STUDIA I MATERIAŁY – STUDIES AND MATERIALS
Acta Militaria Mediaevalia III
Kraków – Sanok 2007, s. 29-84
Grzegorz Żabiński
VIKING AGE SWORDS FROM SCOTLAND
Introduction
In spite of extensive research on Viking
Scotland, not much has been said so far on
Viking Age swords known from that country.
Hopefully, a long-awaited study on Viking graves
by J. Graham-Campbell and C. Paterson will fill
this gap. In the meantime it is worth offering
some general remarks on the context, chronology,
typology and territorial distribution of finds as well
as their overall significance. In this contribution
a Viking Age sword is understood as a weapon
of the eighth-the eleventh centuries, of distinctive
typology as classified by J. Petersen based on
Norwegian data (Petersen 1919; Peirce 2004).
Although a majority of Viking Age swords from
Scotland may be related to the Norse based on
find contexts (graves), there is also a group of finds
from other not necessarily Norse-related contexts.
A set of research questions comprises the
following issues:
– a total number of Viking Age swords from
Scotland and their find contexts, as compared
to a total number of Viking graves;
–
a geographical distribution of finds and
their context of a broadly understood Viking
presence in a given location. This implies
both a macroscale of a region and a microscale
of a direct neighbourhood of a find site;
–
swords as part of burial contexts, with
particular reference to other grave goods and
burial rites, in order to propose a possible
social stratification of burials with swords;
–
typological and chronological analysis;
–
provenance of Viking Age swords in Scotland;
–
brief remarks on construction of swords, as it
was not possible to carry out metallographic
research.
Apart from swords which were examined
in museum collections (National Museums of
Scotland in Edinburgh, the Hunterian Museum
in Glasgow and the Stewartry Museum in
Kirkcudbright), the main bulk of source data
(both on swords and Viking burials in general)
comes from the Internet database of the Royal
Commission on The Ancient and Historical
Monuments of Scotland (RCAHMS). Additional
data were acquired from the SCRAN and some
further swords were analysed based on available
scholarship. It must be noted that in many cases
the records of finds are far from complete, which
often leads to doubts concerning find contexts,
grave goods or other issues.
As regards a brief overview of relevant
scholarship, of fundamental importance are general
works on Viking Age swords by J. Petersen
(1919), A. Geibig (1991), M. Jakobsson (1992)
and I. Peirce (2004). Furthermore, numerous
examples of Viking swords were dealt by
J. Graham-Campbell (1980). For the purpose of
a broader contextual analysis, a range of works
on weaponry from other regions and sites was
made use of (e.g. Maryon 1950; Davidson 1962;
Bersu, Wilson 1966; Kirpičnikov 1966; 1992;
Evison 1967; Bone 1989).
As for Viking swords in Scotland and
their find context, of fundamental importance
is still the contribution by S. Grieg (1940). As
regards particular sites, one has to mention
papers by N. MacPherson (1878), J. Anderson
(1880; 1907), A. O. Curle (1914), A. J. H. Edwards
(1927; 1934), J. N. G. Ritchie (1981), L. Alcock
and E. Alcock (1990), L. Alcock, E. Alcock,
J. D. Bateson and P. V. Webster (1992) and
O. Owen and M. Dalland (1999).
For an analysis of sword finds from Scotland
in a general context of Viking presence, worth
mentioning are works by J. Graham-Campbell
(1995), J. Graham-Campbell and C. E. Batey
(1998), C. D. Morris (1998), C. E. Batey and
30
Grzegorz Żabiński
Map 1. Viking Age swords from Scotland (Viking Age sword finds and Viking graves after RCAHMS; Viking settlements after Barrett 2003, 79,
fig. 4:1, 85, fig. 4:3).
Mapa 1. Miecze okresu wikińskiego w Szkocji (znaleziska mieczy i grobów skandynawskich wg RCAHMS; osiedla wikińskie wg Barrett 2003, 79,
fig. 4:1, 85, fig. 4:3).
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
0
31
5 cm
Fig. 1. A sword (Type H) from Pierowall Links, Westray, Orkney (No. 2). Photo and drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 1. Miecz typu H z Pierowall Links, wyspa Westray, Orkady (nr 2). Fot. i rys. G. Żabiński.
J. Sheenan (2000) and J. H. Barret (2003; 2004).
From among studies devoted to particular areas and
sites, the following contributions were especially
relevant: by A. Thorsteinsson (1968), R. J. Hunter
and S. J. Dockrill (1982), K. Eldjárn (1984),
C. E. Batey (1987; 1993), C. D. Morris (1990),
E. J. Cowan (1991), J. H. Hunter, J. M. Bond
and A. N. Smith (1993), S. H. H. Kaland (1993),
I. Armit (1996), M. M. Brown (1997), A. Allen
(2002), O. Owen (2002), P. J. Ashmore (2003),
C. D. Cowley (2003) and C. E. Batey and C. Paterson
(forthcoming).
Finally, for the purpose of analysing
construction details of Viking swords from Scotland,
32
Grzegorz Żabiński
a range of works concerning metallurgy of sword
blades was consulted, those by J. Piaskowski
(1959), A. Williams (1977), K. Calissendorf,
W. Holmqvist, Ĺ. Hyenstrand, I. Serning, L. ThĺlinBergman (1979), J. Ypey (1980), R. F. Tylecote
and B. J. J. Gilmour (1986), J. S. R. Lang and
B. M. Ager (1989) and D. Edge and A. Williams
(2003).
Context of Finds
Altogether data on about 36 finds of Viking
Age swords from Scotland were gathered
(see Table 1), including 30 certain and highly
possible grave finds (with one possible case of two
swords in one grave, Nos. 8 and 10), one (No. 31,
Dumbarton Rock) stronghold find and five possibly
stray finds (Nos. 28, 33-36).
Unfortunately, there are still no complete
comparative data available on Viking graves
in Scotland. 87 cases were available for the
author from the RCAHMS database, while c. 130
are assumed by Graham-Campbell and Batey
(Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 47-48; Barrett
2003, 80). A forthcoming study of Viking graves in
Scotland by J. Graham-Campbell and C. Paterson
will definitely shed more light on this issue (Batey
2006, personal communication). Out of 87 graves
available for the analysis, there were 60 male and
multiple burials (men and women). In 47 cases the
burials were equipped with weapons (including
possible two swords in one grave, Nos. 8 and 10),
but it was in eighteen cases only that swords were
absent in the weapon kit. This means that a half
of male Viking graves from Scotland contained
swords (see also Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
150) and from among burials with weapons burials
with swords were much more widespread than
those without swords. Even bearing in mind the
incompleteness of data (a considerable rise in
the number of graves without swords but other
weapons may be expected), the ratio of swords
seems to be very high. Generally, swords are
considered as considerably rare among grave
weapons, with spears being the most widespread
ones (see, e.g., Graham-Campbell 1980, 67). 316
Viking burials are known in Iceland and in 108
cases it was possible to determine the sex of the
individuals. Out of 73 male burials (both certain
and possible cases), swords were found in sixteen
cases only (the remaining six swords known
from Iceland are stray finds), while spears were
identified in 59 cases (Eldjárn 2000, 552-590, 594596, 600-601). In Ireland approximately 71 to 76
Viking graves (with c. 80% coming from Dublin)
have been identified so far (Harrison 2002, 63-66).
About 90 Viking swords are known from Ireland,
with c. 42 being grave finds. Swords are considered
as the most widespread weapon in Irish Viking
graves, with spears being second in popularity
(Walsh 1998, 225, 234-235; Harrison 2002, 68-70).
It could be proposed that the Viking presence in
Scotland and Ireland was perhaps (at least in its
initial period) of more “conquest” or “military”
nature (see, e.g. Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
71, 74, 88, 93-95, 98-99, 102, 110-111; Morris
1998, 73-83; Batey, Sheenan 2000, 127-129, 134139; Barrett 2003, 91-99) than that in Iceland
(Eldjárn 2000, 549; Vésteinsson 2000, 164-174),
which may have resulted in a greater number of
swords known from graves. On the other hand,
this particular situation in Scotland and Ireland
may have been caused by other reasons. In general,
finds of Viking Age swords in Norway (as most
Scandinavians coming to Scotland and Ireland
were of Norwegian origin) are much more
numerous than in any other country in Europe.
C. 3000 swords are known from this country, as
opposed to c. 650 only from Sweden. According
to I. Martens, it resulted from peculiarities of
Norwegian laws, which facilitated access to swords
to all freemen. Furthermore, there are some regional
differences within this country. E.g., there are
more weapons in graves from regions which were
chiefly inhabited by free farmers, as opposed to
areas with stronger centres of power and graves
of warriors from upper classes. It was suggested
that in the former case the farmers may have
intended to stress their rights to carry weapons
by providing graves with swords (Martens 2002).
In the same way, Jakobsson suggested that the
very fact of possessing a sword may have had very
different meaning in a different social context.
Based on the example of various regions of
Viking Age Sweden, the possession of swords
may have either been a manifestation of a high
social status (and thus limited to a narrow group
of “leaders”) or an expression of aspirations to
a better social position (and therefore more
widespread) (Jakobsson 1992, 179-183; this
phenomenon was pointed out in a review of
this paper by Prof. K. Wachowski from the
Institute of Archaeology University of Wrocław,
to whom the author is indebted for this).
Almost all of Scotland’s Viking Age burials
with swords were in all probability inhumation
graves (with one possible exception for a possible
cremation grave at Boiden in Argyll, No. 30). Most
sword graves are single burials, save Quoy Banks,
Scar on Sanday in Orkney (No. 6: an old woman,
a man and a child), Ballinaby 2 on Islay in Argyll
(No. 25: a man and a woman) and Cornaigbeg
on Tiree in Argyll (No. 19: a possible multiple
33
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
b
Upper part
c
a
0
Lower part
10 cm
Fig. 2. a – A sword (Type X) from Styes of Brough, Sanday, Orkney (No. 4); b – X-ray of the hilt; c – X-ray of the blade. Hunterian Museum
and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow (Copyright Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow).
Ryc. 2. a – miecz typu X ze Styes of Brough, wyspa Sanday, Orkady (nr 4); b – zdjęcie rentgenowskie rękojeści; c – zdjęcie rentgenowskie głowni.
Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow (Prawa autorskie Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow).
34
Grzegorz Żabiński
10 cm
0
Fig. 3. A sword (Type X) from Lamaness, Sanday, Orkney (No. 5). Photo and drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 3. Miecz typu X z Lamaness, wyspa Sanday, Orkady (nr 5). Fot. i rys. G. Żabiński.
burial of men). Inhumation seems to be in perfect
accordance with our general knowledge of Viking
graves in Scotland (Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 144).
A tentative stratification of Viking graves with
swords (within their regions of appearance) from
Scotland is offered in Table 1. Three categories are
notable:
– the most prestigious group (six cases
altogether: Nos. 8, 10, 17, 20-21 and 25). It is
remarkable for a relative completeness of the
weapon kit, numerous other artefacts (tools,
ornaments, vessels, pastime items), additional
burial features, like mounds, boat burials or
stone slabs (usually more than one), and
sometimes animal burials (horses at two
graves from Colonsay in Argyll: Machrins
(No. 21) and Kiloran Bay (No. 20);
– the middle group (thirteen cases altogether:
Nos. 2-3, 5-6, 9, 12-13, 15-16, 18-19, 24
and 30). The kit of weapons is usually less
complete and other artefacts are less numerous
or absent. Additional burial features may occur
as well, but they are limited to one only;
– the lowest group (eleven cases altogether:
Nos. 1, 4, 7, 11, 14, 22-23, 26-27, 29 and 32).
There is sometimes an additional weapon
apart from the sword (a shield) or one
additional burial feature (stone slabs).
A completeness of the set of arms, a broad
range of other grave goods, and additional burial
features like boat burials or mounds, are indicators
of a high social position of a buried Viking
man (Graham-Campbell 1980, passim; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 146, 149-151). From this
point of view, the first group of Scottish Viking
burials with swords is a typical representative
of high status male burials. Horse burials were
not very common in Viking Scotland (GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 150) and they were not
particularly associated with sword burials. The
same is also true for Viking Age Ireland (Harrison
2002, 72-73) and Iceland (Eldjárn 2000, 574, 576,
580, 598-599, 609).
It seems to be a peculiarity of Scotland and
Ireland that graves with swords are so numerous
in comparison to graves with weapons in general.
Another remarkable feature of Scottish Viking
No.
Location and Collection
Find Context
and Type
Date
Other Weapons
Tools
Spear Shield Axe Arrows Knife
Whetstone
Smithing
Craft
Agriculture
Other Items
Fishing
Trade
Other
Jewelry
Strike-a-light,
mount
Bone pin
Other Precious
Metal
Comb
Pastime
Vessel
Horse
Harness
Other
Animal Boat
Burial Grave
Stone Mound
Slabs
THE NORTH – GRAVES
8,10 Westness, Rousay, Orkney
NMS Edinburgh, Westness Grave 34
11 Westness, Rousay, Orkney
9
NMS Edinburgh, Westness Grave 11
Westness, Rousay, Orkney
NMS Edinburgh, Westness Grave 12
12 Balnakeil, Durness, Sutherland
H
850-950
v
v
v
v
v
v
Grave
H
800-950
v
v
v
v
v
v
Grave,
Cemetery
H
800-950
v
v
Grave
H
850-900
Grave,
Cemetery
Grave
H
850-950
Grave,
Cemetery
H
850-900
v
v
Grave
X
900-1000
v
v
3
NMS Edinburgh IL 921
Pierowall Links, Westray, Orkney
6
Scar, Quoy Banks, Sanday, Orkney
2
Orkney Museum Kirkwall
Pierowall Links, Westray, Orkney
5
NMS Edinburgh IL 195
Lamaness, Sanday, Orkney Islands
1
NMS Edinburgh IL 179
Sumburgh Airport, Dunrossness, Shetland
Grave
7
Lost
Sweindrow Westness, Rousay, Orkney
Grave
H
800-950
Grave
X
850-1000
4
NMS Edinburgh IL 191
Styes of Brough, Sanday, Orkney
Hunterian Museum Glasgow B.1914.826
v
850-950
v
v
Weight
Adze
Sickle,
ploughshare
v
Strike-a-light
v
v
v
v
Sickle
v
v
v
Needles,
shears
v
Hook
Pin, brooch pin,
beads
v
v
Beads
v
Gaming
pieces
v
Weights
v
v
Gaming
pieces
v
v
v
v
v
v
v
THE WEST – GRAVES
20 Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Argyll
Grave
NMS Edinburgh L.1924.1, IL 759
21 Machrins, Colonsay, Argyll
Grave
L
NMS Edinburgh IL 315-316
25 Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll
Grave
B
NMS Edinburgh IL 125
17 Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
Grave
U/V 850-950
v
v
v
850-950
v
v
v
800-925
v
v
v
C/H? 900-950
v
v
v
v
v
v
Scales,
weights
Hammer,
tongs
v
Bead,
penannular
brooch, pin
Adze
Sickle
NMS Edinburgh IL 160-161
18 Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
Grave
W?
875-925
v
NMS Edinburgh IL 174
16 Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
Grave
D
800-900
v
NMS Edinburgh IL 157
13 St Kilda, Harris, Western Isles
Grave
Lost
15 Eriskay, South Uist, Western Isles
Grave
NMS Edinburgh IL 328
19 Cornaigbeg, Tiree, Argyll
Grave
Lost
24 Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll
Grave
Q
900-1000
NMS Edinburgh IL 379
30 Boiden, Luss, Argyll
Grave
H
800-900
O
900-950
v
v
v
v
v
Penannular
brooch, beads
Anglo-Saxon
stycas
Pot
v
Pot
v
Cauldron,
drinking
horn
Penannular
brooch, beads
Bucket
mounts
Buckle,
hinge
v
Horse
v
v
v
Horse
v
v
v
v
Belt,
buckle,
clasp,
cloth
Buckle
v
v
v
Buckle
v
v
v
v
v
Pin
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
Grave,
Cemetery
Horse
v
Sickle
Ringed pin
Buckle
v
v
Lost
35
Location and Collection
14 Bebencula, South Uist, Western Isles
Find Context
and Type
Date
Other Weapons
Spear Shield Axe Arrows Knife
Tools
Whetstone
Smithing
Craft
Agriculture
Other Items
Fishing
Trade
Other
Jewelry
Grave
Other Precious
Metal
Comb
Pastime
Vessel
Horse
Harness
Other
Animal Boat
Burial Grave
Stone Mound
Slabs
36
No.
v
Lost
22 Traigh Nam Barck, Colonsay, Argyll
Grave
Lost
27 Drumachlay, Bute, Firth of Clyde
Grave
Lost?
23 Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll
Grave
Lost
29 Lamlash, Arran, Firth of Clyde
Grave?
C/H? 800-900
Lost
26 East Tarbet Bay, Gigha, Argyll
Grave?
900-1000
v
H
800-950
v
Lost
THE WEST – OTHER
28 Bute, Firth of Clyde
Bute Museum Rothesay, BtM/H/A396
31 Dumbarton Rock, Firth of Clyde
Stray?
H
800-950
Stronghold
I
870
32 St Cuthbert’s Kirkcudbright, Galloway
Grave?
Stewartry Museum Kirkcudbright, Acc.
No. 2050
33 Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries
Stray?
NMS Edinburgh IL 340
34 Watergate, Perth
Stray?
Perth Museum
35 Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland
NMS Edinburgh LA 1
36 Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of Forth
850-950
L
850-950
Stray?
Y
900-1000
Stray?
L
800-950
Bead, pin
NMS Edinburgh QL.1972.I
Table 1. Summary of find contexts of Viking Age swords from Scotland (with geographical distribution of finds and tentative stratification).
Tab. 1. Zestawienie kontekstu znalezisk mieczy z okresu wikińskiego w Szkocji (z rozprzestrzenieniem znalezisk i próbą ich rozwarstwienia).
Grzegorz Żabiński
OTHER REGIONS
37
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
iron
horn
wood
silver wire
fleece
textile
0
5 cm
0
10 cm
Fig. 4. A sword (Type H) from Scar, Sanday, Orkney (No. 6) (after Owen, Dalland 1999, 103, figs. 67-68; SCRAN. Copyright Orkney Islands
Council).
Ryc. 4. Miecz typu H ze Scar, wyspa Sanday, Orkady (nr 6) (wg Owen, Dalland 1999, 103, figs. 67-68; SCRAN. Prawa autorskie Orkney Islands
Council).
graves is the strong presence of the “lowest group”
graves with swords, with seven cases where the
sword is the only grave good at all (Nos. 4, 10, 14,
22-23, 26 and 27). It is obviously tempting to
explain this by incompleteness of data. Out of
sixteen swords found in Icelandic burials, in eight
cases swords were found together with other
weapons and other items. Furthermore, more than
a half of burials with swords also had additional
burial features like mounds, stone slabs or boats
(Eldjárn 2000, 558, 560-563, 565, 568, 576, 578580, 586). However, there are also examples
(mainly concerning cases where the burials were
not recorded properly) of swords accompanied by
38
Grzegorz Żabiński
few goods only. Moreover, there are some similar
examples of Irish Viking graves with swords,
which are simply considered as poorly furnished
sword graves (Harrison 2002, 68-69).
Some of apparently “poor” graves with swords
may have actually contained other grave goods
as well, which went unrecorded. On the other
hand, both the fact that burials with swords are
quite numerous in comparison to Viking burials in
general and a relatively high number of “lowest
group” graves might suggest that some graves with
swords intentionally contained few or no other
artefacts at all. Thus, although swords were part
of the assemblage of grave goods in high status
graves, it seems that swords in Viking Age
Scotland (and possibly Ireland as well) did not
need to be a status symbol on their own.
These groups of graves can be related to
what is known of the Norse social structure (see, e.g.,
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 25; Jorgensen 2000,
72-85). The highest group perhaps represents
“leaders” of any kind, be it the richest and the most
influential members of settled communities (Nos. 8
and 9 from Westness on Rousay in Orkney), chiefs
of merchant and/or warrior crews (No. 20 from
Kiloran Bay on Colonsay in Argyll), or especially
skilled and renowned craftsmen (No. 25 from
Ballinaby on Islay in Argyll). Two other groups
of graves may represent members of the main
Norse social group of free farmers and reflect
their internal wealth and diversification.
Territorial Distribution of Finds
Finds of Viking Age swords in Scotland fall
within three main regions (see Map 1):
–
the North: Orkney, Shetland and Sutherland/
Caithness, twelve cases altogether (Nos. 1-12);
–
the West: Western Isles, Argyll and Firth of
Clyde, nineteen cases altogether (Nos. 13-31);
–
other regions: single finds from Dumfries,
Galloway, Perth, Highland and Firth of Forth,
five cases altogether (Nos. 32-36).
The North
Viking settlement of the Northern Isles
commenced no sooner than in the ninth century,
with Orkney becoming the central part of the
Earldom (established c. 860) (Morris 1990,
212-213; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 45;
Batey, Sheenan 2000, 137-138). Norse settlement
in Orkney and Shetland is testified to by place
names, archaeological evidence for settlements
and burial sites, hoards and numerous stray finds
(Morris 1990, 213-242; Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 38-40, 54-67, 127-140, 155-173, 229-244;
Barrett 2003, 77-87; see also Map 1). Norse
settlement in Sutherland was probably less intensive
and more confined to its north-eastern part. The
evidence includes graves and some stray finds,
but no definite settlement sites are known so far
(Batey 1993, 148-162; Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 67-70, 125-127; 140-142; see also Map 1).
On the one hand, there is generally no direct
evidence for a straightforward relation between
pagan Norse graves and settlement sites (GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 145). However, a closer
analysis of a more local context of sword finds
enables the researcher to suggest some tentative
connections.
Sumburgh Airport
The only sword known so far from Shetland
(see No. 1) was found together with a shield boss
and remains of a skull near Sumburgh Airport.
Apart from these finds (now lost), interpreted as
remains of a Norse grave, an oval brooch (possibly
coming from a Viking female grave) was also
discovered in this area (Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 64). This site is located in the vicinity of two
Viking settlements at Jarlshof and Old Scatness,
both of possibly mid-ninth century origin. Evidence
like an Anglo-Saxon (dated to before 1000),
a Hiberno-Norse style stick pin, and stone slabs
with incised representations of long Viking warships
could testify to trading or raiding activities of the
settlers. Regretably, there are no certain data for
graves related to the first Viking phase at Jarlshof
(Graham-Campbell 1980, 20, 60, 79, 141, 205, Fig.
70, 234, Figs. 211, 213-214, 255, Fig. 280, 295,
Fig. 483; 1995, 13-14, 32, 54, 60-61, 88, 158, 161,
249, pl. 71:d, 252, pl. 74:d-f; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 10, 13, 48, 50, 58, 65-67, 145, 155160, 209, 213-214, 221-223, 238, 246; Owen
2002, 140-145, 153-157; Barrett 2003, 86-87;
Cowley 2003, 77-79).
Pierowall
Two swords were found within the area of
Scotland’s greatest pagan Norse inhumation
cemetery at Pierowall Links on Westray in Orkney.
The first grave (dated back to c. 850-c.900) with
the sword (referred to as Grave 1; see No. 2) was
located under a circular mound and it may have
been associated with a secondary burial. Apart
from the sword (see Fig. 1; in all probability Type H,
although distinctive Types 1 and 2 could also be
considered), the grave was possibly also furnished
with a shield, a spear and a comb. The other grave
(dated back to c. 850-950) with a sword (referred
to as Grave 10; see No. 3) was located on the side
of another mound and it was additionally provided
with a rectangular stone slab setting. Other grave
39
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
b
0
5 cm
a
0
5 cm
c
0
5 cm
Fig. 5. A sword (Type H) from Sweindrow Westness, Rousay, Orkney (No. 7) (a – after Anderson 1888, 57, fig. 8 (left); b-c – photo and drawing
by G. Żabiński).
Ryc. 5. Miecz typu H ze Sweindrow Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 7) (a – wg Anderson 1888, 57, fig. 8 (z lewej); b-c – fot. i rys.
G. Żabiński).
40
Grzegorz Żabiński
No 10.
0
5 cm
No 10.
No. 8.
0
No. 8.
10 cm
Fig. 6. Swords (Type H and unknown) from Westness, Rousay, Orkney (Nos. 8 and 10). Photo and drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 6. Miecze typu H i nieokreślony z Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 8 i 10). Fot. i rys. G. Żabiński.
goods included a shield, a whetstone, a comb, beads
and fragments of iron and wood. The cemetery as
a whole contained a minimal number of seventeen
graves with burials of adult men and women, and
possibly three female adolescents. The burials may
represent a settled community with a sort of social
ranking, with 2 sword graves belonging to the top
group (Anderson 1872-1874, 552-553, 560-561,
570-574; Grieg 1940; 90-100; Thorsteinsson 1968;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 129-134). Some
piratical or raiding activities of the community
members cannot be excluded, either (contra Eldjárn
1984, 7).
Some general remarks on grave goods may
provide a valuable insight into the nature of the
community. Two hemispherical iron shield bosses
with broad collars (Anderson 1872-74, 570; Grieg
1940, 93-94, Fig. 53:c) are of possible Norwegian
origin, although they may have been made within
the British Isles (cf. Bersu, Wilson 1966, 14-18,
Figs. 6-8, pl. IV:a-b, 59-61, Fig. 36, pl. XV, 77-78,
Fig. 45). Raiding or trading contacts to Ireland
or mainland Scotland may be suggested by the
presence of an eighth century bronze penannular
brooch of Irish origin, ornamented with ribbon
interlacing (Grieg 1940, 93-94, Fig. 53:b;
Thorsteinsson 1968, 172; Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 134), or a Celtic style drinking horn terminal
(Anderson 1872-1874, 573-574, Figs. 1-2; Grieg
1940, 96-97, Fig. 54; Thorsteinsson 1968, 170;
41
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
view
from above
bronze plate
textile
0
10 cm
0
5 cm
Fig. 8. A sword (Type H) from Westness, Rousay, Orkney (No. 11).
Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 8. Miecz typu H z Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 11).
Fot. G. Żabiński.
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 134). So far,
no traces of Viking settlement structures which
would be contemporary to the cemetery have
been discovered (Morris 1998, 87). However,
a considerable maritime traffic through the Bay
of Pierowall (Graham-Campbell, Batey 1996, 56,
134) or even an existence of a periodic marketplace
(Owen 2002, 151-153) have been suggested.
0
10 cm
Fig. 7. A sword (Type H) from Westness, Rousay, Orkney (No. 11).
Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 7. Miecz typu H z Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 11).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
Styes of Brough
A Type X sword was discovered possibly in
the area of Styes of Brough by the Bay of Brough
on Sanday in Orkney (see No. 4 and Fig. 2). Dated
for c. 850-1000, the sword may have been associated
with a Viking shield boss, found with a skull within,
and an iron axe (information from the Hunterian
Museum, University of Glasgow, 2006; Grieg
1940, 171-172, Fig. 86). The promontory area
of the Ness of Brough may have also contained
a Viking cemetery and four cairns in this area
may have contained burials (Hunter, Dockrill 1982,
575-576; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 56).
42
Grzegorz Żabiński
view
from below
reverse
side
bronze
bronze
straps
0
10 cm
0
5 cm
Fig. 10. A sword (Type H) from Westness, Rousay, Orkney (No. 9).
Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 10. Miecz typu H z Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 9).
Fot. G. Żabiński.
0
10 cm
Fig. 9. A sword (Type H) from Westness, Rousay, Orkney (No. 9).
Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 9. Miecz typu H z Westness, wyspa Rousay, Orkady (nr 9).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
Lamaness
Another grave was discovered at Lamaness
on Sanday in Orkney (see No. 5 and Fig. 3). Again,
an exact find place is unknown (Grieg 1940, 87-88,
Fig. 49). The finds comprised a sword (Type X,
dated to c. 900-1000), a spear (of possibly Insular
manufacture), an axe and perhaps a shield boss.
They could possibly be related to two potential
Viking female burials in the vicinity (Grieg 1940,
86-87; Hunter, Dockrill 1982, 570-575; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 56-57). Furthermore, a tenth
century Viking settlement is known from Pool,
c. 800 m to the south-east from the find site of
the sword grave (Hunter et al. 1990, especially
189-193; Hunter, Bond, Smith 1993, 275-281;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 171-173).
43
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
a
0
b
10 cm
0
5 cm
c
Fig. 11. a-b – A sword (Type H) from Balnakeil, Durness, Sutherland (No. 12); c – X-ray of a sword (a-b – photos by G. Żabiński; c – after NMS.
Copyright The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 11. a-b – miecz typu H z Balnakeil, Durness, Sutherland (nr 12); c – zdjęcie rentgenowskie miecza (a-b – fot. G. Żabiński; c – wg NMS.
Prawa autorskie The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Scar
The next grave with a sword was discovered
at Quoy Banks, Scar on Sanday in Orkney (see
No. 6). It was a boat burial of a woman in her
seventies, a man in his thirties and a child (Owen,
Dalland 1999, 26-32, 39-50, 52-59; Allen 2002,
259-261). A tentative date of c. 875-950 has been
proposed for this grave (Owen, Dalland 1999, 157165; cf. Ashmore 2003, 37-38, 48-49). Apart from
the sword (Type H, see Fig. 4), arrows, a comb and
possibly other artefacts (which may have been lost
to the sea), a relatively high social position of the
man is also suggested by the presence of lead
weights and gaming pieces (Owen, Dalland 1999,
112-132, Figs. 72-91). The woman who definitely
held the most prestigious position in the grave may
have been a religious leader involved in the cult
of the fertility goddess Freyja (ibidem, 137-148,
153-157). Her grave goods (including a splendid
whalebone plaque and a copper alloy brooch)
strongly suggest her Norwegian origin (ibidem,
60-102).
A Viking settlement (with a longhouse, midden
deposits and animal enclosures) may have existed
in the immediate neighbourhood of the burial site.
This could be also supported by the place name of
Quoy Banks (“quoy/kvi” stands for “enclosure” in
Old Norse). It may be possibly assumed that the
44
Grzegorz Żabiński
a
0
5 cm
b
c
0
10 cm
Fig. 12. a-b – A sword (Type O) from Eriskay, South Uist, Western Isles (No. 15); c – X-ray of the hilt (a-b – photo and drawing by G. Żabiński;
c – after SCRAN. Copyright The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 12. a-b – miecz typu O z wyspy Eriskay, South Uist, Wyspy Zachodnie (nr 15); c – zdjęcie rentgenowskie rękojeści (a-b – fot. i rys. G. Żabiński;
c – wg SCRAN. Prawa autorskie The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
45
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
people buried at Scar were also living in Sanday
(Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 138-140,150,
213-214, 221, Owen, Dalland 1999, 17-21, 189).
Westness
In the area of Westness on Rousay in Orkney
there is a group of five sword finds (Nos. 7-11).
A Type H sword (dated to c. 800-950) comes from
a coastal area of the Bay of Sweindrow (see No. 7
and Fig. 5). It is associated with a shield boss find
and they may have come from the same grave
(Anderson 1872-1874, 563-566; Grieg 1940, 88-91,
Fig. 51). Furthermore, a silver ring of a possible
tenth century date is known from Sweindrow
(Graham-Campbell 1995, 161). Local place-names
Westness (a “west promontory”) and Skaill (a “hut”)
may suggest an earlier Viking presence before the
establishment of a permanent settlement (Morris
1990, 222, Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 39).
Furthermore, there is a Viking cemetery, dated
to c. 800-c. 1000, where three other graves with
swords were found (Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 62, 135-138; Batey, Sheehan 2000, 138;
Ashmore 2003, 37, 46-50).
The cemetery contained both Pictish and Norse
graves, with the latter being possibly eight in total.
The first grave (referred to as Grave 34, dated to
c. 850-950) with a sword (Type H, see No. 8 and
Fig. 6) was a faering boat burial with the boat being
externally faced with stone slabs and the bow and
the stern being infilled with stones (for the boat cf.
Owen and Dalland 1999, 145-146, 174; Allen 2002,
248, 255-256). Grave goods of the buried man (aged
c. 50-60) comprised a sword, a spear, a shield,
an axe, arrows, a knife, a bone pin, a whetstone,
a strike-a-light, a mount, a comb, a fishing weight
and fittings of lead. A slash mark on the shield
boss may have been related either to fighting or to
burial rites. In the same grave two other fragments
of a sword blade were found (see No. 10 and Fig. 6).
Graham-Campbell and Paterson suggest that these
two fragments may in fact belong to the same sword
(cf. Graham-Campbell, Paterson, unpublished). On
the other hand, due to differences in the width of
these fragments and the item listed under No. 8,
it is also possible that they represent two different
swords. Another grave (referred to as Grave 11,
dated to c. 800-950; see No. 11 and Fig. 7) was also
a boat burial, with a boat of an analogous type as
in the previous case and with a similar facing with
stone slabs and an infill with stones. The set of grave
goods comprised a sword (Type H), a shield, a spear,
an axe, arrows, a whetstone, a strike-a-light, a sickle,
an adze and a ploughshare. The man (aged 45-55)
may have been shot with four arrows (ibidem).
This, apart from the finds from other graves (see
0
5 cm
Fig. 13. A sword (Type D) from Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
(No. 16) (after MacPherson 1878, 687, figs. 3-5 – profiles; photo by
G. Żabiński – en face).
Ryc. 13. Miecz typu D z Kildonnan, wyspa Eigg, Wyspy Zachodnie
(nr 16) (wg MacPherson 1878, 687, figs. 3-5 – rzuty z boku i z góry;
fot. G. Żabiński – en face).
below) could suggest that some members of this
Norse community may have been involved in
raiding. The third grave (referred to as Grave 12,
dated to c. 800-950; see No. 9 and Fig. 8) of a man
aged 35-45 was provided with stone slabs and
was furnished with a sword (Type H), an axe,
arrows and a sickle (ibidem). Other Norse graves
comprised burials of both men and women of
a broad age range (newborns to c. 50 years old),
with weapons and grave goods related to farming
and handicraft. Interestingly, a rich grave of a young
woman and newborn twins contained a heirloom
of a silver brooch pin of possibly the eighth century
Irish manufacture and two oval bronze brooches.
An early twelfth century Norse farm is known
from Westness and it may have been preceded
by an earlier Viking settlement (Graham-Campbell
1980, 90, No. 312, 266, Fig. 312; 1995, 8, Figs. 7,
26, 87; Morris 1990, 221-222; 1998, 80; Kaland
1993, 312-317; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
137). Therefore, the cemetery could represent
a settled Norse community with a broad range of
46
Grzegorz Żabiński
b
0
5 cm
a
0
10 cm
Fig. 14. A sword (Type W?) from Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
(No. 18). (a – after SCRAN; b – photo by G. Żabiński. Copyright The
Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 14. Miecz typu W (?) z Kildonnan, wyspa Eigg, Wyspy Zachodnie (nr 18) (a – wg SCRAN; b – fot. G. Żabiński. Prawa autorskie
The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
activities including agriculture, fishing and trading
or raiding. The men buried with swords (and
especially those buried in boats) may have been
leaders or the most prominent members of this
community. Agricultural tools could symbolise the
landholding status (cf. Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 150).
Balnakeil
The last sword from the Northern region
comes from a grave at Balnakeil, Durness in
Sutherland (see No. 12). In this grave (dated to
c. 850-900) a boy at the age of c. thirteen was buried
with a sword (Type H; see Fig. 9) in a scabbard,
a spear, a shield, a knife, a comb, a brooch pin,
beads, a fishing hook, a possible whetstone mount,
a possible fragment of a pin, a needle set, gaming
pieces and iron shears. The shield boss seems to
be of Norwegian type, with a possibility of its
Insular manufacture. Insular manufacture cannot
be excluded, either, for a Type K spearhead (the
0
10 cm
Fig. 15. A sword (Type W?) from Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles
(No. 18). Drawing by G. Żabiński (Copyright The Trustees of the
National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 15. Miecz typu W (?) z Kildonnan, wyspa Eigg, Wyspy Zachodnie (nr 18). Rys. G. Żabiński (Prawa autorskie The Trustees
of the National Museums of Scotland).
47
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
view
from below
a
0
10 cm
b
0
5 cm
Fig. 16. A sword (Type U or V) from Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Argyll
(No. 20) (a – after SCRAN; b – photo by G. Żabiński. Copyright
The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 16. Miecz typu U lub V z Kiloran Bay, wyspa Colonsay, Argyll
(nr 20) (a – wg SCRAN; b – fot. G. Żabiński. Prawa autorskie
The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
type itself is Norwegian) and for the leaded bronze
mount (Batey, Paterson, forthcoming). There may
also be other traces of the Viking presence in this
area, with special reference to burials. Furthermore,
the existence of a Norse settlement at the bay
at Balnakeil is assumed (Batey 1993, 155-158;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 69, 140-142; Low,
Batey, Gourlay 2000).
The West: Western Isles, Argyll and Firth
of Clyde
The “West” is much more heterogeneous
with regard to the nature and distribution of Norse
place names (Brown 1997, 232-233; Armit 1998,
186-188; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 38-41).
According to written sources, the Viking presence
in this area started with raids at the end of the
eighth century and c. 850 the Norse were said to
take permanent possession of the Western Isles
(Brown 1997, 205-207; Armit 1998, 186; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 43-45; Morris 1998, 73-78;
Barrett 2003, 75-76). Concerning the northern group
of Outer Hebrides, traces of the Viking presence
0
10 cm
Fig. 17. A sword (Type U or V) from Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Argyll
(No. 20). Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 17. Miecz typu U lub V z Kiloran Bay, wyspa Colonsay, Argyll
(nr 20). Rys. G. Żabiński.
48
Grzegorz Żabiński
a
b
Fig. 18. A sword (Type U or V) from Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Argyll (No. 20): a – X-ray of the crosspiece; b – X-ray of the sword (after SCRAN.
Copyright The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 18. Miecz typu U lub V z Kiloran Bay, wyspa Colonsay, Argyll (nr 20): a – zdjecie rentgenowskie jelca; b – zdjęcie rentgenowskie miecza
(wg SCRAN. Prawa autorskie The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).
on Lewis include cemeteries, settlements and silver
hoards. Viking settlements, burials and hoards are
also known from North and South Uist, Barra
and Vatersay. As regards Inner Hebrides, there is
a concentration of Viking age burials on Eigg.
In the southern part of the region, Norse place
names and graves are known from the islands of
Coll, Tiree, Mull, Colonsay, Oronsay, Islay and
Gigha. Furthermore, Viking period coin hoards
are known from Tiree, Mull, Iona, Islay. Scarce
evidence from the mainland of Argyll implies
that the Norse did not effectively penetrate into
the mainland heart of Scottish Dalriada (Brown
1997, 208-231; Armit 1998, 188-203; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 70-92, 95-100, 113-125,
173-178, 233-244; Morris 1998, 78-80, 85-86,
88-90; Barrett 2003, 85, 87). Traces of the Viking
presence in the Firth of Clyde may be reasonably
related to Viking incursions into mainland Scotland.
Archaeological traces encompass burial sites or
stray finds. Furthermore, although the significance
of these relics is still open to a debate, there is
a series of Scandinavian hogbacks from Govan
upon the Clyde (Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
95-100; Morris 1998, 79-80).
St Kilda
St Kilda, west of Lewis/Harris (see No. 13)
yielded a find of a sword together with a spearhead
and a whetstone, possibly coming from a mound
grave. Other Viking relics from St Kilda include
a pair of late ninth-tenth century oval brooches
(a vestige of a female burial?) or two silver
coins hoards. The original name of the island,
Hirta, may suggest its importance for the Norse
as stag hunting ground (Anderson 1872-1874,
555-556, 562; 1880, 70; Grieg 1940, 78; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 77).
Bebencula
From the region of South Uist two other
swords are known. The first one (see No. 14)
comes from an unidentified location, perhaps in
the neighbourhood of a Viking period settlement
at Rosinish in the north-eastern part of the island.
It was found in a grave provided with a stone “bed”,
49
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
b
0
5 cm
a
0
10 cm
Fig. 19. A sword (Type L) from Machrins, Colonsay, Argyll (No. 21)
(a – after SCRAN; b – photo by G. Żabiński. Copyright The Trustees
of the National Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 19. Miecz typu L z Machrins, wyspa Colonsay, Argyll (nr 21)
(a – wg SCRAN; b – fot. G. Żabiński. Prawa autorskie The Trustees
of the National Museums of Scotland).
in the hand of a skeleton in a sitting position.
The burial may have also been associated with an
urn with silver coins (Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 82).
Eriskay
Another sword (Type O, dated to c. 900-950;
see No. 15 and Fig. 10) comes from an undefined
location on Eriskay. It was found together with
an iron spearhead and a whetstone, thus pointing
to a possible male grave. Nothing can be said of
a broader find context (Grieg 1940, 73; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 82).
Eigg
A series of sword finds comes from Eigg
in the Inner Hebrides. The first grave (dated to
c. 800-900; see No. 16 and Fig. 11) was discovered
in a putative mound at Kildonnan. The grave may
have been disturbed before discovery. It contained
a Type D sword with an ornamented bronze coveted
hilt (with analogies from Norway, Sweden, Denmark,
c
0
10 cm
Fig. 20. A sword (Type L) from Machrins, Colonsay, Argyll (No. 21).
Drawing by G. Żabiński (Copyright The Trustees of the National
Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 20. Miecz typu L z Machrins, wyspa Colonsay, Argyll (nr 21).
Rys. G. Żabiński (Prawa autorskie The Trustees of the National
Museums of Scotland).
50
Grzegorz Żabiński
expeditions (MacPherson 1878, 577-578, 586-589,
595-596; Grieg 1940, 62-63; Armit 1996, 202;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 24, 84).
Cornaigbeg
Another area of concentration of sword finds
from grave contexts is Argyll. A series of artefacts
(regrettably, now lost), including possibly Viking
swords, other weapons and human and horse
remains, was reported at the end of the eighteenth
century from Cornaigbeg on Tiree (see No. 19;
Grieg 1940, 63; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
87-88). Tiree has yielded other Viking artefacts
like two tortoise brooches, a bronze ornamental
pin and possibly one or two coin hoards of a rough
date of the 970s (Anderson 1872-1874, 554-555,
560, Fig. 2; Grieg 1940, 63; Graham-Campbell
1995, 9, 21-22, 24-25, 59, 83-84, 97-99, 181,
pl. 3:a; Brown 1997, 209, 212, 228; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 87-88, 241).
Fig. 21. A sword (Type H) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 23) (after
Pennant 1790, pl. XLIV – no scale available; drawing by G. Żabiński).
Ryc. 21. Miecz typu H z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 23)
(wg Pennant 1790, pl. XLIV – bez skali; rys. G. Żabiński).
Ireland, Rus’ and Slovakia) a whetstone, a buckle
(of Continental origin) and bucket mounts. The other
mound grave (dated to c. 900-950; see No. 17) was
probably located c. 540 m to the S of the previous
grave, and it was additionally furnished with stone
slabs. Grave goods included a single-edged sword
(perhaps Type C or H?), a spear, a whetstone,
a sickle, a bronze penannular brooch of possibly
Norwegian manufacture, a leather belt with a possibly
Frankish buckle and a clasp, a Type K axe, three
beads, and a piece of cloth. The third mound
grave (dated to c. 875-925; see No. 18 and Fig. 12)
was located next to the previous one. It contained
a sword (Type W?), a whetstone, an Insular belt
buckle, a bronze penannular brooch, beads of amber
and jet and splinters of flint (MacPherson 1878;
Grieg 1940, 67-69; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
84). Other Viking age finds from Eigg include
a ringed pin and two boat stem posts, found in
a peat bog on the western side of the island. All
these finds may suggest that Eigg may have been
used as a base by the Norse for their seaborne
Colonsay
Colonsay in Argyll yielded three important
sites: the first one at Kiloran Bay (see No. 20 and
Fig. 13) is a mound boat grave (dated to c. 850950), additionally provided with stone slabs and
an associated horse burial. Apart from the sword
(Type U or V), grave goods also comprised a spear
(possibly of Celtic origin), an axe, a shield (possibly
of Irish origin), arrows, knives, an iron pan, a silver
pin (Vestfold Norwegian type), a bronze pin, a set
of scales and weights (with Irish and Anglo-Saxon
ornaments), bronze horse harness mountings (with
Celtic and Anglo-Saxon ornament) with a horse
bit, an iron hinge, an iron buckle, a whetstone
and three Anglo-Saxon stycas from the mid-ninth
century. As two slabs are ornamented with incised
crosses, Christian affinities of the burial are possible.
This burial in all probability belonged to a high
status warrior merchant (Anderson 1907, 443-449;
Grieg 1940, 58-61, Fig. 33; Brown 1997, 212, 223228, Figs. 10:19-23, 233-234; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 90-91, 118-122, 150-152).
Another grave (dated to c. 850-950) was
discovered at Machrins (see No. 21 and Fig. 14).
It was also a mound boat grave with stone
slabs, associated with a horse burial. Apart from
the sword (of Anglo-Saxon Type L), grave goods
included an axe, an iron pot, shields, a spear, an
amber bead, a Pictish penannular bronze brooch,
a bronze pin and a horse bridle bit. As for
a broader context of this find, there was possibly
another Viking boat grave in its direct vicinity at
Cnoc nan Gall. There are also traces of a possibly
Norse settlement at Machrins, c. 1 km from the
site. This settlement may have also been associated
51
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
c
b
0
10 cm
0
5 cm
a
Fig. 22. A sword (Type Q) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 24) (a – after Edwards 1934, fig. 2:1; b-c – photos by G. Żabiński).
Ryc. 22. Miecz typu Q z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 24) (a – wg Edwards 1934, fig. 2:1; b-c – fot. G. Żabiński).
with another known Norse burial (Ritchie 1981,
263-281; Brown 1997, 226, 228, Fig. 10:25, 231;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 90-91, 150).
The last sword burial from Colonsay was
discovered at Traigh Nam Barc (see No. 22). The
burial was also provided with stone slabs, but no
other details are known. Local tradition sees the
area of the find as a Norse ship landing place or
a battle site. Archaeological evidence from the
farther neighbourhood comprises a Hiberno-Norse
bronze pin and a long (possibly Norse) rectangular
hearth, discovered c. 1,5 km from the sword burial
site (Brown 1997, 227-228, 231; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 91).
Apart from those mentioned above, there is
also a possible Norse grave site at Ardskenish on
Colonsay. However, there are no settlement-related
place names and archaeological traces of Norse
52
Grzegorz Żabiński
settlement are scarce (Brown 1997, 209-213, 223228, 232; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 39-40,
89-91). Therefore, the evidence would imply
a rather seasonal exploitation of the island by the
Norse, with its possible role as a base for seaborne
expeditions.
reverse side
c
0
10 cm
Fig. 23. A sword (Type Q) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 24).
Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 23. Miecz typu Q z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 24).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
Ballinaby
Another location in Argyll with a notable
concentration of swords is Ballinaby on Islay. The
first sword (Type H, dated to c. 800-950; see. No. 23
and Fig. 15) possibly came from a grave context
(Ballinaby 5; see Brown 1997, 217; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 122). Another burial, dated
to c. 900-1000 (Ballinaby 3; see No. 24 and Figs.
16-17) was provided with a cist of stone slabs. Apart
from the sword (Type Q), the burial was furnished
with an axe (Type F), a shield boss (of Norwegian
type, but possibly manufactured in the British
Isles), a sickle, a buckle of Insular (perhaps Irish)
origin and a ringed pin (Edwards 1934, 74-78; Brown
1997, 210, 212, 222, Figs. 10:16-17; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 124-125). The richest grave
was discovered in direct vicinity of the previous one
and dated to c. 800-925 (referred to as Grave 2; see
No. 25 and Figs. 18-19). It was a stone slabs multiple
burial, with skeletons of a man and a woman. The
man’s grave goods included a sword (Type B),
a Celtic type shield, a spear of Type K (possibly
of Celtic manufacture), two axes (Types A and
D), an adze, smithing tools, a cauldron (possibly
Norwegian) and a drinking horn (with a terminal
of possibly Scottish or Irish origin). The female
burial was provided with a silver pin (possibly
Scandinavian, with an ornament similar to those
from the Low Countries, the Frankish realm, England
and Ireland) with a chain of possibly Insular
manufacture, two oval brooches, a possibly Irish
bronze ladle, bronze mounts, a needle case, a glass
linen-smoother, beads and an iron heckle. Smithing
tools point to a high status specialist, possibly
a weaponsmith. Items like the cauldron, the drinking
horn and the ladle could be related to hospitality,
thus additionally underlining the social position
of the buried (Anderson 1880, 51, 63-72; Edwards
1934, 74-78; Grieg 1940, 31-42; Brown 1997,
217-222; Graham-Campbell 1995, 30, 155-156,
Figs. 60-62, 252, pl. 74:a-b; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 122-125, 150, 239-240).
Other Viking related finds from Ballinaby
included a pair of oval brooches, a putative discovery
of one or two swords and a spearhead, and
a potentially Viking shield boss. All this may imply
the tenth cemetery with at least five graves (Anderson
1872-1874, 554; Brown 1997, 210-212, 217, 222;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 122-125).
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
a
53
b
a
c
b
0
0
10 cm
5 cm
c
Fig. 24. A sword (Type Q) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 24). Pattern welding. Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 24. Miecz typu Q z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 24). Widoczny dziwer. Fot. G. Żabiński.
Other traces of the Viking presence on Islay
encompass a female grave at Cruach and a coin
hoard from Machrie. A concentration of Norse
settlement place names is considerable, but no
settlement structures as such are known (Gordon
1990, 151-160; Brown 1997, 210-211, 217-223;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 89, 213). Thus, the
Viking presence was possibly of a more permanent
nature, not confined to seasonal exploitation as
a maritime base.
East Tarbert Bay
A possible grave (dated to c. 900-1000) with
a sword is known from East Tarbert Bay in Gigha
(see No. 26). In the direct vicinity of the find site
a possibly Norwegian set of scales and weights was
discovered, which may imply remains of a Norse
burial or concealment of a valuable object (Grieg
1940, 29-30, Fig. 12; Brown 1997, 228; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 92).
Bute
A highly obscure find of a sword hilt is known
from Drumachlay farm on Bute (see No. 27;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 97-98). It cannot
be excluded that the next find from Bute (a sword
of Type H, dated to c. 800-950; see No. 28 and
Fig. 20) in fact refers to the previous site as well
(Grieg 1940, 165-166, Fig. 80). Other traces of the
Viking presence from Bute comprise a settlement
at Little Dunagoil (Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998,
97-98).
54
Grzegorz Żabiński
view from below
a
0
10 cm
b
0
iron
5 cm
Fig. 25. A sword (Type B) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 25).
Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 25. Miecz typu B z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 25).
Fot. G. Żabiński.
Lamlash
As for other finds from the region of the
Firth of Clyde, a single-edged sword (perhaps
Type C or H? dated to c. 800-900; see No. 29
and Fig. 21) with a possibly Irish type shield boss
were found in Lamlash on Arran. The only other
Viking vestige on Arran are traces of a rich Viking
female burial on the other side of the Lamlash
Bay at King’s Cross Point (Balfour 1909-1910,
221-224, Figs 1-3; Grieg 1940, 26-27, Figs. 10-11;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 95-96).
Boiden
In mainland Argyll, a possible cremation grave
(dated to c. 800-900) with a sword (perhaps Type
H), a spear and a shield is known from a mound
of Boiden near Loch Lomond (see No. 30).
This grave may have been related to a raid by
c
0
10 cm
Fig. 26. A sword (Type B) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 25).
Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 26. Miecz typu B z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 25).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
Fig. 27. A sword (Type B) from Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll (No. 25).
X-ray (after SCRAN. Copyright The Trustees of the National Museums
of Scotland).
Ryc. 27. Miecz typu B z Ballinaby, wyspa Islay, Argyll (nr 25).
Zdjęcie rentgenowskie (wg SCRAN. Prawa autorskie The Trustees
of the National Museums of Scotland).
Dublin Viking chieftains Olaf and Ivar in 870,
during which the fortress of Strathclyde Britons
at Alt Clut (Dumbarton Rock) was destroyet and
the entire region may have been raided (Stewart
1851-1854, 144-145; Grieg 1940, 15; GrahamCampbell, Batey 1998, 98-100, 144).
Dumbarton Rock
A pommel base of a sword (Type I; see No. 31
and Fig. 22) was found at Dumbarton Rock in the
Firth of Clyde, together with two lead weights (one
is decorated with an Irish type ornament in a typical
Viking fashion) within remains of a burnt rampart
(Alcock, Alcock 1990, 96-119; Alcock, Alcock,
Bateson, Webster 1992; Graham-Campbell, Batey
1998, 18, 98-100). Although a direct relation of
this find to the Viking raid of 870 is tempting,
it seems more probable that this find is a vestige
of local sword manufacture.
55
Other Regions
A possible Viking grave (dated to c. 850-950)
was discovered at St Cuthbert’s Kirkcudbright in
Galloway (see No. 32 and Figs. 23-24). The sword
was found together with a bronze ringed pin and
a bead. The find site may be related to a possible
burial ground of the eighth century Northumbrian
minster at Kirkcudbright. Alternatively, the sword
could be related to the Norse presence at Whithorn
and its possible role as a market place. Other traces
of the Scandinavian presence in this region comprise
a network of Norse place names in the vicinity
of Kirkcudbright, which may have resulted both
from Hiberno-Norse activity and the AngloScandinavian influence from the Danelaw. Scarce
archaeological evidence comprises some possible
burials and stray finds (Cowan 1991, 63-75;
Graham-Campbell 1995, 4, 85; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 106-109, 203-205, 227). A stray find
of another sword from southern Scotland (Old
Torbeckhill in Dumfries; see No. 33 and Figs. 25-26)
may be related to Northumbrian Anglian expansion
into this area, especially as it is of Type L,
considered to be Anglo-Saxon in origin (Curle
1914, 335; Grieg 1940, 14; Graham-Campbell,
Batey 1998, 109). A stray find of a sword from
Watergate in Perth (see No. 34) might be related
to the mid-ninth and the early tenth century Norse
expeditions to East Pictland, although the Norse
presence in the region of Perth has no firm evidence
(Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 103-104). Nothing
closer can be said about a stray find of a sword
(Type Y, dated to c. 900 – c.1000) from Strathspey
in Highland (see No. 35 and Figs. 27-28;
Anderson 1872-1874, 567; Grieg 1940, 158). The
Northumbrian Anglian expansion could be perhaps
proposed for another stray find of a Type L sword
(dated to c. 800-950) from Harvieston in the Firth
of Clyde (see No. 36 and Fig. 29). On the other
hand, as there is evidence for Norse expeditions to
East Pictland in the mid-ninth and the early tenth
centuries and some archaeological traces of the
Viking presence there, the find could have Viking
associations as well (Graham-Campbell 1995, 5,
13-14, 19, 24, 53, 59-60, 62, 84, 152, 157; GrahamCampbell and Batey 1998, 102-104; Laing 2000,
89, 92, Fig. 7).
Typology, Provenance and Construction
of Blades
General Data
Out of 36 finds of Viking Age swords from
Scotland it was possible to classify 25 items. In the
remaining 11 cases the finds were either lost or
proved inaccessible for analysis. For the sake of
56
Grzegorz Żabiński
Type
B
C
C or H
D
E
F
H
I
K
M
O
Q
R
S
U or V
V
W
X
Y
L
Unclassifiable
Number
Broad Dating
of Cases
Scotland (36 cases)
1
2
1
10
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
3
11
Broad Dating
Number
of Cases
Ireland (90 cases)
800-925
800-950
800-900
800-950
870
900-950
900-1000
850-950
875-925
850-1000
900-1000
800-950
-
8
5
4
3
25
5
9
1
1
2
8
10
9
800-850
800-850
800-900
800-850
800-900
850-900
800-900
850-950
900-1100
900-1100
-
Number
Broad Dating
of Cases
Iceland (22 cases)
4
1
3
2
2
1
1
8
900-1000
900-1000
900-1000
900-1000
900-1000
900-1000
900-1000
-
Table 2. Typochronology of Viking Age swords from Scotland, Ireland and Iceland (data for Ireland after Walsh 1998, 225, table 8:1, 226-235;
for Iceland after Eldjárn 2000, 600).
Tab. 2. Typochronologia mieczy okresu wikińskiego ze Szkocji, Irlandii i Islandii (ane dla Irlandii wg Walsh 1998, 225, table 8:1, 226-235;
dane dla Islandii wg Eldjárn 2000, 600).
comparison, data from Ireland and Iceland are also
provided (after Walsh 1998, 225, table 8:1, 226235; Eldjárn 2000, 600).
A paucity of Viking Age swords from Iceland
prevents the researcher from drawing any more
profound conclusions, although a concentration of
Type M swords (the second most widespread type
in Norway; see Petersen 1919, 117) is notable.
Although dating of all the sword types from
Iceland to the tenth century does not need to be
precisely true, it clearly demonstrates a relation
between tenth century intensification of Viking
settlement in Iceland and later types of Viking
swords.
Analogous to Scotland and in contrast to
Iceland, the typology of Viking Age swords in
Ireland is diversified, although earlier types (up to
c. mid-tenth century) prevail both for Ireland and
Scotland. A preponderance of Type H is notable in
Ireland as well (Bře 1940, 13-16, Figs 1-2, 18-20, 22,
25, 60-66, Figs 40-44, 68, 82-83, Fig. 53:a, 91; Walsh
1998, 225, table 8:1, 229-230, Fig. 8:3, 235, Fig. 8:2;
Harrison 2002, 69). As the proportion of
unclassifiable finds is lower in Ireland than in
Scotland, more can be said about the significance
of particular types. Walsh suggested a correlation
between an almost complete absence of Type M
swords in Ireland and the fact that swords of this
type are chiefly known from eastern Norway.
Furthermore, based on an assemblage of swords
from the cemeteries at Islandbridge and Kilmainham
(42 cases in total) he proposed a link between
Type H swords as the most popular in Ireland and
a domination of swords of this type on the west
coast of Norway. Therefore, he claimed that the
Norse buried in those cemeteries were of western
Norwegian origin (Walsh 1998, 234-235).
For Scotland, the fact that the most prominent
place is taken by Type H swords (ten cases, with
two possible Type C or H swords) is not surprising,
as Type H was the most widespread one in the
Viking Age (see below). One could perhaps also
assume a relation between Type H swords from
Scotland and Viking settlers from the west coast
of Norway. The presence of two Type L swords
may be plausibly easily explained by Anglo-Saxon
expansion into southern Scotland (Nos. 33 and 36).
On the other hand, such a sword is also known
57
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
0
5 cm
Fig. 28. A sword (Type H) from Bute, Firth of Clyde (No. 28) (after
SCRAN. Copyright Anne Speirs, Bute Museum Trustees).
Ryc. 28. Miecz typu H z Bute, Firth of Clyde (nr 28) (wg SCRAN.
Prawa autorskie Anne Speirs, Bute Museum Trustees).
from the Viking burial at Machrins (No. 21), which
seems to be in contrast to Ireland where no such
sword has been found so far in a burial context
(ibidem, 233-234). Generally, as almost 1/3 of
cases from Scotland could not be classified, most
types are represented by single finds only, which
means that any more general conclusions need
to be drawn with utmost care.
Particular Types
Type B
Swords of this type are notable for their
triangular pommel heads, relatively short and thick
pommel bases and crosspieces with central ridges.
Their pommel heads and pommels are directly
attached to the tang. Hilts are usually plain iron and
this type is usually dated to between c. 750 and
c. 825. Petersen knew 22 examples of this type from
Norway (all with plain iron hilts), out of which
fourteen were double-edged. Two of these swords
were possibly pattern welded. Type B swords are
0
5 cm
Fig. 29. A sword (Type C or H) from Lamlash, Arran, Firth of Clyde
(No. 29) (after Balfour 1909-1910, 223, fig. 3; drawing by G. Żabiński).
Ryc. 29. Miecz typu C lub H (?) z Lamlash, wyspa Arran, Firth of
Clyde (nr 29) (wg Balfour 1909-1910, 223, fig. 3; rys. G. Żabiński).
considered as predecessors of Type H, which
was usually remarkable for rich inlay ornament
of brass, copper and silver wires (Petersen 1919,
61-62; Peirce 2004, 16-19).
The only Scottish Viking Ages sword of this
type (Ballinaby, Islay, Western Isles; see No. 25)
has a plain iron hilt (see Figs. 18-19). Swords of
58
Grzegorz Żabiński
0
5 cm
Fig. 30. A sword pommel base (Type I) from Dumbarton Rock, Firth
of Clyde (No. 31) (after Alcock, Alcock 1990, 115, figs. 14:26-28).
Ryc. 30. Podstawka głowicy miecza typu I z Dumbarton Rock, Firth
of Clyde (nr 31) (wg Alcock, Alcock 1990, 115, figs. 14:26-28).
that type with ornamented hilts, which are therefore
considered as possibly being transitive to Type H, are
often of a slightly later date (from the late eight
century onwards; see, e.g., Kirpičnikov 1966, 26;
Peirce 2004, 34-35). Therefore, although although
the entire burial at Ballinaby is dated to the second
half of the ninth-the early tenth centuries, the sword
may be of a somehow earlier date.
Type C or H?
This awkward manner of classification
concerns two swords (Kildonnan, Eigg, Western
Isles, No. 17; Lamlash, Arran, Firth of Clyde,
No. 29, Fig. 21). Both these swords are singleedged and correspond to Geibig’s blade Type 14
(Geibig 1991, 84, Fig. 22, 89). In neither of these
cases anything can be said about the hilts. Their
tentative classification as Type C or H is due to
the fact that almost all other single-edged Viking
swords from Scotland and Ireland belong to either
of these types. According to Petersen, single-edged
swords originated in Norway from short scramasax
knives before the Viking Age. By the beginning
of the Viking Age they commenced to be provided
with typical hilts of double-edged swords, with
special reference to Types B, C, F and G. They seem
to predominate among weapons provided with hilts
of Types C, F and G. They were also quite often
equipped with hilt Types B, H and M. Single-edged
swords are rare after the end of the ninth century;
however, Petersen noted two swords of that kind
with hilts of his Type X, which may be broadly
dated to between c. 850 and c. 1000 (Petersen 1919,
55-59, 61-62, 68, 91, 161, 166; Peirce 2004,
18-21). Type C (c. 800-900), in all probability
a direct descendant of Type B, differed from its
predecessor by the pommel head and the pommel
base forming a single piece. Type C hilts were
also usually made of plain iron. Type H swords
(c. 750-950), closely related to Types B and C,
are notable for their crosspieces and pommel bases
being wide and of elliptical contour. Type H hilts
are usually ornamented with inlay. Furthermore,
as opposed to Type B, Type H pommel heads are
riveted to pommel bases and not fastened directly
to the tang. Petersen considered Type C swords as
Norwegian in origin and pointed to 110 examples
from Norway, out of which almost 2/3 were singleedged. For type H (its Norwegian origin is supposed
by Petersen as well), out of 213 examples from
Norway known by Petersen, 52 were single-edged
(Petersen 1919, 66-69, 91-100; Peirce 2004, 17).
Two other single-edged swords (both Type
H) are known from Scotland (Westness, Rousay,
Orkney, No. 9, Fig. 8 and No. 11, Fig. 7). Furthermore,
six or seven Viking single-edged swords are known
from Ireland. Six are Type C while one may be of
Western European Type K. They come from the
ninth century Viking cemeteries at Kilmainham
and Islandbridge (Bře 1940, 12-13, 25, 65; Davidson
1962, 41; Walsh 1998, 226, 236; Peirce 2004, 39).
Thus, it seems that both Nos. 17 and 29 from
Scotland could be either Type C or H. Furthermore,
based on a considerable popularity of single-edged
swords in Viking Age Norway, a Norwegian origin
of all Scottish finds of such weapons is very
probable.
Type D
Swords of Type D are remarkable for their
massive hilts and tri-lobed pommel heads with the
middle lobe being the highest. Pommel heads are
usually riveted to pommel bases. Hilts consist of
iron cores covered with non-ferrous metal coating.
They are extensively ornamented with sections of
recessed and raised areas, which are additionally
inlaid with brass, bronze, copper or silver. Patterns
of ornament vary. Petersen knew eleven examples
of Type D swords from Norway, all with doubleedged blades, but did not consider this type as
Norwegian in origin. This type is usually dated to
c. 800-900. Apart from Scandinavia and Ireland,
swords of this type are also known from Eastern
Europe (Petersen 1919, 70-75; Graham-Campbell
1980, 70, No. 246; Peirce 2004, 17-19). According
to Petersen, there is a distinctive group of hilts of
that type, decorated with small knobs apparently
resembling animal heads. Within this group there
is the only Type D sword from Scotland (Kildonnan,
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
0
0
59
5 cm
10 cm
Fig. 31. A sword from St Cuthbert’s Kirkkudbright, Galloway (No. 32): a-b – after conservation; c – before conservation (a-b – photos
by G. Żabiński; c – Stewartry Museum Kirkcudbright. By permission of the Stewartry Museum, Kirkudbright).
Ryc. 31. Miecz ze St Cuthbert’s Kirkkudbright, Galloway (nr 32): a-b – po konserwacji; c – przed konserwacją (a-b – fot. G. Żabiński;
c – Stewartry Museum Kirkcudbright. Za zgodą Stewartry Museum, Kirkudbright).
Eigg, Western Isles; see No. 16, Fig. 11), three
Norwegian swords from Vaage, Ved Moss and
Eltoft, two (or three) examples from Ireland
(Islandbridge and Kilmainham), one possible case
from Rus’, one in Denmark and one in Sweden.
Petersen claims that this sub-group may be of
Norwegian (or West Norwegian) origin (Petersen
1919, 70-75, Fig. 60; for Irish swords see also
Bře 1940, 21-24, Figs. 5-6; Davidson 1962, 60-61,
70, Fig. XII:78, pl. IV:b; Walsh 1998, 226-228,
Fig. 8:2; Peirce 2004, 42-43). Other analogies
could include a possibly ninth-century sword from
Bjřrnsholm (at the Lake of Söndersö) in Denmark
(Davidson 1962, 60, Fig. XII:83; Peirce 2004,
60
Grzegorz Żabiński
– remains of
the scabbard
0
10 cm
Fig. 32. A sword from St Cuthbert’s Kirkcudbright, Galloway (No. 32).
Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 32. Miecz ze St Cuthbert’s Kirkkudbright, Galloway (nr 32).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
44-45) as well as a ninth-century sword from
Blatnica in Slovakia (Ruttkay 1975, No. 10, 132133; 1976, 247-248, 273). In contrast to earlier
scholarship, Ruttkay suggested that this weapon
was not of Nordic but of Carolingian style, which
may have influenced local Slavonic craft. Basing on
the sword find from Blatnica, Wachowski proposed
that what he called mask ornament originated rather
in Byzantine-Rus’ than in Norwegian cultural sphere
(Wachowski 1989, 211).
Apart from the animal head group, there are
also other Type D swords with hilts ornamented
with patterns of crosses, like Norwegian swords
from Bergen, c. 900 (Oakeshott 2000b, 32-33, Fig.
31; see Fig. 43) or from Ophus (Petersen 1919, 72,
Fig. 59; Davidson 1962, 60, Fig. XII:80). Basing
on similarity of ornaments, Peirce assumes that
these swords (excluding some examples from
Finland due to their later dating) may come from
the same workshop or a group of closely associated
ones (Peirce 2004, 44; see also MacPherson 1878,
588-589).
However, it seems that it would be better to
replace a notion of “closely associated workshops”
with a concept of “common inspirations” or “mutual
influences.” The animal head group swords in fact
seem to form a coherent group of possibly common
origin, in all probability Norwegian. However, it
seems difficult to find direct similarities between
this group and swords ornamented with the cross
patterns, apart from a generally analogous manner
of arranging the ornament into panels. In this case,
the Kildonnan sword could be a link between both
groups. Such an interpretation could additionally
be supported by finds of Type D swords from Rus’
(Mikhailovskoe and Gnezdovo, with the latter being
of possibly local manufacture). These swords are
perhaps of the tenth century date. Their hilts are
coveted with bronze plates and ornamented with
triangular holes or with a symmetrical pattern
resembling animal paws, not dissimilar to ornaments
of the Borre Style (Kirpičnikov 1966, 26-27,
the catalogue, 74-75, Nos. 4-5, pl. III:1, IV:1,
XVIII:6, XXI:2).
All in all, Norwegian origin or at least
influence may be assumed with reasonable
certainty for the Kildonnan sword. Furthermore,
its international analogies, no matter whether
interpreted as “associated workshops” or “common
inspirations”, seem to match quite well a broad
international context of Viking Age sword finds
from Eigg.
Type H
As noted above, Type H swords are notable
for their pommel heads being triangular in profile,
their crosspieces and pommel bases being wide and
of eliptical contour. Hilts are usually ornamented
with inlay of copper alloy and silver. Their pommel
heads are riveted to pommel bases and not fastened
directly to the tang. Hilts of Type H have a very
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
broad dating of c. 750-950. Petersen supposed
that they are of possible Norwegian origin.
According to him, it was the most widespread
type of Viking Age swords in Norway and
a concentration of finds along the west coast is
noteworthy. Out of 213 Norwegian examples
known by Petersen (including 194 identifiable
cases), 142 were double-edged and 52 singleedged (Petersen 1919, 66-69, 91-101; Peirce 2004,
17). Conversely, Jakobsson proposed that both
Type H and its predecessor Type B originated from
Frankish realms (Jakobsson 1992, 178). 10 swords
of Type H from Scotland include finds from (in all
probability) Pierowall Links (No. 2), Scar (No. 6),
Sweindrow Westness (No. 7), Westness (Nos. 8-9
and 11), Balnakeil (No. 12), Ballinaby (No. 23),
Bute (No. 28) and Boiden (No. 30).
The sword from Pierowall Links (No. 2,
Fig. 1) is dated to c. 850-900 (Grieg 1940, 90).
No traces of non-ferrous ornament are visible on
the hilt, but this may be due to corrosion. On
the other hand, some Type H sword hilts of
that type were in all probability intentionally left
unornamented. Another such sword from Scotland
comes from Balnakeil (dated to c. 850-900, No. 12;
see Fig. 9): in this case the lack of inlay may be
somehow related to the age of the buried, who was
a boy at the age of c. thirteen (Batey, Paterson,
forthcoming). As analogous swords are chiefly
known from Norway (Petersen 1919, 92-93, 95,
Fig. 83; Peirce 2004, 52-53; Batey, Paterson,
forthcoming), a Norwegian origin of the Balnakeil
sword could be proposed (for some analogies
from Germany see Geibig 1991, 211, Fig. 2, No. 3,
the catalogue, 5, No. 3; 284, Fig. 74:1-2, No. 108,
the catalogue, 116-117, No. 108; 372, Fig. 162:1-4,
No. 306, the catalogue, 283-284, No. 306).
Furthermore, it cannot be excluded that the Type H
hilt of the sword from Westness (dated to c. 850-950,
No. 8; see Fig. 6) was not ornamented, either
(cf. Graham-Campbell, Paterson, unpublished).
Concerning the sword from Sweindrow
Westness (broadly dated to c. 800-950, No. 7,
Fig. 5), Grieg says that the hilt was ornamented
with copper alloy and silver (Grieg 1940, 88-89,
Fig. 91). However, the ornament is not visible any
more. Attention is drawn to examples of swords
with analogous bronze mounts (so-called vettrim)
on the grip. Among Viking Age swords from Scotland,
such a mount is also visible on the Type H sword
from Scar (No. 6, Fig. 4). A Type H sword from
Vig, Norway, has almost identical bronze ferrules
on the grip, with a decoration interpreted as animal
heads (Petersen 1919, 93, Fig. 82). Further analogies
include a Type K sword from Hedeby, Denmark
(at present Germany), dated to the late ninth-the
61
mid-tenth centuries, and displaying a combination
of Western European and Scandinavian features
(Graham-Campbell 1980, 70, No. 249, 245, Fig.
249). Another example are Type D swords from
a Viking cemetery at Kilmainham in Dublin,
generally dated to the ninth century (Bře 1940,
21-22, Fig. 5; Davidson 1962, 61, pl. IV:b; Walsh
1998, 228, Fig. 8:2; Peirce 2004, 42-43).
The crosspiece of the sword from Scar (dated
to c. 850-950, No. 6; see Fig. 4) is ornamented
with straps of silver and brass, in a usual manner
for this type of sword (Owen, Dalland 1999,
105-111, Figs. 67-71). This type of ornament is
also notable for two Type H single-edged swords
(dated to c. 800-950) from Westness. In the first
case (No. 9 and Fig. 8), the inlay consists of
narrow bronze straps. The other sword (No. 11,
Fig. 7) displays an ornament of straps of bronze
and copper, arranged into groups of three and
forming a chequer-board pattern. Due to their
geographical proximity, analogies of Type H swords
from Ireland are also interesting. Their hilts display
various combinations of silver, copper or silver
and copper ornaments (usually straps, but also
chequer-board and “herring bone” patterns) (Bře
1940, 13-16, Figs. 1-2, 19-20, Fig. 4, 83, Fig. 53:a;
Davidson 1962, 70, Fig. XII:77; Walsh 1998,
229-230, Fig. 8:3; Peirce 2004, 56-59).
The sword from Bute (generally dated to
c. 800-950; see No. 28, Fig. 20) was found with
its pommel head missing. Due to the way of
construction of the hilt, this was often the case
for swords of Type H. The sword hilt from Bute
may have been ornamented with a copper or silver
inlay (Grieg 1940, 165-166, Fig. 80). A missing
pommel head is also the case for another Type H
sword from Scotland, found in Ballinaby (generally
dated to c. 800-950, No. 23; see Fig. 15). This
sword hilt was ornamented with a vertical inlay
of straps of non-ferrous metal (Pennant 1790, I,
pl. XLIV), but no other details are available.
Nothing closer is known about a possible
Type H sword from Boiden in Argyll (c. 800-900,
No. 30; see Stewart 1851-1854, 144-145; Grieg
1940, 15; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 98-100,
144). It was found bent, which may imply cremation
and ritual destruction of weapons (cf. Petersen 1919,
127, Fig. 104; 1940, 115, 119, Fig. 119; Bře 1940,
92; Graham-Campbell 1980, 151, 153, No. 508,
306, Fig. 508; Peirce 2004, 87-89).
As mentioned above, by analogy with Ireland
one could point to a possible relation between
Type H swords from Scotland and settlement from
western Norway. However, Type H swords were
the most widespread type not only in Norway, but
also in other regions where Norwegian influence
62
Grzegorz Żabiński
b
a
0
10 cm
5 cm
0
Fig. 33. A sword (Type L) from Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries (No. 33). Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 33. Miecz typu L z Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries (nr 33). Fot. G. Żabiński.
was not as prominent as in Scotland or Ireland. For
example, Type H was also the most popular Viking
Age sword type in Rus’ (eighteen out of 87
identifiable cases, within a total 108 examples
known to Kirpičnikov; see Kirpičnikov 1966,
24, table 1, 27, the catalogue, 74-85). Based on
examples with ULFBERHT inscriptions on their
blades this author even assumed a Rhineland
origin of this type (Kirpičnikov 1966, 27). Although
one should rather assume that only some of these
swords were manufactured in Western Europe
(Petersen 1919, 89-101; Peirce 2004, 17), it seems
that it would be fairly difficult to consider Type H
as originally Norwegian.
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
Type I
Swords of Type I are usually dated to c. 875960. They directly derive from Type H and share
a lot of common features with this type. In both
cases pommel heads are triangular in cross-section,
although Type I pommel heads are usually lower
and their upper edges have a slightly concave
contour. Furthermore, both pommel bases and
the crosspieces of Type I swords are somehow
narrower. In both Type H and Type I pommel
heads are usually fastened to pommel bases with
rivets. Finally, both types are usually lavishly
decorated with inlay of silver, copper or brass,
most often in the form of a parallel ornament
of wires. Petersen knew sixteen examples of such
swords from Norway, with thirteen with doubleedged blades, one with a single-edged one and
one undefined. As for its Type H predecessor,
he assumed its Norwegian origin (Petersen 1919,
90-91, Fig. 79, 96, Fig. 84, 101-105, Figs 86-87;
Peirce 2004, 17-19, pl. VII, 50-51, 58-62). Five
examples of Type I swords have been found so
far in Ireland, with two coming from the ninth
century Viking cemeteries at Kilmainham and
Islandbridge (Walsh 1998, 225, table 8:1, 229230, 235, table 8:2).
However, in the case of the only Type I sword
from Scotland, found at Dumbarton Rock (No. 31,
Fig. 22), the matter is more complex. Everything
that remains from the sword is an iron pommel
base, with its rim and faces ornamented with raised
ribs. Such an ornament was usually the first step
to decorate the item with inlay, but no traces of such
a decoration were found in this case. Furthermore,
there are irregularities in the distribution of ribs and
the tang slot is misaligned. Moreover, there are no
traces of rivet holes to rivet the pommel head to
the base (Alcock, Alcock, Bateson, Webster 1992,
292). This pommel base was found in association
with a Norse lead weight, which (together with
evidence concerning the destruction of Alt-Clut by
the Vikings in 870), gave rise to an assumption of
its Norse origin. Although a find spot in the core
of a burnt rampart could naturally imply a battle
loss, a complete decomposition of the sword hilt
is unlikely in such circumstances. One could rather
expect that the entire pommel would have been
broken off if the tang broke or the entire hilt
may have been separated from the blade in case
of a breach of the latter. All this: the lack of usual
inlay and rivet holes, a rather crude appearance
and a complete separation from other parts of the
sword implies that this pommel base has hardly
anything to do with the Norse. Instead, it is in all
probability an unfinished product, and perhaps even
a vestige of local manufacture of swords.
63
Type O
Swords of Type O are remarkable for their
pommel heads with five distinctive “tongue-like”
lobes, with the outermost ones protruding outwards.
Type O swords are usually dated to c. 900-950
and this type evolved from the Frankish origin of
Type K. Pierce considered it to have evolved
in Norway. Conversely, Petersen supposed its
foreign provenance and pointed to swords of that
type with ULFBERHT inscriptions on the blades
as evidence of their Frankish origin. Altogether,
Petersen counts 39 swords of that type from
Norway. He divides them into three groups: Group I
(twelve to fifteen cases) with guards of bronze and
silver or bronze wire between the lobes of the
pommel; Group II (eight cases) with guards of iron,
covered with plates of silver and decorated with
animal ornament or intertwined patterns; Group III
(nine cases) with lower pommels and straighter
crosspieces (sometimes hardly distinguishable from
Type K), ornamented with inlay of plain stripes,
analogously to Type H. While Type O generally
belongs to the tenth century, with special reference to
its first half, Group I may be somehow earlier
in date. Furthermore, while Group I is more or
less evenly distributed in Norway, Group II has
a more coastal concentration and Group III seems
to be entirely coastal (Petersen 1919, 126-132;
Peirce 2004, 18-20).
The only known Viking sword from Scotland
of that type (Eriskay, generally dated to c. 900-950,
No. 15; see Fig. 10) would belong to Group I.
The pommel and the crosspiece are made of iron
core covered with bronze. A bronze/silver wire is
twisted around the pommel head and between its
lobes (Grieg 1940, 73-74, Fig. 41). Attention is
drawn to a series of Type O swords from Norway,
which are supposed to be of English or generally
Insular origin (Petersen 1919, 127-128, Figs. 104105; 1940, 115-117, Nos. 2, 4, 6, and 16, 119, Fig.
119, 120, Nos. 18-19, 124, No. 1, 125, Fig. 125,
127, Fig. 127, 129, Fig. 128; Peirce 2004, 87-98).
Only one sword of Type O has been discovered in
Iceland, in a rich burial at Kaldárhöfđi (Eldjárn
2000, 89-90, Fig. 28, 324, Fig. 150, 560, No. 37,
600). One sword of this type is also known from
Ireland (Walsh 1998, 225).
On the basis of these analogies, the sword from
Eriskay could possibly be considered as rather of
Frankish or English than Norwegian origin, but it
seems that nothing more certain may be said about it.
Type Q
Swords of Type Q seem to directly derive
from Type M, the difference being that iron bars
which form the pommel and the crosspiece are not
64
Grzegorz Żabiński
view from below
0
reverse side
10 cm
Fig. 34. A sword (Type L) from Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries
(No. 33). Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 34. Miecz typu L z Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries (nr 33).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
Fig. 35. A sword (Type L) from Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries
(No. 33). X-ray (after SCRAN. Copyright The Trustees of the National
Museums of Scotland).
Ryc. 35. Miecz typu L z Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries (nr 33).
Zdjęcie rentgenowskie (wg SCRAN. Prawa autorskie The Trustees
of the National Museums of Scotland).
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
straight but slightly curved. Such hilts are usually
plain iron. This type is generally dated to between
c. 900 and c. 1025. It was fairly widespread in
Norway, as Petersen pointed out 122 examples,
with 118 cases of double-edged blades. The type
itself may be of Nordic origin (Petersen 1919,
136-140; Peirce 2004, 18-20). It could be added that
the type may be of Western Scandinavian origin, as,
e.g., no sword of this type was mentioned for Rus’
by Kirpičnikov (1966).
The only known sword from Scotland of that
type comes from one of the graves at Ballinaby
(dated to c. 900-1000; see No. 24; Figs. 16-17). The
hilt is plain iron with no traces of ornament. In
Iceland, three swords of Type Q were discovered
(all dated to the tenth century), out of a total
number of 22 Viking swords known from that
country (Eldjárn 2000, 181-183, Figs. 89-90, 324327, Fig. 159, 162-163, 329, 576, 578, 600).
Type U or V
Due to a considerable degree of corrosion
of the sword hilt from Kiloran Bay (dated to c. 850950; see No. 20 and Fig. 13) its classification is
tentative only and is based on a general shape
of the hilt and on its ornament (a chequer-board
pattern of inlaid silver and copper wire ornament).
It seems that the most probable classification is
either Type U or V. These types, both having three
lobed pommels, in all probability derive from Types
D and E. All these hilt types usually consist of an
iron core, covered with bronze or copper and richly
ornamented in various ways. In several cases the
hilts are plain iron and they are decorated with
circular or oval holes. What speaks in favour of
Types U or V as opposed to D or E is a general
proportion of the hilt, as Types U and V are usually
more slender and their pommel heads are more
semicircular in profile. Type U is generally dated to
the tenth century and Type V is usually associated
with its first half. Petersen pointed out eight Type U
swords from Norway and counted six examples of
Type V. All had double-edged blades (Petersen
1919, 75-80, 153-156; see also Grieg 1940, 48-50;
Peirce 2004, 17-20, 46). A classification of the
Kiloran Bay sword as Type U or possibly V could
also be supported by other weapons found in the
grave, such as the spear and the axe, as well as by
other evidence pointing to a chronological horizon
of the grave coming from c. 850 (Grieg 1940, 4861; Graham-Campbell 1980, 88-89, No. 307, 265,
Fig. 307; 1995, 13, 16, 31, 87, 157, 252, pl. 74 c;
Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 90-91, 118-122,
150-152, 228, 240).
As for the ornament of the Kiloran Bay hilt,
a similar decoration may be seen on several other
65
swords of Types V and U, with special reference
to those coming either from Norway or being of
possible Norwegian origin (Petersen 1919, 154,
Fig. 122, pl. III; Bersu, Wilson 1966, 51-54, pl.
X:b-c, XI:a, d-e, XII:a; Peirce 2004, 114).
Furthermore, some analogies may be found among
the swords of these types from Rus’ (Kirpičnikov
1966, 31-32, the catalogue, 80-82, Nos. 53, 62, and
64, pl. I:3, VII:1, 3, X:1, 4, XVI:1, 3, 7). Two Type
V swords are known from Iceland, with one of
them coming from a burial context (Eldjárn 2000,
231-232, 328, 330, Fig. 168, 586, 600), but no
Type U swords have been found so far. Types U
or V are presently unknown from Ireland.
Basing on these analogies the dating of the
Kiloran Bay sword could be possibly refined to
c. 900-950. On the other hand, it would be quite risky
to draw too far-reaching conclusions concerning its
provenance. Although there are several examples
of swords of such a type and with similar ornament
from Norway, attention is also drawn to those
from other regions, with special reference to Rus’.
Therefore, it would probably be recommended
to generally state that this weapon may be of
Scandinavian origin.
Type W?
Hilts of Petersen’s Type W are usually covered
with bronze, which is the most prominent difference
between Petersen’s Types W and X earlier. Their
pommels are usually quite flat, roughly semicircular
in profile and consist of one part only. They
are usually decorated with grooves, resembling
a three lobed construction. They are usually dated
to c. 900-950. This type was perhaps not very
popular, as Petersen knew only eight such swords
from Norway. Thus, similarly to what Petersen
says about his Type X, Type W would be rather
commonly Germanic than especially Norwegian
(Petersen 1919, 156-158; Peirce 2004, 18-20, 114).
The only sword from Scotland which
possibly belongs to this type, known from
Kildonnan (generally dated to c. 875-925, No. 18
and Fig. 12), seems to bear no ornament on its
plain iron pommel. However, nothing closer can
be said about this due to an extremely poor
condition of the relic. The lower edge of the
pommel seems to be curved, based on which
the sword may be considered as a variation of
Type W (Grieg 1940, 70). Due to the lack of
ornament (cf. a British-Norse or Norse origin
sword from Norway, Petersen 1940, 116, No. 6,
120, Fig. 120), one could possibly assume
a Norse and not Insular origin of the Kildonnan
sword, although it must be said that it is a pure
supposition only.
66
Grzegorz Żabiński
a
0
10 cm
b
5 cm
0
Fig. 36. A sword (Type Y) from Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland (No. 35). Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 36. Miecz typu Y ze Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland (nr 35). Fot. G. Żabiński.
Type X
Swords of Type X are generally divided into
“earlier” and “later” ones, with the former being
dated to c. 850-1000 (most examples seem to come
from the tenth century) and the latter to c. 9001100. In both cases the pommel consists of one part
and is flat and semicircular in profile. In the case
of earlier types the crosspiece is usually shorter
and may be slightly bent downwards, while in
later types it is usually straight and relatively long.
In both cases pommels are usually of plain iron,
but a distinctive feature of earlier types is the
67
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
presence of grooves which resemble a three lobed
pommel. Furthermore, pommels of earlier types
are usually taller and slimmer. Petersen knew 49
examples of Type X swords from Norway, out of
which only one had a single-edged blade. He
considered this type as commonly Germanic in
central and northern Europe, with no special affinity
to or roots in Scandinavia (Petersen 1919, 158-167;
Peirce 2004, 18-20). On the other hand, Jakobsson
proposed that Type X was of late Carolingian
origin (Jakobsson 1992, 179).
The first sword of that type which is known
from Scotland (Styes of Brough, generally dated to
c. 850-1000, No. 4, Fig. 2) may be classified as
Type X earlier, based on a visible groove along
the lower edge of the pommel (information from
Dr Sally-Anne Coupar, the Hunterian Museum,
University of Glasgow, 2006, www.huntsearch.gla.
ac.uk; Grieg 1940, 171-172, Fig. 86). What is quite
unusual for this type of sword is rich silver inlay
forming triangular patterns on the pommel and the
crosspiece. This kind of ornament was very popular
for Viking Ages swords (see above). However, it has
not been possible so far to find an analogous kind
of ornament on any other sword of this type.
The case of the sword from Lamaness
(generally dated to c. 900-1000, No. 5, Fig. 3)
is extremely dubious, as the relic is preserved
in a fragmentary condition only. However, its
classification as Type X later has been proposed
based on general proportions of the item.
Interestingly, Petersen notes that in Norwegian
contexts swords of his Type X later are often found
together with Type K spears, as in the case of
the Lamaness item (Grieg 1940, 87-88, Fig. 49;
cf. Petersen 1919, 162-163). Swords of this type
usually have little distinctive features (cf. Petersen
1919, 161, Fig. 127; Leppäaho 1964, 8-9, pl. 2,
14-17, pl. 5-6; Oakeshott 2000a, 24, Fig. 4;
2000b, 30, Fig. 27; Peirce 2004, 115, 118-121).
On typological grounds this sword could be
also classified as Oakeshott’s X,–,3 Type (see
Oakeshott 2000a, VII-IX, 10).
Type Y
Swords of Type Y, remarkable for their
“cocked-hat” shaped pommels and canoe shaped
crosspieces slightly bent downwards, have a very
broad dating of between c. 900 and c. 1100. Their
hilts are considered as usually being plain iron. The
pommel often consists of two parts. Petersen knew
nineteen examples of such swords from Norway,
seventeen of which had double-edged blades,
only one had a single-edged one and two could not
be identified (Petersen 1919, 167-173, Fig. 130-133;
Peirce 2004, 18-19, 126).
0
10 cm
Fig. 37. A sword (Type Y) from Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh,
Highland (No. 35). Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 37. Miecz typu Y ze Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland
(nr 35). Rys. G. Żabiński.
68
Grzegorz Żabiński
b
a
a
c
b
c
d
d
0
10 cm
0
Fig. 38. A sword (Type Y) from Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland (No. 35). Pattern welding. Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 38. Miecz typu Y ze Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh, Highland (nr 35). Widoczny dziwer. Fot. G. Żabiński.
5 cm
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
Only one sword of this type is known from
Scotland (Strathspey, dated to c. 900-1000,
No. 35, Figs. 27-28). The hilt is ornamented with
a herringbone pattern of diagonally intertwined
copper and silver wires (Anderson 1872-1874, 567568; Grieg 1940, 157-158, Fig. 74). This ornament
could enable the researcher to narrow the dating
of this weapon up to c. 1000. Type Y swords are
closely related to Type P ones, and they possibly
derive from them. Type P swords are usually dated
to c. 900-950 and they are often ornamented with
silver and copper inlay (Petersen 1919, 134-135,
Fig. 109; Peirce 2004, 18-19, 92-93).
Four swords of Type Y (all but one
unornamented) known from Rus’ up to the 1970s
were mentioned by Kirpičnikov. He assumes
that this type was of Western European origin,
although it was possibly also manufactured in other
countries (Kirpičnikov 1966, 34, the catalogue,
82-83, Nos. 74-76, 117, pl. V:2; 1992, 66, 71, Fig.
5:3, 76, Fig. 17, 80, No. 17). Regretfully, basing
on the type of the sword only and bearing in mind
that it was a stray find, nothing can be said about
the provenance of the weapon.
Type L
Swords of Type L are remarkable for their
crosspieces and pommel bases curved away from
the grip and lobed pommels. This type, considered
as Anglo-Saxon in origin, is usually dated to
c. 850-975. Swords of this type, with particular
stress on those found in England, often display
various kinds of ornament on the central lobes of
their pommel heads, including patterns enclosed
in borders of various shape. Type L swords,
often decorated with an English “Trewhiddle”
style ornament, are also known from Norway.
Petersen noted fourteen swords of that type from
Norway, all with double-edged blades, chiefly of
coastal distribution. According to him, many of
them are of possible English origin (Petersen 1919,
112-116; 1940, 116, No. 9 and 11, 117, No. 12-15,
121, Fig. 121 and No. 20-21 and 23, 122-123, Figs
122-123, 124, Fig. 124 and No. 24, 131, Fig. 129;
Davidson 1962, 55-56, Figs IV:23-25, VII: 41:b,
43-44, X:66-68; Evison 1967, 162, Fig. 1:e-f, 170,
Fig. 5:a-b; Bone 1989, 66-67; Jakobsson 1992, 179;
Oakeshott 2000b, 29-31; Peirce 2004, 4, 19-20).
3 Type L swords are known from Scotland.
The first one, from Machrins (dated to c. 850-950,
No. 21, Fig. 14), is in a very poor condition and
the pommel head is missing. No traces of ornament
can be seen on the hilt, but this may be due to
corrosion (Grieg 1940, 46-47, Fig. 27). Taking into
consideration an overall shape and proportions of the
hilt, a good analogy to the Machrins sword is posed
69
by a sword from Wheelam, Ireland, dated to the
first half of the tenth century (Bře 1940, 82-83, Figs
53:b and 54, 85, Peirce 2004, 82-83). Further
analogies would encompass several Type L swords
from England, dated to the tenth or the early eleventh
centuries. These swords, together with the relic from
Ireland, are considered to form a distinctive group
(Maryon 1950, 175-179; Davidson 1962, 45, 56,
Figs. V:30, X:23; Evison 1967, 160-189; Lang, Ager
1989, 98, Fig. 7:7 b, 103-105, Figs. 7:11:a-b, 116,
table 7:1; Oakeshott 2000a, 26; 2000b, 6,
Fig. 1, 12, Fig. 8; Peirce 2004, 77-79, 80-82).
Obviously, a more precise classification of the
Machrins sword to this group is rendered impossible
due to its fragmentary condition. Taking into account
the provenance of this weapon, the type itself is
English, but the find context is obviously Norse.
As no other distinctive features are available,
it seems virtually impossible to decide whether
the sword was manufactured in England or was
a product of Scandinavian origin.
Another sword of this type from Scotland,
found at Old Torbeckhill (generally dated to c. 850950, No. 33, Figs. 25-26) is remarkable for its
pommel with three somehow triangular lobes.
The hilt is plain iron now, but at least the pommel
may have been ornamented with non-ferrous inlay.
On both sides of the central lobe there is an
undecipherable stamped pattern within a circular
border (Curle 1914, 335; Grieg 1940, 13-14, 16,
Fig. 2). This sword may have some Norwegian
analogies with regard to the shape of the hilt. As
these swords are not unambiguously classified as
English or Norwegian in origin (Petersen 1919,
116, Fig. 97:a; 1940, 121, 131, Fig. 129; Grieg
1940, 13), the same could be said about the Old
Torbeckhill weapon. On the other hand, the absence
of any Viking find context and the geographical
location of the find spot could suggest its English
provenance.
The third Type L sword from Scotland coming
from Harvieston (perhaps c. 800-950, No. 36; see
Fig. 29) and is notable for a slender and narrow
pommel base and crosspiece, which seem to taper
at the ends. The pommel head itself is missing.
Basing on analogous Type L swords from Norway
(considered to be of possibly English origin,
Petersen 1919, 113, Fig. 94; 1940, 116, No. 9, 124,
Fig. 124, erroneously referred to 121, Fig. 121;
Davidson 1962, 69-70) and England (Davidson
1962, 31, 55-56, 60, 69-70, Fig. X:66; Bone 1989,
66-67; Oakeshott 2000b, 28, Fig. 26, 29-31), the
Harvieston sword may be considered as possibly
Anglo-Saxon in origin.
Only one Type L sword is known from Iceland
(a stray find; see Eldjárn 2000, 323, Fig. 165-166,
70
Grzegorz Żabiński
0
10 cm
0
5 cm
Fig. 39. A sword (Type L) from Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of Forth (No. 36). Photos by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 39. Miecz typu L z Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of Forth (nr 36). Fot. G. Żabiński.
330, 600). As for Ireland, ten Anglo-Saxon type
swords are known. Walsh says that although they
show similarities to Petersen’s Type L, they belong
to later types, dated to the tenth and the eleventh
centuries. According to this author, these swords,
although most probably used by Vikings, are
of English manufacture or inspiration. None of
these swords may be associated with a burial
(Walsh 1998, 225, 233-234; see also Bře 1940,
82-83, Figs. 53:b and 54, 85, Peirce 2004, 82-83).
Construction of Blades
As it proved impossible to carry out
archaeometallurgical examinations, it is only in
a few cases that some conclusions may be drawn
based on visual observation and available results
of X-ray examinations. Therefore, all that can
be said are general remarks, such as the presence
of pattern welding and its sub-types, or other
kinds of manufacturing technology. Furthermore,
in some cases the technology may also provide
some evidence for dating the blades.
Basing on the results of a radiographic study of
142 Anglo-Saxon and Viking period swords from
the British Museum, 45% of all examined swords
from the ninth and the tenth centuries (i.e., the
period to which the Old Torbeckhill sword is dated)
were pattern welded (Lang and Ager 1989, 89, 107,
71
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
table 7:3). This technique of sword manufacture
reached its peak in the ninth century, and then it
was gradually abandoned (Peirce 2004, 146; for
pattern welding see also Piaskowski 1959, 162163; Davidson 1962, 23-36; Williams 1977, 75;
Callissendorf Holmqvist, Hyenstrand, Serning,
Thĺlin-Bergman 1979, 121-129; Ypey 1980, 192202; Edge, Williams 2003, 203).
Pattern welding cannot be excluded for the
Type X earlier sword from Styes of Brough (dated
to c. 850 – c.1000, No. 4), as traces of a possible
pattern may be seen on an X-ray photo (see Fig.
2:c). The same could perhaps be said about the
blade of the Type O sword from Eriskay (dated to
c. 900-950, No. 15; see Fig. 10:c). Due to the fact
that fragments of the blade decomposed into layers
under the influence of corrosion, a laminated blade
structure could be proposed for the Type H sword
from Pierowall Links (No. 2; see Fig. 1).
More can be said about the Type B sword
from Ballinaby (dated to c. 850-925, No. 25). X-ray
revealed that the core of the blade was forged of
four rods, arranged in parallel to the length of the
blade. No twisting of the rods is discernible (see
Fig. 19). This technique of so-called vertical
pattern welding is of very old origin and it can be
observed in the case of some swords from Nydam
in Denmark, dated to c. 300 AD (Davidson 1962,
23-24; Bergman, Arrhenius 2005, 29-30, Fig. 12:3).
On the other hand, Williams points to a somehow
similar method, which possibly consisted of forging
together a core, two flats, two central parts of the
blade and two cutting edges (with carbon contents
varying in particular parts of the blade). This
technique was applied for an ULFBERHT sword
of possible Rheinland origin, tentatively dated to
the tenth-the eleventh centuries (Williams 1977,
81-84).
Pattern welding is visible on the blade of
another sword from Ballinaby (Type Q, c. 900-1000,
No. 24; see Fig. 17). On one flat in the upper part
there are lines parallel to the length of the blade
======, followed by a simple herringbone pattern
>>>>>>, then by parallel lines, ending with a simple
herringbone pattern again. Wherever possible, it
was noticed that the intervals between changing
patterns were c. 7 cm. According to a scheme
proposed by Lang and Ager, this pattern could be
referred to being between Types A and B1/B2a
(Lang, Ager 1989, 88, Fig. 7:2). According to these
authors, Type A pattern in its basic version (i.e.,
a simple herringbone) was most common between
c. 600 and c. 700, although it did occur later as well.
Type B1 is remarkable for a triple twisting, while
B2a is notable for triple twisting with intervals of
parallel lines. Type B1, although it also occurs in
view from above
view from above
0
10 cm
Fig. 40. A sword (Type L) from Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of Forth
(No. 36). Drawing by G. Żabiński.
Ryc. 40. Miecz typu L z Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of Forth (nr 36).
Rys. G. Żabiński.
72
Grzegorz Żabiński
the period between c. 800 and c. 1000, is most
widespread for c. 500-700, while type B2a seems
to have been most popular between c. 400 and
c. 700 (ibidem, 91, Table 7:2). On the other flat
in the upper part of the blade there is a more
complicated pattern, combining lines, circular and
u-shaped patterns. Thus, as patterns on both flats
vary, existence of a central rod in the core of
the blade is to be assumed. A similar pattern of
herringbone and straight lines which indicates that
the rods were partly twisted and partly left straight,
is sometimes found on swords from Sweden from
the early Viking period (c. 750-850; Bergman,
Arrhenius 2005, 36, 44, 46, Table 10). An even
more complex pattern may be seen on an eight
century sword blade from Lahdinko in Finland
(Leppäaho 1964, 66-69, pl. 31:1:b, 32; Oakeshott
2000b, 20, Fig. 16; Peirce 2004, 148-149).
Furthermore, analogous patterns are known from
some Viking Age swords from Norway (Peirce
2004, 25, Plate 1). As for u-shaped semicircular
symbols as part of pattern welded structure, they
may be noted on a Viking Age blade from the
Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen (ibidem, 150).
The technology of a herringbone pattern with
rods partly twisted and partly left straight also
occurs in the case of an Anglo-Saxon sword (the
sixth-the seventh centuries) (Tylecote, Gilmour
1986, 191-194, Fig. 81). With regard to pattern
welded symbols in the shape of circles, S-shapes,
crosses, etc., Bergman and Arrhenius assume that
they commenced to appear in the eighth and the
ninth centuries (Bergman, Arrhenius 2005, 33,
36, 43; see also Lang, Ager 1989, 98, Fig. 7:7:b,
102-106, Figs. 7:9-7:11). All this may suggest
that the blade may be considerably earlier than
the hilt.
Pattern welding is also notable for the Type Y
sword from Strathspey (dated to c. 900-1000,
No. 35, see Fig. 27). One notices a Type B1 triple
twisting pattern in the upper part of the blade and
parallel lines in the lower part, close to the point.
However, visual examination alone cannot give an
answer to the question whether the triple twisting
pattern continues throughout the length of the
blade or displays any possible variations (Lang,
Ager 1989, 88, Fig. 7:2, 91, Table 7:2, 95-96, 116119, Table 7:1). This pattern (usually with a central
rod) may be noted in the case of many earlier (the
sixth-the ninth centuries) Anglo-Saxon swords
(Tylecote, Gilmour 1986, 168-172, Fig. 69, 174176, Fig. 71, 197-201, Fig. 83, 202-212, Figs 85-88;
Lang, Ager 1989, 90, Fig. 7:3:c, 100, Fig. 7:8). This
technology is also visible for later (the tenth century)
Anglo-Saxon swords (Tylecote, Gilmour 1986, 229232, Fig. 97). This pattern is also analogous to
examples from the early Viking period (c. 750-850)
from Sweden (Bergman, Arrhenius 2005, 30-31,
Figs. 12:4, 13:f, 36, Table 3:39, 6:41, 8:42, 9:43,
Fig. 31, 44-47, Table 10, 48, Fig. 34:a-b, 81). As
mentioned above, Lang and Ager assume that this
pattern was much more common for the earlier
period (between c. 500 and c. 700) than for the tenth
century (Lang, Ager 1989, 91, Table 7.2). On the
other hand, basing on visual examination only it
cannot be determined whether the blade was also
provided with a central rod or not (cf. Peirce 2004,
146). Also in this case it could be suggested that
the blade may be a bit earlier than the hilt.
As for the Type L sword from Old
Torbeckhill (dated to c. 850-950, No. 33; see Figs.
25:c, 26), its central part seems to have been
formed of three or four twisted and forge-welded
rods, each consisting of several strips of metal of
various levels of carburisation. However, it is difficult
to say whether pattern welded rods formed a true
core of the blade or a set of rods was forged on
each side to a core made of low carbon iron. This
type of blade manufacture is considered as one of
the most common for pattern welded swords. The
construction type of the sword from Old Torbeckhill
can be possibly classified as B1 (with three rods) or
C1 (with four rods). According to Lang and Ager,
Type B1 was the most widespread for swords dated
to between 500 and 600. Both Types B1 and C1
were less common between 800 and 1000 (Tylecote,
Gilmour 1986, 168-217, 222-225, 227-234, 244254; Lang, Ager 1989, 90, Fig. 7:3:c, 91, Table 7:2,
95-96). Furthermore, it is notable for early Viking
period (c. 750-850) swords from Sweden (Bergman,
Arrhenius 2005, 30-33, 36-51, 74-77, 87-96, 122123). All these data may additionally support dating
of the Old Torbeckhill sword to between c. 850
and c. 950.
Pattern welding was also revealed by X-ray
examination of the Type H sword from Westness
(dated to c. 850-950, No. 8). It is a herringbone
pattern, corresponding to Type A according to Lang
and Ager (Graham-Campbell, Paterson unpublished;
cf. Lang and Ager 1989, 88, Fig. 7:2). As mentioned
before, this pattern was most common between
c. 600 and c. 700 (Lang, Ager 1989, 91, Table
7:2, 94, Fig. 7:5:c, 95, 116-119, Table 7:1; for
some Anglo-Saxon swords from the period between
c. 500 and c. 1100 – see Tylecote, Gilmour 1986,
177-180, 213-217, 232-234; see also Peirce 2004,
26-27, 30-31). It is also visible on some Viking
swords from Denmark and Norway, dated to the
tenth century (Peirce 2004, 112-113, 118-119), as
well as on several early Viking period (c. 750-850)
swords from Sweden (Bergman, Arrhenius 2005,
36, 39-40, 42-47).
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
On the other hand, no traces of pattern welding
were detected by X-ray on the blade of the Type H
sword from Scar (dated to c. 850-950, No. 6; see
Owen, Dalland 1999, 105-111, Figs. 67-71). The
same can be said about the Type U or V sword from
Kiloran Bay (dated to c. 850-950, No. 20; see Fig.
13:e) or the Type H sword from Balnakeil (dated
to c. 850-900, No. 12; see Fig. 9:c; Batey and
Paterson, forthcoming).
Conclusions
Concerning the territorial distribution of finds
of Viking Ages swords in Scotland, a disproportion
in the relation between the sword finds (with
special reference to graves with swords) and other
traces of Viking presence (especially burials and
settlements) in the North and the West would
apparently support Eldjárn’s argument about the
Northern Isles and Outer Hebrides being inhabited
by a Norse farming population and Inner Hebrides
and Argyll being related to “Vikings” in the true
sense of the word (Eldjárn 1984, 7-8; Armit 1998,
202). However, although trading and piracy in the
West was a fact, and sword finds from this region
may naturally be interpreted as a testimony to
these phenomena, a distinction between “Northern
farmers” and “Western Vikings” seems to be rather
oversimplified. As argued above, apart from sword
finds from Islay (Nos. 23-25), there are also data
on other graves (including female ones) and
a considerable evidence of Norse settlement place
names. Moreover, the very number and distribution
of all known Norse graves from the region considered
as a “Viking base” may imply the permanence of
settlement (Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 71-92,
151-152). The West (particularly Inner Hebrides
and Argyll) cannot be considered in isolation from
Viking routes linking Scandinavia, the Northern
Isles, the Western Isles, Ireland, mainland Scotland
and later Iceland (cf. Brown 1997, 212; Morris,
1998, 73-74, 77-82, 89-91). Furthermore, although
graves with swords from the North provide data
on Norse settlers and farmers from this region,
there is no reason to completely exclude trading
and/or raiding activities in their case. This can be
said based on the presence of Insular origin grave
goods in female graves from the cemeteries at
Westness, Rousay and Pierowall Links, Westray,
where graves with swords were found (Nos. 2-3
and 8-11). Insular origin grave goods are also
known from sword graves from Lamaness, Sanday
(No. 5) or Balnakeil, Sutherland (No. 12).
Another problem is a closer settlement context
of sword finds. Viking burials in Iceland are
generally located quite close (about 0,5 km) to
farmsteads (Eldjárn 2000, 590-592). C. 80% of all
73
known Viking graves in Ireland fall within
five kilometers from the centre of Dublin, with
a particular stress on the cemeteries at Kilmainham
and Islandbridge. This seems to match the general
nature of Viking settlement in Ireland, to a great
degree confined to the townships, especially
Dublin (Batey, Sheenan 2000, 129-130, 134-136;
Harrison 2002, 63-66).
In Scotland, however, practically in all the
cases where it is possible to suggest a link between
a sword find and a settlement, the argument is
hardly based on unquestionable evidence. For
Westness (Nos. 7-11), a contemporary settlement
may be assumed based on the size of the cemetery
and on the existence of the late Norse farm. The size
of the cemetery may also suggest an existence of
a settled community at Pierowall Links (Nos. 2-3).
On the other hand, possible settlement structures
which could be related to the burial from Scar
(No. 6) still await discovery, which is also the
case for the sword grave from Balnakeil (No. 12).
A relation of a sword grave from Lamaness
(No. 5) to the contemporary settlement at Pool
(at a distance of c. 800 m) needs further evidence
to be confirmed. The same could be said about
a relation of the sword grave from Sumburgh
(No. 1) to Viking settlements at Jarlshof and Old
Scatness, situated at a similar distance, or about
any link between the sword grave at Machrins
(No. 21) and a probable Norse settlement there
(at a distance of c. 1 km). Any relation between
a sword grave from Bebencula (No. 14) and the
settlement at Rosinish is putative only. Although
there are place names data about Viking settlement
from Islay, no settlement structures are known which
could be linked to local sword finds (Nos. 23-25).
As for the number of particular sword types,
the most widespread Viking Age sword type, i.e.,
Type H, was also the most popular one in Viking
Scotland. A considerable number of Type L swords
may be related to Viking raids to England
or to English expansion into southern Scotland.
A slight preponderance of earlier types (up to
c. mid-tenth century) may be easily explained by
a growing influence of Christendom and a gradual
abandonment of pagan burial rites with grave
goods.
As regards the problems of dating of swords
as compared to the rest of available evidence from
Norse graves, it must be remembered that many
Viking Age sword types have very broad dating
(even up to 200 years). Basing on other evidence
from graves, it is often possible to narrow this
dating. However, in many cases other evidence
cannot be dated very precisely, either. This may
especially concern cases where the sword is best
74
Grzegorz Żabiński
datable and most distinctive item, thus offering the
main evidence for dating the grave as a whole.
Furthermore, there seems to be general coherence
between the two. Even in case there is sufficient
evidence to precisely date a grave and thus a date of
deposition of the sword, there is still a possibility
that the sword itself may have been manufactured
considerably earlier. This may especially concern
sword types with the broadest dating. It is only
in the case of the Type B sword from Ballinaby
(No. 25) that the sword type dating (c. 700850) may be considerably earlier than the grave
(c. 800-925). Thus, the sword may represent
a heirloom.
Little can be said about the provenance of
weapons based on their typology only, bearing
in mind that Viking Age swords from Scotland
usually do not display any more remarkable
features (like ornament) which could yield more
data about their origin. It is generally assumed that
most Scandinavians arriving in Scotland in the
Viking Age were Norwegians (e.g. Brown 1997,
209; Graham-Campbell, Batey 1998, 2-3, 37-53;
Morris 1998, 82-83; Barrett 2003, 74, 78-80) and
thus a Norwegian origin of their weapons would
be natural. However, it is only in a few cases
that more can be said about a given sword’s
provenance. Basing on popularity of single-edged
swords in Norway, Norwegian origin may be
proposed for swords (tentatively classified as
Types C or H?) from Kildonnan (No. 17) and
Lamlash (No. 29), as well as for two swords from
Westness (Nos. 9 and 11). Due to analogies from
Norway and Ireland, Norwegian manufacture may
be assumed for the Type D sword from Kildonnan
(No. 16), although its associations may be much
more international. As mentioned, it would be
tempting to suggest a relation between Type H
swords from Scotland and Norwegian settlement
there, were it not for the fact that Type H was also
the most widespread one in other regions with little
Norwegian influence.
Frankish or possibly English origin could be
supposed for the Type O sword from Eriskay (No. 15),
which of course does not exclude its having
come to Scotland from Norway with Norwegian
Vikings.
English origin is generally supposed for Type
L swords. However, as the find context of the
sword from Machrins (No. 21) is the Norse grave
and the weapon does not bear any other distinctive
features, it is difficult to assess whether it is
of English or Scandinavian manufacture. English
provenance could be tentatively assumed for Type
L swords from Old Torbeckhill (No. 33) and
Harvieston (No. 36).
Conversely, a Western Scandinavian origin
may be assumed in the case of the Type Q sword
from Ballinaby (No. 24). Scandinavian provenance
may generally be assumed for the Type U or V
sword from Kiloran Bay (No. 20), for the possibly
Type W sword from Kildonnan (No. 18) or for the
Type X swords from Styes of Brough (No. 4) and
Lamaness (No. 5).
In one case of the Type I sword from Dumbarton
Rock (No. 31) a local Scottish manufacture may
tentatively be supposed. However, further research
is necessary to confirm or disprove this assumption.
Scant evidence was available for the
construction of blades, but some conclusions may
be drawn with regard to this issue. Based on blade
construction technology of some swords (such as
Type Q from Ballinaby, No. 24 and Type Y from
Strathspey, No. 35) it could be proposed that
these blades may be considerably older than hilts.
Furthermore, blade construction technology may
offer additional support for dating the sword (Type L
from Old Torbeckhill, No. 33).
To sum up, several finds of Viking Age swords
from Scotland seem to reflect various aspects of
the Norse presence there, like settlement, trade
and raiding. In certain locations a concentration
of finds together with their contexts could bear
testimony to an intensification of raiding and
trading in given areas. In other places, sword finds
form a corpus of evidence to Viking settlement,
although their direct relation to known settlement
structures cannot be proved yet.
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
75
Appendix
Metrical Data of Swords
1. – , Sumburgh Airport, Dunrossness,
Shetland, – .
No data.
2. Probably Type H, Pierowall Links, Westray,
Orkney, c. 850-900.
Total Length: c. 33 cm (preserved part);
Total Weight: 0,547 kg Blade Length: c. 20 cm
(preserved part); Blade Width and Thickness at
the Shoulder: c. 5 x c. 0,6 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: c. 12,5 cm
(preserved part); Tang Cross-section at the Pommel:
1,2 x 0,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece:
– ; Crosspiece Length: c. 8,7 cm; Crosspiece
Stretch: c. 8,7 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section:
2,8 x 2,3 cm; Pommel Height: 1,8 cm (preserved
part); Pommel Cross-section: 7,3 x 2,5 cm; Point
of Balance: – .
3. – , Pierowall Links, Westray, Orkney,
c. 850-950
No data.
4. Type X earlier, Styes of Brough, Sanday,
Orkney, c. 850-1000.
Total Length: 62 cm; Total Weight: – ; Blade
Length: 45 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: 6 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Point: – ; Hilt Length: 17 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: – ; Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece: – ;
Crosspiece Length: c. 10,5 cm; Crosspiece Stretch:
c. 10,5 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section – ; Pommel
Height: c. 4 cm; Pommel Cross-section: 8 cm.
the Point: – ; Hilt Length: 10,7 cm; Tang Crosssection at the Pommel: – ; Tang Cross-section at
the Crosspiece: 3 x 0,8 cm; Crosspiece Length:
8,8 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 8,8 cm; Crosspiece
Cross-section: 2,5 x 2,2 cm; Pommel Height: – ;
Pommel Cross-section: – ; Point of Balance: – .
7. Type H, Sweindrow Westness, Rousay,
Orkney, c. 800-950.
Total Length: c. 95 cm; Total Weight: well
over 1 kg; Blade Length: c. 79 cm; Blade Width
and Thickness at the Shoulder: c. 6 x c. 1 cm;
Blade Width and Thickness at the Point: 2 x 0,5 cm;
Hilt Length: 15,2 cm; Tang Cross-section at
the Pommel: 1,5 x 0,8 cm; Tang Cross-section at
the Crosspiece: 2 x 1 cm; Crosspiece Length:
9,5 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 9,5 cm; Crosspiece
Cross-section: 2 x 2,8 cm; Pommel Height: 4,7 cm;
Pommel Cross-section: 9 x 3 cm; Point of Balance: – .
8. Type H, Westness, Rousay, Orkney,
c. 850-950.
Total Length: 53,3 cm (preserved part); Total
Weight: 0,658 kg; Blade Length: 35,7 cm
(preserved part); Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: 4,2 x 0,5 cm; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: 17,1 cm; Tang Crosssection at the Pommel: 2,2 x 0,4 cm; Tang
Cross-section at the Crosspiece: 2,6 x 0,7 cm;
Crosspiece Length: 8,8 cm; Crosspiece Stretch:
8,8 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section: 3 x 3 cm;
Pommel Height: 4,8 cm; Pommel Cross-section:
6,8 x 3,5 cm; Point of Balance: – .
5. Type X later, Lamaness, Sanday, Orkney,
c. 900-1000.
Total Length: – ; Total Weight: 0,1357 kg;
Blade Length: c. 21,3 cm (preserved part); Blade
Width and Thickness at the Shoulder: 5 x 0,5 cm;
Blade Width and Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt
Length: – ; Tang Cross-section at the Pommel: – ;
Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece: – ; Crosspiece
Length: 11,3 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 11,3 cm;
Crosspiece Cross-section: 1 x 1 cm; Pommel Height:
– ; Pommel Cross-section: – ; Point of Balance: – .
9. Type H, Westness, Rousay, Orkney,
c. 800-950.
Total Length: c. 90 cm; Total Weight: 1,665
kg; Blade Length: c. 72,8 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: 6,1 x 0,6 cm; Blade
Width and Thickness at the Point: 2,5 x 0,2 cm;
Hilt Length: 16,8 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: 1,5 x 0,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: 3 x 0,5 cm; Crosspiece Length: 9,5 cm;
Crosspiece Stretch: 9,5 cm; Crosspiece Crosssection: 2,5 x 2,6 cm; Pommel Height: 5,7 cm;
Pommel Cross-section: 8,5 x 3,7 cm; Point of
Balance: – .
6. Type H, Scar, Quoy Banks, Sanday, Orkney,
c. 850-950.
Total Length: 98 cm; Total Weight: – ; Blade
Length: 84 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: 6,9 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at
10. – , Westness, Rousay, Orkney, c. 850-950.
Total Length: – ; Total Weight: 0,129 kg;
Blade Length: 13,2 cm (preserved part); Blade
Width and Thickness at the Shoulder (here: Central
Part): 4,6 x 1,2 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at
76
Grzegorz Żabiński
the Point: – ; Hilt Length: – ; Tang Cross-section
at the Pommel: – ; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: – ; Crosspiece Length: – ; Crosspiece
Stretch: – ; Crosspiece Cross-section: – ; Pommel
Height: – ; Pommel Cross-section: – ; Point of
Balance: – .
11. Type H, Westness, Rousay, Orkney,
c. 800-950.
Total Length: 87,5 cm; Total Weight: 1,829
kg; Blade Length: 69,5 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder (In Scabbard): 6,1 x
1,4 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the Point
(In Scabbard): 4,2 x 0,5 cm; Hilt Length: 18,2 cm;
Tang Cross-section at the Pommel: 2.4 x 1 cm;
Grip Cross-section at the Crosspiece: 3,9 x 2.1 cm;
Crosspiece Length: 10 cm; Crosspiece Stretch:
10 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section: 2,4 x 2,2 cm;
Pommel Height: 6,3 cm; Pommel Cross-section:
9,4 x 3,4 cm; Point of Balance: – .
12. Type H, Balnakeil, Durness, Sutherland,
c. 850-900.
Total Length: 86 cm (preserved part); Total
Weight: – ; Blade Length: – ; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: – ; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: – ; Tang
Cross-section at the Pommel: – ; Tang Crosssection at the Crosspiece: – ; Crosspiece Length: –
Crosspiece Stretch: – ; Crosspiece Cross-section: – ;
Pommel Height: – ; Pommel Cross-section: – ;
Point of Balance: – .
13. – , St Kilda, Harris, Western Isles, – .
No data.
14. – , Benbecula, South Uist, Western Isles, – .
No data.
15. Type O, Eriskay, South Uist, Western
Isles, c. 900-950.
Total Length: 97,5 cm; Total Weight: 0,595
kg; Blade Length: 82,5 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: c. 5 cm x – ; Blade
Width and Thickness at the Point: c. 1,5 x c. 0,3 cm;
Hilt Length: c. 15 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: 1,3 x 0,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: 3 x 0,5 cm; Crosspiece Length: 10,1 cm;
Crosspiece Stretch: 10,1 cm; Crosspiece Crosssection: 2,5 x 1 cm; Pommel Height: 4 cm; Pommel
Cross-section: 6,5 x 1,6 cm; Point of Balance: – .
16. Type D, Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles,
c. 800-900.
Total Length: – ; Total Weight: 0,627 kg
(hilt only); Blade Length: – ; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: 6,2 x 0,6 cm; Blade
Width and Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length:
18,8 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Pommel (here:
Grip): 3,8 x 1,9 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece (here: Grip): 4,2 x 2,1 cm; Crosspiece
Length: 10,9 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 10,9 cm;
Crosspiece Cross-section: 2,9 x 2,9 cm; Pommel
Height: 6,5 cm; Pommel Cross-section: 9,4 x 2,8
cm; Point of Balance: – .
17.Type C or H (?), Kildonnan, Eigg, Western
Isles, c. 900-950.
No data.
18. Type W (?), Kildonnan, Eigg, Western
Isles, c. 875-925.
Total Length: c. 92,4 cm; Total Weight:
1,204 kg; Blade Length: 79,9 cm (preserved
part);
Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: c. 6,5 x 0,7 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Point: c. 2,1 x 0,4 cm Hilt
Length: 12,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: c. 2 x c 1 cm; Tang Cross-section at
the Crosspiece: – ; Crosspiece Length: – ;
Crosspiece Stretch: – ; Crosspiece Cross-section:
– ; Pommel Height: c. 4,8 cm; Pommel Crosssection: c. 8,8 x 3 cm; Point of Balance: – .
19. – , Cornaigbeg, Tiree, Argyll, – .
No data.
20. Type U or V, Kiloran Bay, Colonsay,
Argyll, c. 850-950.
Total Length: c. 87,5 cm; Total Weight: – ;
Blade Length: c. 69 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: 5,5 x 0,5 cm; Blade
Width and Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length:
16,6 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Pommel: – ;
Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece: – ;
Crosspiece Length: 10,7 cm; Crosspiece Stretch:
10,7 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section: 1,2 x 1 cm;
Pommel Height: 4,7 cm; Pommel Cross-section:
8,5 x 3,3 cm; Point of Balance: – .
21. Type L, Machrins, Colonsay, Argyll,
c. 850-950.
Total Length: c. 87,5 cm; Total Weight: 0,739 kg;
Blade Length: c. 73 cm; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Shoulder: 5,6 x 0,6 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Point: 2 x 0,3 cm; Hilt Length: – ;
Tang Cross-section at the Pommel: 1,5 cm x 0,6 cm;
Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece: 3 x 0,7 cm;
Crosspiece Length: – ; Crosspiece Stretch: c. 9 cm;
Crosspiece Cross-section: c. 3 x c. 1,5 cm; Pommel
Height: 2 cm; Pommel Cross-section: 7,8 x 3 cm;
Point of Balance: – .
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
22. – , Traigh Nam Barck, Colonsay, Argyll, – .
No data.
23. Type H, Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll, c. 800-950.
No data.
24. Type Q, Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll, c. 900-1000.
Total Length: c. 99 cm (before conservation,
now 82,8 cm); Total Weight: 0,75986 kg; Blade
Length: 70,6 cm (preserved part); Blade Width
and Thickness at the Shoulder: c. 4,6 x 0,4 cm;
Blade Width and Thickness at the Point: c. 3,4 cm
x 0,2 cm; Hilt Length: 11,9 cm; Tang Cross-section
at the Pommel: 2,2 x 0,4 cm; Tang Cross-section
at the Crosspiece: 3,7 x 0,4 cm; Crosspiece Length:
9,5 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 9,1 cm; Crosspiece
Cross-section: 0,8 x 0,9 cm; Pommel Height:
1,1 cm; Pommel Cross-section: 7,3 x 1,9 cm; Point
of Balance: – .
25. Type B, Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll, c. 800-925.
Total Length: 92,7 cm; Total Weight: 2,062 kg;
Blade Length: 75,7 cm; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Shoulder: c. 5,5 cm x – ; Blade Width
and Thickness at the Point: 2,5 cm x 0,4 cm;
Hilt Length: 18,2 cm; Grip Cross-section at the
Pommel: 3,4 x 2,4 cm; Grip Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: 3,9 x 2.8 cm; Crosspiece Length:
9;8 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 9,8 cm; Crosspiece
Cross-section: 2,3 x 2,4 cm; Pommel Height:
5,5 cm; Pommel Cross-section: c. 7,8 x 3,9 cm;
Point of Balance: – .
26. – , East Tarbert Bay, Gigha, Argyll,
c. 900-1000.
No data.
27. – , Drumachlay, Bute, Firth of Clyde, – .
No data.
28. Type H, Bute, Firth of Clyde, c. 800-950.
Total Length: – ; Total Weight: – ; Blade
Length: – ; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: 5.5 cm x – ; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: – ; Tang Cross-section
at the Pommel: 2 cm x – ; Tang Cross-section
at the Crosspiece: 3 cm x – ; Crosspiece Length:
11,6 cm; Crosspiece Stretch: 11,6 cm; Crosspiece
Cross-section: – ; Pommel Height: – ; Pommel
Cross-section: 8,5 x 2 cm; Point of Balance: – .
29. Type C or H (?), Lamlash, Arran, Firth
of Clyde, c. 800-900.
Total Length: 54,5 cm (preserved parts); Total
Weight: Blade Length: – ; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Shoulder: 6 cm x – ; Blade Width
77
and Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length:
11,5 cm (preserved part); Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: – ; Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece:
– ; Crosspiece Length: – ; Crosspiece Stretch: – ;
Crosspiece Cross-section: – ; Pommel Height: – ;
Pommel Cross-section: – ; Point of Balance: – .
30. Type H, Boiden, Luss, Argyll, c. 800-900.
Total Length: 88,9 cm; Total Weight: – ; Blade
Length: 76,2 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Shoulder: 6,99 cm x – ; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: 12,7 cm; Tang Crosssection at the Pommel: – ; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: – ; Crosspiece Length: – ; Crosspiece
Stretch: – ; Crosspiece Cross-section: – ; Pommel
Height: – ; Pommel Cross-section: – ; Point of
Balance: – .
31. Type I, Dumbarton Rock, Firth of
Clyde, c. 870.
No data.
32. – , St Cuthbert’s Kirkcudbright, Galloway,
c. 850-950.
Total Length: 78,5 cm; Total Weight: 0,602 kg;
Blade Length: 68,5 cm; Blade Width and Thickness
at the Shoulder: 4,9 cm x 0,4 cm; Blade Width
and Thickness at the Point: 1,2 cm x 0,2 cm;
Hilt Length: 10,3 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Pommel: 1,95 x 0,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the
Crosspiece: 3,2 x 1 cm; Crosspiece Length: 8 cm;
Crosspiece Stretch: 8 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section:
2 x 0,95 cm; Pommel Height: – ; Pommel Crosssection: – ; Point of Balance: – .
33. Type L, Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie,
Dumfries, c. 850-950.
Total Length: 62,23 cm (preserved part);
Total Weight: 0,9231 kg; Blade Length: 49,2 cm
(preserved part); Blade Width and Thickness at
the Shoulder: 5,2 x 0,6 cm; Blade Width and
Thickness at the Point: – ; Hilt Length: 14,6 cm;
Tang Cross-section at the Pommel: 1,4 x 0,8 cm;
Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece: 2,7 x 0,6 cm;
Crosspiece Length: 11 cm; Crosspiece Stretch:
8,9 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section: 2,4 x 1 cm;
Pommel Height: 5,1 cm; Pommel Cross-section:
7,4 x 3,1 cm; Point of Balance: – .
34. – , Watergate, Perth, – .
No data.
35. Type Y, Strathspey, Kingussie and Insh,
Highland, c. 900-1000.
Total Length: 89,2 cm; Total Weight: 0,971
kg; Blade Length: 77,2 cm; Blade Width and
78
Grzegorz Żabiński
Thickness at the Shoulder: 5,3 x 0,3 cm; Blade
Width and Thickness at the Point: 2 x 0,2 cm; Hilt
Length: 12 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Pommel:
1,4 x 0,2 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece:
3 x 0,3 cm; Crosspiece Length: 13,2 cm; Crosspiece
Stretch: 12,8 cm; Crosspiece Cross-section: 1 x 2 cm;
Pommel Height: 2,5 cm; Pommel Cross-section:
6 x 2 cm; Point of Balance: c. 21 cm from the
crosspiece.
36. Type L, Harvieston, Tillicoultry, Firth of
Forth, c. 800-950.
Total Length: 75,5 cm (preserved part);
Total Weight: 0,557 kg; Blade Length: 66 cm;
Blade Width and Thickness at the Shoulder:
4 x 0,3 cm; Blade Width and Thickness at the
Point: (of breaking) 3,2 x 0.2 cm; Hilt Length:
9,5 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Pommel:
1,5 x 0,3 cm; Tang Cross-section at the Crosspiece:
2,5 x 0,3 cm; Crosspiece Length: 10,2 cm;
Crosspiece Stretch: 8 cm; Crosspiece Crosssection: 2,4 x 0,3 cm; Pommel Height: – ;
Pommel Cross-section: 2,1 x 0,6 cm; Point of
Balance: 24 cm from the crosspiece.
dr Grzegorz Żabiński
Bibliography
Internet Databases:
Royal Commission on The Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland (RCAHMS), http://www.rcahms.
gov.uk/.Accessed: Dec 2005.
1. Sumburgh Airport, Dunrossness, Shetland, NMRS No. HU31SE 18.
2-3. Pierowall Links, Westray, Orkney, NMRS No. HY44NW 13.
4. Styes of Brough, Sanday, Orkney, NMRS No. HY64SE 30.
5. Lamaness, Sanday, Orkney, NMRS No. HY63NW 19.
6. Quoy Banks, Scar, Sanday, Orkney, NMRS No. HY64NE 7.
7. Sweindrow Westness, Rousay, Orkney, NMRS No. HY32NE 3.
8-11. Westness, Rousay, Orkney, NMRS No. HY32NE 7.
12. Balnakeil, Durness, Sutherland, NMRS No. NC37SE 3.
13. St Kilda, Harris, Western Isles, NMRS No. NF19NW 14.
14. Benbecula, South Uist, Western Isles, NMRS No. NF7SE 16.
15. Eriskay, South Uist, Western Isles, NMRS No. NF71SE 3.
16. Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles, NMRS No. NM48NE 21.
17-18. Kildonnan, Eigg, Western Isles, NMRS No. NM48SE 2.
19. Cornaigbeg, Tiree, Argyll, NMRS NL94NE 3.
20. Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR49NW 14.
21. Machrins, Colonsay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR38SE 26.
22. Traigh Nam Barck, Colonsay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR39SE 28.
23. Ballinaby, Islay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR26NW 22.
24. Ballinaby, Kilchoman, Islay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR26NW 4.03.
25. Ballinaby, Kilchoman, Islay, Argyll, NMRS No. NR26NW 4.01.
26. East Tarbert Bay, Gigha, Argyll, NMRS No. NR65SE 17.
27. Drumachlay, Bute, Firth of Clyde, NMRS No. NS06NW 2.
28. Bute, Firth of Clyde, NMRS No. NS06SE 43.
29. Lamlash, Arran, Firth of Clyde, NMRS No. NS03SW 6.
30. Boiden, Luss, Argyll, NMRS No. NS38NE 5.
31. Dumbarton Rock, Firth of Clyde, NMRS No. NS47SW.
32. St Cuthbert's Kirkcudbright, Galloway, NMRS No. NX65SE 34.
33. Old Torbeckhill, Middlebie, Dumfries, NMRS No. NY27NW 7.
34. Watergate, Perth, NMRS No. NO12SW 11.
SCRAN, http://www.scran.ac.uk/. Accessed: Jan 2006.
1. Fig. 4 – Scar Sword Hilt (No. 6). Copyright Orkney Islands Council. SCRAN ID 000-000-144-206-R.
2. Fig. 12:c – Eriskay Sword Hilt X-ray (No. 15). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland.
SCRAN ID 000-190-004-753-C.
3. Fig. 14:a-b – Eigg Sword (No. 18). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland. SCRAN ID 000000-099-724-C.
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
79
4. Fig. 16:a-b – Kiloran Bay Sword (No. 20). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland. SCRAN
ID 000-000-099-678-R.
5. Fig. 18:a – Kiloran Bay Sword X-Ray Hilt Details (No. 20). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums
of Scotland. SCRAN ID 000-180-001-441-C.
6. Fig. 18:b – Kiloran Bay Sword X-Ray (No.20). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland.
SCRAN ID 000-000-099-679-C.
7. Fig. 19:a-b – Machrins Sword (No. 21). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland. SCRAN ID
000-000-099-757-C.
8. Fig. 28 – Bute Sword Hilt (No. 28). Copyright Anne Speirs, Bute Museum Trustees. SCRAN ID 000-000-192292-C.
9. Fig. 35 – Old Torbeckhill Sword X-Ray (No. 33). Copyright the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland.
SCRAN ID 000-190-002-218-C.
Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow, http://www.hunterian.gla.ac.uk/. Accessed: Jan 2006.
1. Fig. 2:a – Styes of Brough Sword Before Conservation (No. 4). Acc. No. B.1914.826.
2. Fig. 2:b – Styes of Brough Sword Hilt X-Ray (No. 4). Acc. No. B.1914.826.
3. Fig. 2:c – Styes of Brough Blade X-Ray (No. 4). Acc. No. B.1914.826.
Scholarship
Alcock L., Alcock E.
1990 Reconnaissance excavations on Early Historic fortifications and other royal sites in Scotland, 19741984: 4, Excavations at Alt Clut, Clyde Rock, Strathclyde, 1974-1975, Proceedings of the Society
of Antiquaries of Scotland 120, 95-149.
Alcock L., Alcock E., Bateson J. D., Webster P. V.
1992 Excavations at Alt Clut, 1974-5: catalogue of coins, metal objects and Romano-British pottery, Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 122, 289-293.
Allen A.
2002 Archéologie des sepultures ŕ bateaux dans les Orcades, [in:] L’Heritage maritime des Vikings en Europe
de l’Ouest, eds. E. Ridel and P. Bouet, Caen, 247-265.
Anderson J.
1872-1874 Notes on the relics of the Viking period of the Northmen in Scotland, illustrated by specimens in
the Museum, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 10, 536-594.
1880 Notes on the contents of two Viking graves in Islay, discovered by William Campbell, Esq., of Ballinaby;
with notes of the burial customs of the Norse Sea-Kings, as recorded in the sagas and illustrated by their
grave moulds in Norway and in Scotland, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 14, 51-69.
1907 Notice of bronze brooches and personal ornaments from a ship burial of the Viking time in Oronsay,
and other bronze ornaments from Colonsay. Presented to the National Museum by the Right Hon. Lord
Strathcona and Mount-Royal, GCMG. With description, from notes by the late William Galloway, of
a ship-burial of...Viking time at Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries
of Scotland 41, 441-449.
Armit I.
1996 The archaeology of Skye and the Western Isles, Edinburgh.
Ashmore P. J.
2003 Orkney burials in the first millennium AD, [in:] Sea Change: Orkney and Northern Europe in the later
Iron Age, eds. J. Downes, A. Ritchie, Balgavies, 35-50.
Balfour, J. A.
1909-1910 Notes on a Viking-Grave Mound at Millhill, Lamlash, Arran, Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland 44, 221-224.
Barrett J. H.
2003 Culture Contact in Viking Age Scotland, [in:] Contact, continuity, and collapse: the Norse colonization
of the North Atlantic, ed. J. H. Barrett. Turnhout, 73-111.
2004 Beyond war or peace: the study of culture contact in Viking Age Scotland, [in:] Land, Sea and Home:
Proceedings of a Conference on Viking-Period Settlement at Cardiff, July 2001, eds J. Hines, A. Lane
and M. Redknap, The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph 20, Leeds, 206-218.
Batey C. E.
1987 Viking and Late Norse Caithness: the archaeological evidence, [in:] Proceedings of the Tenth Viking
Congress, Larkollen, Norway, 1985, ed. J. Knirk, Oslo, 131-148.
1993 The Viking and Late Norse Graves of Caithness and Sutherland, [in:] The Viking Age in Caithness, Orkney
and the North Atlantic. Select papers from the Eleventh Viking Congress, Thurso and Kirkwall, 1989,
eds. C. E. Batey, J. Jesch, C. D. Morris, Edinburgh, 148-164.
80
Grzegorz Żabiński
Batey C. E., Paterson C.
Forthcoming A Viking burial at Balnakeil.
Batey C. E., Sheenan J.
2000 Viking Expansion and Cultural Blending in Britain and Ireland, in Fitzhugh, [in:] Vikings: The North
Atlantic Saga, eds. W. W. and E. I. Ward, Washington, DC, 127-141.
Bergman, T. L., Arrhenius B.
2005 Excavations at Helgö XV. Weapon Investigations. Helgö and the Swedish Hinterland, Stockholm.
Bersu G., Wilson D. M.
1966 Three Viking Graves in the Isle of Man. London.
Bře J.
1940 Norse antiquities in Ireland, [in:] Viking antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 3, ed. H. Shetelig,
Oslo.
Bone P.
1989 The development of Anglo-Saxon swords from the fifth to the eleventh century, [in:] Weapons and Warfare
in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. S. Chadwick Hawkes, Oxford, 63-70.
Brown M. M.
1997 The Norse in Argyll, [in:] The archaeology of Argyll, ed. G. Ritchie, Edinburgh, 205-235.
Calissendorf K. Holmqvist W., Hyenstrand Ĺ., Serning I., Thĺlin-Bergman L.
1979 Iron and man in prehistoric Sweden. Stockholm-Jernkontoret.
Cowan E. J.
1991 The Vikings in Galloway: A Review of the Evidence, [in:] Galloway: Land and Lordship, eds. R. D. Oram,
G. P. Stell, Edinburgh, 63-75.
Cowley D. C.
2003 Changing places-building life-spans and settlement continuity in northern Scotland, [in:] Sea Change:
Orkney and Northern Europe in the later Iron Age AD 300-800, eds. J. Downes and A. Ritchie, Balgavies,
75-82.
Curle A. O.
1914 Notices of the discovery of a hoard of rapier-shaped blades of bronze at Drumcoltran, in the Stewartry
of Kirkcudbright, and of a Viking sword at Torbeckhill, near Ecclefechan, Proceedings of the Society
of Antiquaries of Scotland 48, 334-335.
Davidson H. R. E.
1962 The sword in Anglo-Saxon England: its archaeology and literature, Oxford.
Edge D., Williams A.
2003 Some Early Medieval Swords in the Wallace Collection and Elsewhere, Gladius 23, 191-210.
Edwards A. J. H.
1927 Excavation of graves at Ackergill and of an earth-house at Freswick Links, Caithness, and a description
of the discovery of a Viking grave at Reay, Caithness, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland 61, 200-209.
1934 A Viking cist-grave at Ballinaby, Islay, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 68, 74-78.
Eldjárn K.
1984 Graves and grave goods: survey and evaluation, [in:] The Northern and Western Isles in the Viking World:
Survival, Continuity and Change, eds. A. Fenton, H. Pálsson, Edinburgh, 2-11.
2000 Kuml og Haugfé. Ūr hei?num siđ á Islandi (Viking burial practices in Iceland), 2nd ed. Reykjavik.
Evison V. I
1967 A sword from the Thames at Wallingford Bridge, The Archaeological Journal 124, 160-189.
Geibig A.
1991 Beiträge zur morphologischen Entwicklung des Schwertes im Mittelalter. Eine Analyse des Fundmaterials
vom ausgehenden 8. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert aus Sammlungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, OffaBücher 71, Neumünster.
Gordon K.
1990 A Norse Viking-age grave from Cruach Mhor, Islay, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
120, 151-160.
Graham-Campbell J.
1980 Viking Artefacts: A Select Catalogue, London.
1995 Viking-age gold and silver of Scotland, AD 850-1100, Edinburgh.
Graham-Campbell J., Batey C. E.
1998 Vikings in Scotland: An Archaeological Survey, Edinburgh.
Graham-Campbell J., Paterson C.
Unpublished Catalogue of Viking Graves in Scotland (mss at the National Museum of Scotland).
Grieg S.
1940 Viking antiquities in Scotland, [in:] Viking antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 2, ed. H. Shetelig,
Oslo.
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
81
Harrison S. H.
2002 Viking graves and grave-goods in Ireland, [in:] The Vikings in Ireland, ed. A.-Ch. Larsen, Roskilde, 61-75.
Hunter J. H., Bond J. M., Smith A. N.
1993 Some Aspects of Early Viking Settlement in Orkney, [in:] The Viking Age in Caithness, Orkney and the
North Atlantic. Select papers from the Eleventh Viking Congress, Thurso and Kirkwall, 1989, eds. C. E.
Batey, J. Jesch, C. D. Morris, Edinburgh, 273-284.
Hunter R. J., Dockrill S. J.
1982 Some Norse sites on Sanday, Orkney, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 112, 570-576.
Jakobsson M.
1992 Krigarideologi och vikingatida svärdstypologi, Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 11, Stockholm.
Jorgensen L.
2000 Political organisation and social life, in Fitzhugh, [in:] Vikings: The North Atlantic Saga, ed. W. W.
and E. I. Ward, Washington DC, 72-85.
Kaland S. H. H.
1993 The settlement of Westness, Rousay, [in:] The Viking Age in Caithness, Orkney and the North Atlantic.
Select papers from the Eleventh Viking Congress, Thurso and Kirkwall, 1989, eds. C. E. Batey, J. Jesch,
C. D. Morris, Edinburgh, 308-317.
Kirpičnikov A. N.
1966 Drevnerusskoe oruže. Vyp. 1. Meči i sabli IX-XIII v., Moskva-Leningrad.
Lang J. S. R., Ager B. M.
1989 Swords of the Anglo-Saxon and Viking periods in the British Museum: a radiographic study, [in:] Weapons
and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. S. Hawkes Chadwick, Oxford, 85-122.
Laing L.
2000 The Chronology and Context of Pictish Relief Sculpture, Medieval Archaeology 44, 81-114.
Leppäaho J.
1964 Späteisenzeitliche Waffen aus Finnland Schwertinschriften und Waffenverzierungen des 9.-12. Jahrhunderts.
Ein Tafelwerk, Helsinki.
Low D. M., Batey C. E., Gourlay R.
2000 A Viking Burial at Balnakeil, Sutherland, [in:] The Province of Strathnaver, ed. J. R. Baldwin, Edinburgh, 24-34.
MacPherson N.
1878 Notes on the antiquities from the Island of Eigg, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 12,
577-597.
Martens I.
2002 Viking Age Weapons in Norway. Their Role in Society, [in:] XVI IAMAM Congress 2002: Proceedings,
9-16 June 2002, Oslo, Norway, ed. C. Olsson, Oslo, 114-121.
Maryon H.
1950 A sword of the Viking period from the River Witham, The Antiquaries Journal 30, 175-179.
Morris C. D.
1998 Raiders, Traders and Settlers: the Early Viking Age in Scotland, [in:] Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early
Viking Age 4, eds. H. B. Clarke, M. N. Mhaonaigh, R. Ó. Floinn, Dublin, 73-103.
1990 Viking Orkney: a survey, [in:] The Prehistory of Orkney, BC 4000-1000 AD, ed. C. Renfrew, 2nd ed.,
Edinburgh, 210-242.
Oakeshott E.
2000a The Records of the Medieval Sword, 2nd ed., Woodbridge.
2000b Sword in Hand: A Brief Survey of the Knightly Sword, Arms and Armor Inc, Minneaoplis.
Owen O.
2002 Les Vikings en Écosse: quel type de maison les colons Vikings construisaient-ils?, [in:] L’Héritage maritime
des Vikings en Europe de l’Ouest, eds. E. Ridel, P. Bouet, Caen, 137-170.
Owen O., Dalland M.
1999 Scar. A Viking boat burial on Sanday, Orkney, East Linton.
Peirce I. G.
2004 Swords of the Viking Age, 2nd ed., Woodbridge.
Pennant T.
1790 A Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides 1772. Part I. London. Glasgow University Library. Special
Collection BG 52 d 2.
Petersen J.
1919 De norske vikingesverd. En typologisk-kronologisk studie over vikingetidens vaaben, Kristiania.
1940 British Antiquities of the Viking Period, Found in Norway, [in:] Viking antiquities in Great Britain and
Ireland, vol. 5, ed. H. Shetelig, Oslo.
Piaskowski J.
1959 Rozwój technologii mieczów żelaznych od czasów najdawniejszych do XV wieku (A development of the
technology of iron swords from prehistory to the 15th c.), MW 1, 149-176.
82
Grzegorz Żabiński
Ritchie J. N. G.
1981 Excavations at Machrins, Colonsay, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 111, 263-281.
Ruttkay A.
1975 Waffen und Reiterausrüstung des 9. bis zur ersten Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (I),
Slov. Arch. 23/1, 119-216.
1976 Waffen und Reiterausrüstung des 9. bis zur ersten Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II),
Slov. Arch. 24/2, 245-387.
Stewart H. J.
1851-1854 Notice of the Discovery of Some Ancient Arms and Armour, Near Glenfruin, on the Estate of Sir
James Colquhoun of Luss, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 1, 143-145.
Thorsteinsson A.
1968 The Viking burial place at Pierowall, Westray, Orkney, [in:] The Fifth Viking Congress: Tórshavn, July
1965, ed. B. Niclasen, Tórshavn.
Tylecote R. F., Gilmour B. J. J.
1986 The Metallography of Early Ferrous Edge Tools and Edged Weapons, Oxford.
Vésteinsson O.
2000 The Archaeology of Lándnam: Early Settlement in Iceland, [in:] Vikings: The North Atlantic Saga, eds.
W. W. and E. I. Ward, Washington DC, 164-174.
Wachowski K.
1989 Problematyka blatnicka – próba usystematyzowania pojęć (The Blatnica issue – an attempt at categorising
the terms), Prz. Arch. 36, 209-220.
Walsh A.
1998 A summary classification of Viking age swords in Ireland, [in:] Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early
Viking Age 4, eds. H. B. Clarke, M. N. Mhaonaigh, R. Ó. Floinn, Dublin, 222-235.
Williams A. R.
1977 Methods of manufacture of swords in medieval Europe: illustrated by the metallography of some
examples, Gladius 13, 75-101.
Ypey J.
1980 A sword with damascened blade frome Dorestad, Hoogstraat I, [in:] Nederlandse Oudheden: Uitgaven
van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek te Amersfoort 9, 190-206.
Grzegorz Żabiński
MIECZE OKRESU WIKIŃSKIEGO ZE SZKOCJI
Streszczenie
Artykuł niniejszy omawia zasadnicze zagadnienia związane ze znaleziskami mieczy okresu wikińskiego ze Szkocji: ilość zachowanych zabytków, kontekst
odkrycia, typologię i ich związek z innymi śladami
bytności Skandynawów w Szkocji oraz znaczenie znalezisk mieczy dla całościowego obrazu obecności Wikingów w tym kraju.
Spośród 36 zidentyfikowanych okazów (zob.
tab. I) 30 to pewne i wysoce prawdopodobne zabytki
pochodzące z grobów, jeden z grodu, a pięć to prawdopodobne znaleziska luźne. W chwili przygotowywania
niniejszej pracy do badań dostępne były dane o 87
przypadkach zidentyfikowanych pochówków skandynawskich w Szkocji (ich całkowita liczba najprawdopodobniej przekracza 130). Na 87 grobów 60 to pochówki
męskie oraz wspólne groby mężczyzn i kobiet. Spośród
tych 60 pochówków w 47 przypadkach dary grobowe
obejmowały broń, a jedynie w 18 z nich nie występowały miecze. Oznacza to, że połowa znanych obecnie męskich grobów skandynawskich z okresu wikińskiego w Szkocji zawierała miecze. Sugeruje to, że
podobnie jak w przypadku Irlandii (71 do 76 znanych
grobów, ok. 90 mieczy z okresu wikińskiego, w tym ok.
42 ze znalezisk grobowych), a w przeciwieństwie do Islandii (316 grobów, 73 zidentyfikowane pochówki męskie, 16 przypadków znalezisk mieczy z kontekstów
grobowych, na ogólną liczbę 22 znanych mieczy), pobyt Skandynawów w Szkocji w początkowym okresie
w znacznym stopniu nosił cechy podboju militarnego.
Z drugiej strony na przykładach z Norwegii i Szwecji
wskazuje się, że popularność mieczy jako darów grobowych wynikać mogła także z wielu innych przyczyn,
jak np. lokalne systemy prawne czy struktury osadnicze
w danym regionie. Pochówki z mieczami podzielić można
Viking Age Swords from Scotland
na trzy grupy pod względem ich prestiżu. Najwyższa
obejmuje groby z w miarę kompletnym zestawem broni,
innymi przedmiotami (narzędzia, ozdoby), dodatkowymi elementami pochówku (obramowanie kamienne,
pochówki w łodziach, kurhany – zazwyczaj więcej niż
jeden z tych elementów) i pochówkami zwierzęcymi
(w tym przypadku końskimi). Grupa pośrednia to groby
z mniej kompletnym zestawem broni, mniejszą liczbą
lub brakiem innych przedmiotów i co najwyżej jednym dodatkowym elementem pochówku. W grobach
najniższej grupy czasami pojawia się inna broń oprócz
miecza (tarcza) lub jeden dodatkowy element pochówku (obramowanie kamienne). Grupę najwyższą powiązać
można z „przywódcami”, zaś dwie pozostałe z wewnętrznie zróżnicowaną grupą wolnych chłopów. Interesujące są groby najniższej grupy, gdzie w siedmiu
z nich miecz był jedynym darem grobowym – acz
kuszącym jest tłumaczenie tego stanu rzeczy niekompletnością danych związaną z błędnym badaniem stanowiska, podobne przypadki z terenu Irlandii uważa
się po prostu za ubogo wyposażone groby z mieczami.
Pozwalałoby to na wysunięcie hipotezy, że choć miecze były częścią wyposażenia pochówków o wysokim
statusie, to same w sobie (przynajmniej w Szkocji i prawdopodobnie w Irlandii) nie musiały być symbolem wysokiej pozycji społecznej.
Znaleziska z północy Szkocji (Orkady, Szetlandy,
Sutherland i Caithness, ogółem 12 przypadków) najprawdopodobniej wiązać można generalnie z osadnikami skandynawskimi, jako że z obszarów tych znane
są inne liczne ślady osadnictwa wikińskiego. Pamiętać
jednak należy, że w przypadku Szkocji brak jest jednoznacznych dowodów na związki danego znaleziska
miecza ze znaną osadą skandynawską. W niektórych
przypadkach istnienie osady przyjąć można na podstawie rozmiarów cmentarzyska (Westness, typ H,
nr 7-11, oraz Pierowall Links, typ H i nieokreślony,
nr 2-3) i późniejszej osady skandynawskiej. Zasugerować można by istnienie związku między okazem
typu X z Lamaness (nr 5) a osadą w Pool, mieczem
nieokreślonego typu z Sumburgh (nr 1) a osadami
w Jarlshof i Old Scatness oraz w kilku innych przypadkach, jak Machrins (miecz typu L, nr 24) czy
Bebencula (miecz typu nieokreślonego, nr 14). Przypuszcza się, że osada mogła istnieć w pobliżu znaleziska miecza typu H ze Scar (nr 6), acz stwierdzenie jej
istnienia wymaga dalszych badań. To samo powiedzieć
można o mieczu typu H z Balnakeil (nr 12). Sytuacja ta różni się znacząco od stanu rzeczy na Islandii,
gdzie pochówki skandynawskie zazwyczaj położone
są dość blisko (ok. pół kilometra) od osad, czy w Irlandii, gdzie 80% znanych grobów wikińskich (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem cmentarzysk z Kilmainham
i Islandbridge) znajduje się w odległości nie większej
niż 5 km od centrum Dublina. Wpisuje się to dobrze
w generalny charakter osadnictwa skandynawskiego
okresu wikińskiego w Irlandii, zasadniczo ograniczonego do ośrodków miejskich. Niektóre znaleziska
z zachodu Szkocji (Wyspy Zachodnie, Argyll i Zatoka
Clyde, ogółem 19 przypadków) takoż mogą wskazywać
na bardziej stałe osadnictwo, acz znaczna liczba mieczy
z obszarów, gdzie brak jest znaczniejszej ilości innych
83
śladów stałego pobytu Skandynawów, oznaczać może,
iż miecze te wiązać należy z działalnością handlowopiracką oraz sezonowym wykorzystywaniem danych
miejsc jako baz morskich. Mogłoby to potwierdzać tezę
o różnicy w charakterze obecności Skandynawów na
północy i na zachodzie Szkocji, gdzie pierwszy region
był obszarem stałego osadnictwa, drugi zaś obszarem działalności handlowo-pirackiej. Pamiętać jednak
należy, że sama liczba i rozmieszczenie wszystkich
znanych pochówków wikińskich na zachodzie Szkocji
mogłyby sugerować istnienie bardziej stałego osadnictwa. Np. oprócz grobów z mieczami z Islay (typ H,
nr 23; typ Q, nr 24, oraz typ B, nr 25) z wyspy tej znane
są jeszcze inne groby (także kobiece) oraz całkiem
spory zasób nazw miejscowych pochodzenia skandynawskiego. Ponadto zachodu Szkocji nie można traktować w izolacji od szlaków łączących Skandynawię,
północ, zachód i centralny obszar Szkocji, Irlandię,
a później też Islandię. Wreszcie, na prowadzenie działalności handlowo-pirackiej przez Skandynawów osiedlających się na północy Szkocji wskazują dary grobowe
pochodzenia celtyckiego, które występują także bądź
to w niektórych grobach z mieczami w tym regionie
(miecz typu X z Lamaness, nr 5, oraz typu H z Balnakeil,
nr 12), bądź to w innych grobach na cmentarzyskach,
gdzie znaleziono miecze (Westness, miecze typu H,
nr 8-11, oraz Pierowall Links, miecze typu H i nieokreślony, nr 2-3). Niektóre znaleziska z innych regionów Szkocji (Dumfries, Galloway, Perth, Highland,
Zatoka Forth, ogółem pięć przypadków) mogą być związane z ekspansją anglosaską w Szkocji bądź też być
produktami miejscowego rzemiosła szkockiego.
Spośród 36 mieczy możliwe było zaklasyfikowanie 25. Wśród typów mieczy dominuje najpopularniejszy w okresie wikińskim typ H (10 egzemplarzy),
widoczna jest także znacząca obecność mieczy typu L
(trzy egzemplarze). Inne pojawiające się typy to – przypuszczalnie C lub H (jednosieczne – dwa egzemplarze),
X (dwa egzemplarze), pojedynczo występują także typy
B, D, I, O, Q, U lub V, prawdopodobnie W oraz Y.
Chronologia mieczy przypada generalnie na okres
ok. 800-1000 r. i w przypadku znalezisk grobowych
ich datowanie jest zazwyczaj zgodnie z datowaniem
innych elementów pochówku. Pamiętać jednak należy, że liczne typy mieczy wikińskich są jednak dość
szeroko datowane (nawet na okresy ok. 200 lat). Tak
więc określając chronologię grobu, a tym samym czas
złożenia doń miecza, liczyć należy się z możliwością,
że sam miecz wyprodukowany został dużo wcześniej. Sytuację taką założyć można dla miecza typu B
z Ballinaby (nr 25), gdzie typ miecza datowany jest
na lata ok. 700-850, zaś grób na okres ok. 800-925 r.
Ponadto w niektórych przypadkach to właśnie miecz,
jako najbardziej charakterystyczny z darów, jest podstawą do datowania całego grobu. Dla porównania
przedstawiono dane dotyczące znalezisk z Islandii
i Irlandii. Dla Islandii wyraźny jest związek między
intensyfikacją osadnictwa w X w., a późniejszymi
typami mieczy wikińskich. W przypadku Szkocji
i Irlandii możliwe byłoby powiązanie popularności
mieczy typu H (ogółem 25 przypadków) z osadnictwem z zachodniej Norwegii, gdzie widoczna jest do-
84
Grzegorz Żabiński
minacja tego typu mieczy. Ponadto niektóre miecze
typu L ze Szkocji wiązać by można z ekspansją anglosaską na południu Szkocji, bądź z wyprawami Wikingów
do Anglii. Niewielka przewaga mieczy wcześniejszych
typów (do ok. połowy X w.) może zostać wyjaśniona wzrostem wpływów chrześcijaństwa i stopniowym
odejściem od pogańskich praktyk pogrzebowych z darami grobowymi.
W kwestii pochodzenia większości mieczy okresu wikińskiego ze Szkocji brak jest zazwyczaj danych
pozwalających (jak np. ornament) na dokładniejsze
określenie ich proweniencji. Zazwyczaj wskazać można jedynie na ich generalnie skandynawskie pochodzenie. Przyjmuje się, iż skoro większość Skandynawów
przybywających do Szkocji pochodziła z Norwegii,
naturalnym jest więc uznanie norweskiego pochodzenia znacznej części ich broni. W oparciu o popularność mieczy jednosiecznych w Norwegii można uznać
zabytki z Kildonnan (nr 17), Lamlash (nr 29 – zapewne
typu C lub H) i Westness (nr 9 i 11 – oba typu H)
za najprawdopodobniej pochodzenia norweskiego. Norweską proweniencję przyjąć można dla miecza typu D
z Kildonnan (nr 16) na podstawie analogii norweskich
i irlandzkich, acz związki tego miecza mogą być o wiele
szersze, włączając w to interesujący przykład ze Słowacji (Blatnica). Frankijskie lub anglosaskie pochodzenie przyjąć by można dla miecza typu O z Eriskay
(nr 15). Niektóre znaleziska można uznać za prawdopodobnie pochodzenia anglosaskiego. W szczególności
dotyczy to powszechnie uważanych za anglosaskie
mieczy typu L – ze Szkocji. Znane są one z Machrins
(nr 21), Old Torbeckhill (nr 33) i Harvieston (nr 36).
Z drugiej strony, jako że kontekstem miecza z Machrins
jest grób wikiński, a sama broń nie posiada innych cech
charakterystycznych (typu ornament), trudno orzec, czy
jest ona wyrobem skandynawskim czy anglosaskim.
Zachodnioskandynawskie pochodzenie przyjąć można
dla miecza typu Q z Ballinaby (nr 24). Generalnie skandynawską proweniencję założyć można dla mieczy typu
U lub V z Kiloran Bay (nr 20), typu W (?) z Kildonnan
(nr 18) czy typu X ze Styes of Brough (nr 4) i Lamaness
(nr 5). W kwestii zabytku typu I z Dumbarton Rock
(nr 31) można przypuścić, że jest to lokalny wyrób
szkocki, acz celem potwierdzenia tego konieczne są
dalsze badania.
Co do konstrukcji głowni, możliwe jest wyciągnięcie jedynie ogólnych wniosków, jako że niemożliwe było przeprowadzenie badań metalograficznych.
Prawdopodobnie dziwerowane były miecze typu X ze
Styes of Brough (nr 4), typu O z Eriskay (nr 15) i typu
H z Pierowall Links (nr 2). Na podstawie zdjęć rentgenowskich stwierdzić można występowanie skuwania głowni z równoległych prętów w mieczu typu B
z Ballinaby (nr 25). Dziwerowanie wyraźnie widoczne
jest na mieczu typu Q z Ballinaby (nr 24), mieczu typu Y
ze Strathspey (nr 35), mieczy typu L z Old Torbeckhill
(nr 33) oraz na zdjęciach rentgenowskich miecza typu H
z Westness (nr 8). Z drugiej strony zdjęcia rentgenowskie wykazały brak dziwerowania dla mieczy typu
H ze Scar (nr 6), typu U lub V z Kiloran Bay (nr 20)
oraz typu H z Balnakeil (nr 12). Ponadto na podstawie
technologii produkcji głowni założyć można, że głownie mieczy typu Q z Ballinaby (nr 24) i typu Y ze
Strathspey (nr 35) mogą być znacznie starsze niż
rękojeści. Wreszcie technologia konstrukcji głowni
może dostarczyć dodatkowych informacji dla datowania miecza, jak w przypadku miecza typu L z Old
Torbeckhill (nr 33).
Tłumaczył Grzegorz Żabiński
Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
Related Papers
Download
Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 2016
Download
… , arte militar y vida cultural en …, 2011
Download
Gladius, 2011
Download
Download
Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 41 , 1987
Download
Download
Internet Archaeology, 38 (http://intarch.ac.uk/journal/issue38/heenpettersen_index.html ), 2014
Download
Download
