Zentralasien Shōgaito, Masahiro / Fujishiro, Setsu / Ohsaki, Noriko / Sugahara, Mutsumi / Yakup, Abdurishid: The Berlin Chi- nese Text U 5335 written in Uighur Script. A Reconstruction of the Inherited Uighur Pronunciation of Chinese. Turn- hout: Brepols 2015. 208 S., 41 Abb. 4° = Berliner Turfan- texte 34. Brosch. € 65,00. ISBN 978-2-503-56541-5. Besprochen von Alexander Vovin: Paris / Frankreich, E-Mail: sashavovin@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2018-0057 The present publication consists of Preface (pp. 5–6), Ac- knowledgements (p. 7), Abbreviations (p. 8), a rather long introduction (pp. 9–48), two chapters: Text and Re- construction of the pronunciation of Chinese in U 5335 (pp. 49–156), Inherited Uighur Pronunciation of Chinese and “Uighur reading”: Two methods of reading Chinese characters (pp. 157–168), a list of the Inherited Uighur Pronunciations of Chinese including U 5335 (pp. 169–196), bibliography (pp. 197–206), and facsimiles pp. 207–208 + 7 plates. Although the idea that Old Uighur had Sino-Uighur readings of the Chinese characters similar to Sino-Japa- nese in Japanese, Sino-Korean in Korean, and Sino-Viet- namese in Vietnamese is not new, 1 the major achievement of the present monograph is that it represents the first systematic and detailed study of these readings. Overall, the study by Shōgaito et al. 2015 is a treasure-trove of in- formation, and it is a pleasure to read. Like most of Brepols publications, it is aesthetically pleasing. However, several critical comments are also in order. First, the book refers to Middle Chinese readings of the characters. But it does not indicate exactly what kind of Middle Chinese the authors had in mind; Early Middle Chinese or Late Middle Chinese? Judging by the phonolo- gical system described (for example, the presence of the initial f- among other features) and by the general time frame of Sino-Uighur readings, they must be based on Late Middle Chinese, but there is no overt reference to this fact. Second, there are no systematic cross-references or com- parisons with other reconstructions of Middle Chinese. While the major works of Pulleyblank on Middle Chinese 2 appear in the bibliography, the absence of references to main works by Coblin 3 (1991, 1994), especially since they deal with the North-West Chinese that is the same variety, which underlies Sino-Uighur seems to be a serious omis- sion. While there is no doubt that Shōgaito et al. 2015 re- presents a major contribution to Turcology, its contribu- tion to Sinology could have been much more substantial, should it include comparison with Late Middle Chinese pronunciation reconstructed on the basis of other data, such as internal Chinese evidence as well as Old Tibetan transcriptions, Sino-Korean, and Sino-Japanese readings. Moreover, Late Middle Chinese readings reconstructed exclusively on the basis of Sino-Uighur pronunciation may be unprecise and/or misleading. For example, the reading of the Chinese character 妙 is reconstructed as <miɛu 3> on the basis of Sino-Uigur /bev//beu//bä/ (pyw ~ pʼw) (p. 180). But in North-West on the basis of two pieces of independent evidence from Old Tibetan transcriptions Nbyeʼu ~ Nbyoʼu and Sino-Japanese Kan-on m beu we should reconstruct < m biɛw> with a prenasalized m b- in- itial. Sometimes, the internal Sino-Uighur evidence re- ceives only one-sided treatment as long as the re- construction of the Late Middle Chinese pronunciation is concerned. Thus, for example, the character 那 is re- constructed just as <nâ 3> in spite of the fact that in Sino- Uighur it has two different readings /na/ and /da/ (dʼ ~ ṅʼ), which point to < n da>, again confirmed independently by Sino-Japanese Kan-on n da. Surprisingly enough, there are also cases that disregard Sino-Uighur evidence altogether and go along with the traditional reconstruction of Late Middle Chinese. For example, the Late Middle Chinese reading of the character 箇 is reconstructed as < kâ 3>, and its final shows a considerable discrepancy with the Sino- Uighur reading /koo/ (qww). This reading in Sino-Uighur is puzzling, because it reflects Early Mandarin <kɔ>, abut not Late Middle Chinese <ka>. Coming now to technical comments, it is necessary to note that although English is quite readable and clear in the most of the publication, it does include some un- fortunate lexical and grammatical mistakes that could be easily corrected by Brepols editors, who either did a very superfluous check of the text, or did not do it at all, for 1 Takata, Tokio 1985. Uiguru jion kō [A Study of Sino-Uighur read- ings of Chinese characters]. Tōhōgaku 70: 134–150; Takata, Tokio 1990. Uiguru jion shi taigai [A General Historical Outline of Sino- Uighur readings of Chinese characters]. Tōhō gakuhō 62: 329–343. 2 Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1984. Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press; Pulley- blank, Edwin G. 1991. Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Van- couver: University of British Columbia Press. 3 Coblin, W. South 1991. Studies in Old Northwest Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series #4; Coblin, W. South 1994. A Compendium of Phonetics in Northwest Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series #7. Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 2018; 113(2): 180–182 Authenticated | sashavovin@gmail.com author's copy Download Date | 7/1/18 8:39 AM
example: “provided very valuable corrects” (instead of “corrections”, since ‘correctʼ can be used in English only as a verb or as an adjective) (p. 7), ‘phregmʼ (p. 9) is a ghost, apparently ‘phlegmʼ was meant, the misspelling being a result of frequent confusion by native Japanese speakers between /r/ and /l/, which in this case was un- fortunately carried over into the written text. The absences of any kind of indexes apart from the list of readings, ar- ranged by Chinese rhymes and not alphabetically, is an- other technical deficiency that makes the usage of the book much more time-consuming. However, it cannot be overemphasized that in spite of the shortcomings, critically surveyed above, this book re- presents an important achievement that has contributed considerably to the advancement of our knowledge and will doubtlessly serve many generations of scholars to come as an important source of information. van Schaik, Sam / Galambos, Imre: Manuscripts and Travellers. The Sino-Tibetan Documents of a Tenth-Cen- tury Buddhist Pilgrim. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter 2012. VII, 247 S m. 34 Abb. 8° = Studies in Manuscript Cultures 2. Hartbd. € 99,95. ISBN 978-3-11-022564-8. Besprochen von Petra Maurer: München / Deutschland, E-mail: phmaurer@zos.badw.de https://doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2018-0058 Sam van Schaik und Imre Galambos bearbeiten in diesem Buch ein buddhistisches Manuskript und betten es in die sino-tibetische Geschichte ein, ein Thema, das in der Ti- betologie zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen hat. Sie benennen dieses Manuskript nach seinem Autor, dem Pilger Daozhao, der namentlich im Kolophon samt Datum genannt ist: er hat dieses „Daozhao-Manuskript“ Mitte des 10. Jahrhunderts verfasst. Die Schriftrolle enthält Texte in Chinesisch und Tibetisch und besteht aus drei Teilen: der erste Teil gibt den Brief eines Mönches wieder, der durch die ehemaligen Gebiete der Azha, heute die chinesischen Provinzen Qinghai und Gansu, pilgerte, der zweite Teil ist ein chinesisches Sūtra samt einem tibetischen tantrischen Text auf der Rückseite. Der kurze letzte Text ist dem Ge- denken an das Kloster Gantong in Liangzhou gewidmet, und offensichtlich von einem früheren Manuskript ko- piert. Das Buch selbst besteht aus zehn Kapiteln und ist in zwei Hauptteile gegliedert: im ersten Teil präsentieren van Schaik und Galambos den geschichtlichen und kultur- ellen Rahmen einer noch immer wenig erforschten Perio- de der sino-tibetischen Geschichte des ausgehenden ers- ten Jahrtausends, also das Ende der Tang-Dynastie in China und der Yarlung-Dynastie in Tibet, einer Zeit, in der die tibetische Sprache in Dunhuang und im Osten Zent- ralasiens die Rolle einer lingua franca einnahm. Im zwei- ten Teil analysieren sie das Papier des Manuskripts — unter Mitarbeit der Papierspezialistin Agnieszka Helman- Wazny — und bieten dem Leser einen Überblick über den Inhalt nebst seiner Übersetzung. Die Autoren beschäftigen sich auf vielfältige Weise mit dieser Handschrift: sie untersuchen die Herkunft, das Material und das Manuskript selbst — Forschungen zur materiellen Kultur haben in den letzten Jahren in der Ti- betologie einen regelrechten Aufschwung erfahren, — ei- ne Vorgehensweise, die in den Anfängen der Tibetologie unüblich und tatsächlich aufgrund fehlender technischer Voraussetzungen teilweise auch nicht möglich war. Die Analyse des Manuskripts beinhaltet auch die Beschrei- bung seines Herkunfts- und Lagerortes nebst einer kurzen graphologischen Analyse. Sie nehmen uns mit auf eine Reise zu den Dunhuang- Höhlen, wo das Schriftstück die letzten tausend Jahre la- gerte. Neben der Funktion und Versiegelung der Höhlen, erörtern sie Fragen wie die Fälschung von Dunhuang- Texten sowie Multilingualität und Multiethnizität der Re- gion, berichten aber auch über die Wiederentdeckung der Höhlen und die Schwierigkeiten, die den ersten For- schern, wie beispielsweise Aurel Stein, dort im 19. Jahr- hundert wiederfuhren. Darüber hinaus bieten sie einen detaillierten Überblick über die anderen Manuskripte der Höhle. Das dritte Kapitel rekapituliert verschiedene Pilger- reisen auf dem Weg von China nach Indien, die bereits im 9. Jahrhundert zu einer festen Tradition geworden waren. Namen von Reisenden wie Faxian und Xuanzang sind aufgrund der Berichte, die sie hinterlassen haben, in den entsprechenden Fachgebieten vielfach und gründlich er- örtert worden. Van Schaik und Galambos beschreiben Daozhaos Route, sie identifizieren die jeweiligen Orte und Klöster nebst ihren heutigen chinesischen Namen. Hierbei vergleichen sie die Namen mit solchen aus anderen Ma- nuskripten aus der Zeit. Der Leser erfährt unter anderem, dass das Daozhao-Manuskript beispielsweise den Orts- namen Dantig zum ersten Mal namentlich erwähnt (S. 42). Jedoch wurde die auf Stein zurückgehende falsche Identifizierung des Klosters Dantig als Bya khyung über- nommen (S. 40, Fn. 20). Pilger benötigten, wie auch an- dere Reisende, einen „Reisepass“, also ein Dokument, das ihnen erlaubte, die gewünschten Strecken zu passieren. Die Tatsache, dass alle Pässe, die Daozhao mit sich führte, OLZG 113-2 (2018), Zentralasien 181 Authenticated | sashavovin@gmail.com author's copy Download Date | 7/1/18 8:39 AM
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 2018; 113(2): 180–182
Zentralasien
Shōgaito, Masahiro / Fujishiro, Setsu / Ohsaki, Noriko /
Sugahara, Mutsumi / Yakup, Abdurishid: The Berlin Chinese Text U 5335 written in Uighur Script. A Reconstruction
of the Inherited Uighur Pronunciation of Chinese. Turnhout: Brepols 2015. 208 S., 41 Abb. 4° = Berliner Turfantexte 34. Brosch. € 65,00. ISBN 978-2-503-56541-5.
Besprochen von Alexander Vovin: Paris / Frankreich,
E-Mail: sashavovin@gmail.com
https://doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2018-0057
The present publication consists of Preface (pp. 5–6), Acknowledgements (p. 7), Abbreviations (p. 8), a rather long
introduction (pp. 9–48), two chapters: Text and Reconstruction of the pronunciation of Chinese in U 5335
(pp. 49–156), Inherited Uighur Pronunciation of Chinese
and “Uighur reading”: Two methods of reading Chinese
characters (pp. 157–168), a list of the Inherited Uighur
Pronunciations of Chinese including U 5335 (pp. 169–196),
bibliography (pp. 197–206), and facsimiles pp. 207–208 +
7 plates.
Although the idea that Old Uighur had Sino-Uighur
readings of the Chinese characters similar to Sino-Japanese in Japanese, Sino-Korean in Korean, and Sino-Viet1
namese in Vietnamese is not new, the major achievement
of the present monograph is that it represents the first
systematic and detailed study of these readings. Overall,
the study by Shōgaito et al. 2015 is a treasure-trove of information, and it is a pleasure to read. Like most of Brepols
publications, it is aesthetically pleasing.
However, several critical comments are also in order.
First, the book refers to Middle Chinese readings of the
characters. But it does not indicate exactly what kind of
Middle Chinese the authors had in mind; Early Middle
Chinese or Late Middle Chinese? Judging by the phonological system described (for example, the presence of the
initial f- among other features) and by the general time
frame of Sino-Uighur readings, they must be based on Late
Middle Chinese, but there is no overt reference to this fact.
Second, there are no systematic cross-references or comparisons with other reconstructions of Middle Chinese.
2
While the major works of Pulleyblank on Middle Chinese
appear in the bibliography, the absence of references to
1 Takata, Tokio 1985. Uiguru jion kō [A Study of Sino-Uighur readings of Chinese characters]. Tōhōgaku 70: 134–150; Takata, Tokio
1990. Uiguru jion shi taigai [A General Historical Outline of SinoUighur readings of Chinese characters]. Tōhō gakuhō 62: 329–343.
3
main works by Coblin (1991, 1994), especially since they
deal with the North-West Chinese that is the same variety,
which underlies Sino-Uighur seems to be a serious omission. While there is no doubt that Shōgaito et al. 2015 represents a major contribution to Turcology, its contribution to Sinology could have been much more substantial,
should it include comparison with Late Middle Chinese
pronunciation reconstructed on the basis of other data,
such as internal Chinese evidence as well as Old Tibetan
transcriptions, Sino-Korean, and Sino-Japanese readings.
Moreover, Late Middle Chinese readings reconstructed
exclusively on the basis of Sino-Uighur pronunciation
may be unprecise and/or misleading. For example, the
reading of the Chinese character 妙 is reconstructed as
<miɛu 3> on the basis of Sino-Uigur /bev//beu//bä/ (pyw ~
pʼw) (p. 180). But in North-West on the basis of two pieces
of independent evidence from Old Tibetan transcriptions
Nbyeʼu ~ Nbyoʼu and Sino-Japanese Kan-on mbeu we
should reconstruct <mbiɛw> with a prenasalized mb- initial. Sometimes, the internal Sino-Uighur evidence receives only one-sided treatment as long as the reconstruction of the Late Middle Chinese pronunciation is
concerned. Thus, for example, the character 那 is reconstructed just as <nâ 3> in spite of the fact that in SinoUighur it has two different readings /na/ and /da/ (dʼ ~ ṅʼ),
which point to <nda>, again confirmed independently by
Sino-Japanese Kan-on nda. Surprisingly enough, there are
also cases that disregard Sino-Uighur evidence altogether
and go along with the traditional reconstruction of Late
Middle Chinese. For example, the Late Middle Chinese
reading of the character 箇 is reconstructed as < kâ 3>, and
its final shows a considerable discrepancy with the SinoUighur reading /koo/ (qww). This reading in Sino-Uighur
is puzzling, because it reflects Early Mandarin <kɔ>, abut
not Late Middle Chinese <ka>.
Coming now to technical comments, it is necessary to
note that although English is quite readable and clear in
the most of the publication, it does include some unfortunate lexical and grammatical mistakes that could be
easily corrected by Brepols editors, who either did a very
superfluous check of the text, or did not do it at all, for
2 Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1984. Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical
Phonology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press; Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1991. Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in
Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
3 Coblin, W. South 1991. Studies in Old Northwest Chinese. Journal of
Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series #4; Coblin, W. South 1994. A
Compendium of Phonetics in Northwest Chinese. Journal of Chinese
Linguistics Monograph Series #7.
Authenticated | sashavovin@gmail.com author's copy
Download Date | 7/1/18 8:39 AM
OLZG 113-2 (2018), Zentralasien
example: “provided very valuable corrects” (instead of
“corrections”, since ‘correctʼ can be used in English only
as a verb or as an adjective) (p. 7), ‘phregmʼ (p. 9) is a
ghost, apparently ‘phlegmʼ was meant, the misspelling
being a result of frequent confusion by native Japanese
speakers between /r/ and /l/, which in this case was unfortunately carried over into the written text. The absences
of any kind of indexes apart from the list of readings, arranged by Chinese rhymes and not alphabetically, is another technical deficiency that makes the usage of the
book much more time-consuming.
However, it cannot be overemphasized that in spite of
the shortcomings, critically surveyed above, this book represents an important achievement that has contributed
considerably to the advancement of our knowledge and
will doubtlessly serve many generations of scholars to
come as an important source of information.
van Schaik, Sam / Galambos, Imre: Manuscripts and
Travellers. The Sino-Tibetan Documents of a Tenth-Century Buddhist Pilgrim. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter
2012. VII, 247 S m. 34 Abb. 8° = Studies in Manuscript
Cultures 2. Hartbd. € 99,95. ISBN 978-3-11-022564-8.
Besprochen von Petra Maurer: München / Deutschland,
E-mail: phmaurer@zos.badw.de
https://doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2018-0058
Sam van Schaik und Imre Galambos bearbeiten in diesem
Buch ein buddhistisches Manuskript und betten es in die
sino-tibetische Geschichte ein, ein Thema, das in der Tibetologie zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen hat. Sie
benennen dieses Manuskript nach seinem Autor, dem
Pilger Daozhao, der namentlich im Kolophon samt Datum
genannt ist: er hat dieses „Daozhao-Manuskript“ Mitte des
10. Jahrhunderts verfasst. Die Schriftrolle enthält Texte in
Chinesisch und Tibetisch und besteht aus drei Teilen: der
erste Teil gibt den Brief eines Mönches wieder, der durch
die ehemaligen Gebiete der Azha, heute die chinesischen
Provinzen Qinghai und Gansu, pilgerte, der zweite Teil ist
ein chinesisches Sūtra samt einem tibetischen tantrischen
Text auf der Rückseite. Der kurze letzte Text ist dem Gedenken an das Kloster Gantong in Liangzhou gewidmet,
und offensichtlich von einem früheren Manuskript kopiert.
Das Buch selbst besteht aus zehn Kapiteln und ist in
zwei Hauptteile gegliedert: im ersten Teil präsentieren van
Schaik und Galambos den geschichtlichen und kulturellen Rahmen einer noch immer wenig erforschten Perio-
181
de der sino-tibetischen Geschichte des ausgehenden ersten Jahrtausends, also das Ende der Tang-Dynastie in
China und der Yarlung-Dynastie in Tibet, einer Zeit, in der
die tibetische Sprache in Dunhuang und im Osten Zentralasiens die Rolle einer lingua franca einnahm. Im zweiten Teil analysieren sie das Papier des Manuskripts —
unter Mitarbeit der Papierspezialistin Agnieszka HelmanWazny — und bieten dem Leser einen Überblick über den
Inhalt nebst seiner Übersetzung.
Die Autoren beschäftigen sich auf vielfältige Weise
mit dieser Handschrift: sie untersuchen die Herkunft, das
Material und das Manuskript selbst — Forschungen zur
materiellen Kultur haben in den letzten Jahren in der Tibetologie einen regelrechten Aufschwung erfahren, — eine Vorgehensweise, die in den Anfängen der Tibetologie
unüblich und tatsächlich aufgrund fehlender technischer
Voraussetzungen teilweise auch nicht möglich war. Die
Analyse des Manuskripts beinhaltet auch die Beschreibung seines Herkunfts- und Lagerortes nebst einer kurzen
graphologischen Analyse.
Sie nehmen uns mit auf eine Reise zu den DunhuangHöhlen, wo das Schriftstück die letzten tausend Jahre lagerte. Neben der Funktion und Versiegelung der Höhlen,
erörtern sie Fragen wie die Fälschung von DunhuangTexten sowie Multilingualität und Multiethnizität der Region, berichten aber auch über die Wiederentdeckung der
Höhlen und die Schwierigkeiten, die den ersten Forschern, wie beispielsweise Aurel Stein, dort im 19. Jahrhundert wiederfuhren. Darüber hinaus bieten sie einen
detaillierten Überblick über die anderen Manuskripte der
Höhle.
Das dritte Kapitel rekapituliert verschiedene Pilgerreisen auf dem Weg von China nach Indien, die bereits im
9. Jahrhundert zu einer festen Tradition geworden waren.
Namen von Reisenden wie Faxian und Xuanzang sind
aufgrund der Berichte, die sie hinterlassen haben, in den
entsprechenden Fachgebieten vielfach und gründlich erörtert worden. Van Schaik und Galambos beschreiben
Daozhaos Route, sie identifizieren die jeweiligen Orte und
Klöster nebst ihren heutigen chinesischen Namen. Hierbei
vergleichen sie die Namen mit solchen aus anderen Manuskripten aus der Zeit. Der Leser erfährt unter anderem,
dass das Daozhao-Manuskript beispielsweise den Ortsnamen Dantig zum ersten Mal namentlich erwähnt (S. 42).
Jedoch wurde die auf Stein zurückgehende falsche
Identifizierung des Klosters Dantig als Bya khyung übernommen (S. 40, Fn. 20). Pilger benötigten, wie auch andere Reisende, einen „Reisepass“, also ein Dokument, das
ihnen erlaubte, die gewünschten Strecken zu passieren.
Die Tatsache, dass alle Pässe, die Daozhao mit sich führte,
Authenticated | sashavovin@gmail.com author's copy
Download Date | 7/1/18 8:39 AM
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Fashion influencers are a new phenomenon and profession to which many young individuals may currently aspire; such is its impact in the digital and online world. Hence, the article serves an upcoming group of fashion-influencers-to-be, as well as firms that seek the help of such professionals. This study aimed to test the mediating role of the attitude toward influencers in the relation between, on the one hand, perceived credibility, trustworthiness, perceived expertise, likeability, similarity, familiarity, and attractiveness, and, on the other hand, purchase intention. Path analysis was used to test a conceptual model in which attitude toward influencers mediates the relation between perceived credibility, trustworthiness, perceived expertise, likeability, similarity, familiarity, attractiveness, and purchase intention. Among the seven components, the association between perceived credibility, trustworthiness, perceived expertise, similarity, and familiarity, on the one hand, and...
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