ISVS-6 th 6 International Seminar on Vernacular Settlements, Contemporary Vernaculars: Places, Processes and Manifestations, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus. The yesterday’s and today’s verna ular ar hite ture in Al ania: an expressive code of a society pursuing the development F. Pashako Faculty of Architecture Polytechnic University, Bari, Italy Abstract The Albania has a rich heritage of vernacular architecture dating from the XV and the early XX century. It is composed mostly of domestic architecture built in stone and wood. However, in these dwellings we perceive the society's desire to assimilate trends and innovations of that period, from the imperial capital (Istanbul) of which Albania was part. This is evident in interior and external decors as well as in the improved constructive techniques. Today, Albania is a developing country, where the driving force of economy is represented by the construction sector. These means a wide and dynamic building activity, but poor of planning, lacking long-term development strategies and financially depending by remittances of migrants spread all over Europe. The result of this situation is a landscape made up of "informal" architecture. This means a periphery made up of new residential and commercial buildings scattered throughout the territory absent of any system or regulation, adopting diverse and infinite architectural styles. Yet in this fragmented and heterogeneous landscape buildings look the same through the homologating veil of the fury of modernity. Finally, the adoption of different styles and architectural language can be read as the influence of long years of emigration, or domination of the desire to achieve the personal welfare through the most "modern" as possible forms, materials and techniques. Keywords: traditional dwellings, typological process, transformations of the basic type. F. Pashako Introduction The vernacular architecture occupies a special position in the Albanian cultural heritage for the its wide expansion that it has on the whole territory. The most prevalent typology is the dwelling, meantime however there are a few examples of religious buildings defined vernacular or rural. These dwellings are built around the fifteenth century, but during the eighteenth century they reach full typological definition (crystallization) and their construction continued until the early nineteenth century1. Therefore, these dwellings are characterized by typical elements of the local tradition intertwined with elements inherited from the Ottoman domination lasted five centuries in Albania, from the fifteenth century until the fall of the empire. Interest in the vernacular heritage and recognition of its historical and artistic value was constant over the centuries, in fact until the seventeenth century it is the object of many works of chroniclers and travelers of the time2 (Fig. 1). During the '30s, under the Italian protectorate period, have been drawn up regulatory plans for many cities. Often these plans are only sketched, but show a great sensibility towards the existing heritage, the local vocation and the undisputed intent to preserve the old center in all cities3(Fig. 2-3). These studies were the premises to concrete actions that followed after the Second World War. The awareness on the extraordinary historical and artistic value of the old town center and the progress of decay led to a series of protection and conservation policies, materialized by campaigns of studies and research but also through legislative decrees. In 1959 a decree was issued declaring "museum town" the centers of Durres, Berat, Gjirokastra and Kruja (Fig. 4). Through this measure the first step towards a state management of the historical and artistic heritage was accomplished, qualifying and safeguarding the houses as "monuments of culture"4. The slow development of the country and the strong preserving polices implemented during the communist regime have allowed Albania to inherit a very wide vernacular architectural heritage. Figure 1: Engraving of Berat in 1830 by Charls Cokrell Figure 3: Map of Albania. Drawing of the author. Figure 2: Durres. Master plan of 1942. Source: AQTN ISVS-6, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus General information about process of vernacular urban development The vernacular domestic architecture is present both in the context of rural and urban areas. Many studies have demonstrated that the urban house is the evolution of the rural house, which is often composed from a single room, called the basic cell. Therefore in this paper we analyze only the urban housing found mainly in the towns of Berat, Gjirokastra, Kruja, Shkoder, Elbasan and Korça. Moreover, these cities are the oldest medieval towns of the country and show clear signs of the influence of Ottoman domination in Albania. The foundation of these centers has taken place through the construction of the castle. The chosen area is usually located in a strategic geographical position, usually in a hill with the exception of Elbasan and Korça that extend into the plains5 (Fig. 5-7). Inside the defensive walls there are examples of older houses and this space can be defined the first quarter for antonomasia. When the space inside the walls is not sufficient, we see the sprouting of the first neighborhoods outside the walls, which in the Balkans are known as "varosh"6. This phenomenon gives life to creation of the open city, although not occurring simultaneously in all the Albanians centers, because it is related to the specific socio-economic conditions of each. Yet almost all Albanian cities between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries developed an urbanized area outside the walls. Initially, the choice where to give birth to the "varosh" was dictated by the conditions of security and defense, so they chose the land around the castle often very steep and therefore unsuitable for building. After the political and military strengthening of the cities and improved security, the choice of soils was based on other criteria such as orientation, wind direction, water availability etc. The richest families built on flatter land with better illumination and ventilation and with the possibility of small gardens surrounding the house. The poorer classes, however, were forced to build along the ridges of hills, with houses crowded and less or not at all illuminated by the sun. In this way begins to form the differentiation between neighborhoods also based on religious beliefs. Typically those who maintained the old religion (Christianity) were relegated to less suitable areas with steep terrain or little exposed to the sun. It is still possible to recognize the old neighborhoods in the urban fabric of historic cities. When these neighborhoods are at a height of land are separated by natural boundaries and major roadways, while in the lowlands are not ever completely separate. In every neighborhood there are specialist buildings (religious or social), which, as can be seen by their character, are not relevant to the city but make the quarter autonomous. In fact, they are both independent but well-connected among themselves and with the center, creating an organic and vital city. Figure 4: Argjirokastro. Photo by author (on the left) Figure 5: Berat. Photo by author. (on the right) F. Pashako Figure 7: Shkoder Source: Architecture Traditionnelle des pays Balkaniques The evolution of the interior space of dwelling The basic cell of the dwelling in Albania is represented by the "house of fire". The evolution of which and its aggregation gives rise to all types existing in Albania7. The presence of the word house refers to the stage he o l this ai o stituted the d elli g Fig. 8). The specific "fire" or "bread" refer to the major functions that took place in it: warm up and preparation of food. At this early stage it was polyfunctional serving all housing needs. With the increase in the number of rooms the "house of fire" loses a number of its functions preserving only that of food preparation, thus maintaining its designation linked to the fire. Therefore the fireplace appears to be the most distinctive element of the "house of fire." It was initially placed at the center of the room, without a ceiling to convey the smoke to the roof. The only furnishing elements in the room were the cupboards and niches built into the masonry (Fig. 9). The first phase of evolution of the "house of fire" is after the adoption of the chimney. This led to the displacement of the fireplace, from the center of the room to one of the outer walls, and to cover the room with a wooden ceiling, which will be decorated later with geometric and floral motifs. To this point of the evolution process, relates also the use of the typical wall systems:"musandra" placed at the entrance of the room, which crossing is necessary to access the room (Fig.11). The primary function of "musandra" is a closet for the storage of night eddi g. A o e the usa dra is the afil , hi h is a essi le through a s all ooden staircase. This space overlooks the room and it is open or often screened by wooden grills. It was dedicated to women and children for eating and staying without being seen by men in the room. So we can speak of two superposed units with different functions, but which form a single organism (Fig.13). The exact dating of this evolutionary stage cannot be established due to lack of documentation. However, the core "musandra - mafil" reaches the maximum diffusion and consolidation during the eighteenth century. As a matter of fact, the most ancient preserved examples date from the eighteenth century, while during the mid-nineteenth century its construction ends. The second phase of evolution occurs when the house is no more monocellular. At this stage is adopted the "qoshkë", which means corner. This is a space very enlightened, elevated a few centimeters and set in the opposite wall to that of "musandra-mafil" (Fig. 14). The addition of this space coincides with an update of construction techniques through the adoption and diffusion of masonry with timber-framed structures. We cannot define the precise moment of its introduction, but we know that in the first decade of the nineteenth century it reached its ISVS-6, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus maximum diffusion. Moreover, this last phase is crucial for the complete transformation of the "house of fire" in a new compositional unity of the house called "oda" (Fig. 12). From the house with two cells and in all subsequent examples, we always find the "house of fire" a d the oda 8. Clearly now the "house of fire" becomes the kitchen of the house and the oda used for sleeping and other family activities. While in houses with many rooms it is dedicated only for welcoming the guests and related activities: living, banquet and night rest. Therefore, it is mainly named "oda of guests," but we find it defined as "oda good" or "oda great" too. In very wealthy families of traders and landowners, it is also used as a study or office. This room along with the other rooms of the house were on the first floor or upper floor and never on ground floor, which was destined to shelter the animals or the storage of supplies. The oda is composed of three functional areas (Fig. 15): service (musandra), living (house fire), and overlook (qoshkë) 9. The central strip designed to living has an almost squared shape (5m x 5m). "The house of fire" is located thare, where the presence of fire is constant with the wall cupboards and "sergjen". The last ones are wooden shelves that run along the walls to the height of wall cupboards and contain kitchen utensils. While the outer strip is the "qoshkë". It has a rectangular shape with a width equal to 1/3 of the side of the "house of fire". In wealthier houses it is raised by 15 cm and is a very picturesque area of the house, a corner for relaxation and contemplation of the road and nature. On the other side of the room there is the third strip, so defined by the presence of wooden wall equipped "musandra-mafil". This strep has a width equal to 1/3 of the side of the "house of fire . This consists of two corridors, the closet (musandra) and from the overlying afil . The first orridor o e ts oda ith the athroo . The athroo is al a s prese t i the oda a d it is a s all au iliar spa e uilt of aso r . The se o d orridor o nects the room with the çardak and there is also the staircase that leads into "mafil". The central part of the wall system is occupied by the "musandra", the real closet, at the sides of which are always the niches ("kamare") We can conclude claiming that cell transformation takes place through the addition of new volumes. The basic cell is still readable, while the qoshkë and nucleus "musandra mafil" seem to be added to the room simply as "furniture". So the "fire room" that represents the archetype of living in the Albanian tradition undergoes a morphological transformation with the addition of architectural furniture which has clear references to the Ottoman culture. Furthermore, we note that the introduction of this furniture is linked to important historical moments for the Albanian society. In fact, the decorated ceiling and nucleus "-musandra mafil" were inspired by the interiors of Islamic religious buildings, built in Albania in the late fifteenth century. The buildings linked to Islamic religion were built in all the Balkans with the aim of converting people to Islam. In Albania, these buildings are of modest features because the population had for long time resisted to Ottoman rule and would not accept even an religious imposition10. Therefore the adoption of typical elements of the composition of religious buildings and their decoration can be read as the acquisition of a new trend. This new current came from the capital of the empire and was synonym of modernity, power, development and improvement of their lifestyle. The same logic is found in diffusion of the "qoshkë", that occurs parallel with the spread of the technique construction with timber-framed. In fact the construction of "qoshkë" is possible only when the wall is made in this way. Moreover this technique permits the construction of large windows and the enlargement of the surface of the room through the projecting of the floor through the construction of an architectural element called "erkeri". However, we note that the maximum diffusion of this updated technology in Albania occurs during the first decades of the F. Pashako nineteenth century. At a time when it is in its peak in the Balkans so as to seem a homologating of urban landscapes. Figure 8: Scheme of the "house of fire" monocellular. Drawing of the author. (On the left) Figure 9: Sketch of a "house of fire". Source: Vendbanimet dhe banesa popullore shqipetare (2004). (On the right) Figure 10-11: Berat. An example of a "house of fire" with fireplace and "musander-mafil". Photo by author. Figure 12: Berat. O e of the ost ad a ed e a ple of usa der- afil . Dra i g of the author ISVS-6, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus Figure 13-14: Gjirokastra. An example of a "oda of guest". Photo by author Figure 15: Scheme of the evolution of the "house of fire" and the formation of "oda guest. Drawing of the author The diachronic transformations of vernacular types: the case study of Berat The transformations of the internal space of the house are unavoidable from the typological process. In fact, the predisposition to absorb new trends is not just about the interior of the house, but the whole typology. In particular, in Berat diachronic transformation of dwellings types amply explains this concept. Berat is an ancient town located in central Albania. It was declared a "city museum" in 1959, thus preserving the whole historic center in excellent condition. Berat in 1851 suffered an earthquake11 that destroyed most of the upper floors of the houses. This disastrous event was followed by a collective reconstruction of the city. Since the upper floors had resisted and had to be built quickly because of the winter approaching, the people rebuilt the collapsed floors with timber frame technique. This technique was simple to execute even by non-experts, the construction was quick and also the wood was very easy to transport than the stone. Furthermore, this technique led to adopt an expressive code very similar to the Ottoman house. In fact floors are all projecting reconstructed with rows of large windows bordered with wooden frames and the roof is pitched and with very wide eaves. This architectural language common to all buildings has led to homologation of the urban landscape, giving it an Ottoman features. Returning to study the types present in Berat, we identify two categories11: the isolated dwelling and the aggregate dwelling (Fig. 16-17). They have a synchronic presence on the territory, as in the well-known examples of the domus and the insula, the differences are related to considerations socio - typology with undoubted economic connotations. F. Pashako The isolated house is the type with "çardak". This type gets its name from the porch on the first floor called "çardak", which occupies the central part of the composition scheme and held several functions. It performs several functions, such as connecting surface, living during the hot season and place for the manufacturing of agricultural products. In fact, this type is designed for wealthy families and particularly landowners who lived from feudal revenues. In Berat you can encounter many of these buildings which are also widespread on a national scale. This kind of house is built on shallow soils than on steep ones. The origin of this type cannot be dated with certainty, but it can be assumed around the sixteenth century. Its maximum diffusion occurred during the seventeenth century, as evidenced by the earliest examples that we have today. Indeed, in these examples we see the clear and evolved compositional characters. This house usually consists of two floors. Downstairs is the "katoi" (environment used for the storage of wood and as a stable for the pack animals) and '"hajat" (porch), both not inhabited. The rooms on the first floor are accessed via the "çardak", which is located above of '"hajat", thus possessing the same extension. The vertical connection between the two levels is via an outside staircase usually flowing from a masonry vault. The staircase leads to the "çardak" which is located between two rows of wooden columns. In all variants of the house with "çardak" the stairs extend parallel to the longitudinal axis of the "çardak" (Fig. 18). The second category of dwelling is aggregated and has a lower extension of the one with "çardak". It is destined for middle class people, employed in agriculture and handicrafts, which lacked the resources necessary to own a home with ""çardak". This second type we would call "beratese" or "string" because of their aggregation to string along the dorsal of the hill. The houses in this category have a functional scheme very similar to the house with "çardak" with the ground floor for the storage ("katoi") while the rooms of the house are all on the first floor. Also in this category we find the same succession of rooms (house fire, oda" for guests) although smaller than the house with "çardak" Even the stairs were originally in masonry and external, after with the evolution of the type and its aggregation they move inside. Both categories ("çardak" a d erates have been transformed over time, thus giving life to the variants that we find today. The logic of the various changes is related to economic development and the increasing demands of comfort and wellbeing. this architecture has led to the consumption (closed construction) of free space as the "çardak" and moving from outside to inside of the stairs (in the aggregate case).and in general the construction of new rooms in all the spaces available due to increasing of the family To better understand these transformations we analyze now the transformation of a dwelling with "çardak" situated in Berat. This home has been preserved since 1959, therefore, not transformations were allowed until 1972 when it was restored (Fig. 19-20). That restoration12 has been fundamental to understand the internal and external accretions. The major transformations can be read in the new architectural language that characterized the facade. The present aspect of the house leads astray because it looks like a "beratese" dwelling, whereas originally it was one with "çardak" on all fronts. Later was added a room on the right and in the end, after the earthquake, "çardak" was closed and converted into "divane". On the left side of the house was added a room symmetrical to the one on the right. The first phase of construction of this house dates from the seventeenth century, the second, half of the eighteenth century and the third to 1864, as reported on the water tank built on the right side of the house . The transition from Phase I to Phase II is gradual, with relatively few changes. The Phase III totally transforms the exterior of the house and greatly improves the functionality inside the house. Surely these changes are related to the improvement of socio-economic conditions, the transition from feudal to the capitalist system and to an enhancement of the bourgeois middle ISVS-6, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus class. However, as with the evolution of the "house of fire" here we see a strong ability of people to grasp the novelties, inclined to adopt the modern, adapting it to their needs and possibility. This collective tendency has transformed Berat from a village to a city. Figure 16: Berat. House whit çardak. Photo by author Figure 17: Figure 17: Berat. Beretase or stri g house. Photo by author Figure 18: Synopsis of the typological process. Drawing of the author F. Pashako Figure 19: Berat. House G-046 of the typological process. Photo by author Figure 20: Berat. House G-046, cross section. of the typological process. Drawing of the author Figure 21: Berat. House G-046, the phases of transformations. Drawing of the author Figure 22: Tirana. The twin tower Photo by author Figure 23: Tirana. the uncontrolled urban expansion. Photo by author ISVS-6, April 19-21, 2012, Famagusta, North Cyprus Figure 24: Highway Durres-Lushnje. Extra urban landscape. Photo by author Panorama of the contemporary vernacular The transformations analyzed in the previous sections date to the mid nineteenth century coinciding with the period of decline of the Ottoman Empire. After the fall of this empire, followed the period of two wars, after which in Albania was formed a communist regime that will last for half a century (1946 - 1991). In this long-term architectural activity is dedicated to satisfy the propagandistic needs of the state and to create a large number of new housing. In fact the country after the war had great problems of backwardness, with 80% of the population residing in rural areas. Under the regime were made much progress in all areas. However, the economy remained very poor and the standard of living very low. The urban expansion took place through the construction of prefabricated multi-storey buildings with standardized and functionalists apartments. The historical architectural heritage undergoes a propagandistic revision. So what is related to the local tradition and popular is safeguarded while the religious buildings are destroyed or converted into public utility buildings such as gyms, stores and etc. The country also live in a kind of autarky isolated from Western Europe and America. This combination of factors has led to a popular revolt which broke down the communist regime. The feelings of the people were contrasting, on the one hand, there was the repudiate of traditional and dictatorial forms , the other the desperate desire for modernity and prosperity. The current situation reveals firstly the lack of territorial and urban management tools accompanied by an impudent speculation. In cities, this translates into countless new buildings that aspire to architectural models of hyper-developed and industrialized societies; with an architectural language that tries to imitate the international archi - stars. While in the countryside the situation is even more dramatic. Each owner feels free to build anywhere on the property and in any way. Since in these areas the state has ceased to invest and promoting on agriculture, the only resource is represented by the national roads. In fact they create some little commercial interest that leads local farmers to build their house near the road. Therefore along the main roads we see a continuum of buildings, so after making it difficult to understand where one country ends and the other begins. These constructions consist of a single or two-family buildings of 2 or 3 floors with different architectural styles. In this scenario are rarely encountered agricultural and forest landscapes but only bizarre buildings without architectural quality. Once again we have evidence of acute capacity to grasp the new and modern, often influenced by the long and weary years of emigration. But when the new trends are not based on the solid foundation of tradition there is the risk of bringing desolation. Conclusion Twenty years after the fall of the communist regime in Albania, after much abuse in the models, forms and architectural language, we wonder whether it is reasonable to continue on this F. Pashako direction or the time has come to think about a new language that tells of the tradition, history and the dynamics of the country, leaving out the bad and the bizarre heritage of modern world. Reference Notes 1 To deepen the chronology and typological classification of the vernacular architecture in Albania see AA. VV. Architecture Traditionnelle des pays Balkaniques. Editions Melissa, Paris, 1988, pp. 19-82. 2 In particularly the famous chronicler Çelebi Elvia, in the third volume of Seyahatname, particularly describes the Albanian cities visited during his trip in the seventh century. Also see Samimi, V. Berati 300 vjet më parë. Një Studimë mbi Evlia Çelebiun, mbi qytetin dhe kështjellën e Beratit [Berat 300 years ago. A study of Evlia Celebi, the city and the castle of Bera.]. Botime Dita 2000,Tirana, 2008. See Pashako, F. Pia i e progetti per l’Al a ia, o u io tra ar hitettura razio alista e tradizio e locale [Plans and projects for Albania, union between rationalist architecture and local tradition]. Proceeding of 1st International Congress on Architectural Design between Teaching and Research, Bari, 2011, vol.3, pp. 1057 - 1066. 3 4 See Strazimiri, G. Le città museo nella R.P. d'Albania. La città di Berat [The city museum in the People's Republic of Albania. The city of Berat]. Marsilio Editore, Padova, 1971. 5 For further information on the birth and formation of the city outside the walls on Albanian territory refer to Bace, A., Meksi, A., Riza, E., Karaiskaj, Gj. and Thomo, P. Historia e arkitektures shqipetare [The history of Albanian architecture]. Botim i Istitutit te monumenteve te kultures - 8 Nentori, Tirana, 1979, ch. IV-V. 6 "Varosh" is a Slavic term and literally means "beneath the castle" 7 See Riza, E. Qyteti dhe banesa qytetare shqipetare shek. XV-XIX [City and urban Albanian dwelling century. XV-XIX]. Botime Dita 2000,Tirana, 2009, ch.3. 8 See Lazimi, L. Oda e mire dhe elementët arkitektonikë të saj në banesën qytetare gjirokastrite dhe beratase [Best Chamber and its architectural elements in urban housing of Berat and Gjirokastra]. Monumentet, n.1 ( 1989), pp.107 – 134. 9 For the subdivision of the surface of "oda" of the guest, based on the sensory perception of space see Mitrojorgji, M. Duke lexuar hapesiren, sintaksa e elementeve arkitektonike [Reading space, the syntax of architectural elements]. Ufo university press, Tirana, 2008. 10 See Kiel, M. Studies on the Ottoman Architecture of the Balkans. Variorum, Aldershot (UK), 1990. 11 For the typologies of dwelling in Berat see Bace, A., Meksi, A.& Riza, E. Berati,historia dhe arkitektura [Berat, history and architecture. 8 Nentor]. Tirana, 1988. 12 See Samimi, G. Studimi dhe restaurimi i nje banese karakteristike ne Berat [The study and restoration of a typical house in Berat]. Monumentet, n. 5 – 6 (1973), pp. 161-181.