ASK Working Paper 31 ASK Working Paper 31 Yehoshua Frenkel Mamluk Soundscape. A Chapter in Sensory History ISSN 2193-925X Bonn, July 2018 ASK Working Paper, ISSN 2193-925X Annemarie Schimmel Kolleg History and Society during the Mamluk Era (1250-1517) Heussallee 18-24 53113 Bonn Editors: Stephan Conermann/Bethany Walker Author’s addresses Prof. Dr. Yehoshua Frenkel University of Haifa Department of Middle Eastern Studies E-Mail: frenkely@research.haifa.ac.il Mamluk Soundscape. A Chapter in Sensory History by Yehoshua Frenkel Yehoshua Frenkel’s fields of interest include social history, legal institutions and cultural study of the Middle Islamic Periods in the Arabic speaking lands. Amongst his recent publications are: - Y. Frenkel, "In Search of Consensus: Conflict and Cohesion among the Political Elite of the Late Mamlūk Sultanate", The Medieval History Journal 19/2 (2016): 253–284. - Y. Frenkel, “Salve-Girls and Rewarded Teachers: Women in Mamlūk Sources”, in Yuval Ben-Bassat (ed.), Developing Perspectives in Mamluk History: Essays in Honor of Amalia Levanoni (Leiden: Brill, 2017), pp. 158-176. - Y. Frenkel, “Some Notes Concerning the Trade and Education of Slave-Soldiers during the Mamluk Era”, in Christoph Cluse and Reuven Amitai Ẓeds.), Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean 11th-15th Centuries (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), pp. 187-212. - Y. Frenkel, "Islam as a Peacemaking Religion: Self-Image, Medieval Theory, and Practice", in Yvonne Friedman (ed.), Religion and Peace Historical Aspects (London: Routledge, 2018), pp. 84-97. Table of contents: Abstract Introduction: Sound Studies The Aim of this Chapter Mamluk Authors on Sounds Political Sounds Civil Milieu Sounds Monitoring the Voices Conclusion Bibliography 1 2 2 4 7 12 19 20 22 Mamluk Soundscape. A Chapter in Sensory History Abstract Sounds and pageantry play significant political and social roles. Giving meaning to sounds is a social production. They create an acoustic community. This was not strange to pre-modern authors. By studying Mamluk soundscape we again new insights to the elites' and commoners' practices and discourse. Data by contemporaneous writers cast light on the role of music, on events that took place in the public sphere, and on reactions that these sounds generated. These sources tell that sounds were instrumental in boosting a sultans’ image and prestige. Recent studies highlight the diverse ethnic composition of the Mamluk military aristocracy. Texts that were produced by members of this ruling class illuminate public performances in Arabic and in Turkish, hence enrich our knowledge of the court culture and languages. From the accounts of sounds we can also deduce on scholarly ties that connected pre-Islamic Hellenistic civilization with the learned discussion that prevailed among Mamluk scholars. Sounds played a key role in religious rituals and ceremonies. Accounts of Sufi assemblies and visitors' guides provide thick descriptions of such communal events. Similar data can be extracted from pious endowments charters. Looking at the soundscape from an opposite angle we come across deeds that prevented non-Muslims from raising their voices in public spheres. Mamluk period Pact of Umar illuminates this socio-religious reality and sultan's efforts to control sounds in urban environments. 1 Introduction: Sound Studies That sounds and pageantry play significant political and social roles in public arenas is but common wisdom.1 Students of the Qur n are familiar with the acoustic mode of several sections of the Holy Book, particularly the last sūras. Hearing is a shared communal sense and sounds have a collective capacity, they influence us. Intentionally and non-deliberately, voices call attention. Their melodies and rhythm generate an emotive mode.2 We can soundly maintain that sounds create an acoustic community.3 As such, sounds have a social role. They echo events, either chaotic (fitna)4 or harmonic. A glorious event was described “nothing similar to it was heard”.5 This is the contradiction between yawm mashhūd or fil (wellattended festival but also funeral)6 and yawm muhhawīl or mahūl (dreadful day).7 Moreover, sounds reflect the changing times. An ambassador from Istanbul brought to Damascus a playing clock that staged a musical show each hour.8 The historical interpretation of voices is based upon the assumption that giving meaning to sounds is a social production.9 Awareness of this led to the expansion of a new historical field. Some years ago, Roman Jacobson wrote on the sound of reading, on rhythm that catches the ear and the attention. For him: “The task is to investigate speech sounds in relation to the meanings with which they are invested, i.e. sounds viewed as signifiers”.10 This developing field of historical studies investigates the production of sounds in the public sphere and their ingestion. It examines the inspiration of sonic environments upon people’s emotions. The emergence of this field illuminates the growing interest of professional and amateur historians in sensory history, in the past of sounds and lights.11 Hence, the history of soundscapes joins the study of historical landscapes.12 The Aim of this Chapter The historiographical turn in the 1970s affected the study of the Mamluk Sultanate. In addition to investigating political and army institutions, scholars developed research interests in religious and cultural history.The study of Mamluk political history and culture (12501517) is based primarily on chronicles and biographical dictionaries. Composers of these sources either belonged to the religious establishment or worked for the sultanate’s administration. Even a quick glance in Mamluk chronicles will reveal that sounds preceded events or concluded them. To secure this observation I will refer in the following pages to voices that occurred in the urban public sphere. It is sufficient to mention here the names of Arkette, “Sounds Like City”, 160. Sells, “Sound and Meaning”, 403-430. 3 Schafer, The Soundscape, 215. 4 Ibn ajar al- Asqal nī, al-Durar al-k mina, 3:262 Ẓno. 681 Kitbugh ẓ. 5 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:154, 283 Ẓgathering at the Ibn Tūlūn Mosqueẓ; One Thousand Nights, 3:539 Ẓnight 738 the wedding of Ardashīr and ay t al-Nufūsẓ. 6 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:267 Ẓ894/August 1489 the opening of the Nile’s damẓ, 271 Ẓ895/1490 the performance of singers in a royal circumcision), 276; Ibn Rajab al- anbalī, abaq t al- an bila, 3:429 ẒRabī a Khatūn attended the inauguration of a school sitting behind the curtainẓ; Ibn Khallik n, Wafay t, 65 (the funeral of al-Jaw d al-Isfah nīẓ. 7 Ibn Taghrī Birdī Ẓ813-874/1411-1470), al-Nujūm al-z hira, 15:96 (AH 843); Ibn a r , al- urra al-mu īʿa, 35. 8 Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 2:483 (777/1376). 9 Kelman, “Rethinking the Soundscape”, 215. 10 Jakobson, Six Lectures. 11 Febvre, “La sensibilité et l’histoire”; Corbin, “Charting the Cultural History of the Senses”; Bull/Gilroy/Howes/Kahn, “Introducing Sensory Studies”; Smith, “Producing Sense”. 12 Ergin, “The Soundscape”. 1 2 2 al-Maqrīzī, Ibn ajar al- Asqal nī or Ibn Khaldūn. Theirs and others’ works are tagged as siy sa oriented historiography,13 namely source material that largely aims at fortifying the sultanate’s ruling elite. Hence their writings devote considerable space to reports of the sultans’ courts and on careers among the authors’ social circles. They inform us also of the soundscape of the Sultanate. The following story clearly illuminates a common feature of Mamluk historical textsand supports our research questions and methodology,14 which are at the roots of the present contribution: On Rabīʿ the first (20 April-19 May) on the first of Pashons (9 May-7 June in the Coptic calendar; it is Mary the Mother of God’s birthday) the sultan changed his dress. He took off the winter woollen costume and dressed in the summer white uniform. Next, he held the Prophet’s mawlid festival15 and played polo.16 The reports on the conversion of the leader of Damascus’ Jewish congregation provides a second example to the style and contents of the siy sa-oriented historiography. The event is reported by a contemporaneous author: In this year on Tuesday 4 Dhū l- ijja Ẓ31 July 1302ẓ Abd al-Sayyid ibn al-Muhadhdhab, then the chief judge of the Jews of Damascus who inherited this post from his father and grandfather, came over to the d r al-ʿadl (palace of justice or court of grievances). Together with him were his sons. They all converted to Islam. The viceroy of Damascus granted them robes of honour (khilʿa) and ordered that horses be prepared so they could ride in a parade in the city of Damascus and for drums (dab dib) to be beaten and horns (abw qṭbūq t) be played at the tail of the procession. All this was for the purpose of publicizing their conversion to Islam.17 The governor of Cairo arrested the singer adīja al-Ri bīya. She was a famously beautiful Arab artist who mesmerized dignitaries and influential men. One of her admirers even composed several short verses regarding her: The beauty of adīja al-Ri bīya hide the parhelia / the loveliness of her singing decorates her words // She resembles the moon at the night it is full / may her vision never ever fade from my eyes and heart. In order to limit her influence, the governor ordered this prestigious lady to stop performing. The expulsion from the stage broke her heart and she died at a very young age.18 Sounds reflected the nature of the ruling system. In urban centres of the Sultanate they informed the subjects of the political goals of their rulers. Often, they accompanied royal processions of Mamluk sultans, the voices of armies riding to the battle fields, the entry of Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought, 183-184 Ẓ“a new historiography came into being under the umbrella of siyasa, most typically represented in what may be called the imperial bureaucratic chronicle. Ẓ…ẓ The Mamluk chronicles, in my opinion the climax of this siyasa-oriented historiography, broadened to include the alpha and the omega, the bidaya and the nihaya of history”ẓ. 14 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:193 (887/1482). 15 On vocal aspects of this yearly celebrations see Katz, The Birth, 63-87; Homerin, “Sufism in Mamluk Studies”, 196. 16 On the hippodromes of Cairo and the game see Shehada, Mamluks and Animals, 203-206. 17 Al-Yūnīnī, Dhayl (ed. and trans. Guo), 1:206-27; Ẓed. Abbasẓ: 656; Ibn Kathīr supplements additional information: “The procession came to a halt at their house. There they celebrated at night. Jurists and judges participated with them in the completing the recitation of the Qur n”. Ibn Kathīr, al-Bid ya wal-nih ya, 18:10. 18 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:185-186 (886/1481). 13 3 victorious battalions, and the echoes of prisoners on their way to jail19 or to the site of execution are only several categories of noisy political activities. Their effects on the audiences certainly are more affective in illiterate societies. Indeed, the Mamluk society was not an uneducated one, but no doubt the urban mobs were not the target of written texts. Sounds were the tools to affect them.20 The research of soundscape contributes to the reconstruction of diverse fields of study of Mamluk urban society and its military aristocracy. The data presented so far and additional episodes that will be mentioned below highlight the potential contribution of soundscape history to the study of Mamluk politics and urban society.21 It casts light on Cairo’s Citadel, royal images, social perceptions, rituals and communication. Hence, by concentrating on these accounts this paper aims at fixing the role of sounds’ reports as the central research question and thus contributing to the developing field of sensory history. The distinguishing feature of this historical method is its explicit treatment of the senses. This branch of historical studies is based upon the presumption that the study of the senses is pertinent to the study of past societies, and that the study of soundscape is undoubtedly a salient component of this research field. But this venture is not an isolated investigation of an esoteric field. It constitutes a section of social history and is a potential contribution to popular culture. We cannot isolate our examination of the political history of the Mamluk Sultanate from the study of the cultural production within its realm. We can argue soundly that in our efforts to reconstruct the past a holistic approach is a methodological obligation. In the present endeavour my attention will be focused mainly on court culture. Although our reconstruction of Mamluk sounds is based primarily on written accounts, nevertheless material sources preserve data on how these tools were employed to produce sounds. Indeed, we cannot hear past noises, though imagining how voices once sounded is an option. We cannot turn up the volume of history and catch the sounds of the past. Yet we can identify the traces of sounds in written sources, and from them we can collect data, which if properly analysed will contribute to our reconstruction of past societies. Consequently, by giving us another dimension of past societies the study of soundscape provides us with an additional tool to study these societies’ histories. Mamluk Authors on Sounds Let us move now from these general reflections regarding sounds in Islamic public spheres to a condensed report on ear-witness accounts from the Mamluk realm. Yet before presenting the source material used in our investigation of Mamluk sounds, I would like to call your attention to the well documented fact that the political and social importance of voices, their impacts and the control of them were not strange to Muslim scholars who compiled the Middle Islamic period texts that are at our disposal. These scholars highlighted the social and political importance of public performances,22 including the sounds that were produced in the lands under the Mamluk sultans’ control, long before modern politicians employed mass assemblies, processions, and sound and light plays. From their writing we can deduce easily that sounds affected the population of the Mamluk Sultanate, no doubt about it. To support this statement, it is sufficient to present here several well-known Mamluk period writers’ statements on sounds and on measures to monitor noises. The pseudo-Aristotle’s advice to Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:137 ẒCairo, 882/1477: “He was put on a donkey and disgraced by hanging a bell on his neck”ẓ. 20 Smith, Sensing the Pasts, 42. 21 Presumably the first to study this field was Schafer, The Soundscape. 22 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3: 106-07 ẒMu arram 880/May 1475 the returning Hajj pilgrims were received by singers). 19 4 Alexander the Great was well received by Mamluk period Muslim scholars,23 as we can work out from colophons of several copies that were reproduced in the lands of the Sultanate. In this work the great popular Greek philosopher is quoted as advising the legendary king: And let there be plenty of frightening and terrific sound-producing instruments, even if you do not need them. For verily instruments that produce frightening sounds and alarming voices will inspire thy men with courage and strengthen their spirits. From the opposite end those instruments will terrify thy enemy. Fear will disperse them.24 This short citation can serve us as a springboard to further supporting evidence.25 The names of several “famous” Mamluk compositors pop up instantly. I will transmit three fifteenthcentury accounts by authors who painted a comprehensive picture of Mamluk institutions. These translations are arranged chronologically. It is no surprise to learn that in his alMuqaddima Ibn Khaldūn holds forth on music and on sound. In a chapter entitled The Characteristic Emblems of Royal and Government Authority, he deals with the ceremonial instrument ( la):26 One of the emblems of royal authority is the set of instruments ( la), that is, the display of banners and flags and the beating of drums ( ubūl) and the blowing of trumpets (abw q) and horns (qurūn). In the Book on Politics (kit b al-siy sa) ascribed to Aristotle, Aristotle mentioned that its real significance is to frighten the enemy in war. Frightful sounds do have the psychological effect of causing terror. Indeed, as everyone knows from his own [experience], this is an emotional element that plays a role on battlefields. 27 The explanation given by Aristotle – if it was he who gave it – is correct in some respects. But the truth is that listening to music and sounds no doubt causes pleasure and emotion in the soul. The spiritual temper of man is thereby affected by a kind of drunkenness, which causes him to make light of difficulties and to be willing to die in the very condition in which he finds himself. This (state of affairs) exists even in dumb animals.28 The second piece of sound analysis that Ibn Khaldūn wrote is found in a section that concentrates on popular music and dancing. Here, the great historian maintains that: When (the Arabs) sang, they often effected a simple harmony between the modes, as was mentioned by Ibn Rashīq at the end of the Kit b al-ʿUmda, and by others. This was called sin d. Most (Arab music) was in the light rhythm (khafīf) that is used for dancing and marching, accompanied by drums (daff) and flutes (mizm r). It causes emotion and makes the serious-minded feel light hearted. The Arabs called that hazaj. All these simple types of melodious music are primary ones. It is not implausible to assume that they can be grasped by nature without any instruction, as is the case with all simple crafts.29 In his encyclopaedic description of the sultanate’s political institutions and rituals, alQalqashandī describes the music bands of the Mamluk army in similar words: 23 The complex history of this text is beyond the limits of the present contribution. Yet from the history of the manuscripts it is clear that in Ibn Khaldun’s days “sirr al-asr r” was popular among Arabic readers. Gaster, “The Hebrew Version”; Manzalaoui, “The Pseudo-Aristotelian ‘Kit b Sirr al-asr r’”; Daiber, Islamic Though, 48. 24 Pseudo-Aristotle, in Badawī, al- ūl al- ūn niyya, 150 (ll. 2-3); Fulton, Secretum secretorum, 248. 25 Quatremère, Makrizi, 1: 173-174 (note 54). 26 Cf. Ibn Faḍl All h al- Umarī’s account of India. Quatremère, “Notices”, 188-189. 27 Cf. al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 1:935 (702/1303). 28 Ibn Khaldūn, al-Muqaddima, 2:42-43; ed. al-Shadd dī, 2:36-37; Rosenthal (trans.), The Muqaddimah, 2:48. 29 Ibn Khaldūn, al-Muqaddima, 2:359; ed. al-Shadd dī, 2:329; Rosenthal Ẓtrans.ẓ, The Muqaddimah, 2:403. 5 The abl-kh na is an assemblage of many drums together with trumpets and flutes. This band produce a mixture of changing voices according to the occasion. Each evening, after the evening prayer, it plays in the Citadel. It escorts the army companies on marches and during fighting. It is a common instrument employed by kings generally. It is narrated that Alexander [the Great] had in his service forty abl-kh na bands. Aristoteles, who wrote for Alexander the Book of Government, mentions in this book that the secret behind employing these bands is that during wars they terrorizes the enemy. Other knowledgeable persons argue that these bands’ sounds excite the soul and strengthen the mind in an equivalent manner to which cameldrivers’ voices affect the camels. This is followed by a closer look at the musical bands: Great cymbals (kūs t) are another musical instrument.30 They are basket shaped instruments made from cooper that are designed like a small shield ( unūj). The player knocks with one brass castanet on the other in an orchestrated tempo. In the abl-kh na it goes with drums’ playing and blowing of pipes. This is done twice each night in the Citadel. They go around it once after the night prayer and a second time before the call to the morning prayer. It is named the circling of the Citadel. On the occasions that the sultan is travelling this band circles his tent.31 Khalīl Ibn Sh hīn al- hirī tells his readers that the band of the sultan comprised forty loads ( aml pl. a m l) of cymbals (kūs t), four double headed kettledrums (duhūl), four reed pipes (zumūr), and twenty trumpets (anfira). Among the instruments used in the abl-kh na of an amīr, says al- hirī, were two duhūl, two zamr, and four nafīr, but not the great kūs tṬ An at bak (field marshal) was allowed twice this number, whilst an amīr muqaddam (commander of one thousand) was only permitted a horn (būk).32 According to his summary of the music production in the elites’ courts: the amīrs of a thousand numbered in the past 24 amīr. Each one of them commanded one hundred mamlūks and other professional officers, and one thousand reserve soldiers (jundī). They had before their houses eight ʿloads’ (a m l) of abl-kh na [bands], and two timbales ( abl dahl), two flutes (zamr), and four trumpets (anfira), as well as new timbale and flutes. The orchestra playing at the gate of the army’s commander in chief (at bak [al-ʿas kir]) was twice as large. In the past (i.e. during the reign of the first sultans), the number of the abl-kh na emirs was forty commanders. Each one of them commanded forty mamlūks. Three bands of abl-kh na players and two trumpets (nafīr), but today (i.e. in the days of al- hirīẓ, there are only two drums ( abl) and two flutes (zamr).33 The symbolic power of the abl-kh na reflects the military character of the Mamluk regime. The sounds produced by these musical bands in peace and war, in the towns and during expeditions, clearly conveyed to the listeners the true nature of the sultanate, certainly more sharply than any political theory that some jurist wrote for the governing military aristocracy.34 Ibn Taghrī Birdī says that under Qal wūn (d. 678/1290) a wazīr possessed a abl35 kh na, and we read of a similar privilege in 821/1418, although we are told that the custom Ibn Khaldūn states that kūs t were allowed to each amīr who commanded an army battalion. Al-Muqaddima, 2:46; Rosenthal (trans.), The Muqaddimah, 2:52. 31 Al-Qalqashandī, Ṣub al-aʿsh , 4:8-9. 32 Ibn Sh hīn al- hirī, Zubdat kashf, 125. 33 Ibn Shahin al- hirī, Zubdat kashf, 113. 34 Ayalon, “Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army – I”, 469-470; Farmer, “ abl-Kh na”. 35 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Nujūm, 8:141. 30 6 was not usual. According to him, it was only the officers (umar ) who commanded a battalion of one thousand soldiers who were granted this honour. By the 9th/15th century, however, an amīr of forty cavaliers was allowed to possess a abl-kh na, but for a time he was only allowed to sound it when on duty. When the Ottomans conquered Egypt in 923/1517, the bands of the battalions were suppressed.36 We mentioned above the role of drums and trumpets in the battlefield, an ancient method of transmitting vocal signals during fighting that was familiar to the Mamluk armies.37 Mu ammad al-Aqsar ī (d. 749/1348), a Damascene author about whom little is known, remarks in his book on horsemanship that military horses trained for battle should be used to the beat of drums ( ubūl) and cymbals (kūs t)Ṭ38 In his comprehensive study of the Mamluk army, David Ayalon summarizes this military institution. As the point of departure of his study, Ayalon uses narrative accounts in the chronicles of music-bands ( abl-kh na),39 yet he adds also the accounts of Mamluk administration guides. Based on these sources, he explains that the amīr of abl-kh na was so called because holders of this and higher ranks were entitled to have a band playing ( abl-kh na) in front of their houses. According to the sources, he says, the abl-kh na consisted of a group of musical instruments, including many drums and some trumpets (abw q), and flutes (zumūr) of various timbres and playing in a specific style. Every evening, following the evening prayer, the instruments would be played. The abl-kh na accompanied the army battalions ( ulb pl. a l b) of the sultan or the amīrs in wars and expeditions with the aim of heartening the troops and striking terror into the hearts of the enemy.40 Similar interpretations of royal processions are put forward by several scholars. Headed by the carrier of the standard (ʿalam-d r), who carried the great royal banner (j lish) of gold-embroidered yellow silk adorned with a tuft of horsehair, the procession advanced. Behind the standard carriers walked the armour bearers headed by the arsenal commander (sil -d r). The amīrs, on horseback or on foot, came next with their retinue of mamlūks, in similar order and with hardly less pomp, and the tail was brought up by the royal band, al- abl-kh na al-sharīfa, an ensemble more noisy than melodious, composed of four big drums, forty brass cymbals, four double-reed clarinets, and twenty small kettledrums.41 Political Sounds Sounds were instrumental in boosting a sultans’ image and prestige. Sounds were – and are – a tool to inform, particularly in zones where direct eye contact is limited. Buildings obstruct visibility and voices surpass this obstacle. The playing of the drums informed listeners of a new development. The rhythm broadcasted the notation, perhaps the announcement that a new sultan had ascended the throne in the citadel on the hill overlooking Cairo, or an alarm caused by a crisis. Chronicles tell that bands of drummers ( abl-kh na) publicly announced momentous events. The rhythm of drums on these occasions differed from the music played by tambourines or the beating of the drums during fighting. The Mamluk rulers staged cavalcades, pageants (mawkib pl. maw kib), communal ceremonies,42 processions of the 36 Quatremère (trad.), al-Maqrizi, I/1, 173-4 (note). Aelian in Dillon (trans.), The Tactics of Aelian, 128; this Greek author (al-Y nūsẓ was not strange to Arab audiences. Wüstenfeld, Das Heerwesen der Muhammedaner. 38 Jensen, “The Mamluk Lancer”, 13 (Arabic), 14 (English). 39 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 1: 694-695; Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3: 4 (872/1468), 34 (873/1469); Ibn Zunbul, khirat al-mam līk, 78. 40 Ayalon, “Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army”, 469-470. 41 Stowasser, “Manners and Customs at the Mamluk Court”, 19. 42 Cf. the description from Damascus by a contemporary author. Al-Dhahabī, al-ʿIbar, 4:3 (701/1301). 37 7 palanquin (ma mal),43 displays of penalties (tasmīr),44 and public festivities. On cheerful occasions such as investitures of sultans, proclamations of royal births, or recovery of the sultan’s health, cities were decorated. This was done also in cases that a contester succeeded in winning a political challenge.45 News of military triumphs was broadcasted across the cities by the playing of drums46 and victories saw public celebrations. On these occasions, cavalry and infantry marched across the city, drums played loudly, jugglers performed, and emblems of state were put on display.47 In grave cases, times of tension, or crisis the kettledrums and cymbals played war marches (duqqat al-kūs t arbiyyan).48 Writing about a political crisis during the second term in office of al-N ir Mu ammad (1299-1309), the historian al-Maqrīzī says: “and the great cymbals (kūs t) of the sultan in the Citadel of Cairo were beaten and played the sound of war (duqqan arbiyyan), with the intention of calling those units of the army that kept their loyalty to the sultan to gather into the citadel”.49 Reports of victories are often appended with the plain and simple line:“and the drums roared “duqqat al-bash ir”,50 “durribat lahū albash ir”51 or “duqqat lahū al-bash ir wa-k na yawman mashūdan”52 or “wa-duqqat alkūs t”.53 So were also transmitted the news of the ascendancy of a new sultan. With sounds, camel-lights and decorations, as can be deduced from the following account of a circumcision that took place in Damascus:54 [And] Ibn ijjī said: in a word Ẓwa-ʿal al-jumla), such a festive day never was seen in Damascus before. The viceroy ordered to be brought eight horses coated with horseblankets (kan bīsh) made of silk and embroidered with gold and silver (zarkash), and on them golden saddles. The presenting senior commanders mounted the horses. Then the boy was summoned to the grand tent. The commanders rode out, and the viceroy and his son followed them. The musicians paraded behind them till they arrived at the Palace of Felicity (d r al-saʿ da).55 The following section brings together several reports, presented in chronological order that cast light on the task of voices in spreading news and on loud receptions of them. To support the paradigm I advocate, I choose to present several public performances in Mamluk Cairo and in other provinces of the Sultanate. The aim is to demonstrate the contribution of soundscape studies to the investigation of Mamluk political discourse. By concentrating upon accounts of political events that took place in the major cities of the Sultanate, I am aiming at elucidating the thesis that sounds inform us of the social environment and of the political nature of past regimes and historical societies. To welcome the victorious Mamluk battalions returning to Cairo after victory over the Mongols in Ayn J lūt, the city was decorated Ibn Ba ū a, Tu fat al-nuẓẓ r, 1:93-94; Shoshan, Popular Culture, 70-72; Behrens-Abouseif, “The Mahmal Legend”, 94. 44 Ibn al-Qaysar nī, Kit b al- urr al-ma ūn, 93. 45 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 2:214 (AH 842/). 46 Ibn Iy s, Bad i al-zuhūr, 2:100 (828/1425). 47 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 4:521 (naf petroleum in 823/1420). 48 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 8:170. 49 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:77 (707/1307). 50 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 10:302 (755/October 1354); al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 4:893 (836/1433); Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 2:316 (AH 857), 342 (AH 861). 51 Al- Aynī, al-ʿIqd al-Jum n, 302 (792/February 1390 the drums played three days). 52 Abū mid al-Qudsī, Duwal al-isl m, 49, 56, 89, 90. 53 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2: 73; al-Yūsufī, Nuzhat al-n ẓir, 141; Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 1:129. 54 Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 4: 28-29; Ibn ijjī, Ta rīkh Ibn ijjī, 370; cf. Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:115 (Ibn Ri b al-Mughnī in Damietta 880/Aprilẓ. On him see assan, “ ift al-maġ nī”, 380-81. 55 I.e. the governors’ quarters. On this palace see Brinner, “D r al-Sa da”; Rabbat, “The Ideological Significance”. 43 8 (zuyyinat).56 Similar descriptions of beautification can be detected in reports on royal processions.57 This passive verb occurs hundreds of times in the chronicles that tell of the entrée royale.58 Moreover, this demonstration of honour was not limited to the military aristocracy but was occasionally also shown towards the religious establishment. When the q ī Karīm al-Dīn arrived in Cairo (717/1317) the city was decorated and thousands of candles and torches ignited. At night a reception was orchestrated.59 As Qal wūn was concluding his preparation to seize the throne in Cairo (in 1279), several of his Mamluks joined him. In two days and seven hours they crossed the distance separating Cairo from Damascus. “Such a speed never was recorded in the past”, says the historian, and adds: “and then the drums were beaten and all the population, city dwellers and countryside residents, were notified about this promising information”.60 Describing the siege of Acre (690/1291) by al-Ashraf ibn Qal wūn, the chronicler tells that: at dawn the sultan and his armies advanced towards the city, the kettledrums played loudly, they produced frightening sound and high unpleasant voices.61 Similar vocabulary is used in an account of the Mamluk victory over the Mongols at Marj alṢuffār (702/1303): Advancing, the sultan’s kūs t and the trumpets (būq t) played. Their sounds shook the earth and hearts trembled… The sultan and his cavalry spent the night sitting on their horses while the drums were playing. Their sound attracted the dispersed soldiers, who advanced toward the sultan’s drums ( ubūl) and kettledrums.62 The account of the resignation of al-Malik al-N ir (in 708/1309) is another case in point. The vacant throne was occupied by Baybars al-Jashnagīr. The military and civil elite assembled and publicly pronounced their recognition of the legitimacy of the new sultan. Following this open support, Baybars rode to the Castle while the military aristocracy walked behind him. “The drums were beaten”, says the chronicler, “and the heralds carried the message to other centres of the sultanate”.63 Reporting on the recovery of the sultan al-N ir Mu ammad (in 730/1330), the chronicler tells that Cairo was decorated magnificently, in several sites bands of musicians played, the kettle drums were continually beaten and the amīrs’ abl-kh na also played.64 Following the arrest of al-Nashw,65 Cairo was decorated (zuyyinat). Popular poems (azj l) and satirical verses (bal līq) were played in the streets as the civil population celebrated the event.66 An embassy from Cairo carrying gifts to the ruler of eastern Turkey, including an elephant and a giraffe,67 stopped in Damascus (741/May 1341). The locals rushed out to examine the animals. While the delegation rested, the elephant was paraded Abū mid al-Qudsī, Duwal al-isl m, 33, 55. Abū mid al-Qudsī, Duwal al-isl m, 36. 58 Al- Aynī, al-ʿIqd al-jum n, 297-298 (792/1390). 59 Al-Safadī, Nuzhat al-m lik, 241. 60 Ibn al-Daw d rī, Kanz al-Durar, 232 (AH 678); For his career see Northrup, From Slave to Sultan, 81-84. 61 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 8:6. 62 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 8:126. 63 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bid ya wal-nih ya, 18:80 (ah 708). 64 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:318. 65 On him see Levanoni, “The al-Nashw Episode”. 66 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:482 (740/1339). 67 Cf. the sending of a giraffe to Tamerlane in 806/1404. The animal was dressed by a yellow silk gown. The jurists of Damascus debated its origin, is it a hybrid of a cow and a camel, and questioned its flesh may be eaten. Ibn ijjī, Ta rīkh Ibn ijjīi, 612, 613. 56 57 9 along the city’s streets.68 Describing the departure of Tankiz, the governor of Damascus, to Anatolia, the chronicler says: “Tankiz was decorated according to the royal etiquette, [his army] adorned in red ribbons and playing on kettle drums”.69 The detailed account of the nomination and coronation of al-Malik al- hir Sayf alIsl m Abū Sa īd Barqūq (784/November 1382) enriches our acquaintance with the sultanate’s royal ceremonies. Following his proclamation, the caliph bestowed upon him the sultan’s robe. From the embankment on the Nile, Barqūq rode up the hill to the citadel, where he ascended the throne. While his train paraded it started raining, and the population believed this was a good omen. The army bowed and kissed the ground in front of him. The city was decorated for seven days, and the drums played. Similar act occurred in the cities of Syria.70 The account of the victorious return of Barqūq to the throne in 792/1390 preserves the joyful scene at the welcoming reception. A mission from Cairo proceeded to meet him at dawn when he arrived at Rayd niyya. Among the dignitaries were the descendants of the Prophet, Sufis carrying banners (san jiq), army battalions dressed for combat and armed with weapons, Jews carrying candelabra and the Torah, Christians holding candles and Bibles. The masses chanted blessings, and the women trilled. As the beating to the drums spread the news that the young prince Faraj had ascended the throne, the streets of Cairo were decorated.71 After his temporary recovery, sultan Barsb y bestowed garbs of honour on the surgeons who had treated him. Drums delivered the message.72 The news of a victory over the Ottomans pleased the dwellers of the Citadel (891/April 1486). In preparations to welcome the expedition force, Cairo was decorated. While the soldiers entered the Sultanate’s capital the sound of the drums rumbled.73 A month later, as severe illness endangered the life of Q ytb y, high tension loomed in Cairo. His recovery pleased his followers (891/May 1486). Orders were issued to decorate the city’s streets. Drummers played marches spreading the good tidings (duqqat al-bash ir).74 As fake news circled in Cairo narrating that the island of Rhodes had surrendered due to political manoeuvres, the sultan considered the playing of military music bands to communicate the false but pleasing information.75 The effects created by sounds were familiar to past societies. In his efforts to prop up his image as a good ruler and sound Muslim, the sultan al-Ashraf Q ytb y initiated a construction policy. At the aram al-Sharīf in Jerusalem he ordered the building of a new learning institution (madrasa) and water installations. Learning that his construction initiative had been successfully completed, the sultan directed a group of army commanders to travel to the city. They were accompanied by several reciters and preachers76 and the recently nominated head of the new school (al-Ashrafiyya). Recitation and lecturing were key components of the inauguration ceremony (walīma; 890/June 1485).77 Describing the establishment of the dashīsha in al-Madīna by the sultan Q ytb y,78 the historian says: “and Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 1:132. Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:142. 70 Al-Jawharī al- ayrafī, Nuzhat al-nufūs, 1:38-40. 71 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 3:985 (802/1399). 72 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Nujūm, 15:99 (841/1437). 73 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:228. 74 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:229. 75 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 4:272. 76 From preachers’ biographies we can deduce that chanting was not strange to them. From Shih b al-Dīn A mad al-Qard Ẓ780-841/1378-1438) we learn that he studied music. Ibn ajar al- Asqal nī, Inba al-ghumr, 4:76-77 (bio. no. 5); al-Majmaʿ al-mu assis, 3:77-78 Ẓbio. no. 442ẓ. Ibn ajar was familiar with this preacher and met with him on several occasions. Berkey, “Storytelling, Preaching and Power in Mamluk Cairo”, 62. 77 Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:218; On this institute of learning and the nearby fountain (sabīl) see Tamari, “AlAshrafiyya”; Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem, 606. 78 Behrens-Abouseif, “Sultan Qaytbay’s Foundation”. 68 69 10 the voice rose high in approval”.79 The thesis that the study of sounds contributes to the learning of the cultural history of past Islamic societies is supported by accounts of the Rajab and Hajj ma mal (a ceremonial palanquin) processions that accompanied the pilgrim caravans in Cairo and Damascus.80 Reports on this festival reveal that it was inaugurated in Ayyubid Egypt.81 Mamluk chronicles report that starting in the reign of al- hir Baybars, the ma mal departed Cairo to the holy cities of Arabia. Describing the festive departure of the ma mal caravan from Cairo, late Mamluk writers describe a noisy happening.82 When the lady Tugh y arrived at Cairo, on her way to the holy cities of Arabia, she was saluted with gorgeous celebrations. As she departed from the Hajj Pond the sultan’s flags waved, and the kettle drums played.83 Another noisy event was the Nile festival (kasr al- alīj). Historical accounts describe fire plays and ceremonial sounds.84 Yet music was not only reserved for rulers’ shows or religious occasions. Royal wedding processions (zaffa) that escorted the bride to her new dwelling seem also to have been used to demonstrate the host’s wealth, strength, and status.85 During the wedding of the prince Anuk, singing girls played with tambourines.86 Reports of mass circumcisions inform us that loud music was played.87 Describing an event in Damascus, the local historian Ibn ijjī exclaims that “such a festive day never was seen in Damascus before. The commanders rode out, and the viceroy and his son followed them. The musicians paraded behind them till they arrived at the Palace of Felicity (d r al-saʿ da).The circumcision took place there”.88 To argue that use of sounds in efforts to shore up political images were not a unique Mamluk phenomenon would be supported by a quick review of historical texts from all quarters of the Abode of Islam. Sources in Arabic and Persian from all over the Islamicate world provide accounts of the employment of musical instruments to cheer up the soldiers,89 to impress audiences and to broadcast might. Ibn Funduq, the historian of the city of Bayhaq in Iran, for example, tells of the role of drums and horns in alerting the Ghaznavid expedition force.90 A quick glance at popular narrative sources will illuminate the prevalence of this practice of beating the drums to proclaim joyous events and disseminate information.91 Such, for example, is found in a tale of the arrival of the ill king’s boat from an island to the land. As it anchored, and the servants were making the preparations to receive him, “the drums played” (wa-duqqat al-bash ir li-qudumihi).92 Another example is a story in the dateless “One Thousand and One Nights”. The sound of drums filled the city’s airas the wedding of the king Badr and Jawhara was proclaimed.93 In another story we are told that a birth was publicised by maids who played with tambourines and other musical instruments.94 In addition to these noisy sounds in the open-air that the armies of the sultanate produced, listeners could hear more mild voices in gathering. Such were the literary salons that took place at the sultans’ courts. Poets read verses that highlighted the virtue of the ascending Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:165. Meloy, “Celebrating the Mahmal”. 81 On Ibn Jubayr’s account see Jomier, Le Mahmal, 47; Warner, “Commerce and Spirituality”, 211-214. 82 Frenkel, “Volksroman under the Mamluks”, 25. 83 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2: 233. 84 Shoshan, Popular Culture, 42-44, 49-50; Lutfi, “Coptic Festivals”. 85 Cf. Frenkel, “Marriage and Family“. 86 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 9:102 (732/April 1332). 87 Abū mid al-Qudsī, Duwal al-isl m, 36; Frenkel, “Popular Culture”, 198. 88 Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 4:28-29; Ibn ijjī, Ta rīkh, 370. 89 Al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 1:429, 431 ẒQu uz in 658/1260ẓ. 90 Ibn Funduq al-Bayhaqī, Ta rīkh Bayhaq, 487. 91 Al- arīrī, Maq m t, 126-127 (interpretating notes). 92 Ibn Arab Sh h, kihat al-khulaf , 29. 93 Habicht, Alf Layla wa-Layla, 10:71. 94 MacNaghten, The Alf Laila, 1:353. 79 80 11 sultan.95 Following the arrest of the king of Cyprus by al-Ashraf Barsb y (in 1427) the poet Ibn al-Kharr read a qa īda. At the assembly of the leading political figures in Cairo he praised the victorious sultan.96 The limited number of sound accounts presented above is supported by numerous short reports in contemporary Mamluk chronicles. The development of the public sphere by the governing elite was not restricted to stone and marble. The narrative accounts of the Mamluk soundscape fortify our argument that in order to capture their subjects’ attention sultans and emirs shaped an urban space where mass events took place. Streets and squares were also decorated with textiles, colours, and lights. Music and sounds attracted the attention of passers-by and of large crowds. Civil Milieu Sounds Islam is a scriptural civilization. Qur n means reciting. A second tag of the scripture is alkit b, which means a written book, although the followers of the messenger who proclaimed the revelations believed that he was al-nabī al-ummī (the illiterate prophet). This did not belittle the social role of texts and flamboyant reading. On many occasions loud reciting of verses from the Qur n served as the axis of a religious ceremony. The following section is concerned with the acoustic mode of several texts, not in their semantic mode, i.e. not with social or liturgical history, but with the lyrical intensity of the reported performances. These reports serve as a clear indication that the governing military commanders and sultan were aware of the importance of creating an urban environment that would affect the visions and minds of their subjects. Since these accounts consist of the sheer bulk of the information that contemporary authors reported upon, readers of Mamluk chroniclers are familiar with this data;97 hence I can limit the number of reference presented here. A first example to highlight this role of reading loudly in the public sphere during Islamic rituals is taken from a manual by Muwaffaq al-Dīn ibn Uthm n (d. 615/1218), an Ayyubid historian of Cairo’s cemetery. In his book he provides a list of prayers that should be recited at the shrine of Sayyida Nafīsa. The visitor is advised to start his vocal ritual by reciting two verses from the Qur n. The first verse is a plea to All h: “The mercy of God and His blessings be upon you, O people of the House!”;98 it is followed by a direct appeal to the dead: “O People of the House, God only desires to put away from you abomination and to cleanse you”.99 Then the visitor should proclaim: O God You encouraged me to execute deeds that I am familiar with, which I said, heard, obeyed, believed and made as a reward for Your Prophet, whom You commissioned to guide us towards You and to lead us towards You, as You said: “He is All-compassionate to the believers”.100 We adore Your guidance and we esteem the duties You imposed upon us and this obligation, the love of the family [of the Prophet Mu ammad], that You imposed upon us. O All h with my tongue I accomplish it, and I believe in itin my heart, with my feet I advance towards it, hoping to attain favour in this world and in the hereafter. Appealing to You that in the day when all family bonds and ties would be cut, You would help me. O God bless your Prophet.101 Al- Aynī, al-ʿIqd al-Jum n, 121. Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Manhal, 3:269-70, 7:213. 97 Ibn Duqm q, Nuzhat al-an m, 277. 98 Q. 11, Hūd: 73. 99 Q. 33, al-A zab: 33. 100 Q. 33, al-A zab: 43. 101 Ibn al-Faqīh Uthm n, Murshid al-zuww r, 186-187; Ibn al- ayy t al-An rī, al-Kaw kib al-sayy ra, 34; This prayer refers to Q. 33:56: God and His angels bless the Prophet (yu allūnaʿal al-nabī). O believers, do you also bless him ( allū ʿalayhi), and pray upon him peace. 95 96 12 The vocal appeal attests to the strong belief that the loud voice would be heard in heaven. It is composed from selected Quranic verses and vows that name All h and Mu ammad. The visitor fortifies his belief by making them public sounds, his sounds also emphasize that Islam is the governing religion in the vicinity where he utters his words. A different picture of vocal performance in the open public sphere is provided by Taqī al-Dīn al-Maqrīzī. The great historian reports in his topography of Cairo on a Sufi practices that hypnotized the city: People form Old Cairo (mi r) would come on Fridays to the Fatimid quarter of the city to gain blessings and benefit from watching the Sufis of the central Sufi lodge (the Sa īd alSu da kh nq h). Presenting an imposing appearance on Friday they used to go to alkim mosque. The Chief Sufi sheikh of the lodge (kh nq h) would lead, while the novices (khudd m) marched ahead of him. The most senior amongst them carried the volumes (rabʿa) of the Noble Book on his head. They would walk in silence and restraint demureness to the door of the al- kim mosque [and stop] near the pulpit (minbar). They would enter, and the Shaykh then would make a prayer of greeting to the mosque from under a canopy (sa ba) that he always had with him and the people would pray [in turn]. Then everyone would sit, and they would distribute the volumes of the Noble Qur n among them, reading from the Qur n until the mu adhdhin would call for the afternoon prayer. Then they would collect the volumes and busy themselves with prayer and listening to the preaching (khu ba), all of them listening humbly. When it was time for prayer and invocations, one of the readers of the kh nq h would get up and read something appropriate from the Qur n and then bless the Sultan Saladin, the endower of the kh nq h, and the rest of the Muslims. When he had finished, the Shaykh would get up from his prayers and then walk from the mosque to the kh nq h, the Sufis [walking] with him in the same way they had come to the mosque. This is one of the most beautiful customs of the people of Cairo.102 Supplications to All h and pleas to bless the prophet Mu ammad and his community can be traced from Islam’s early days. During the Abbasid period Muslims started to circulate written and oral eulogies praising Mu ammad the Seal of the prophets. An early example of these writings is a booklet by Ibn Abī sim, who among other traditions transmits the following prophetic maxim: We told the Messenger of All h: “we have learned how to say hello and goodbye”; but now we ask you how to pray for your own sake. Mu ammad said: “say O God extol Mu ammad and his family similarly to Your extolment of Abraham and his household. You are the praiseworthy and the glorious. O God bless Mu ammad and his family similarly to Your blessing of Abraham and his household. You are the praiseworthy and the glorious”.103 This and similar texts were received with open arms by Mamluk audiences, who made use of some of these early booklets in praise of the Prophet.104 Moreover, several Mamluk authors contributed directly to this literary genre. Readers’ lists (sam ʿ t) support this conclusion. An observable case demonstrating this is the library of the Damascene scholar Ibn Qayyim alJawziyya.105 We should assume that this ritual reading in praise of the Prophet was a loud sound ceremony and that the reciter raised his voice while uttering his supplications Al-Maqrīzī, Kit b al-maw ʿiẓ, 4/2:729-730 (based on an informant who passed away in 800/13970 [Hofer, The Popularisation of Sufism, 94]. 103 Ibn Abī im, Kit b al-Sal t, 12. 104 Al-Maqdisī, Thabat masmūʿ t, 161. 105 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Jal al-afh m, 44 Ẓ33ẓ, 61, 73 Ẓn. 71ẓ, 94 Ẓno. 97 quoting Ism īl b. Is q al-Q ḍī, a l al- al tʿal al-nabī, 41 Ẓno. 31ẓ, 97 Ẓno. 102ẓ, 105 Ẓno. 116 quoting Ibn Abī simẓ, 116 Ẓno. 131 quoting Ibn Abī imẓ, 117 Ẓno. 133 quoting Ism īl b. Is q al-Q ḍīẓ, 496, 497, 504. 102 13 (duʿ ).106 Several decades later Ibn N ir al-Dīn al- amawī Ẓalso known as al-Dimashqīẓ wrote a very detailed biography of the prophet Mu ammad (sīra).107 Prayers for the Prophet occupy many pages in his composition.108 Relying on earlier authors, Ibn N ir al-Dīn ties the commandment to pray for the cause of the Prophet Mu ammad to explicit sayings that are attributed to him. Such, for example, is the maxim: “pray for me wherever you are because your prayer will reach me”.109 Mu ammad al-Jazūlī Ẓd. c. 869/1465ẓ, a North African Muslim scholar and Sufi composed the very popular booklet al il al-khayr tṬ It is not clear if 15thcentury Egyptians were familiar with this highly revered master. Al-Sakh wī, a productive Mamluk author, says in his biographical dictionary: He stopped in Cairo in 840AH. In the pilgrimage of 841AH he visited Mecca. Afterwards he moved to al-Madīna and settled there. He returned to Mecca in 842AH and married. There he begat children, thought and wrote legal opinions. He died in Mecca in 863AH.110 Although this information conflicts with other accounts of the life and death of al-Jazūlī, we may accept al-Sakh wī’s note as supportive evidence of Egyptians’ familiarity with the Maghribī Shaykh. There is no question that later Muslim generations were familiar with alJazūlī, whose book became a popular prayer manual.111 As with the public narration of the Prophet’s sīra, this manual was also performed loudly.112 The history of the Prophet’s birthday and death festival (mawlid al-nabī celebrated on the 12th of Rabī I) has been studied thoroughly.113 At the Mamluk Sultanate these celebrations were already a well-established custom. The veneration of the prophet Mu ammad was expressed during the Mamluk period in royal public celebrations. This public festival was performed yearly at the royal court in the mountain citadel.114 The following account is not the only one that contemporary sources transmit: On Monday the 11th, as the custom is, the sultan [Qanı av] organized the novel birthday ceremony to commemorate the birth and death (mawlid) of the prophet Mu ammad. He instructed the pitching of the colossal tent that was produced by the sultan al-Ashraf Q ytb y. It is said that it had cost 36 thousand golden dinars. This tent was constructed in the shape of a large hall divided into three wings and at its middle four tall pillars carrying a dome. Nothing on earth resembles it. It was produced from colourful textiles. No less than three hundred sailors are needed to erect this tent. The sultan ordered it be pitched in the inner garden of the citadel. Near it the servants of the drinks prepared from leather several troughs and filled them up with sweet water. Using racks, they hung precious clay pitchers and porcelain jars and bronze bowls. The place was much more decorated than usual. Accompanied by the army’s chief of staff the sultan took his place in the tent. High ranking army commanders joined them. In line with custom the heads of the religious establishment and the upper social echelons followed suit. Then all the readers of the Qur n and the preacher ascended from the city of Cairo to the citadel on Q. 17, al-Isr : 11 “Man prays for evil, as he prays for good” and 40: 60 “Your Lord has said, ‘Call upon Me and I will answer you’”. See Katz, Prayer, 29 107 Al-Maqrīzī, Imt ʿ al-asm ʿ. 108 Ibn N ir al-Dīn al- amawī, J mi al- th r, 8:101 ff. 109 Ibn N ir al-Dīn al- amawī, J mi al- th r, 8:105, 128. 110 Al-Sakh wī, al-Ḍaw al-l miʿ, 7:258-259 (no. 651) 111 Padwick, Muslim Devotions, 146-147. 112 Shinar, “Traditional and Reformist Mawlid Celebrations”, 382-384; Shoshan, Popular Culture, 23-24. 113 The Mamluk encyclopaedist al-Qalqashandī, Ṣub al-aʿsh , 3:502 (Fatimid mawlid); Schimmel, And Muhammad is his Name, 370-371. 114 During the celebrations in Mecca the name of the ruling sultan was mentioned by Ibn ahīra al-Qurayshī, alJ miʿ al-la īf, 285. 106 14 the hill. The sultan ordered the assembly be served with food and it was distributed lavishly. This was a special occasion and more exciting than any past mawlid.115 The commemoration was an arena that witnessed routine performances of ritual reciting of anecdotes concerning the Prophet’s life. During this memorial event, storytellers narrated popular stories (about the Prophet’s miraculous achievements). A guiding model of how contracts should be written illuminates the arrangements that were made to recite eulogies in praise of Mu ammad and his merits: The outlines of a document of a charity in favour of the noble mawlid are: X has donated etc. etc. the described property as a real, legal etc. endowment. He regulated that the supervisor of the charity and its administrator will start first with the construction of the property. … the surplice of the capital will be used to hire a learned scholar who will sit in the above-mentioned location and in front of him a stand (kursī). During the night of 12th Rabī I, he will recite attractively to the gathering poems on the miraculous birth of the Prophet. It will be a clear reading accompanied with explanations, in high voice that the audience will be able to hear it, but with no music. In addition, the pious charity will pay to a chaste and trusted person who will be in charge of the candles. He will set the lamps and light the candles, arrange the meal and distribute it to those who gather to commemorate the mawlid… he also we pay to three bands, each band is composed of a leader and three men who accompany him. They will recite the complete reading from A to Z. They will pray for the founder of the charity and ask God to bless him and all the Muslims, women and men alike. They will continue to recite blessings till a reciter who will read poems in praise of Mu ammad will start reading.116 A second yearly celebration to commemorate Mu ammad’s miraculous biography was the annual festival of his night-journey. Although the reciting of literary narratives of this mythical event was well-received, popular practices of the Mi r j ritual caused angry reactions within certain circles, as can be deduced from Ibn al- jj al- Abdarī’s “reports” on the “Night of Mu ammad’s Ascension” (on the 27th Rajab).117 In this chapter the critical jurist argues that: [From their wrong innovation] is their gathering in circles. Each circle has an elder whom they all imitate in the ritual of recollection, of repeating God’s name and recitation of verses (dhikr)118 from the Book Ẓi.e. Qur nẓ. If only that implied ritual remembrance prayer and recitation from the Qur n! Instead they play with God’s religion. For instance, for the most part the chanter (dh kir) who leads the remembrance prayer does not say the Qur nic statement “There is no god but God (l il ha illa’ll h) [which indicates that God is One and Unique (kalīmat al-taw īd)]”, rather he says “Don’t follow him, let’s go!”. They shorten the letter A and employ it as a link without a vowel sound. When they say “Glory be to God”(sub na’ll h), they quicken the pace of it so much and repeat it until you can hardly understand. The reciter performs verses from the Qur n, adding to it what is not in it, subtracting from it what is in it, in accordance with intonations and reverberations which resemble singing (al-ghin )and scales which they adopted, the reprehensible conditions (dhamīma) of which you already know. Then there is a great matter, al- Abdarī adds. The reciter begins with the recitation of the Qur n, and another reciter delivers lines of poetry, or wishes to do so, so they silence the Qur n reciter, or strive with him, or leave this one and his poem and that one and his reciting Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 5:24-25 Ẓ11 Rabī I 922/ 14 April 1516ẓ. Al-Asyū ī, Jaw hir al-ʿuqūd, 1:368 [Katz, in Brockopp, The Cambridge Companion to Muhammad, 145. 117 Colby, “The Rhetoric of Innovative Tradition”, 39-40; Webb, “The Familiar and the Fantastic”. 118 Homerin, “Recalling You, My Lord”. 115 116 15 on account of their noticing others listening to a mystical trance music (sam ʿ) of poetry and those forged intonations. These types of games with religion, were they to be held outside the mosque, would be prohibited. How then is it allowed when it is inside the mosque, moreover, on this noble night? “We surely belong to All h and to Him we shall return” (Q. 2: 156).119 Within walls of lodges and other constrictions as well as in open spaces, Sufis gathered and practiced their meditative rite of recollection (dhikr).120 Ibn A All h explains what a dhikr is: remembrance of All h is liberation from ignorance… It has been said that it is the repetition (tardīdẓ on the Name of the Invoked ẒGodẓ by the heart and by the tongue… Remembrance may be with the tongue, the heart, or members of the body. It may be practiced secretly or openly…Invoking with the tongue is the remembrance of the letters [of God’s name] without being in the [state of] presence ( u ūr) [with God].121 It is the outward remembrance, but it has great virtue as witnessed by the [employment] of verses from the Quran, stories on the history of the Prophet and his sayings.122 Another example by Ibn A All h is the following story: One of our comrades used to say frequently All h, All h. One day a tree trunk fell on his head and fractured his skull. The blood spilled on the ground spelling All h, All h.123 In a third piece, Ibn A ecstatic occasions: All h dwells upon the issue of dancing and chanting during dhikr You would experience in your mind the sound of cymbals and horns. Invoking is powerful. When the sound descends into a place, it does so with its horns and cymbals. The invocation is against everything except God (al- aqq). When it settles in some place it actively seeks to expel its opposite, as we find in the combination of water and fire.124 This dhikr ritual, the constant evoking of the name of God,125 sometimes led to modes of behaviour that were not approved by critical observers who voiced their condemnations. Describing the great Sufi Shaykh Abū al-Waf , the historian Ibn ajar provides an ego document: I met him in a Sufi gathering (daʿwa) and I rejected his companions gesturing in prostration towards him. He continued with the chanting [to reinforce ecstasy and induce mystical trance] (sam ʿ) and during the whirling dance he recited the verse: “Wherever you turn, there is the Face of God” (Q. 2:115). Law students that were presented cried out: “You have blasphemed! You have blasphemed!”So he stopped the session and accompanied by his followers left [the mosque]. 126 No wonder that some circles in the Mamluk elite were not happy with these popular events and made efforts to censor them. Their critical evaluation of the commoners cast light on Al- Abdarī, al-Madkhal, 1:297 [The English translation is based upon Colby, “The Rhetoric of Innovative Tradition”, 40]. 120 Tafur, Travels and Adventures, 71 describes the unruly friends of All h. On them see Karamustafa, God’s Unruly Friends. 121 Chittick, The Sufi Path of Knowledge, 105 122 Ibn A All h, Mift al-fal , 3 [Koury-Danner (trans.), The Remembrance of God in Sufism, 45-46]. 123 Ibn A All h, Mift al-fal , 4 [Koury-Danner (trans.), The Remembrance of God in Sufism,, 48]. 124 Ibn A All h, Mift al-fal , 4-5 [Koury-Danner (trans.), The Remembrance of God in Sufism,, 48]. 125 For an inner Sufi definition of this ritual see Najm al-Dīn Kubr ed. Mole [trans. argar, 128]. 126 Ibn ajar al- Asqal nī, Inb al-ghumr, 2:308 [no. 16]; McGregor, Sanctity, 55. 119 16 prevalent practises.127 This is not the place to dwell upon questions regarding “the Mediterranean Islamic city” and its features.128 Circumventing the architectural or structural dimensions of this colonial model, I will dwell in this study on its social and legal features,129 advancing the thesis that these urban conglomerates were governed by regulations and decrees that were interpreted as derived from the sacred Islamic Law (sharīʿa).130 The prevalence of the Islamic courts and judges, the role of the mu tasib, the predominance of the sounds of Islamic religious rituals and the marginality of non-Muslims (through restrictions imposed on them) were all component in the routine life of human spaces that clearly define an “Islamic city”.131 To these criteria we should add the principle role of Islamic pious foundations (waqf pl. awq f) in establishing urban institutions and in the daily life of these towns. The influence of religious endowments on the landscape of the Mamluk city was immense.132 The awq f paid for the construction of a very wide range of social and religious institutions. They also met the maintenance costs of these edifices and also paid regular salaries to their staff. From waqf certificates and other legal documentation we learn that muezzins and reciters were paid by pious charities to call to prayer or to recite verses from the Qur n. Sounds from minarets made Islam heard as well as seen. They produced a space where five time a day calls to the believers to congregate in the mosques (adh n)133 are heard loudly and clearly. Passers-by would also hear loud readings from the Qur n and from adīth collections (in Mamluk Cairo particularly from Sa ī al-Bukh rī).134 Yet limiting myself to the study of urban acoustic spaces I dwelled in this chapter only concisely upon sonic enclaves that housed religious rituals, such as Sufi mystical invocations (dhikr) or students’ auditions (sam ʿ). Indeed, a vast range of contemporaneous sources support the indicators presented above and allow the use of the term “Islamic city” regarding the Mamluk towns in Egypt and Syria. In their streets sounded not only royal and military voices, analysed previously, but also communal and religious voices, namely sounds that constitute an integral component of Islamic rituals.135 Awq f documents, some already mentioned previously, refer to several functionaries whose duties included raising their voices loudly so that the endowers’ fame would reach the ears of the population. The endowment certificate of the madrasa that the sultan Abū al-Ma sin al-N ir asan (1356-1361) built in al-Rumayla (near the Citadel of Cairo in 760/1359) provides an example of such a case.136 He appointed a team of sixteen muezzins and four shifts’ heads who would recite the call to prayer, “those leading the rituals of Islam”, and readers of the Qur n “who will recite continually and repeatedly the Book of God,137 and will not stop from doing it day and night”. He also appointed, in addition to adīth teacher, a reader to recite traditions from the adīth collection and an additional performer (m di ) who would recite poems eulogizing (mad ī ) Ibn ajar al- Asqal nī, Inb al-ghumr, 3: 402-03 (831/April 1428, an ego document). Neglia, “Some Historiographical Notes”. 129 Gottreich, “Rethinking the ‘Islamic City’”. 130 Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 119-125. 131 Frenkel, “Is There an Islamic Space?”. 132 Raymond, “Les Grands Waqfs”: 114-116; Luz, The Mamluk City, 107-147. 133 Describing a political crisis at the court of the sultan asan Ẓ759/August 1358ẓ that involved soldiers and Sufis, the historian tells: “before the call to the evening prayer the situation calmed down and the disturbances stopped”. Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-z hira, 10:309. 134 On that, see further below. 135 Al-Dhahabī, al-ʿIbar, 4:13 (A band of Sufis was received with open arms “wa-k nat tudaqqu lahū nawban”ẓ. 136 Al-Harithy, “The Four Madrasahs”. 137 The Ottoman scholar Birgvi ẒBirkawīẓ opposed the payment to Quran readers, a practice which he considered no less then hypocrisy. 127 128 17 the Prophet.138 Accomplishing this task, they will pray, and on behalf of the donor will ask God’s beneficiation. In the mausoleum (qubba) the donor/sultan appointed sixty men whose task was to recite from the Qur n continually, day and night. Thirty would read in the night and thirty during the day. Each shift was prolonged two hours and the readers’ team was composed of five men. At the end of each session one of the team would address God on behalf the sultan.139 A similar formula is mentioned in the waqf document that the sultan Q yitb y endowed to maintain the shrine complex of Ibr hīm al-Dasūqī. He stipulated the addition of three Qur n reciters. One was to recite every day after the evening prayer by the window of the dome where the saint was buried.140 Letters sent by pilgrims from the Hajj road were among the texts that were performed publicly. Damascene chronicles regularly inform their readers about letters sent by pilgrims either on the way to Mecca or when they were back from Arabia.141 Moreover, supplications by passers-by who walked through the towns’ alleys or stopped at the mausolea (turbas)’ windows echoed the voice of Islam. These sounds certainly accentuated the authority of Islam. Starting with the Ayyubid Sultanate it became traditional for the founder of a religious institution to add his own intended mausoleum (turba) to a religious building he had founded.142 Often, mausoleums were much more richly decorated than the buildings they were attached to. Ideally the façade of the chamber where the sarcophagus of the founder stood opened onto the street. It was given a large rectangular window with an iron grill.143 It housed a Shaykh who recited the Qur n for the blessings of the soul of the dead. Sitting in the dark tomb chamber, next to the sarcophagus that was illuminated by candles, his voice was intended to attract the attention of passers-by. The vocal sound linked the tomb with the urban public space. Several court records cast light on reciters of the Qur n who were employed by urban mausolea and of payments to these men, whose voices were heard by passers-by. A nomination degree (marsūm) from Jerusalem provides an example of this. The supervisor (n ẓir) of the shrine of z, a late army officer, ordered that rim al-Dīn Ibr hīm replace the late Yūnis.144 He was to sit near the tomb and recite from the Qur n groups of verses (ʿashr).145 Documents and inscriptions from other shrines throughout the Mamluk Sultanate carry similar stipulations.146 The tomb chamber at the Jal qiyya, in the Chain Street, contains two cenotaph grilled windows opening on the street.147 As in the case with the ziyya, it housed a reciter. A court record from Jerusalem deals with pious endowments that payed reciters who set next to a tomb and read from the Qur n.148 The audio-visual elements of design contributed to the development of an Islamic urban space. The vow of silence that Muslims made strengthens the claim that sounds do matter.149 Taking an oath not to speak can be traced Compare with the position of a reciter who will read the “Poem of the Mantle” at the Dome of the Rock on Friday and on Monday. Rab yi a, Sijill t, sijill 149 p. 72 (no. 157). 139 Al-Harithy, The Waqf Document, 4, 149-150 153, 155-158; and her studies “The Complex of Sultan asan”; “The Four Madrasahs”. 140 Hallenberg, “The Sultan Who Loved Sufis”, 153. 141 Ibn ijjī, Ta rīkh, 37, 380. 142 Salam-Liebich, The Architecture of the Mamluk City, 198; Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic Architecture in Cairo, 15; al-Harithy, “The Concept of Space”. 143 Muhammad Beg b. akariy , wiya Ẓc. 748/1348ẓ Jerusalem aram doc. ## 643 = Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem, 72. 144 Diem, “Philologisches”, 11 (doc. 214). 145 Al-D nī, Kit b al-naq , 133; idem, al-Mu kam, 14-15; Sell, The Faith of Islam, 347 (app. A: ʿIlm al-tajwīd); Rippin, The Blackwell Companion to the Quran, 178. 146 Gaube, Arabische Inschriften, 91 (no. 174). 147 Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem, 191. 148 Rab yi a, Sijill t, 84 (no. 178/2 1064/1654). 149 Ibn Abī al-Duny , Kit b al-Ṣamt. 138 18 in early traditions.150 Jesus, who became a moral example for many Muslims, is associated with sayings in favour of silence.151 Al-Suyū ī transmits a maxim: “to refrain from talking continually, day and night, is forbidden”.152 His selection of this tradition indicates that practicing a vow of silence was not strange to his society. Moreover, some Sufi circles inspired their followers to practice silence.153 Monitoring the Voices That control of sounds was significant we can construe by looking from an opposite angle: namely, from reports on the banning of the production of voices and of noises. While Muslims made loud vocal and instrumental sounds, non-Muslims were ordered to lower their voices. In the domains of the Mamluk Sultanate standard regulations designed the limits of the sounds that these communities were permitted to produce. Intending to prop up the hegemony of Islam, the governors envisioned the control of the sounds that their non-Muslim subjects were producing, and even to suppress them. The history of the Pact Ẓ ahdẓ of Umar is far beyond the limits of the present study, hence it is sufficient to call your attention to several adaptations of this pseudo-certificate that circulated in the Sultanate’s domains. A version of an early compilation that was copied in Mamluk Cairo (in 1455) casts lights on this aspect of Muslim-Christian relations.154 An item in this fictive pact contains an undertaking by the Christians: “We shall beat on small balls (naw qis) gently and reading [the Bible] we shall not rise our voices”.155 The rules imposed on non-Muslims are in line with this interpretation. Again, a text compiled by Ibn Qayyim alJawziyya156 indicates the desirable direction. In his book on regulations concerning Jews and Christians he limits Christians’ public celebrations and bans them from openly displaying crosses. Analysing the Pact of Umar the famous Damascene jurist quotes what he presents as a letter that the Christians of Syria wrote to the caliph Umar: We shall use the n qūs (wooden clappers or gong clappers)157 only within our churches and play them only very softly. We shall not display our crosses or our books in the roads or markets of the Muslims. We shall not raise our voices during praying, recitation or when calling to following our dead.158 Restrictions that religious scholars issued regarding funerals and lamentations provide a different sort of evidence of efforts paid by Mamluk rulers to govern the sounds voiced in the public sphere. For example, they criticize the sounds produced during funerals. The employing of professional mourners, these scholars argued, contradicts the Islamic norms. The raising of the voices of these women disturbs the ideal of bearing patiently with God’s verdict and, the scholars argued, contradicts the Islamic norms. The voices of these women disturb the ideal of bearing patiently with God’s verdict.159 The regulations of the markets’ inspector (mu tasib) provide several examples to support my interpretations concerning the social function of sounds and the authorities’ efforts to monitor voices. According to Mamluk Calder, “ inth, birr, tabarrur, ta annuth, 214-215. Khalidi in Samir (ed.), Christian Arab Apologetic // idem. The Muslim Jesus, 59 no. 13. 152 Al-Suyutī, al-Amr bil-ittib ʿ, 231. 153 Waugh, Visionaries of Silence. 154 Cohen, “What was the Pact of Umar?”, 137. 155 Tritton, The Caliphs, 5. 156 On him see Hoover “Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya”, Masthurhah, “The Views of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah”. 157 For a description, see Shams al-Dīn al- urq nī, Shar al-Zurq nī ʿal al-Muwa a 1:121. 158 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, A k m, 3:1159. 159 El Cheikh, Women, Islam, and Abbasid Identity, 44-58. 150 151 19 period manuals, the mu tasib should inspect the towns’ graveyard, and he should also prevent women from ostentatious lamentation, visiting graves, and following the bier.160 Measures to control sounds were not limited to voices produced by the Protected People. Procedures to restrict voices created by women and rival Muslim communities serve as a clear indication of the politics of the ruling military aristocracy and its continuous efforts to control the public space. Sultan’s steps often brought them closer to the religious establishment. This policy upholds the deduction regarding the Mamluk soundscape and its political dimensions presented above. Yet it is clear that the military aristocracy did not follow blindly those religious scholars who expressed hostility to popular sounds. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s attack (in 740/1339-40) on Sufi groups that assembled (sam ʿ) to chant, play music, beat drums, blow horns and dance161 did not lead to the governors’ cracking down on the popular Sufi group. Their visibility in sources shows that the voices they made were perceived as an approved component in the Mamluk soundscape. This is in opposition to music that singers played. Again and again we come across reports on taxation imposed upon places that housed musicians and the abolition of this tax. This step was received as a sign of the sultan’s religious commitment.162 The control of voices in urban environments emphasises the characterisation of the Mamluk city as an Islamic town. That is, as a place where social values were articulated as Islamic public regulations. In constructed zones sounds served as the major tool in transmitting messages that were blocked by walls and other obstacles. Behind the screens women could perceive (min war al-sit r) the military bands. The beating of the drums penetrated the raised barriers. Cities’ dwellers would hear during the dark nights the voices of the muezzins. Passers-by could catch the voice of readers reciting verses from the Qur n. Conclusion In line with the social and cultural characteristics of Mamluk society, orality and written documents were complementary modes of communication and not opposite poles. Walls and constructions could not stop sounds from penetrating the ears and minds of the subjects, notifying them that they were controlled by an authoritative force. The need to achieve this goal designated at the same time the performances of the rulers who invested considerable sums in creating an imposing urban space. The soundscape echoed the multilingual nature of Mamluk court culture. Devotional invocations were read loudly in what might be called intersection diglossia.163 Turkish was used regularly in Mamluk society. The accounts and stories that are at the heart of this research contribute to the study of everyday life and politics in the late Middle Islamic Period. They support the thesis that sounds served more than a simple identity tag; sounds were a social communication tool, employed by believers who held that their voices were heard by God. The melody transmitted the message. Uttering or listening to sounds created among the audiences a sense of a joined action, it inspired them and motivated them. The participants could share the feeling that their voices might generate heavenly reaction. Sound are strongly related to power and authority, 164 and hence to establishment ambitions to control the soundscape. They mediate between the rulers and the Ibn al-Ukhūwwa, Kit b Maʿ lim al-qurba, 106 ẒArabicẓ [trans. Levy, 18 ẒEnglishẓ]; Ohtoshi, “Cairene Cemeteries”, 110. 161 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Kal m ʿal masalat al-sam ʿ. 162 Ibn Q ḍī Shuhba, Ta rīkh, 2: 506-07. 163 Al-Kh zind rī, Ta rīkh majmūʿ al-naw dir, 159. 164 Al- afadī, th r al-uwal, 247-250. 160 20 subjects and shape the public’s mind. 165They are an efficient tool to install in the minds and hearts of subjects the image that the ruling elite aspire to. The sounds of the sultanate echoed the political structure of this regime – a military aristocracy that claimed to govern Egypt and Syria on behalf of Islam and presented as its raison d’être the protection of the Muslims. We can uphold the thesis of a unique Islamic soundscape. The subjects of the sultanate and its governing elite were exposed to sounds that echoed the self-image of the leading military aristocracy. By its self-definition the sultanate was an Islamic state. This is clearly reflected in contemporary jurists’ writings, biographies and chronicles. The ceremonies at the streets of the cities fortified this stance. The year centred around pilgrimage festivals, the departure and return of the Hajj caravan, were flamboyant ceremonial occasions. The calls to the mosques (adh nẓ and the daily reciting from the Qur n, funerals, popular festivals and other events had a phonetic dimension that can be identified as a unique Islamic one. The drums and trumpets declared that a powerful army was steering the governing wheels. These reverberating voices rumbled in the streets. They served as symbols of sultanic authority, of royal (al-malik) power. They projected control of the space, disseminating the sultan’s image as protector of Islam and of Arabia’s holy cities, the governing elite of the sultanate thereby manipulated pre-mamluk tradition. Although we should point out that voices can be employed as a subversive tool, which can erode governing power, express resentment, protest, and challenge the rulership. The above examples clearly illustrate the potential contribution of soundscape history to the study of Mamluk history, architecture and archeology. Students of historical anthropology would agree with the methodical presumption that soundscape history casts light not only on old practices and custom, but also on the invention of tradition in medieval circumstances.166 165 Certainly, this was not the only tool sultans used to cultivate an authoritative image. See the One Thousand Nights story about Q yitb y walking around the streets of Cairo dressed as a North-African pilgrim. Ibn Iy s, Bad iʿ al-zuhūr, 3:121 (881/December 1476). 166 Hobsbawm/Ranger, The Invention of Tradition. 21 Bibliography Primary Sources al- Abdarī, Mu ammad Ibn al- ajj (ca. 656-737/1258-1336). al-Madkhal (Cairo, Mu af al-B bī, 1960ẓ, 4. vol. Abū mid al-Qudsī, Mu ibb al-Dīn Mu ammad b. Khalīl Ẓ819-888/1416-1483). Duwal al-isl m al-sharīfa al-bahiyya eds. S. Labib and U. Haarmann (Beirut, 1997). al-Asyū ī, Shams al-Dīn Mu ammad b. A mad (821-880/1418-1475). 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