly intervene with regard to extreme situations of homelessness and great poverty. Furthermore, the different dimensions of a regime can have the cumulative effect of producing new boundaries (Tilly and Tarrow 2006, 34), as in Quebec where the division of labour between collective actors is clear and salient. The regime thus contributes to a mechanism of boundary formation. Finally, the This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 183 18-04-26 12:31 184 Pascale Dufour and Marcos Ancelovici type of welfare mix and the type of housing policies could have produced a strong collective identity among specific groups. For example, the fact that the Quebec state funds more building of collective housing in the nonprofit sector than individual rent could have facilitated the existence of a continuous protest mobilization, even for renters. In the case of France, the housing sector is highly regulated, which may affect the formulation of housing claims in terms of rights rather than needs, as we have seen elsewhere. In this case, “framing” could be the mechanism at work. Aside from this, in line with political process arguments à la McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, the scarcity of formal relationships between state agencies and collective actors in the formulation and implementation of housing policies – namely the structure of representation – could be connected to the choice of protest tactics and could foster more transgressive and confrontational modes of action than elsewhere (see also Ancelovici 2008). Combining Jenson’s notion of citizenship regime and policy regime adds value to the analysis of contentious politics in two ways. First, we hypothesize that analysis should link protest and repertoires of tactics and actions to policy regimes. Rather than assuming that each nation-state is characterized by a single, overarching repertoire of action (as the work of Tilly is often depicted as doing), we argue that analysis should break down the state and identify specific sectors of public intervention. For example, in housing regimes, multiple levels of institutions are involved in the three cases (municipal, regional / national, and national / federal), while in other sectors, like education, the national / societal government is the main interlocutor. In this respect, repertoires of collective action should be characterized and understood by sector of state intervention. Second, our argument does not presuppose a direction in the transformation of the politics of contention. Changes in the setup of state intervention could go in multiple directions, and may not even be congruent. For example, the policy regime can foster highly conflictual situations in one sector while simultaneously contributing to more cooperative relations between state representatives and social groups in another sector. Third, the manner in which we build on the notion of citizenship regime is particularly rich, through comparing not only current contexts of action but also the historical structure of relationships and ways of protesting in a given society. In our perspective, policy regimes do not consider context as a given or as something exterior to mobilization and something wherein the action simply unfolds. This content downloaded from 132.208.244.137 on Sun, 05 Nov 2023 23:45:20 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29888_Paquet.indd 184 18-04-26 12:31 From Citizenship Regimes to Protest Regimes? 185 We treat context as an integral part of political dynamics, continuously built by relations among actors, both state and non-state. no t e s 1 This chapter builds on research supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (S S HRC) of Canada. 2 This point is based on several discussions we had during seminars at the Centre de recherche sur les politiques et le développement social (C PDS) at the Université de Montréal over the years. 3 For more on the conceptual and empirical problems with the insider /outsider distinction in social movement studies, see Banaszak (2010). 4 This is a paraphrase of Jenson’s (2007b, 55) definition of a citizenship regime. 5 This dimension is slightly different from the question of “belonging” and national identity mentioned by Jenson in the original definition. Briefly, we suggest that in a given policy domain, the ways of thinking about a problem (in this case, housing) and the conflict of ideas that prevail play a central role and determine in part what and who belongs to this domain. For example, in Ontario, housing problems are closely related to poverty, while in France, housing is mainly framed as a right. The way we think about housing will influence who is considered legitimate to speak about it and what can be considered as valuable claims. 6 See Ancelovici (2008). 7 Some of the following information is taken from Renaud Goyer’s doctoral dissertation in progress, from the Department of Sociology, Université de Montréal, 2015. 8 For more information, see http://www.flhlmq.com and “Pour une politique québécoise de logement social,” retrieved from http://clvm.org/wordpress/ wp-content/uploads/2015/09/41-Pour-une-politique-qu--b--coise-delogement-social.pdf. 9 For more information, see http://www.rclalq.qc.ca. 10 Or, if we were to look at several sectors within a single society, why does protest vary across sectors? 11 See http://www.lesechos.fr/12/11/2012/lesechos.fr/0202379398016_legouvernement-et-le-1--logement-signent-un-accord-pour-davantage-delogements-sociaux.htm. 12 In France, the “départements” are geographical administrative units. There are 101 départements. 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