ANTON DE KOM UNIVERSITEIT VAN SURINAME
FACULTEIT DER MAATSCHAPPIJ DER WETENSCHAPPEN
(FMIJW)
Student van de Master in Education and Research for Sustainable
Development(MERSD)
The discourse of traditional
knowledge in light of the right
to development
Master Thesis presented as a partial fulfilment of requirements for the completion of the
Course of Master Education and Research for Sustainable development
Author :
Supervisor:
Ilahi, Fariq Mohamed N.
Mr. dr. Veira, M. A.
1
Abstract
A non-cultural sustainable development policy contains a cultural policy that adheres to the
hegemonic model of neo modernization.That is, the desire to make as much money as possible
in the shortest possible time and, of course, without caring about its impact or other side effects.
This also seems to be the attitude towards culture. Agenda 21 for Development is first and
foremost a question that may be put as follows: ‘Is another model (of cultural policies)
possible?
In Suriname not only, the indigenous people are considered to have knowledge in their heritage
(traditional knowledge) because the other ethnic groups also have knowledge that is part of
their cultural heritage. Protection of the unique cacophony of cultural heritage of Suriname is
important starting with indigenous people. The conflicts surrounding traditional knowledge
resonate in the social reality of Suriname. The current legal framework does not adequately
protect tradesional knowledge. There are no compulsory legal provisions for meaningful
participation or consultation in decisions affecting indigenous peoples, nor is their right to free,
prior and informed consent (FPIC) recognized. The legislation process in Suriname is rather
slow. There is a limited awareness in general on indigenous people rights in Suriname,
including by lawmakers. Although there is a general recognition that there are such rights, there
is limited clarity what exactly those are, if and how they should be recognized legally, and how
this would affect other rights such as the rights of concession holders, individual ownership
rights, and rights of other etnic communities. This limited awareness, combined with long-held
prejudices and discrimination against indigenous make this topic a difficult one to discuss in a
constructive and structured manner.
There is a persistent top-down governance attitude in Suriname, where the government and its
officials often act as the know-betters towards indigenous communities and development
isseus.Such attitudes again make it difficult to have constructive and meaningful discussions
over topics such as community governance over territories, areas and resources. Policy reforms
(should) go hand-in-hand with legal reforms, legal reforms would obviously also need to be
reflected in policy reforms and the other way around.
The thesis consists of a socio-legal literature study and a norm ative framework.
The conclusion can be drawn that Suriname has to create a national dialog on traditional
knowledge and identity. The goals of this national dialog can be formulated as followed:
1.
The Surinamese government has to establish a clear workable process to develop the
laws and administrative measures and need to comply with its legal obligations and to
maintain continued dialogue between the government of Suriname and its citizens.
2.
The government need to create a long-term sustainable development policy plan that
takes into consideration conservation of biodiversity, protection of traditional
knowledge and justice for all.
In this sense, development is at the heart of the culture debate. If one views culture as more
than just the preservation and promotion of the arts, heritage and cultural identities, then we
have to include the broad civilizational concept embodied in culture as a whole way of life.
That s why this thesis promotes the usage of cultural development as a fourth pilar.
i
Abbr
at
ADRIP
Basja
Black letter law
BRICS
CBD
Conquista
a
t r s
American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People
Member of the traditional village council. (deputy captain of a village).
In an 1831 case in the U.S. Supreme Court, Jackson ex Dem. Bradford
v. Huntington, the phrase "black letter" was used. The phrase is not
associated with Black's Law Dictionary, which was first published in
1891. Instead, it presumably refers to the practice of setting law books
and citing legal precedents in blackletter type, a tradition that survived
long after the switch to Roman and italic text for other printed works.
Is the acronym coined for an association of five major emerging national
economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Originally,
the first four were grouped as "BRIC" (or "the BRICs"), before the
induction of South Africa in 2010. The BRICS members are known for
their significant influence on regional affairs; all are members of G20
(an international forum for the governments and central bank governors
from 19 countries and the European Union). Since 2009, the BRICS
nations have met annually at formal summits. China hosted the 9th
BRICS summit in Xiamen on September 2017, while South Africa
hosted the most recent 10th BRICS summit in July 2018. The term does
not include countries such as South Korea, Mexico and Turkey for
which other acronyms and group associations were later created. In
2015, the five BRICS countries represent over 3.1 billion people, or
about 41% of the world population; four out of five members (excluding
South Africa at #24) are in the top 10 of the world by population. As of
2018, these five nations have a combined nominal GDP of US$18.6
trillion, about 23.2% of the gross world product, combined GDP (PPP)
of around US$40.55 trillion (32% of World's GDP PPP) and an
estimated US$4.46 trillion in combined foreign reserves. Overall the
BRICS are forecasted to expand 4.6% in 2016, from an estimated
growth of 3.9% in 2015. The World Bank expected BRICS growth to
increase to 5.3% in 2017. The BRICS have received both praise and
criticism from numerous commentators. Bilateral relations among
BRICS nations have mainly been conducted on the basis of noninterference, equality, and mutual benefit.
Convention on biodiversity
The overseas expansion under the Crown of Castile was initiated under
the royal authority and first accomplished by the Spanish conquistadors.
The Americas were incorporated into the Spanish Empire, with the
exception of Brazil, Canada, and several other small countries in South
America and The Caribbean. The crown created civil and religious
structures to administer the region. The motivations for colonial
expansion were trade and the spread of the Catholic faith through
indigenous conversions.
ii
Decreet
DNA
Dresi
FPIC
IACHR
IDB
ILO
IUCN
Koni mang Anansi
Landsverordening
MDG’s
MNC\TNC
OAS
Positive law\ rights
Post development
Scalians
SDG’S
Stichting
TRIPS
UGP
UN
UNBISnet
approved in the period of Military rule, 1980-1987
De Nationale Assemblee van Suriname (the highest civil representative
body of Suriname )
Traditional medicine
Free Prior and Informed Consent
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
Inter-American Development Bank
International Labor Organization
International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
Anansi (/
-NAHN-see) is an Akan folktale character. He often
takes the shape of a spider and is considered to be the spirit of all
knowledge of stories. He is also one of the most important characters of
West African and Caribbean folklore. The Anansi tales originated from
the Akan people of present-day Ghana. The word Ananse is Akan and
means "spider". They later spread to West Indies, Suriname, Sierra
Leone (where they were introduced by African people who came as
slaves from that region) and the Netherlands Antilles. On Curaçao,
Aruba, and Bonaire, it is known as Kompa Nanzi.
an act/law approved during Colonial period, before 1975
The Millennium Development Goals
Multinational Company\Trans National Company
Organization of American States
the term positive law\rights refers to laws made by man that require
some specific action. These are statutes, codes, and regulations that have
been enacted by a legislature. By contrast, “natural law” refers to
principles that are universal in society, governing moral acts.
Post development theory (also post-development or anti-development or
development criticism) holds that the whole concept and practice of
development is a reflection of Western-Northern hegemony over the rest
of the world. Post development thought arose in the 1980’s out of
criticisms voiced against development projects and development theory,
which justified them.
a ponton with mining equipment
Sustainable Development Goals
foundation (translation by approximation)
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights
United Nations
Catalogue of United Nations (UN) documents and publications indexed
by the UN Dag Hammarskjöld Library and the Library of the UN Office
at Geneva. Also included are commercial publications and other nonUN sources held in the collection of the Dag Hammarskjöld Library.
The coverage of UNBISnet is from 1979 onward, however, older
documents are being added to the catalogue on a regular basis as a result
iii
UNDRIP
VIDS
Wet
WIPO
of retrospective conversion. UNBISnet also provides instant access to a
growing number of full text resources in the six official languages of the
UN (Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish), including
resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, the Economic and Social
Council and the Security Council from 1946 onward.
UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Vereniging van Inheemse Dorpshoofden in Suriname, the Association
of Indigenous Village Leaders in Suriname
Law/act approved after 1975
World Intellectual Property Organization
iv
Table of Contents
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... I
ABBREVIATION AND TERMS ....................................................................................................... II
FIGURES & TABELS .................................................................................................................... VIII
LIST OF FIGURES ..............................................................................................................................VIII
LIST OF TABELS ................................................................................................................................VIII
PART ONE: GENERAL DESCRIPTION AND RELEVANCE...................................................... 1
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 1
1.1. PROTECTION OF KNOWLEDGE AND THE RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE ....... 3
1.2. THE SURINAMESE SITUATION ...................................................................................................... 4
1.3. RESEARCH OBJECTIVE AND RELEVANCE ..................................................................................... 5
1.4. DESCRIBING THE PROBLEM .......................................................................................................... 5
1.5. RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................................................. 6
1.6. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY.......................................................................................................... 6
1.7. LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY ....................................................................................................... 7
1.8. ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY .................................................................................................... 7
PART TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................. 8
CHAPTER 2 PROTECTION OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE ................................................. 8
2.1. THE CONCEPT OF INDIGENOUS ..................................................................................................... 8
2.2. THE CONCEPT OF TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE ........................................................ 9
2.3. PROTECTION OF TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE ....................................................... 11
2.4. CONFLICTING NORMS OF PROTECTION OF KNOWLEDGE OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE ..................... 12
2.4.1. Conflict in Rationale and Origin ........................................................................................ 13
2.4.2. National Sovereignty vs. Rights of IPR Holders\Community Rights vs. Individual Rights.
...................................................................................................................................................... 15
2.4.3. Traditional knowledge vs modern knowledge .................................................................... 15
2.4.4. Prior Informed Consent of States and Communities vs. Unilateral Patents ...................... 16
2.4.5. Benefit Sharing Arrangements (consent & consultation) vs maximum profit of
corporations ................................................................................................................................. 17
2.6. Concluding comments regarding norms protecting indigenous knowledge discourse ......... 18
CHAPTER 3 DEVELOPMENT AND PROTECTION OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE ..... 19
3.1 MODERNIZATION THEORY .......................................................................................................... 19
3.1.1.Cultural barriers in development. ....................................................................................... 20
3.1.2 Neo modernization theory, MDG’s and SDG’s................................................................... 23
3.2. FINANCING DEVELOPMENT ........................................................................................................ 23
3.3. FUNDING YOUR OWN DEVELOPMENT AGENDA .......................................................................... 26
3.3.1. Financial explanation ....................................................................................................... 26
3.3.2. Political explanation ......................................................................................................... 27
3.3.3. Institutional explanation .................................................................................................... 27
3.3.4. Economic explanation ........................................................................................................ 27
3.3.5. Cultural explanation .......................................................................................................... 28
3.4. CONCLUDING COMMENTS ON DEVELOPMENT AND PROTECTION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE ........ 28
CHAPTER 4 MAKING DEVELOPMENT SUSTAINABLE ........................................................ 30
v
4.1. THE GENESIS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ......................................................................... 30
4.2. THE WAY FORWARD: CULTURE AS A LENS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT.......................... 32
4.3. CONCLUDING REMARKS ............................................................................................................. 36
CHAPTER 5 GOVERNANCE OF THE RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS
PEOPLE .............................................................................................................................................. 37
5.1. DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE THOUGHT THE CULTURE LENS ................................... 38
5.2. THE DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE .......................................................... 39
5.2.1. The economic dimension .................................................................................................... 40
5.2.2. The social dimension of indigenous knowledge ................................................................. 40
5.2.3. Environmental dimension of indigenous development strategies ...................................... 41
5.2.4. The cultural dimension ....................................................................................................... 42
5.3. DECENTRALIZATION OF GOVERNMENT DEVELOPMENT FINANCE OR PARTICIPATORY
DEVELOPMENT .................................................................................................................................. 42
5.4. THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE LOKONO CASE FOR DEVELOPMENT AGENDA OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE
.......................................................................................................................................................... 44
5.5. JUDICIAL THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE LOKONO CASE. ............................................................... 45
5.5. CONCLUDING COMMENTS .......................................................................................................... 49
PART THREE: METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 50
CHAPTER 6 METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................................... 50
6.1. LITERATURE REVIEW IN THE FORM OF DOCTORAL REVIEW ....................................................... 50
6.1.1. Take a look at the literature ............................................................................................... 51
6.1.2. Write the research question................................................................................................ 52
6.1.3. Reading the literature......................................................................................................... 52
6.1.4. Organizing the literature .................................................................................................... 52
6.1.5. writing the discourse .......................................................................................................... 52
6.2. THE USAGE OF KEY INFORMANTS .............................................................................................. 53
6.3. FROM LITERATURE TO INTERVIEWS AND FOCUS GROUPS .......................................................... 54
6.3.1. From literature to interviews ............................................................................................. 54
6.3.2. The interviews. ................................................................................................................... 55
6.3.3. The focus groups ................................................................................................................ 55
6.3.4. Talking stick or sharing circles as method of conducting a focus group ......................... 56
6.3.5. storytelling as means of reporting ...................................................................................... 57
6.4. CONCLUDING COMMENTS .......................................................................................................... 58
PART FOUR THE RESULTS ........................................................................................................... 59
CHAPTER 7 THE RESULTS .......................................................................................................... 59
7.1. THE KEY INFORMANTS ............................................................................................................... 59
7.1.1. Informant 1 ......................................................................................................................... 59
7.1.2. Informant 2 ......................................................................................................................... 60
7.2.3. Informant 3 ......................................................................................................................... 60
7.1.4. Informant 4 ......................................................................................................................... 60
7.1.5. Informant 5 ......................................................................................................................... 60
7.2. THE INTERVIEWS ........................................................................................................................ 61
7.2.1. Respondent 1 ...................................................................................................................... 61
7.2.1.1. Judicial problems when doing research with plants.................................................... 61
7.2.1.2. Regulation of gathering of bio resources .................................................................... 61
7.2.1.3. Recognition of traditional knowledge ......................................................................... 61
vi
7.2.1.4. Cultural heritage as an export product “broko bonjo tourism” ................................... 62
7.2.1.5. Traditional knowledge in the curriculum of the university ........................................ 62
7.2.2. Respondent 2 ...................................................................................................................... 62
7.2.2.1 Politics an important factor setting the development agenda....................................... 62
7.2.2.2. Broad definition or narrow definition ......................................................................... 62
7.2.2.3. Elements of legislation when implanting the right to development ............................ 62
7.2.2.4. Current conflicts.......................................................................................................... 63
7.3. CONCLUDING COMMENTS ......................................................................................................... 63
PART 5 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION ....................................... 64
CHAPTER 8 DISCUSSION.............................................................................................................. 64
CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ 67
9.1. (SQ.1) IN WHICH MATTER CAN TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE BE PROTECTED?...... 68
9.2. (SQ.2) WHAT DEFINITION OF DEVELOPMENT CAN FACILITATE THE PROTECTION OF
INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE?............................................................................................................... 69
9.3. (SQ.3) HOW CAN WE MAKE THIS FLAVOR OF DEVELOPMENT SUSTAINABLE? .......................... 70
9.4. (SQ.4) HOW WILL THESE INSIGHTS TRANSLATE INTO NORMS THAT FACILITATE THE RIGHT TO
DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE?.......................................................................................... 70
CHAPTER 10 RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................................................................... 72
WORKS CITED................................................................................................................................... A
ANNEX A OTHER DEVELOPMENT THEORIES ....................................................................... M
A.1. STRUCTURALISM ........................................................................................................................ M
A.2. DEPENDENCY THEORY ............................................................................................................... M
A.3. BASIC NEEDS THEORY ................................................................................................................. P
A.4. HUMAN DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................................................... P
ANNEX B STAKEHOLDERS’ MEETING OR SHARING CIRCLE (FOCUS GROUP) .......... R
B.1. THE CALL FOR POLICY MAKERS .................................................................................................. R
B.2. IDENTITY AND NATION BUILDING, .............................................................................................. S
B.3.WHAT IS DEVELOPMENT?............................................................................................................. T
B.4.REPRESENTATION......................................................................................................................... U
B.5. COMMERCIAL INTEREST (TRIPS) VS. CONSERVATION (CBD) .................................................... U
B.6. AWARENESS AN EDUCATION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE .................................................... V
B.7 GOOD GOVERNANCE VS BAD GOVERNANCE (GOVERNMENT VS GOVERNANCE) ......................... W
B.8. CARIBBEAN PLATFORM FOR THE PROTECTION ............................................................................ X
B.9. PROTECTION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE .............................................................................. X
B.10 EARNING DAILY BREAD AND BUTTER ........................................................................................ X
B.11 EROSION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE.................................................................................... Y
B.12 LOCAL INPUT .............................................................................................................................. Y
B.13 EXODUS OF THE PEOPLE ............................................................................................................. Y
B.14 FORCE MAJEURE BY CIVIL SERVANTS ........................................................................................ Z
B.15 (UN) SUSTAINABLE RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ........................................................................... Z
ANNEX C TRANSCRIPTS ............................................................................................................. AA
VERSLAG RESPONDENT 1 ................................................................................................................. QQ
VERSLAG RESPONDENT 2 ................................................................................................................. YY
vii
List of figures
Figure 1 Plan of approach ................................................................................................................................ 7
List of tabels
Table 1 COVERAGE OF THE CONVENTION (Anderson, Indigenous/Traditional Knowledge & Intellectual
Property, 2010)
Table 2 GROW MODEL
Table 3 legislative body clasificication
Table 4 political will GROW model
Table 5 identity grow model
Table 6 grow development plan based on the local context
Table 7 representation GROW model
Table 8 conservation TK GROW model
Table 9 create curriculum to preserve biodiversity GROW model
Table 10 educate TK mythology GROW model
Table 11 governance vs government GROW model
Table 12 regional framework GROW model
Table 13 policy GROW model
Table 14 sustenance GROW model
Table 15 stop erosion GROW model
Table 16 local policy input GROW model
Table 17 sustainable Community building
Table 18 evaluation of service delivery GROW model
Table 19 evaluation of civil service GROW model
Table 20 freedom of information GROW model
Table 21 sustainabale resource harvesting GROW model
14
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viii
Chapter 1 Introduction
Migration has characterized Latin-America and Caribbean history and is still central to the lives
and awareness of its inhabitants today. Some common elements are: European immigration,
the African slave trade and the recruitment of Asian indentured labor accounted for the
populating of the region after the indigenous Amerindian inhabitants had been all but
annihilated in the wake of the conquista (Lier, 1971).
Upon the abolition of slavery in the mid-nineteenth century, labor migration within the
Caribbean and to Central America gained momentum. (Lier, 1971). This movement of people
within the Caribbean has never stopped. Suriname was developed as a plantation colony. A
steady stream of European colonialists and enslaved Africans populated the country; in the
eighteenth-century slaves constituted more than ninety per cent of the population. As
everywhere else in the Caribbean, it did not take long before the native people had almost
completely died out, or had been banished to the margins of the colony (Oostindie & Klinkers,
2003). This is the reason why Suriname has a pluriform society, like many other countries in
the region.
If one looks at the merits of the Lokono case native people, they are still considered to be
marginalized (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015). When the
constitutions in Latin-America where written, some indigenous people gained full citizenship
but remained in the margins according to the merits of the Lokono case. Other countries opted
for a titular regime and gained full citizenship much later (Hoekema, 2014).
Up until the 1980’s, culture played an important role in underpinning modernization theory but
was rarely scrutinized, because it was considered a barrier. Development was equated with
modernization and assumed to be culture-neutral and anyone, anywhere could experience
modernization. Some development scholars argue that cultural values, attitudes, orientations
and opinions are a key variable in determining economic progress (Boström, 2012); Welzel,
Inglehart & Klingemann, 2003). According to this view, the developmental success of Western
countries is based on the distinctive cultural institutions of Western civilization, and other
countries should emulate these as much as possible, in this view local knowledge and cultural
patterns were seen as barriers (Welzel, Inglehart, & Klingemann, 2003).
The large majority of countries in the world are multi-ethnic, and ethnicity is one of the most
important forms of collective identity of relevance in the competition for and the constitution
of state power, particularly in developing countries. The state is the terrain over which ethnic
conflict is fought, and it features significantly in the theorization of ethnic conflict at a variety
of different assumptions and levels, both in the cause and consequences of conflict and as the
central element in its resolution (Berger & Loren, 2008).
Indigenous Knowledge refers to knowledge, capability, experience, and wisdom that has been
accumulated, existed, survived or developed in accordance with the ecological system, natural
surroundings, society, and cultures. According to article 1 of the Convention for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage 2003 the meaning for traditional knowledge
1
is similar to intangible cultural heritage: the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge,
skills that communities, (ethnic) groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as a part of
their cultural heritage. The classical liberal state theory views the state as a neutral arbiter
suspended above society and adjudicating competing demands from rival interest groups.
However, empirical research on the political sociology of conflict frequently describes a very
different picture:
•
of the hegemonic control of the state by dominant ethnic groups;
•
of strong states generating insecurity rather than security;
•
and of the deployment of violence and disorder as instruments of control by
state elites.
The literature on ethnic conflict and the state dwells largely in this domain of tension between
the reality of the embedded, ethicized state and the useful fiction of the neutral, disembodied,
liberal state. Following a brief overview of the conceptual terrain, this thesis explores the
relationship of ethnic conflict and development to the state by drawing on each of the states’
three putatively ‘core’ functions: welfare, representation, and security (Torre, 2010).
While the more widely known cases of ethnic conflict are those that have involved large-scale,
protracted or demonstrative episodes of violence such as the Lebanese civil war (1975–1990),
urban riots in Kenya (2007), or ethnic massacres in Rwanda (1994), it is important to note the
conceptual distance between violence and conflict. Conflict is widespread, but violence is not.
Most multi-ethnic countries in the developing and developed world experience ethnic tensions
and conflicts of some form or another, but these are for the most part either negotiated
peacefully through formal or informal institutional mechanisms, or they remain latent and
suppressed (Torre, 2010).
Development scholars have started to engage with the shifting geographies and geopolitics of
development. The rise of China, India and other countries (the BRICS countries) of the South
as global economic powers challenges the monopoly of the West on what it means to be modern
and developed. It raises questions about the ways in which countries mobilize cultural power
commensurate with their growing economic might on the global stage, and how cultural
imagery is employed in re-branding themselves as prosperous nations (Sidaway, 2012). Other
studies reveal how Northern economic ideas and policies travel and how they are interpreted,
adapted, and resisted in the South. Bringing the economic prosperity together with culture and
development challenges the assumption that economics is a science separate and immune from
political and cultural inquiries (Pollard, McEwan, & Hughes, 2011). These studies of culture
and development anchor culture within an analysis of the machinations of power and capitalism
in development.
Current scientific communication on culture and development involves detailed case studies
that examine where, when, and how culture and development interact, and who is involved in
these interactions. One interesting place is the edges of development, E.g. the Amerindians of
Suriname. The edges can be marginal positions from which any development interventions or
programmers are experienced as a distant echo, or as acts of dispossession and oppression like
in the Lokono case. They can also be liminal, or between, locations where new cultural meaning
is created. They are inhabited by people who negotiate, challenge, and blur the boundaries of
modernity and tradition in their everyday lives. Such case studies show development as always
cultural, specific, and culture as a terrain of struggle (Boström, 2012).
2
1.1. Protection of knowledge and the right to development of indigenous
people
“The term "traditional knowledge" refers to knowledge, possessed by indigenous people, in
one or more societies and in one or more forms, including, but not limited to, art, dance and
music, medicines and folk remedies, folk culture, biodiversity, knowledge and protection of
plant varieties, handicrafts, designs, literature.” (Ragavan, 2011, p. 4). The people that are
considered holders of this knowledge are often members of marginalized groups in comparison
to other groups in societies within the state constructed around them, often after a process of
colonialization (Ragavan, 2011). Intellectual property norms are used as a legal instrument to
protect knowledge. This thesis will look at the international and national legal instruments that
contain norms regarding the protection of traditional knowledge.
In 1992, Agenda 21 recognized the possibility of the contribution of indigenous people, as
holders of traditional knowledge, to sustainable development. Although this document is not a
treaty, a convention, or even legally binding, Agenda 21 still manages to provide a
comprehensive program of national and international action for sustainable development.
Goals inherent in the objectives of agenda 21 are already contained in such international legal
instruments as the ILO Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (No. 169) and are
incorporated into the UN declaration on indigenous rights and its Inter-American equivalent.
Agenda 21 establishes the relationship between traditional knowledge, the protection of
traditional knowledge through intellectual property regimes, land rights, the right to
development and sustainable development. These themes have a linkage with the TRIPS vs.
CBD conflict.
Sometimes states make "declarations" as to their understanding of some matter or as to the
interpretation of a particular provision. Unlike reservations, declarations merely clarify the
states’ position and do not purport to exclude or modify the legal effect of a treaty. Usually,
declarations are made at the time of the deposit of the corresponding instrument or at the time
of signature. “Treaties are known by a variety of different names, ranging from Conventions,
International Agreements, Pacts, General Acts, Charters, through to Statutes, Declarations, and
Covenants.” (Shaw, 2008, p. 93).
The term "declaration" is used for various international instruments. However, declarations are
not always legally binding. The term is often deliberately chosen to indicate that the parties do
not intend to create binding obligations but merely want to declare certain aspirations. An
example is the 1992 Rio Declaration. Declarations can however also be treaties in the generic
sense intended to be binding at international law. It is therefore necessary to establish for each
treaty whether the parties had the intention to create binding obligations. Ascertaining the
intentions of the parties can often be a difficult task (Shaw, 2008).
There are two international declarations that summarize the rights of indigenous people that
live in Suriname, namely:
1. UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)
2. American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (ADRIP)
3
The judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the case of Kaliña and Lokono
Peoples v. Suriname is noteworthy for a number of reasons (MacKay, 2018):
1. The protection of the rights established in the United Nations declaration on indigenous
rights. (ADRIP was a draft at the time of the proceedings and is not taken into
consideration by the court) this makes it black letter law.
2. It helps in the understanding normative value (binding or not binding of the
instruments) of the declaration’s provisions.
3. Crystallization of the still evolving body of law surrounding the indigenous people.
4. Mentioning of UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights which makes it
black letter law.
There are approximately 20,344 indigenous people in Suriname (Stichting Algemeen Bureau
voor de Statistiek in Suriname, 2018). In 2007, Suriname voted in favor of the UN Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous but the legislative system of the country does not adequately
recognize the rights Indigenous or tribal peoples in its legislation according to the IAHCR.
These possible shortcomings are (Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015):
• Suriname does not recognize the possibility that the indigenous peoples as a collective
may be constituted as legal persons and, consequently, they lack standing to hold
collective property titles.
• Suriname’s laws do not provide any legal remedies for the protection of their collective
property rights (including intellectual property).
• The activities of mining and other activities, acquisition of lands by third parties, and
activities regarding nature reserves have resulted in violations.
• The Court ordered guarantees of non-repetition, requiring that Suriname adopts
legislative and other measures to recognize the rights of all indigenous and tribal
peoples subject to its jurisdiction, measures not initially requested by the complainants.
Their unique relationship to traditional territory may be expressed in different ways, depending
on the particular indigenous people involved and their specific circumstances. It may include
the traditional use or presence, be it through spiritual or ceremonial ties; settlements or sporadic
cultivation; seasonal or nomadic gathering, hunting, and fishing; the use of natural resources
associated with their customs and any other element characterizing their culture.” These modes
of using territory are protected by the right to property (IAHC-OAS, 2018).
1.2. The Surinamese Situation
The north‐south relationship developed from a “left alone” attitude (Lier, 1971) into a growing
need for exploitation of mineral and timber resources in the south. Conflicts between tribal
groups (Oostindie & Klinkers, 2003) and the Government are occurring with the granting of
large‐scale gold mining and logging concessions. Also, the creation of national parks
frequently occurs without local consultation and is a major cause of conflict between
indigenous people and the Government (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname,
2015).
One of these other conflicts is the Maho case (Artist, 2017). According to the attorney of the
owner Gregory A.T.T. Sitaram, his client (the owner of the piece of land that is occupied by
indigenous people) is owner of the land and it’s not public domain. Furthermore, his client is
acting in accordance with “de mijnbouw wet” (mineral statue) and asks the government for
protection (Sitaram, 2017). In a reaction to this K.S. Jakaoemo, an indigenous lawyer states
4
that there is evidence in early cadastral maps that people lived in that area (Jakaoemo, 2017).
This conflict is ongoing since 2007.
According to diverse human rights instruments, indigenous peoples have the right to legal
recognition of their diverse and specific forms and modalities of control, ownership, use and
enjoyment of their territories, springing from the culture, uses, customs, and beliefs of each
people (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
At present there are five major competing claims for resource use in the interior (Case of The
Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015):
• Traditional use,
• mining,
• forestry,
• protected area/national park development, and
• tourism.
1.3. Research objective and relevance
Not only in Suriname, the indigenous people are considered to have knowledge in their heritage
(traditional knowledge), because the other ethnic groups also have knowledge that is part of
their cultural heritage. Except indigenous people, the other ethnic groups were brought to
Suriname as plantation workers, except of Europeans. The knowledge that the ethnic groups
have brought with them has become part of the Surinamese identity (Lier, 1971).This needs
protection because it is part of the pluriform identity of Suriname. The norms for protection of
indigenous knowledge can also apply for the other cultural knowledge systems present in
Suriname. This will result in protection of the unique cacophony of cultural heritage of
Suriname. This thesis will explore the obligations regarding the diverse instruments regarding
indigenous knowledge and development, suggest policy milestones that need to be undertaken
in order to fulfill these obligations. In other words, this thesis will explore black letter law
options and soft law (policy) in order to protect the rights of indigenous people in compliance
with international law instruments.
1.4. Describing the problem
Discourse refers to how one thinks and communicates about people, things, the social
organization of society, and the relationships among and between all three. Discourse typically
emerges out of social institutions like media, politics, norms (law) (among others), and by
virtue of giving structure and order to language and thought, it structures and orders one’s life,
relationships with others, and society. It thus shapes what one is able to think and know at any
point in time. In this sense, sociologists frame discourse as a productive force because it shapes
one’s thoughts, ideas, beliefs, values, identities, interactions with others, and our behavior. In
doing so it produces much of what occurs within us and within society (Cole, 2018).
Decolonizing research has been articulated as a new line of thinking in academia. This way of
knowing provides space and legitimacy to the contribution of indigenous discourse. The
approach was primarily produced as a result of postmodern and postcolonial thinking.
Traditionally, during the enlightenment and colonization period, indigenous scholars had to
eliminate prior knowledge and espouse colonial discourse (Smith, 1999).
5
The indigenous traditional discourse is important because according to chapter 26 of agenda
21 this can provide an alternative way of knowing that will enrich the sustainable development
discourse. In the case of Suriname, the pluriform society is often considered to be an obstacle
for development. By starting with the discourse of indigenous people one can hope that the
other ethnicities will follow suit, in doing so the cacophony of culture and its hidden gems will
become its biggest strength.
In none of the foundational literature is the role of culture is considered, either in the sense of
examining the ways in which cultural patterns have contributed to the creation of unsustainable
lifestyles, economic practices, agriculture and food systems and urbanization, or in the sense
of chapter 26 of agenda 21 the linkage between resource management and indigenous
knowledge for example (Clammer, 2016).
A non-cultural sustainable development policy contains a cultural policy that adheres to the
hegemonic model of neo modernization; that is, the desire to make as much money as possible
in the shortest possible time and, of course, without caring about its impact or other side effects.
This also seems to be the attitude towards culture. Agenda 21 for Culture is first and foremost
a question that may be put as follows: ‘Is another model (of cultural policies) possible?’
(Pascual, 2013).
1.5. Research questions
The research will address the following central question:
Research question (RQ):
In which matter can the indigenous traditional discourse enhance the right
to development?
The following sub questions (SQ) will be answered:
(SQ.1)
In which matter can traditional indigenous knowledge be protected?
(SQ.2)
What definition of development can facilitate the protection of indigenous
knowledge?
(SQ.3)
How can we make this flavour of development sustainable?
(SQ.4)
How will these insights translate into norms that facilitate the right to
development of indigenous people?
1.6. Research methodology
Legal scientific communication often takes the form of summary of the current state of positive
law, combining reference to primary sources such as legislation and court cases with reference
to handbooks and recent journal articles. What is less clear is how the researchers in question
relate to different points of view. This is not to say that legal scholars ignore these issues while
conducting research, but rather leave them largely implicit in writings. In social sciences, the
relationships to existing approaches and theories are usually spelled out in the theoretical
framework of the research project. This thesis attempts to use the interplay between theoretical
aspects and normative aspects of law to answer the research question and sub questions
(Taekema, 2018).
6
To gather the data needed to populate the chapters this thesis followed the following data
collection method (multiple case study using literature, interviews, legislation, and court cases
(Creswell, 2013) :
• Step 1 gathering keywords;
• Step 2 gather data via search engines;
• Step 3 get overwhelmed by data by creating a literature review;
• Step 4 talk to experts to get relevant buzzwords (key informants);
• Step 5 gather data via search engines;
• Step 6 evaluate discourse or literature review and write your opinion;
• Step 7 compare the discourse with the local context by conducting interviews;
• Step 8 conduct group interview (focus group);
• Step 9 check what the literature is saying about this phenomenon;
• Step 10 write a conclusion;
FIGURE 1 PLAN OF APPROACH
1.7. Limitations of this study
The advantages and disadvantages of qualitative research are quite unique. On one hand, you
have the perspective of the data that is being collected. On the other hand, you have the
techniques of the data collector and their own unique observations that can alter the information
in subtle ways.
The advantages and disadvantages of qualitative research make it possible to gather and
analyze individualistic data on deeper levels. This makes it possible to gain new insights into
thoughts, demographic behavioral patterns, and emotional reasoning processes.
Another limitation is that the author of this thesis is a Hindustani (east-Indian) writing about
Amerindians. There is a barrier because of his identity. In order to gather information, the
author asked Amerindian acquaintances to make the necessary introductions. This has not
always yielded the desired results.
1.8. Organization of the study
In part one this thesis presented the conceptual model, in part two the literature review will be
presented. Part three will present the methodology, part four contains the results, part five
contains triangulation of the literature review based on the data.
7
The term traditional knowledge is a shorter form of the fiction “traditional knowledge,
innovations and practices” in the convention on biodiversity, or of “Traditional Knowledge,
Innovations and Creativity” in WIPO’s Report of Fact-finding Missions (on Intellectual
Property and Traditional Knowledge) (WIPO, 1998-1999).
Knowledge has been the greatest possession of humankind; it has enabled people to create
communities that make up societies (Ragavan, 2011). Local communities have always
generated knowledge systems regarding resource management (Valencia, Naeem, GarcíaBarrios, West, & Sterling, 2015). Academics, non-governmental organizations (NGOs),
lawyers, and policymakers have become aware that this knowledge that is imbedded in culture
can not only sustain conservation efforts (Matsui, 2015), but also the environment and
biodiversity (Guérin-McManus, et al., 1998). Evidence of awareness traditional knowledge can
be found in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the protocol to this treaty, the
so named Nagoya protocol (Talaat, 2013). But also, in Agenda 21, UN Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples.
This chapter will attempt to answer the research question:
SQ.1 In which matter can traditional indigenous knowledge be protected?
This question has three variables namely:
•
Indigenous
•
Traditional knowledge Protection of this knowledge
In paragraph one this thesis will answer the question: what is the concept of indigenous
knowledge. In paragraph two the question: what is traditional knowledge will be answered. In
paragraph 3 strategies of protection will discussed.
2.1. The concept of indigenous
People described as indigenous, appear to exist in every inhabited region of the globe. Some
names associated with the term ‘indigenous’ are familiar to a wide public: the Australian
Aborigines, the Cree’s, the Guarani, the Igorot and Inuit, the Jumma and the Kuna, the Maasai,
the Maori, the Mapuche and the Maya, the Mbuti (Pygmies), Miskitos and Mohawk, the
Navajo, the San/Basarwa (Bushmen) of the Kalahari, the Saami, Sioux, Tuareg and Yanomami.
The indigenous tribe Lokonos living in Suriname has gained international notoriety because of
the merits of the case they presented in front of the IACHR. When the constitutions in LatinAmerica were written some indigenous people gained full citizenship like in Suriname in 1975.
The working definition of indigenous people in the international arena can be found in the
United Nations (UN) background paper prepared by the permanent forum of indigenous people
that has the following United Nations document ID number PFII/2004/WS.1/3. The definition
used is as followed: “Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a
historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their
territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on
those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and
8
are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories,
and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance
with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system.” (United nations
Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Social Policy and Development
Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2004).
The UNDRIP and ADRIP, ILO convention 169, in the Kennewick Man law suit and
Thornberry 2002 uses other definitions, so the definition of indigenous people can be changed
in the future.
2.2. The concept of traditional indigenous knowledge
The study of human knowledge is as old as human societies itself. It has been a central subject
matter of philosophy and epistemology since the Man developed communication. Knowledge
has also begun to gain a new wave of attention in recent years (Rahman, 2000). Mainly because
the traditional knowledge discourse has a lot to contribute to the sustainable development
discourse as mentioned in chapter 26 of Agenda 21.
This form of knowledge challenges epistemology, scientific communication and methodology
that is based is on the following three conditions for knowledge accumulation. S knows p if the
following conditions have been met (Ichikawa & Steup, 2017):
•
If p is true;
•
S believes p;
•
S is justified in p.
“Most academic theories have assumed that folk believe specially beliefs about spirits-is false
or at least unfounded, "non-rational" and "non-empirical."” (Hufford, 1995, p. 12), but human
communities have always passed knowledge from generation to generation in the form of
storytelling or other folklore forms. This is considering a part of the culture of the community
in question (Yu, 2003).
According to the formal rules of the epistemology, the stories that were told do not contain
valid information. The only logical conclusion is that despite the fact that the stories utilized to
pass on knowledge that contain non-rational and or non-empirical elements, it contains
knowledge that is essential for the survival and sustenance of the people in question (Richards,
1979, p.28).
Recent evidence has shown that traditional knowledge seems to contain comparable scientific
methodology. Traditional knowledge has played an essential role in the rise and fall of
communities, and continues to play a vital role in sustaining communities (Yu, 2003).
In the last century there has been interaction between modern science and traditional
knowledge, all these interactions enriched our understanding of the natural world
(International Council for Science, 2002). The concept of traditional knowledge has enriched
the development discourse (Agrawal A. , Dismantling the Divide between Indigenous and
Scientific Knowledge, 1995).
This is definition is not up to date. As we look at the “koni man Anansi” legends in Suriname.
Mat Asaw, which is an elephant, is present in the stories but is not present in the ecology of
Suriname (Ferrier & Noni , 2010), some elements of the Surinamese ecology and some
elements of adaptation of the African culture due to slavery, evangelization and repression of
some elements of the African religion have found their way into the Surinamese narrative of
9
koni mang Anansi. This proves that sometimes traditional knowledge can transcend
environmental aspects.
Also, there is a gap in the production of knowledge in the sense of technology transfer and the
source of traditional knowledge (Ragavan, 2011). This sometimes threatens the viability of
traditional knowledge systems and traditional societies.
This phenomenon is not new. The reception of the Greek- Hellenistic philosophy in the Islamic
philosophy is a great example of initial resistance of the traditionalist (Islamic scholars).
Eventually it was considered a legitimate way to gather Hikmah (knowledge) (Fakhry, 1998).
Although there is no unanimous definition of traditional knowledge.
There are some prefixes used to indicate this type of knowledge in the literature, namely
(Mazzocchi, 2006):
1.
Traditional, this prefix is used to emphasis the way this knowledge is communicated.
2.
Indigenous, this prefix is meant to highlight the autochthonous nature of this
knowledge.
3.
Local, this prefix is used to emphasis geographic contexts.
An effective system must be developed to collect and classify native knowledge, particularly
with respect to northern resources, environment, and culture. Means must be found to interpret
such knowledge so that it will be meaningful in other contexts without losing its essential native
content and value. (Hobson, 1992) Although there are some methodologies that deals with the
interaction between the two forms of science, there is no universal recognition of this form of
traditional indigenous knowledge.
Some researchers are of the opinion that traditional knowledge fragmentary and provisional
nature needs to be formalized. It is with this formalization that the problem arises, because
traditional knowledge has no formal rules of scientific communication (Rahman, 2000). Other
scientists are of the opinion that gathering this type of information is often labor intensive, the
proper management of the gathering of information must be ensured, and made available to
everyone (Rahman, 2000).
Traditional science and methodology have come a long way and can be classified by
Eurocentric scientist as an anti-oppressive methodology in contrary to positive- and
interpretative methodology (Kovach, 2005). The methodology that is used for traditional
knowledge tends to make research political merely because of the approach that is being used
and the identity of the researcher (Kovach, 2005).
Traditional knowledge has three main points of differences mainly (Agrawal, Indigenous and
scientific knowledge: some critical comments, 1995):
1.
Substantive grounds; in the case of the Eskimo he learned about the behavior of animals
and how to utilize it in a practical situation through storytelling. A modern hunter that
has no access to traditional knowledge, but is knowledgeable in modern science about
the behavior of animals will not be able to come to come up with a similar strategy,
because the knowledge needed is spread through many subjects.
2.
Epistemology and methodology because both forms of knowledge investigate realty
with different approaches.
3.
Traditional knowledge is more rooted in the environment of the people of the origin of
the knowledge in contrary to modern science that tends to present itself as universal.
E.g. the hunting tactic of the Eskimo may not be particularly helpful to the Indians of
Suriname in their surrounding in the savannah of Suriname. But formula of interest
10
over a loan will be the same. Although the “Koni Mang Anansi” legends that survived
tell another story.
4.
The definition of traditional knowledge that is widely used is the following:
“Traditional knowledge, like any other form of knowledge, is developed within certain
cultural groups over a given period of time and within specific environmental and social
settings. At the same time, history has demonstrated how knowledge has been actively
shared and exchanged among societies, and in this matter, holders of traditional
knowledge are no different. They acknowledge, accept and adopt elements from other
knowledge systems, just as other societies adopt elements of traditional knowledge.”
(International Council for Science, 2002).
“The question “what is indigenous knowledge?” Is often asked by Eurocentric scholars seeking
to understand a cognitive system that is alien to them.” (Battiste, 2002, p. 3). The challenge is
answering this question in a respectful and dignifying way. The challenge that one will be
facing is finding a blended way, the first nation in Canada is trying to find a blended educational
context that respects and builds on both Traditional Knowledge and Eurocentric Knowledge
(Battiste, 2002).
The Sustainability of development approach should also focus on the methodology of the
margins from the margins. In doing so a blended educational context will emerge that will
enrich the knowledge exchange between scholars, students and other holders of (indigenous)
knowledge, which will allow the actors of institutions to better understand, define or redefine
the Surinamese aspects of development in regard to culture and identity. This needs further
investigation.
2.3. Protection of traditional indigenous knowledge
Modern patent law has its origin in 15th century Italy. Patents are meant to confer special
property rights on inventors while excluding others from profiting from such inventions. This
system is based on individual rights does not know the concept of collective ownership like in
indigenous society. The Eurocentric patent concept quickly spread to other European countries.
Patent theory continued to spread throughout the world, mostly through colonization and
European influence (Mgbeoji, 2001). According to Mgbeoji (2001) the development of patent
law is highly controversial because the modernization theory regards local culture as a barrier
for development.
The 1778 judicial opinion of Lord Mansfield in Liardet v. Johnson ( Averley & adams, 2007)
describes the elements for the establishment of patents in the United Kingdom. Since than
Doctrine has established some more elements (Mgbeoji, 2001). These are summed up as
followed, but not limited to:
•
Novelty
•
Inventive steps
•
Industrial capability
•
Ownership
•
Specifications
11
These elements for patentability have been criticized as essentially facilitating knowledge
piracy from traditional cultures. In the article written by Mgbeoji, Ikechi (2001) he extensively
elaborated why these elements facilitate knowledge piracy. Current IP legislation (national and
international) are not suited to protect traditional knowledge.
The requirements of Patent and Copyright laws set forth certain measurable criteria under
which intellectual property is evaluated as mentioned here above. Traditional knowledge does
not conform to the criteria in the following ways (Curci, 2010):
•
Both patent and copyright laws require a definite author to the work being protected.
Traditional knowledge is created through a process of evolution that sometimes spans
generations. However, this does not apply where the knowledge is the demonstrable
result of an individual’s innovation/invention.
•
Both patents and copyrights have a time limit, which is not appropriate to the protection
of traditional knowledge.
•
Copyright requires “fixation” of the work, and does not recognize the frequently oral
tradition through which traditional knowledge is recorded.
•
Patents are granted for a single act of invention, while traditional knowledge, in most
cases, is assumed to be a dynamic on-going process, though cases of individual
innovation do exist.
•
Finally, the act of obtaining, maintaining, and enforcing patents and copyrights is
expensive.
•
In short, the international instruments do not establish a clear regime. Because of this
development countries cannot look at international instruments for guidance (Mgbeoji,
2001, p. 175).
The definitional problems with ‘indigenous,’ ‘traditional’ and ‘local’ inevitably affect the
classification and identification of the types of knowledge that are recognized and discussed.
It is worth remembering that any knowledge, indigenous or otherwise, is notoriously difficult
to clearly identify and define.On the national level there have been initiatives on this subject.
These can be classified as followed (Curci, 2010):
•
Environmental framework laws that simply charge a national government to provide
specific guidelines on access and benefit sharing (Gambia, Kenya, Malawi, Korea, and
Uganda).
•
Sustainable development or biodiversity laws provide more details than the first group.
These laws also establish the principles for prior informed consent and mutually agreed
terms (Costa Rica, Eritrea, Fiji, and India).
•
Dedicated laws on access to genetic resources (Philippines and Brazil). Modifications
of existing laws and regulations (Nigeria, U.S.A., and Malaysia).
•
Regional measures.
2.4. Conflicting norms of protection of knowledge of indigenous people
An article written by Rebecca M. Bratspies (2007), in the American Indian law review, states
that the discourse on the protection of Traditional Knowledge takes place on many levels or
fronts. These are:
ownership of traditional knowledge and biological diversity through the lens of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) agreements versus UNDRIP and Agenda 21;
Environmentalists approach the question with ecosystem preservation in mind. Because
most of the world’s remaining biodiversity exists within the territories of indigenous
12
peoples, issues of sovereignty, identity, colonialism, and exploitation inevitably swirl
beneath the surface of the discussions;
All these dialogues occur against a backdrop of a globalizing market economy that values
resources almost exclusively in terms of their monetary value. And;
There is a judicial dispute between two treaty bodies namely:
State ownership of biological resources, as articulated in Article 8j of the Convention
on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Nagoya protocol.
Private ownership of these resources under the WTO’s Trade Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property (TRIPS) agreement.
The conflicts around the discourse around the protection of traditional knowledge can be
summarized as followed:
1.
Conflict in Rationale and Origin;
2.
National Sovereignty vs. Rights of IPR Holders;
3.
Community Rights vs. Private, Individual Rights;
4.
Traditional Knowledge vs. Modern Technology;
5.
Prior Informed Consent of States and Communities vs. Unilateral Patents
6.
Benefit Sharing Arrangements vs maximum profit of corporations
7.
Conditions of knowledge vs traditional knowledge
.4.1.
R
O
The Convention on Biological Diversity was drafted because the world was concerned that it
was losing its biodiversity at a rapid rate in contrary to the Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights that focuses mostly on commercial objectives of
biodiversity (Mgbeoji, 2001). The following tables highlights the differences between norms
between these treaties (Pauwelyn, 2003).
The International Public law contains a lot of norms ranging from customary norms and
principals to bilateral treaties and multilateral treaties on different subjects. Furthermore,
International law does not have a legislator but is decentralized. Because of this, there are a lot
of conflicting norms in international law. The question that is relevant for this discourse is
related to international governance. This question is how norms of different branches interact
with each other (Pauwelyn, 2003)
the Convention on Biological Diversity
The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects
of Intellectual Property Rights
Recognition of local communities for their
contribution to the conservation and
sustainable development
Required prior informed consent of the nation
states or the local communities who are
identifies as custodians of the biodiversity for
any use of genetic materials.
Possible assignment of intellectual property
rights to corporations or individuals
Patent holder are not required to disclose the
source of genetic material on which a patent
may have been granted.1
1 “Traditionally, knowledge that has been collected from indigenous peoples and/or samples collected from
indigenous lands has been considered to be ‘raw material’ from which commercial products, involving a range of
patents, could then derive. This approach, while having a very specific enlightenment rationale, devalues
indigenous knowledge and overlooks the significance of this knowledge as a foundation to any future commercial
product.” (Anderson, 2010, p. 37).
13
No direct reference to the involvement of
Developing Countries supplying genetic
material must be involved in bio-technological developing countries in bio-technological
research.
research activities
T ABLE
1
COVERAGE
OF
THE
CONVENTION
(ANDERSON,
I NDIGENOUS /T RADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE & I NTELLECTUAL PROPERTY, 2010)
In his diverse publications Pauwelyn (2003) tackles the interaction of norms that he describes
as a conflicting norm. He focuses mainly on the interaction between norms of the World Trade
Organisation and other norms like The Convention on Biological Diversity and the Agreement
on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. This needs further investigation by
international law jurists because this conflict of norms has consequences for the establishment
of rule of law for treaty parties that are party to both treaties.
After the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and The Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS)* were adopted, several issues regarding the
incompatibility of these agreements emerged. The main issue in these conventions is the means
to achieve conservation. This conflict can be described as followed: The Convention on
Biological Diversity considers intellectual property protection as a means of achieving
conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and equitable benefit sharing while TradeRelated Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights appears to consider the strengthening of
intellectual property rights itself (Siew Kuan, 2003) .
However, it would appear that both agreements seek to operate in light of social welfare.
Countries like the US and Japan claim that there is no such conflict between Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights and Convention on Biological Diversity. Scholars
identify conflicts between the two but are of the view that the goals of the Convention on
Biological Diversity can be met broadly, interpreting Art 7 and 8 of Trade-Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights, which deals with consideration of welfare enhancement (Siew
Kuan, 2003). Art 27 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
Rights, is one of the articles that is the cause for the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights - Convention on Biological Diversity conflict (Siew Kuan, 2003)
(Mgbeoji, 2001).
Article 27 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, allows broad
scope for protection of products or process, patenting of any inventions in all field of
technology, provided they are new, involve an inventive step and are capable of industrial
application. This article conflicts with the objectives of Convention on Biological Diversity.
Art 15.1 of the Convention on Biological Diversity recognises the sovereignty of source nations
and allows nations to determine access to their genetic resources. Art 15.6 CBD; Art. 15.7
CBD; Art 19.1 CBD and Art 19.2 CBD provide for fair and equitable benefit sharing between
the providers of resources and relevant users.
Major difference from the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
is that the Convention on Biological Diversity takes genetic resources out of the public domain
by recognising a parent country’s right to benefit and technologies coming from them
(Mgbeoji, 2001).
14
2.4.2. National Sovereignty vs. Rights of IPR Holders\Community Rights vs.
Individual Rights.
The two conflicts mentioned in the title are interwoven in the literature. That is the reason the
discourse on these two conflicts will be presented combined in this section. Throughout
colonial history resources, plant material and other bio materials were taken from their habitats
by European botanist to display in their gardens, or to use in research to commercially exploit
them and or sold them as a commodity. In some cases, the resources in the south where depleted
in order to supply the demands from the north without sharing the proceeds through benefitsharing schemes with the communities in the south whose habitat where destroyed (Rachel,
Roger, & Dori, 2009).
The survival of indigenous people and their societies depends on access to land and their
resources. The international land coalition stated in the Antigua declaration: That they
recognized that respect for indigenous cultures contributes to sustainable and equitable
development and management of the environment. (The International Land Coalition, 2013).
The ILO has the opinion that indigenous peoples have rights to the lands, territories, and
resources that they have traditionally occupied, owned, or used, meaning that it is “the
traditional occupation and use which is the basis for establishing indigenous peoples” land
rights, and not the eventual official recognition or registration of that ownership” (PRO169;
Team Equality;, 2007).These statements are in line with Agenda 21 chapter 21.
In the literature one can find a debate about the relative advantages of private property and
common property (collective property) for the efficient, equitable, and sustainable usage of
natural resource. This discourse is clouded by the three topics namely (Ostrom & Hess, 2011):
•
common-property and open-access regimes,
•
common-pool resources and common-property regimes, and
•
a resource system and the flow of resource units.
This important for the implementation of the Lokono verdict.
2.4.3. Traditional knowledge vs modern knowledge
For the purpose of writing this section traditional knowledge is a body of knowledge, science
and techniques used by rural people, and the term 'modern knowledge' to mean the body of
knowledge, science and techniques arising essentially from the European scientific revolution
of the 17th century (Swift, 1979).
“In the 50’s and 60’s, theorists of development saw indigenous and traditional knowledge as
inefficient, inferior, and an obstacle to development. Current formulations about indigenous
knowledge, however, recognize that derogatory characterizations of the knowledge of the poor
and the marginalized populations may be hasty and naive. In reaction to Modernization
Theorists and Marxists, advocates of indigenous knowledge underscore the promise it holds
for agricultural production systems and sustainable development.” (Agrawal A. , Dismantling
the Divide between Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge, 1995). This is in contrast with
Agenda 21 chapter 26. In chapter 3.1.1. this subject is futher elaborated upon.
15
2.4.4. Prior Informed Consent of States and Communities vs. Unilateral
Patents
Traditional knowledge can be considered a global public good that crosses local and national
borders. It is a non-excludable good in that those who invest in the codification and disclosure
of traditional knowledge would have some hard time excluding users to have not paid to access
to this knowledge (Gebru, 2017). The protection of traditional knowledge is subject of many
heated debates in many international forums. Traditional knowledge has proved to be useful as
an input in modern industries (Gebru, 2017).
For instance, pharmaceutical companies have used medicinal traditional knowledge to develop
drugs. Despite its value, traditional knowledge faces an alarming rate of loss and there are
many initiatives that attempt to preserve it for posterity (Gebru, 2017). This needs further
investigation.
Many countries that can be considered Global-South who tend to hold a big proportion of
traditional knowledge have enacted a domestic traditional knowledge protection regime, while
most countries in the Global-North, in which most firms that use traditional knowledge reside,
have little traditional knowledge protection. (The Draft Articles on TK protection) (Mgbeoji,
2001). People who use Community-based participatory research should take the following
code of conduct into consideration (Salois, Holkup, Tripp-Reimer, & Weinert, 2006) :
1.
Academic researchers, and the institutions that sustain them, may have to relinquish
their hold on the role of “principal investigator” to facilitate truly collaborative research,
seeing themselves primarily in a service role, accepting community direction regarding
priorities for research, considering indigenous ways of knowing in research methods,
and sharing or giving up entirely—depending on community needs and desires—the
dissemination of research findings (including where, how, and if research results are
published, as well as who speaks for the research team in a standard 10-minute
conference presentation).
2.
Research sponsors must require participatory research procedures in indigenous
communities and support such work through the funding of community-based positions
that enable communities to be engaged in a discussion of research methods at the design
table.
3.
Participatory researchers in indigenous communities need to look globally for a range
of useful operational models and practices; for instance, Australia, Canada, and New
Zealand have been actively addressing culturally appropriate research design in
indigenous communities over the last few decades.
4.
Research sponsors who value participatory research and, in particular, community
based participatory research must understand that the Western-style empiricism to
which they are accustomed may not be the research method of choice in indigenous
communities. Research sponsors will need to view as valid and support through funding
participatory research that uses alternative ways of knowing as a foundation.
5.
Using indigenous ways of knowing in research methods is different from using or
benefitting from indigenous or cultural knowledge per se. Nonetheless, the use of
indigenous ways of knowing to better understand a topic to make an impact on
eliminating health disparities, for instance may lead to the exposure of indigenous
knowledge and the challenges we have raised in this essay.
6.
Participatory research in indigenous communities may also involve capacity-building,
which will require additional funding. Asking local community members and
indigenous service providers in indigenous communities to serve on a research design
16
development committee means removing them from their substantive roles and
services.
2.4.5. Benefit Sharing Arrangements (consent & consultation) vs maximum
profit of corporations
The modem corporation is one of the most successful inventions in history, one can base this
claim on the widespread adoption and survival as a primary vehicle entrepreneurship over the
past century. Economists, however, have only recently begun to understand the economic
nature of the corporation. The economic theory of the firm has advanced from a struggle with
the identification of the economic conditions that lead to the formation of firms, to a discourse
on sophisticated issues concerning intra firm relationships (Butler, 1989). The Convention on
Biodiversity and the Nagoya protocol requires a new approach to the use of natural resources
of the treaty parties. One that incorporates concepts of national ownership of genetic resources,
intellectual property rights in traditional knowledge, and sharing of economic benefits with
countries that are the source of new natural products.
As a concept born from the Convention on Biodiversity in a transnational environment, benefitsharing holds the promise to facilitate agreement upon specific forms of cooperation, as
different parties are being motivated by their perception of the benefits that would derive from
it. On the other hand, fragmented, but growing empirical evidence indicates that practice
benefit-sharing rarely achieves its stated objectives and may actually end up working against
its purposes. In essence benefit-sharing has been seen as a 'disingenuous win-win rhetoric' that
leads to loss of control and access over resources by the vulnerable through 'narrative framings
of the global public good' and 'dominating knowledge approaches (Morgera, 2016).
2.5. Protection of indigenous knowledge and human rights instruments
The assumption that intellectual property has no linkage with human rights is not correct. There
is reverence in human right instruments that are not limited to:
•
article 27 of the universal declaration on human rights.
•
article 25 of the international covenant on economic on civil and political rights.
•
article 19 of the covenant on civil and political rights.
The United Nations high commission on human rights has established a linkage between
human rights and intellectual properties. In the Sub-Commission on Human Rights resolution
2000/ the following consideration is written: “ the implementation of the TRIPS Agreement
and the realization of economic, social and cultural rights in relation to, inter alia, impediments
to the transfer of technology to developing countries, the consequences for the enjoyment of
the right to food of plant variety rights and the patenting of genetically modified organisms,
“bio-piracy” and the reduction of communities’ (especially indigenous communities’) control
over their own genetic and natural resources and cultural values, and restrictions on access to
patented pharmaceuticals and the implications for the enjoyment of the right to health,..” (SubCommission on Human Rights resolution 2000/7). This resolution further reaffirms some of
the human rights instruments mentioned here above, and urges some agencies mentioned by
name to expand on some thematic subjects regarding to specific treaties (Sub-Commission on
Human Rights resolution 2000/7). This resolution also contains instructions to governments
and intergovernmental organizations regarding intellectual properties.
17
Based on this resolution the conclusion can be drawn that intellectual property has a linkage
with human rights. How this linkage will work out in the reality will needs further investigation
2.6. Concluding comments regarding norms protecting indigenous
knowledge discourse
There is a risk of unfair trade practices i.e. If country A established a TK protection mechanism
and as a result, a robust traditional knowledge database, firms in country B, a jurisdiction that
does not recognize traditional knowledge protection, could access the TK database in country
A without being bound by country A’s protection mechanism. This may discourage country B
and other jurisdictions from adopting protection mechanisms in order to allow firms in their
jurisdictions to free-ride on knowledge codification in country A. Firms in country B, which
will not have to share profits with knowledge holders, would have the advantage of low
production cost over firms in country A, which has to share profits.
This risk of extra-territorial free-riding brings up the question of whether there is a need for
international protection or if domestic protection would suffice to provide an effective
protection. This needs to be addressed in order to implement chapter 26 of Agenda 21. The
implication of territoriality of rights is consequential because of the non-excludable nature and
the fact that it does not require an advanced level of expertise to copy or to understand this
form of knowledge. There are two main schemes (Gebru, 2017):
•
Sui generis approach; or
•
Non-public access of traditional knowledge.
Based on Sub-Commission on Human Rights resolution 2000/7 and the discourse presented
the conclusion can be drawn that intellectual property has a linkage with human rights. The
lack of legislation (national and international) regarding this subject matter is an obstacle to
realize this human right.
Over the past decade, traditional knowledge has received increasing attention on the
international agenda. Factors contributing to this include the recognition of this form of
knowledge in the lives of the majority of the world’s population and in the conservation of
biodiversity; concerns about the rapid loss of traditional knowledge and global cultural
diversity; concerns about unauthorized and inappropriate patenting and use of traditional
knowledge, with little or no sharing of resulting benefits with the original holders of traditional
knowledge; interest in harnessing the potential of TK for local sustainable development, and
increasing attention to indigenous rights.
Many countries and communities worldwide are considering how to best address this issue at
the national, regional and international levels. As is apparent from the wide range of interests
and concerns listed above, TK is a complex and multi-faceted issue. It is thus being discussed
in a range of forums, each with its own perspective and its own area of competence and
expertise. This is useful and necessary. However, focusing on one part of the issue and ignoring
all the other aspects risk creating a patchwork of particular solutions that in the end do not fit
seamlessly together, and that in some cases may partially or wholly cancel out each other’s
well-intended effects. This explains for the conflicts therefore a holistic approach is needed.
This needs further investigation. In the next chapter the role of this form of knowledge in
development policy will be described.
18
Chapter 3 4evelopment and protection of indigenous
knowledge
Sub question 2 investigates the link between development and protection and indigenous
knowledge. This chapter will investigate the flavors of development that integrate indigenous
knowledge in their approach to development. Indigenous or traditional knowledge is used at
the local level by communities as the basis for making decisions pertaining to food security,
human and animal health, education, natural resource management and other vital activities.
This form of knowledge is a vital element of the social capital of the poor and constitutes their
main asset in their efforts to achieve control of their own lives. For these reasons, the potential
contribution of indigenous knowledge to locally managed, sustainable and cost-effective
survival strategies should be promoted in the development process.
Development has had many meanings and interpretations in the course of history of a society,
this problem is revered to as the problem of (the wellbeing of) Man (humankind). Where does
the prosperity of Man (humankind) fit in the grand scheme of things? Every time it has been a
thinker ahead of his time pondering about the wellbeing of humankind that has tried to point
in the right direction. Traditionally development thinking initially focused on economic
measures that focused on income of the state. A high per capita income in a country meant that
the citizens where faring well in a country in contrast to a low per capita income. One of the
outcomes of this theory was that the income from the upper classes would trickle down to the
lower classes (Barder, What Is Development?, 2012).
3.1 Modernization theory
The problems of economic development, which are complex and multidimensional, have
resulted in the formulation of a number of (economic) theories, explanations, arguments and
assertions. The purpose of this chapter is to review some of the most prominent theories of
economic development. These theories describe tools and strategies for making development
goals achievable. In the economic handbooks one can find a lot of theories of development.
The main theories of (economic) development can be categorized as followed (Dang & Pheng,
2015):
•
Modernization
•
Sociological theories
•
Linear stages of growth
•
Structuralism
•
Dependency theories
•
Basic needs theories
•
Neo classical theories
•
Post development
•
Sustainable development (neo modernization theory)
•
Human development
19
Modernization Theory was developed based on the marshal aid that was given to European
countries after de second world war. Modernization theory had two major aims (Siew Kuan,
2003):
It attempted to explain why poorer countries have failed to develop, focusing on what
cultural and economic conditions might act as ‘barriers’ to development.
It aimed to provide a non-communist solution to poverty in the developing world by
suggesting that economic change (in the form of Capitalism) and the introduction of
western values and culture could play a key role in bringing about modernization.
Rostow believed that an initial injection of aid from the west in the form of training,
education, economic investment etc. would be enough to jolt a society into
economic growth overcoming cultural barriers formulated by Pearson (Nelson,
2011). According to the literature these stages are (Rostow, 1960):
Stage 1 – Traditional societies whose economies are dominated by farming. Such
societies have little wealth to invest and have limited access to modern industry and
technology. Rostow argued that at this stage there are cultural barriers to development.
This is in contradiction to Agenda 21 chapter 26.
Stage 2 – The preconditions for take off – the stage in which western aid packages
brings western values, practices and expertise into the society. This can take the form
of:
• Science and technology – to improve agriculture
• Infrastructure – improving roads and cities communications
• Industry – western companies establishing factories
• These provide the conditions for investment, attracting more companies into the
country.
Stage 3 – Take off stage –The society experiences economic growth as new modern
practices become the norm. Profits are reinvested in infrastructure etc. and a new
entrepreneurial class emerges and urbanized that is willing to invest further and take
risks. The country now moves beyond subsistence economy and starts exporting goods
to other countries. This generates more wealth which then trickles down to the
population as a whole who are then able to become consumers of new products
produced by new industries there and from abroad.
Stage 4- the drive to maturity. More economic growth and investment in education,
media and birth control. The population start to realize new opportunities opening up
and strive to make the most of their lives.
Stage 5- The age of high mass consumption. This is where economic growth and
production are at Western levels.
3.1.1.Cultural barriers in development.
The following cultural barriers prevent development in Africa, Asia and Latin-America
according to the theory formulated by Pearson (Welzel, Inglehart, & Klingemann, 2003):
•
Particularism – Where people are allocated into roles based on their affective or familial
relationship to those already in positions power. For example, where a politician or head
of a company gives their brother or someone from their village or ethnic group a job
simply because they are close to them, rather than employing someone based on their
individual talent.
•
Collectivism – This is where the individual is expected to put the group (the family or
the village) before self-interest – this might mean that children are expected to leave
school at a younger age in order to care for elderly parents or grandparents rather than
20
staying in school and furthering their education. Or earn money because of large
households.
•
Patriarchy – Patriarchal structures are much more entrenched in less developed
countries, and so women are much less likely to gain positions of political or economic
power, and remain in traditional, housewife roles. This means that half of the population
is blocked from contributing to the political and economic development of the country.
•
Ascribed Status and Fatalism – Ascribed status is where your position in society is
ascribed (or determined) at birth based on your caste, ethnic group or gender. Examples
include the cast system in India, many slave systems, and this is also an aspect of
extreme patriarchal societies. This can result in Fatalism – the feeling that there is
nothing you can do to change your situation.
In contrast, Parsons believed that Western cultural values which promoted competition and
economic growth, were barriers for development. Such values included the following (Welzel,
Inglehart, & Klingemann, 2003):
•
Individualism – The opposite of collectivism. This is where individuals put themselves
first rather than the family or the village/ clan. This frees individuals up to leave
families/ villages and use their talents to better themselves (get an education/ set up
businesses)
•
Universalism – This involves applying the same standards to everyone, and judging
everyone according to the same standards.This is the opposite of particularism, where
people are judged differently based on their relationship to the person doing the judging.
•
Achieved Status and Meritocracy – Achieved status is where you achieve your success
based on your own individual efforts. This is profoundly related to the ideal of
meritocracy. If we live in a truly meritocratic society, then this means then the most
talented and hardworking should rise to the top-jobs, and these should be the best people
to ‘run the country’ and drive economic and social development.
“The discourse round this conflict is not new. On the one hand, their focus on indigenous
knowledge has gained them an audible presence in the chorus of development. At the same
time, talking about indigenous knowledge commits them to a dichotomy between indigenous
and Western knowledge. A dichotomy that many earlier anthropologists, including
Malinowski, Boas, Lévi-Bruhl, Mauss, Evans-Pritchard, Horton and Lévi-Strauss have already
debated.” (Agrawal A. , 2014, p. 2).
Traditional knowledge has three main points of differences mainly (Agrawal A. , Indigenous
and scientific knowledge: some critical comments, 1995):
1.
Substantive grounds; in the case of an indigenous hunter, he learned about the
behaviour of animals and how to utilize it in a practical situation through story. A
modern hunter that has no access to traditional knowledge but is knowledgeable in
modern science about the behaviour of animals will not be able to come to come up
with a similar strategy, because the knowledge needed is spread through many subjects.
2.
Epistemology and methodology because both forms of knowledge investigate realty
with different approaches.
3.
Traditional knowledge is more rooted in the environment (local context) of the people
of the origin of the knowledge in contrary to modern science that tends to present itself
as universal. E.g. The hunting tactic of the Eskimo may not be particularly helpful to
the Indians of Suriname in their surrounding in the savannah of Suriname. But the
formula of interest over a loan will be the same.
21
Indigenous people have generated knowledge through the use of resources and interaction with
their environment. This way of knowing has some similarities with the western way of knowing
but contains fundamental differences (Berkes, Colding, & Folke, 2000).
The anthropologist Levi-Strauss argued that these two ways of knowing are two parallel modes
of acquiring knowledge about the universe; these two categories of knowledge are
fundamentally distinct because they approach the physical world from opposite sides. One is
concrete and the other is extremely abstract. The philosopher Paul Feyrabend states that
knowledge possessed by people outside the western science tends to be encoded in rituals and
other cultural expressions of everyday live (Berkes, Colding, & Folke, 2000).
In dazzling analyses of ‘primitive’ and modern cultures and systems of knowledge, LéviStrauss anticipated many of the arguments of today’s discourse and created a demarcation line
between indigenous and Western knowledge. Lévi-Strauss suggested that ‘primitive’ cultures
are more embedded in their environments than modern cultures; ‘primitive’ peoples are less
prone than scientific investigators to analytic reasoning, that might question the foundations of
their knowledge; and ‘primitive’ thought systems are more closed than scientific modes of
thought. Unfortunately, neither Lévi-Strauss’ arguments nor current attempts to separate
indigenous knowledge from Western knowledge can be sustained (Agrawal A. , 2014). The
Economic barriers to development are (Rostow, 1960)
•
Lack of infrastructure
•
Lack of technology
•
Lack of skills in the work force
•
Political instability
•
Lack of capital in the country
3.1.2. Critical comments on modernization theory
Critics of modernization theory have the following to say about this theory (Nelson, 2011):
•
Firstly, there are no examples of countries that have followed a Modernization Theory
approach to development. No countries have followed Rostow’s “5 stages of growth”
in their entirety. Modernization Theory is a very old theory which was partly created
with the intention of justifying the position of western capitalist countries, many of
whom were colonial powers at the time, and discrediting Communism. This is why it
is such a weak theory.
•
Secondly, Modernization Theory assumes that western civilization is technically and
morally superior to traditional societies. This implies that traditional values in the
developing world have little value compared to those of the West. Many developed
countries have huge inequalities and the greater the level of inequality the greater the
degree of other problems: High crime rates, suicide rates, poor health problems such as
cancer and drug abuse.
•
Thirdly, Dependency Theorists argue that development is not really about helping the
developing world at all. It is really about changing societies just enough so they are
easier to exploit, making western companies and countries richer, opening them up to
exploit cheap natural resources and cheap labor.
•
Fourth, Neo-Liberalism is critical of the extent to which Modernization theory stresses
the importance of foreign aid, but corruption (Kleptocracy) often prevents aid from
getting to where it is supposed to be going. Much aid is siphoned off by corrupt elites
and government officials rather than getting to the projects it was earmarked for. This
means that aid creates more inequality and enables elites to maintain power.
22
•
•
Fifth, Post-Development thinkers argue that the model is flawed for assuming that
countries need the help of outside forces. The central role is on experts and money
coming in from the outside, parachuted in, and this downgrade the role of local
knowledge and initiatives. This approach can be seen as demeaning and dehumanizing
for local populations.
Sixth, Industrialization may do more harm than good for many people:
It may cause Social damage. Some development projects such as dams have led to local
populations being removed forcibly from their home lands with little or no
compensation being paid.
3.1.3. Neo modernization theory, M4G’s and S4G’s
As early as the 1960s, dependency theorists criticized their predictions as an ideological screen
that concealed the exploitation of the poorer countries by the wealthier countries (Nelson,
2011). From the dependency perspective, development was always a doomed project,
condemned to fail as long as the economic bonds that tie the poorer countries to the richer
countries remained secured. Wade (2004) argues that the gap between the rich, who mainly
reside in the North and the poor who largely live in the South “is a structural divide, not just a
matter of a lag in the South’s catch-up.” This structural explanation for the failure of the
development project contrasts with the answer that modernization theory gives for lack of
success – the failure of poorer countries to transform their traditional norms and attitudes,
institutions, economy and political processes along modern lines. According to Baek (2018)
the disappointment with the experiences of these earlier development theories has led to the
international community to come up with new development paradigms. These new paradigms
were echoed in the Millennium Development Goals, agreed to by the world’s leaders at the
United Nations (UN) in 2000 whose burial and memorial services were held in 2015 after the
adoption of a new set of development objectives under the name of Sustainable Development
Goals. There is a shift in modernization theories from solely focusing on industrialization to
also focus on issues of inclusion and environment. This is considered to be neo modernization
theory. This Trent started with Agenda 21. Subsequently in 2012, Rio+20 reaffirm the
commitment of countries to the implementation of a sustainable development agenda.
Specifically, member states agreed to establish an inclusive and transparent intergovernmental
process on SDGs that should ‘incorporate in a balanced way all three dimensions of sustainable
development and their interlinkages’ and ‘should be coherent with and integrated into the UN
development agenda beyond 2015’ (Baek, 2018).
3.2. Financing development
Financing for development is a broad concept where the flavors of development are translated
in an economic system. It includes the mobilization of domestic resources (such as tax
revenues), international financial resources), harnessing the role of the private sector in
financing development, maximizing the use of innovative financing sources and mechanisms,
increasing trade capacity and investment to create jobs and drive economic growth and
promoting debt sustainability (Macekura, 2015).
23
Aid is administered to communities that are affected by armed conflicts (manmade disaster) or
natural disaster. This aid is designed to save lives and elevate the suffering of the members of
the communities affected by disasters ( Humanitarian coalition ). Development aid is aimed at
structural problems within a community e.g. poverty reduction. Often this type of aid helps
institutions build capacity ( Humanitarian coalition ). This distinction is purely dogmatic
because often aid to a community often has elements of both ( Humanitarian coalition ).
Development policies focuses too much on aspects aid and too little on policy (Barder, Aid
policy vs development policy, 2010).
There are distinctions of development finance policies namely:
• Development aid
• Development financed by your own budget.
After the independence of Indonesia, the Netherlands government began to focus on the
Caribbean colonies.Through necessity, never again would the colonies hold the same
significance for the Netherlands as they had in the times of the East Indies; at the same time,
the Dutch government would become more directly involved with Suriname and the Antilles
than ever before. In the closing days of the war, Dutch government broke with the notion of
‘colonies. This was a largely symbolic gesture which had already become law in the
constitutional amendment of 1922, but in practice had not yet come into effect (Oostindie &
Klinkers, 2003).
The Caribbean colonies did continue under the new flag of ‘overseas territories’, only to
become equal and autonomous partners within the Kingdom of the Netherlands nine years later.
During those nine years, in a process of intensive and relatively open transatlantic deliberations
that can be considered:
•
a novelty in this colonial history
•
the transition was made from colonial to post-colonial relations.
In 1954 the new relationship was laid down in the Statute or ‘Charter of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands’, which in an almost unamended form that continues to exist into the twenty-first
century. By then, in Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles, the system of parliamentary
democracy with universal suffrage had also become effective. In this way, not only did the
former colonies become equal partners in a formal sense, but they also adopted a Dutch style
of administration. In theory this allowed Suriname to set its own development agenda (Lier,
1971)
Aid is administered to communities that are affected by armed conflicts (manufactured
disaster) or natural disaster. This aid is designed to save lives and elevate the suffering of the
members of the communities affected by disasters. Development aid is aimed at structural
problems within a community e.g. Poverty reduction. Often this type of aid helps institutions
build capacity ( Humanitarian coalition ). This distinction is purely dogmatic because often aid
to a community often has elements of both. Development policies focuses too much on aspects
of aid and too little on policy (Barder, Aid policy vs development policy, 2010).
The dogma has established two broad classes of objectives for development aid (Barder, Aid
policy vs development policy, 2010).
24
These are:
• One view is that development assistance should help to accelerate economic and
institutional change in developing countries. The idea is that temporary support from
outside can be a catalyst for permanent changes in developing countries. As economic
growth takes off, developing countries will no longer need our help. This view is
attractive both to donors that do not want to go on giving aid for ever, and for recipient
countries who do not want to continue to be aid dependent. This concept is called the
transformation objective of development assistance.
• Another view is that development assistance can improve people’s lives today. This is
most obvious in the case of humanitarian relief, for which the objective is to provide
food and shelter; but more generally a lot of aid is used to send children to school or
provide basic health care. On this view, the development process is long and hard, and
one role for outsiders is to enable people to live better lives while this process is
happening in their country. Let’s call this the solidarity objective of development
assistance.
People have often tried to make a positive or negative connection between development aid
and development goals (not necessarily sustainable development goals but goals mentioned in
the broad dogmatic classification here above).
“The claim of a positive connection is the idea that spending money on health and education is
an investment in the human capital of a country, and that this will, in time, lead to faster
economic growth. Some point to significant investments in education in fast-growing Asian
economies as evidence that education spending will promote growth. Others say that
improving health will lead to a demographic transition, in which falling infant mortality leads
to smaller family sizes and greater investment in each child. Both of these stories are appealing,
though unfortunately neither is very well supported by the evidence.” (Barder, Aid policy vs
development policy, 2010)
“The possibility of a negative connection is that the things that donors do to support people in
developing countries as a matter of solidarity may actually slow down the political, social,
institutional and economic changes that the country needs for transformation. It may sustain
unaccountable governments in power; undermine the social contract between citizen and state;
hollow out fragile government institutions; cause appreciation of the real exchange rate and so
choke off exports; or create a culture of dependency that dims demand for social change.
Again, the empirical evidence for these (quite plausible) ideas is pretty thin” (Barder, What Is
Development?, 2012). These observations are based on evaluation studies of development aid.
“…Thus, as early as 1951, politician M.A. Karamat Ali accused the Dutch of stimulating the
reconstruction of Europe rather than the development of Suriname through the Welfare Fund.
Minister L. Götze replied indignantly, squarely refuting any self-interest, emphasising that
Suriname should actually be grateful for the aid and the opportunity provided to export part of
its produce to the metropolis…” (Oostindie & Klinkers, 2003, p. 158) (M.A. Karamat Ali
versus L. Götzen, secret minutes of a meeting in Paramaribo, 1951).
25
“…Initially, the Dutch tried to reach a compromise at some 1 billion guilders, but Surinamese
demands went far beyond that. By March 1975 the parties were still widely divergent, even
though the Dutch had already doubled their offer. Dutch demands for joint decision making in
the spending of the aid were rejected as ‘paternalistic’. Meanwhile the Arron cabinet worked
to cleverly pressurise the Dutch. While the den Uyl cabinet used the aid as an instrument to
help reconcile the Hindustani opposition with the very idea of independence, the Surinamese
government repeatedly deliberated with its national rivals on methods to increase the pressure
on the Dutch. Long rounds of negotiations were fuelled by accusations of Dutch stinginess and
the need to repay for colonialism and slavery. In a sense, then, the final settlement of just over
3.5 billion guilders – roughly 10,000 guilders per capita, which adjusted to inflation equates to
approximately 10,000 contemporary euros per capita…” (Oostindie & Klinkers, 2003, p. 161).
In the period 1948-2010 Suriname has received 4.129 million Dutch florin or 1.8. million euros
in development aid (Hira, 2011). Despite this amount of investment Suriname still struggles
with its development agenda. Given de dependency theory of development it will be interesting
to know if there is a correlation between underdevelopment of Suriname and the development
aid it received and the weak governmental institutions. This needs further investigation.
3.3. Funding your own development agenda
In this section this thesis will discuss the legislation of the government budget. The legislation
on which the budget of the Surinamese government is based on the statue GB (Gouvernements
blad) 1952 # 111, the latest amendment to this statue is SB (Staatsblad van de Republic
Suriname) 2015 # 133. Gouvernements blad and Staatsblad van de Republic Suriname are
publication in which the state informs its subjects of the existence of a regulation and the date
when this regulation enters into force. Gouvernements blad is the name of the publication
before Suriname became independent and the other is the name of the same publication after
the independence of Suriname.
This legislation was conceived in a period that Suriname was a colony of the Netherlands and
economic growth was the prevailing logic of the government budget (Oostindie & Klinkers,
2003) (Caperchione, Salvatori, & Benghi, 2014). The budget of Suriname is incremental; it is
based on a 5-year plan. This type of budgeting has 5 dimensions (Bailey, Valkama, & Salonen,
2014) which will be shortly investigated below:
1.
Financial explanation
2.
Political explanation
3.
Institutional explanation
4.
Economic explanation
5.
Cultural explanation
3.3.1. Financial explanation
This model of incremental budgeting is the root cause of the lack funds, because cutting back
is very difficult (Caperchione, Salvatori, & Benghi, 2014), and setting aside funds for the good
days is even more difficult. The budgeting system does not allow the collaboration of
spendings to gain scale value e.g. If 5 departments need 100 computers (department a 7,
department b 30, department c 5 department d 25 and department e needs 13). The departments
buys them separately. The budgeting rules does not allow the diverse departments to buy the
26
computers together. This means that the government ends up paying more for the computers
(IDB, 2001). “A sound budgetary process and well-designed budgetary institutions should
allow, require and assist the attainment of three goals: sound fiscal and hence macroeconomic
management, an allocation of resources that is in accordance with strategic priorities, and an
efficient and effective use of resources in implementing policies and programs. Budgetary
management in Suriname has scored poorly on all three goals.” (IDB, 2001, p. 57). This needs
further investigation.
3.3.2. Political explanation
There are immediate penalties for most organizations that run persistent deficits. If an
individual or family does so, their creditors come calling. Eventually, they may declare
bankruptcy if this trend continues. Governments are different. They receive income from taxes.
Their expenses benefit the people who pay the taxes. Government leaders retain popular
support by providing services, which costs money. Each year the deficit adds to a country's
debt if there is a bad financial management. As the debt grows, it increases the deficit in two
ways (Bailey, Valkama, & Salonen, 2014):
•
The interest of the incurred debt raises the debt. If the interest payments get high
enough, it creates a drag on economic growth, as those funds could have been used to
stimulate the economy.
Higher debt levels can make it more difficult for the government to raise funds. Creditors
become concerned about a country's ability to repay its debt. The World Bank says the tipping
point is 77 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Mehmet, Thomas, Friederike, &
Fritzi, 2010). At this point budgeting becomes a self-defeating loop, as countries take on new
debt to repay their old debts. Interest rates on the new debt skyrockets. It becomes ever more
expensive for countries to roll over debt. The Greek crises is an example of this loop (Bailey,
Valkama, & Salonen, 2014). This needs further investigation.
3.3.3. Institutional explanation
“The public sector is (RED) taking on unsustainable debt, but both internal and external
auditors of governmental accounts and internal treasury management can also be criticized for
not questioning those levels of debt. Additionally, ratings agencies awarded grossly
overoptimistic ratings of the financial risks of public and private sector bonds and banks’ highly
complex financial derivatives of debt were difficult to risk-assess. Over-optimistic ratings were
exacerbated by the conflict of interest created by ratings agencies being paid to rate financial
securities by the organizations issuing them, not by the buyers.” (Bailey, Valkama, & Salonen,
2014, p. 85). Suriname is no exception to this statement. The IDB report cited in the previous
section on page 39 has explicitly confirmed this.
3.3.4. Economic explanation
The income of the government of Suriname is heavily dependent on bauxite, oil and gold, other
sectors are not contributing as much as these sectors to budget of the government. Because the
prices of these commodities have dropped, the income has decreased and the government of
Suriname is incurring debt to finance the promises to their constituents. Suriname is no
exception to the characteristics of the Latin American economy.
27
This needs further investigation. This typical for a dependent economy in Latin- America as
described by the dependency theory.
3.3.5. Cultural explanation
The government of Suriname is plagued by a weak resource base, the root causes of this
problem is the scarcity of capital e.g. Highly skilled civil servants and finance. There is an
incentive problem to retain qualified personal, the personal is not motivated, and there is a lack
of prestige in the civil service (IDB, 2001). Departments (Directorate) are weakly accountable
to the Minister and the National Assembly (DNA) for expenditures in relation to performance.
There is a weakness of oversight agencies, and budgetary management has been historically
very weak (IDB, 2001).
3.3.6. Concluding remarks on development financing
The concept of envelopment is a form of development which is not adapted in mainstream
scientific communication; this concept is a counter argument of Sankatsing on the subject of
the new world order that according to them is seeking to establish one economy, one culture
(Sankatsing, Envelopment or development? Samen klimmen uit een diep dal, 2001). And can
be considered a dependency theory. In his publication quest to our common future, he further
elaborates that development aid is really envelopment. This form of development is not new.
“It all started when the military and maritime strongholds of Europe took to the seas to conquer
the lands of other people and appropriate their resources.” (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our
Future, 2016, p. 56). “colonial history can be reduced to a few words: the guests became the
host.” (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our Future, 2016, p. 56).
In his book Sankatsing (2016) argues that today’s countries have been created by structures of
dominances (the social construct of state states is European of origin). He further argues that
by the establishment of colonies by Europa on the other continents, the development of the
world was rerouted to the single variety of human evolution. Sankatsing (2016) states
furthermore that this phenomenon is called global envelopment. He used the transformation of
the continent of South America into the New world. In his eyes this is the first form of global
development/ envelopment. The landing of Columbus is the most drastic form of envelopment
by erasing thousands of indigenous people by means of genocide, repression and imported
microbes. The repression is still going on till this day, everything that does not conform with
the western norms is a barrier for development as voiced by pearson.
The relevancy of the theory of envelopment as defined by Sankatsing for the scope of this
thesis is that if the indigenous people want to set a development agenda, they must set it
themselves, even if this agenda is being funded by funds generated from benefit sharing
schemes, the government of Suriname or international donor funds.
3.5. Concluding comments on development and protection of indigenous
people
The development discourse started with the inaugural speech of Truman in 1949, the most
relevant point for world politics is the division of the world in developed and underdeveloped
nations. This was further emphasized in President Truman’s program for peace and freedom in
28
1949 which stresses four major course of action that his presidency will pursue during his
tenure (Pieterse, 2010). There was a strong emphasizes of western stewardship as well as
capital investment to fund a “better live”.
The main themes of the development discourse were modernization and transformation to an
industrialized nation. A hidden objective was stopping the spread of communism. The theory
that embodied this political standpoint was Rostow’s classical 5 stages of development. This
theory was modeled after the development orthodoxy of the Marshall plan an aid program to
the western countries to eradicate communism. This created a one size fits all concept of
development. In the literature of “post development thinking ” this form of development
thinking is perceived as a “Northern driven” and ‘top down’ modernizing agenda which in
large part has failed to deliver the proposed outcomes of industrialization and a better life
(Cypher & Dietz, 2002)
The modern development discourse of indigenous people should begin with the treaty of
Tordesillas (Inter Caetera, 1493). This treaty grants the king of Spain and Portugal to conquer
the barbaric tribes of the Americas and convert them to Christianity. The pope granted
clemency to the colonists for sins while executing this edict from the Holy Sea. (Inter Caetera,
1493).
The account of Bartolome de las Casas, which is regarded by some scholars as the source of
indigenous rights is very demeaning towards indigenous people of Latin- America and
unintentionally describes some of the cruelties for which the pope granted clemency as
described here above. This historical account is written from the viewpoint of the roman church
and is used as a warrant for the north Atlantic slave trade. This is the reason why there are
people of African descent in Suriname. Before the treaty of Tordesillas, the indigenous people
had an unwritten law regime of communal property based on their knowledge system. This
treaty did not only give the two mentioned kings the right to conquer the indigenous people,
but also granted them the power to disown them from their land, and they also created law
regimes that even today reinforce the aforementioned treaty (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our
Future, 2016). This needs further investigation.
“Maar het grootste probleem van Suriname is misschien niet eens politiek-economisch, maar
meer nog sociaal-cultureel: hoe van de heterogene bevolking één Surinaams volk te maken,
zonder dat daarbij gevaarlijke spanningen optreden. Om dit probleem enigszins te kunnen
begrijpen, moet teruggegrepen worden in de historie. Want de maatschappelijke verhoudingen
van deze tijd zijn het gevolg van geschiedkundige factoren. Zonder deze historische groei na
te gaan, is het onmogelijk om de multiraciale, multireligieuze en Multi-linguïstische
Surinaamse samenleving te begrijpen, en een oplossing te vinden voor het brandend en netelig
cultureel probleem.” (Adhin, 2006, p. 34). This indicates that Adhin was considering culture,
in 1978 when this article was first published, as a factor for development when he formulated
his theory “eenheid in verscheidenheid”. In the next chapter this thesis will look at factors
regarding culture and development because culture has a linkage with both development and
sustainability. This will be discussed in the next chapter. Agenda 21 and the sustainable
development goals are based on modernization theory. In the next chapter the way forward will
be discussed.
29
Chapter 4 Making development sustainable
In this chapter the question: “How can we make this flavour of development sustainable?” will
be answered. In the previous chapter one has seen that the economic development models
initially saw cultural heritage as a barrier for development. But in Agenda 21 chapter 26 one
will see that cultural heritage can enrich technology transfer that will lead to sustainable
resource management that is essential for the sustainability of development. The sustainable
development issue is a major discourse that is important in the international politics arena for
some time now, and with the sustainable development goals on the horizon, it has taken a
prominent position in the development discourse. States, social movements, corporations, even
individuals use sustainability as their common objective but with different meanings. This
indicates that the discourse is a social construct, and to properly understand this discourse it is
very important to look at the genesis of sustainability in the development discourse.
4.1. The genesis of sustainable development
The development discourse started with the inaugural speech of Truman in 1949, the most
relevant point for world politics is the division of the world in developed and underdeveloped
nations. This was further emphasized in President Truman’s program for peace and freedom in
1949 which stresses four major course of action that his presidency will pursue during his
tenure (Pieterse, 2010). There was a strong emphasizes of western stewardship as well as
capital investment to fund a “better live”. The main themes of the development discourse were
modernization and transformation to an industrialized nation. A hidden objective was stopping
the spread of communism.
The theory that embodied this political standpoint was Rostow’s classical 5 stages of
development. This theory was modeled after the development orthodoxy of the Marshall plan
an aid program to the western countries to eradicate communism. This created a one size fits
all concept of development. In the literature of “post development thinking” this form of
development thinking is perceived as a “Northern driven” and ‘top down’ modernizing agenda
which in large part has failed to deliver the proposed outcomes of industrialization and a better
life (Cypher & Dietz, 2002).
On a side note the Sustainable Development Goal’s (SDG’S) has a more inclusive approach in
comparison to the Millennium Development Goals (MDG). The SDG’s emerged after a twoyear consultation session and include the view of the developing countries and applies to the
north and two the west. The development discourse has been amended to include stakeholder
hearing to set the development agenda, but still uses the one size fits all approach to
development. The discourse of development remains relevant even today. Let’s look at the
evolution of the development discourse of the United Nations (UN) (Share The World's
Resources, 2015).
This approach conceded with the first decade of development agenda setting of the United
Nations (UN) in the 1960’s until the 1970’s. This period brought us the people’s rights or the
social and economic rights also known as the second-generation rights. The environmental
component was added at the Stockholm conference in 1972 also known as the UN Conference
on Human Environment. At this conference the concept of sustainability was added to the
development discourse (Share The World's Resources, 2015).
30
The post development critique states that the Stockholm Conference was in fact the product of
Western Environmentalism as a reaction to the orthodox development paradigm as mentioned
above. The UN General Assembly adopted a declaration calling for a New International
Economic Order. This initiative was brought by the majority of the developing states and
reflected their willingness for a more equitable distribution of the global wealth. In the period
1980 until 1990 there were some crucial events that help define the discourse of the concepts
of sustainability and development (sustainable development). In this period, the third
generation of human rights were formulated. These are: the right to development, the right the
common heritage of mankind, the right to peace and the right to a healthy environment
(Macekura, 2015).
In 1980 International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN)
published a document called “WORLD CONSERVATION STRATEGY Living Resource
Conservation for Sustainable Development”. In this document one can find proposition that
there is a linkage between the need for conservation and development. Later in the decade
(1987) the World Commission on Environment and Development published its report called
“Our Common Future” or “Brundtland-rapport” where the most famous definition of the
sustainable development was first used (Macekura, 2015).
There is as dispute about the genesis of the discourse sustainable development, the prevailing
academic opinion is that the “Brundtland report” report is the genesis, but this premise is not
accurate, the genesis is the report published by the IUCN, because the linkage is accurately
explained. In this thesis there will be no speculation about the reason of this inaccurate premise
in the sustainable development discourse, but this warrants further investigation.
The main problem with the discourse presented in the “Brundtland report” is that it did not
present an alternative discourse of development. But instead accepted the theory of Rostow
(modernization) which is perceived as the dominant capitalistic model at the time. According
to post development, thinker’s sustainable development is a continuation of the platform of
capitalistic growth (Cypher & Dietz, 2002).
Another argument which post development thinkers make is that the “Brundtland report” did
not present an alternative to world economic system but instead promoted the free market
model increasing capital flows and technology transfer. This looks good on paper but these
developments where undermined by the global north. The smoking gun according to post
development thinkers is that there was a lack of implementation of the funding of Agenda 21
and the Global Environment Facility. Instead the global north used the Brentwood Institution
to promote sustainable development globally under the concept of the Washington Consensus
(Welzel, Inglehart, & Klingemann, 2003).
“…UNESCO ensures that the role of culture is recognized through a majority of the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including those focusing on quality education,
sustainable cities, the environment, economic growth, sustainable consumption and production
patterns, peaceful and inclusive societies, gender equality and food security…” (UNESCO,
2018). If one looks back at chapter 3.1.1.1. one will recognize the cultural barriers of
development in this statement. This confirms that the SDG’s are based on the neo
modernization theory.
31
Dominant approaches to sustainability then have largely focused on its ecological dimensions
and the relation of these to continuing ‘development’ or growth and their possible
incompatibility (and how of course to overcome that disjuncture.) In none of the foundational
literature is the role of culture considered, either in the sense of examining the ways in which
cultural patterns of the kind identified above or have contributed to the creation of
unsustainable lifestyles, economic practices, agriculture and food systems and urbanization, or
in the sense of imagining future sustainable cultures—one that would be compatible with postoil and “post- development” situations.
4.2. The way forward: culture as a lens for sustainable development
A fluttering butterfly in the jungles of Java unleashing a tropical tempest in the Caribbean Sea.
The ecological connection between local and global is obvious to the average world citizen. If
we changed ‘fluttering butterfly’ to ‘dying language’ or ‘herbal knowledge’, this average
citizen would not be moved by the same affection. They would not even understand why a
(dying!) language is something valuable or why grassroots creativity is something related to
the sustainable development of the community in which they live and not a barrier for
development. Let’s face it: cultural diversity is not yet as important as biodiversity. The debates
on the relationship between cultural globalisation and local communities are gaining ground in
the global agenda. This chapter attempts to connect some threads on culture and sustainable
development and aims to explain why an Agenda 21 for Culture development is needed to
protect cultural heritage (i.e. indigenous knowledge).
“…What we all have in common is that we all have to fight against many obstacles in order to
life with dignity—that is to say, to live well. There are many obstacles, but they all have a
family resemblance: capitalism among humans and between humans and nature, colonialism,
patriarchy, fetishism of commodities, monocultures of knowledge, the linear time of progress,
naturalized inequalities, the dominant scale, and the productivism of economic growth and
capitalist development. The obstacles to a life with dignity are very different, but they all have
something in common: to wit, the infinite accumulation of unequal differences on the unjust
behalf of very few. We are the dispossessed of earth because we are considered ignorant,
inferior, local, particular, backward, unproductive, or lazy. The immensurable suffering, we
get from this and the waste of world experience it brings about are unjust, but they are not
historical fatalities. We fight against them under the conviction that they can be eliminated.
But our struggle depends less on our objectives than on the quality of our actions and emotions
in striving to attain them.” (Sousa, 2016, p. 21).
“…For those who sustain the idea of the general retrogression, the balance is negative, and the
supposed novelties result in a dangerous and surrendering deviation from primary objectives
(class struggle in the domain of production) to secondary objectives (identity, culture, or, in a
word, objectives in the domain of social reproduction). According to this view, this was no
more than a yielding to the enemy, no matter how radical the discourses of rupture.
32
On the contrary, for those who defend the idea of innovation and creativity, the balance is
positive, because the blocking dogmatisms have been shattered, the forms of collective action
and the social bases supporting them have been enlarged, and, above all, the struggles, by their
forms and range, have managed to reveal new vulnerabilities in the enemy. Among the
protagonists of the struggles in the last decade, the latter position prevails,.” (Sousa, 2016, p.
65)
The counterhegemonic nature of Nuestra America lies in its potential to develop a progressive
transnational political culture.13 Such a political culture will concentrate on (Sousa, 2016):
1.
identifying the multiple local/global linkages among struggles, movements, and
initiatives;
2.
promoting the clashes between hegemonic globalization trends and pressures, on one
side, and the transnational coalitions to resist against them, on the other, thus opening
up possibilities for counter-hegemonic globalizations; and
3.
promoting internal and external self-reflexivity so that the forms of redistribution,
recognition, and accountability inside the movements mirror the forms of redistribution,
recognition, and accountability that the insurgent cosmopolitanism and its
emancipatory politics wish to see implemented in the world.
Cultural heritage and development are highly value-laden terms. For example, when most
people talk about development, they mean economic growth and see local values as a barrier
for development. By doing so one creates a discourse on development that establishes a
hierarchy of knowledge and legitimizes a particular cultural standpoint (modernization theory)
(Sousa, 2016). This is certainly so for Suriname if we look at the arguments presented by
Sandew Hira, Rudolph van Lier, Anton de Kom and Glen Sankatsing.
In this sense, development is at the heart of the culture debate. If one views culture as more
than just the preservation and promotion of the arts, heritage and cultural identities, then we
have to include the broad civilizational concept embodied in culture as a whole way of life.
From this perspective, culture informs the underlying belief systems, worldviews,
epistemologies, and cosmologies that shape human consciousness, global relations, as well as
people’s interface with the environment (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our Future, 2016). In
the past few years there have been many discussions about culture as the fourth dimension.
These discussions have taken place on a theoretical and descriptive level. In the article: Culture
as a fourth dimension of sustainable development? A statistical analysis, there is a significance
found between cultural indicators and sustainable development (Srakar & Vecco, 2016).
Srakar & Vecco (2016) state in their article give the following reasons to make culture the
fourth dimension:
• Culture can help create a more holistic view of the concept
• To develop more resilience
• Culture – in its tangible and intangible nature - is a relational and non-positional good
• Culture is the glue that holds the other dimensions together
• Culture can be used as a blueprint for a circular economy (true sustainability)
• Applicability and transferability criteria (technology transfer for development policy)
33
Traditional knowledge can have the following benefits for the development discourse (Soini
& Birkeland, 2014):
• Economic benefits and impact of traditional knowledge:
• Tool for development of tourism and connected branches;
• Way of increase of Agricultural production and wildlife management;
• Resource for development of alternative medicine;
• Tool for regional development;
• Energy saving;
• Catalyst of technical innovation
• Societal benefits and impact of traditional knowledge:
• Serving as catalyst of intercultural dialogue;
• Promoting sustainability;
• Forging local and regional identity;
• Contributing to social cohesion;
• Enhancing quality of life;
There are many different definitions of culture. Some position it as merely synonymous with
art, but this is a very narrow conception. Others interpret culture as virtually everything people
do, but this is perhaps too all-encompassing. Is it possible, therefore, that culture cannot be
precisely defined in any meaningful way to incorporate in the development discourse? Culture
and development are highly value-laden terms. One explanation of this new focus on culture is
relatively recent acceptance of and openness to the geographical and cultural diversity of the
world associated with globalization and localization. We also assume that this interest in
culture in relation to sustainability and sustainable development reflects a recent interest in the
new roles of culture in society (McGuigan, 2004) and the cultural turns into the sciences, which
involves a new way of looking at causality and language. The cultural turn is associated with
the new role of language and discourse, which is seen as not only representing but also
constructing realities (Battiste, 2002).
Therefore, the cultural turn is often called a linguistic turn, where language and representation
as part of culture is questioned, particularly in poststructuralist thought. What do words do?
Are our concepts able to represent reality? Or are they ways of seeing the world that reproduce
existing power structures in society? Such ideas have influenced many environmental
researchers, such as Hajer (The Politics of Environmental Discourse: Ecological
Modernization and the Policy Process, 2002). These mentioned researchers mentioned here
above have shown that concepts such as sustainable development are social constructs and
contested in a struggle about meaning, interpretation, and implementation (by dependency
theory and post development theory).
By making the obvious semantic connection between ‘culture’ and ‘sustainability’, a path has
been laid to make sense of sustainable development through the lens of culture. What does
culture mean? The growing interest in culture and sustainability draws on the broad spectrum
of definitions of culture, both wide and narrow. A wide understanding of culture makes culture
a condictio sine qua non for action, meaning, and communication (all humans have, share, and
‘‘do’’ culture). Culture refers here to the meaning content of human communities, the symbolic
patterns, norms, and rules of human communities (Eriksen, 2001) that divide humans from
nature. Culture also divides humans from other humans (Battiste, 2002), making it one of the
most complex concepts (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our Future, 2016).
34
In a narrower sense, culture refers to civilization, to the improvement of the human, and to that
which is excellent (for example, in the arts and science).An important question is how cultural
sustainability is related to sustainable development. One can imagine several options. Culture
can be viewed as ‘‘cultural sustainability’’ as a fourth and parallel dimension to ecological,
economic, and social sustainability. One can also imagine that the cultural sustainability
discourse departs from the neo modernization view of sustainable development in ways that
are not anticipated. When culture is considered a fourth pillar in sustainability, it obviously
must be distinguished from the other three pillars of sustainability, particularly social
sustainability. Culture has often been considered part of social sustainability, sociocultural
sustainability, covering cultural aspects such as equity, participation, and awareness of
sustainability (Murphy, 2012).
The behavior and preservation of socio-cultural patterns (Vallance, Perkins, & Dixon, 2011)
and social capital, social infrastructure, social justice and equity, and engaged governance
(Cuthill, 2010). Social and cultural phenomena are, of course, interconnected. Cultural
structures and values influence social life and therefore also social understandings of
sustainability and social sustainability (Chiu, 2004). It is likewise the case that social structures
affect cultural patterns and practices, and, as Chiu (Socio‐cultural sustainability of housing: a
conceptual exploration, 2004) shows in the case of housing, the social and cultural dimensions
of sustainability are interlinked. We also suggest that cultural sustainability is linked but not
equal to issues of social sustainability, such as social justice and equity, social infrastructure,
participation and engaged governance, social cohesion, social capital, awareness, needs and
work, and issues of the distribution of environmental ‘‘goods’’ and ‘‘bads’’ (as reviewed in
Boström (A missing pillar? Challenges in theorizing and practicing social sustainability:
introduction to the special issue, 2012)).
The broad understanding of culture suggests that cultural sustainability moves beyond social
sustainability and that there can be important issues of sustainable development that are missed
without a further examination of the role of culture. However, the cultural dimensions of
sustainability do not have to be understood as a separate and fourth pillar. Culture can also be
seen as the foundation or necessary condition for meeting the aims of sustainable development
in the first place or as a perspective through which understandings of social, economic, and
environmental sustainability may appear (Boström, 2012).
This moderate literature study presented in this thesis demonstrates that the scientific discourse
on cultural sustainability covers surprisingly wide contexts and meanings and that it is broader
than was anticipated at the formulation stage of this thesis. Although the number of articles
using the concept of cultural sustainability is still relatively low, the concept of cultural
sustainability has continuously been in use since 1997 (Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2011).
Therefore, it can be argued that cultural sustainability is still in the first stage of concept
evolution (Boström, 2012). The utilization of the spectrum of the construct culture as well as
the lack of discussion of its meanings could indicate that there is a taken for granted or assumed
consensus related to meanings of culture regarding sustainable development. One will find
usage of the spectrum of culture in the litterateur ranging from narrow (culture as arts and
heritage) to broad (culture as way of life; network of meanings) (Boström, 2012). This will
need further investigation.
35
4.3. Concluding remarks
Questions regarding the spatial and temporal scale of culture are among the most problematic
issues in relation to sustainable development. Considering the spatial scales of culture, in most
cases, it is treated as a territorialized phenomenon, a locally embedded way of life or local
cultural manifestation, material or immaterial, that should be conserved, preserved, or used in
the name of sustainability (in line with chapter 26 of Agenda 21). The eco-cultural civilization
story line is primarily concerned with sustainability on a global scale. It presumes that any
cultural practices on the local scale should turn to an ecologically more sustainable direction
to meet the global challenges of the environment. Thus, although the human–nature interface
at the local level is important, it is the global environment that ultimately matters. In most of
the story lines, cultural sustainability, like locality, heritage, the eco-cultural approach, and
ecocultural civilization, is seen as a threat for globalization, whereas the economic viability
story line represents globalization in positive terms. Some view this development as antiglobalist. This needs further investigation.
36
.
Modernization theory and local knowledge and cultural heritage (indigenous knowledge) are
often in conflict with each other. In the literature one can detect the emergence of fourth
dimension that focusses on Culture. Against this backdrop, sustainable development can assist
developing countries to utilize their environmental resources efficiently to contribute to their
own modernization processes, and to take responsibility for the environmental challenges with
the overall aim of enhancing their international standing by making policy in a self-conscious
manner. On the other hand, for advanced countries, economic development is already on track,
but further growth may be difficult without the necessary capacity. Developed countries
therefore ought to consider how they can sustain future growth by considering environmental,
social, cultural, and political dimensions of sustainability in addition to economic dimensions
(Baek, 2018).
The right to development has received international recognition as an ‘‘inalienable right of all
human beings and peoples to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural,
and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully
recognized’’ according to the UN Declaration on the Right to Development proclaimed in
General Assembly Resolution 41/128 of 4 December 1986 (A/RES/41/128). This declaration
was for the whole of humanity.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was adopted
by the General Assembly on Thursday, 13 September 2007, by a majority of 144 states in favor
(including Suriname), 4 votes against (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States)
and 11 abstentions (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya,
Nigeria, Russian Federation, Samoa and Ukraine). Some years have passed since the UNDRIP
was adopted by the General Assembly. Since the initial voting, the four countries voting against
have reversed their position and now support the Declaration. Today the Declaration is the
most comprehensive international instrument on the rights of indigenous peoples. It establishes
a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the
indigenous peoples of the world and it elaborates on existing human rights standards and
fundamental freedoms as they apply to the specific situation of indigenous peoples
(UNBISNET, 2018) (Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
The American Declaration, a regional instrument, offers specific protection for indigenous
peoples in North America, Central and South America, and the Caribbean. It affirms the
following human rights:
• self-determination,
• rights to education,
• health,
• self-government,
• culture,
• lands,
• territories and natural resources,
37
it includes provisions that address the particular situation of indigenous peoples in the
Americas, including protections for those living in voluntary isolation and those
affected by a state’s internal armed conflict.
• and, article VII of the Declaration addresses Gender Equality, and includes a
commitment that “States shall adopt the necessary measures, in conjunction with
indigenous peoples, to prevent and eradicate all forms of violence and discrimination,
particularly against indigenous women and children.”
There are over 370 million indigenous people spread out over 70 countries. There are still
reports where indigenous people’s rights are being abused and the control over resources is
being limited. The right to development as expressed in international instruments is concerned
with ensuring that the ongoing process of development takes place equitably, without
compromising any human rights, and advances the enjoyment of human rights by all. Its aim
is to ensure that all individuals and peoples participate meaningfully in development and share
equitably in the benefits of development (UNHCR, 2018).
In chapter 2, this thesis reviewed literature regarding the protection of indigenous knowledge.
In chapter 3, the flavours of development where reviewed and their views regarding cultural
heritage including indigenous knowledge. In chapter 4 a new perspective regarding sustainable
development is presented. In this chapter the following research question will be answered:
How will these insights translate into norms that facilitate the right to development of
indigenous people?
•
5.1. Development of indigenous people thought the culture lens
Indigenous peoples form an integral part of plural societies, the circumstances of indigenous
peoples may vary largely from region to region and from country to country. In some societies,
indigenous peoples constitute more than 50 per cent of the population, while in others they may
constitute a smaller percentage. In some societies the very survival of indigenous peoples is
threatened, while in others they are recognized and are able to maintain their distinct identities,
spiritual traditions, cultures, and relationships with their lands, territories and resources. Many
indigenous peoples have suffered historical injustices as a result of colonization and
dispossession of their lands, territories and resources, as pointed out in the UN Declaration on
the rights of indigenous people, which seeks to address this situation ( Inter-Parliamentary
Union , 2014).
The ministry of Regional development engages indigenous people through its directorate
indigenous affairs if it concerns development projects. According to the CEDAW (convention
elimination of all forms discrimination against women) concluding comments 12 march 2018
“and indigenous women in the State party and their very limited access to basic services
including health, education, safe water, adequate sanitation, energy and communications
technologies. It is also concerned about violations of the land rights of indigenous and tribal
women, despite three judgments passed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2015,
2007 and 2005, respectively, holding that the State party violated the rights of indigenous
people to land and access to justice” (CEDAW/C/SUR/CO/4-6, 24, p. 11). The correlation
between development and human rights is a matter of debate within the United Nations, other
forums and between state agents and right holders. While efforts have been made to integrate
human rights into development programs at the design level, some evidence suggests that
38
further attention and clarification should be given to the concrete implementation of such rights
at a practical level into development policies and programs affecting Indigenous peoples (Ughi,
2012).
The exploration of natural resources often leads to violation of property rights of indigenous
people (Ughi, 2012). The conflicts regarding property rights of indigenous people have been
described in a previous chapter. Participatory development strategies are considered condition
cine qua non for operationalisation of the right to development and is one of the emerging
themes in declarations, resolutions and conference proceedings (UNHCR, 2013).
The right to development of indigenous people is related to the right to self-determination,
which has many aspects, both individual and collective. It involves both the establishment of
Eurocentric States and the operation of Eurocentric States once they have been established.
The mere formation of a Eurocentric State does not in itself fully realize the right to selfdetermination unless its citizens and constituent peoples continue to enjoy the right to their
own cultural identity and to determine their own economic, social, and political system through
democratic institutions and actions, and the Eurocentric State genuinely enjoys continuing
freedom of choice, within the bounds of international law. Universal respect for the principle
of the non-use of force is a fundamental condition for the full realization of the right to
development. The welfare society can be characterized by the following description (UNHCR,
2013):
• an effort to combine the concern for free and active participation of all its individuals
and the need for equality in sharing the benefits deriving from the total activity of the
society.
5.2. The development discourse of indigenous people
Initially this paper would have used the Sustainable development goals as a reverence, but
when one takes a closer look at these goals one concludes that these goals are formulated rather
vague, weak, or meaningless and follow the modernization doctrine it becomes clear that that
might not be such a great idea (Holden, Linnerud, & Banister, 2016).
The article The Imperatives of Sustainable Development”” (Holden, Linnerud, & Banister,
2016) states the following: “We suggest a model for sustainable development based on three
moral imperatives: satisfying human needs, ensuring social equity, and respecting
environmental limits. The model reflects Our Common Future’s central message, moral
imperatives laid out in philosophical texts on needs and equity, and recent scientific insights
on environmental limits.”
The formal dogma of sustainability of development formally rests on three pillars namely: a
social pillar, an environment pillar, and an economic pillar. The pedagogical approach of
MERSD uses the people, planet profit dogma. This needs to be updated to fit the fourth
dimension. To establish a sustainable policy frame, the indigenous people of Suriname can
build their own sustainable development that takes cultural aspects into consideration as
debated in the previous chapter.
39
..2.1. T
The economic dimension can be described as the need to strike a balance between cost and
benefit of the development through resources within the confines of the carrying capacity of
the environment. In other words, progress should not come at the expense of the regenerative
capacity of the environment (Nurse, 2006).
The indigenous people have relied for centuries through their knowledge systems imbedded in
their culture on their environment for sustenance. Over time, they established a system to
preserve the resources to guarantee a sustainable livelihood (Mazzocchi, 2006). There is also
evidence that some indigenous people did not live in harmony with their surroundings, they
pillaged their soundings and moved on (Mazzocchi, 2006).
The modern indigenous people is often driven from their land and livelihood as their habitat is
being destroyed, and their knowledge is redder null and void when confronted with resource
hungry development projects. This is the reason why a lot of indigenous people are counted
among the merges of the modern society, unable to vend for themselves (Oostindie & Klinkers,
2003). There are some avenues that can be pursued namely:
• Non-forest timber products (e.g. sustainable tourism, mining)
• Forest timber products (e.g. sustainable harvesting of timber, medicine)
This needs further investigation.
The convention on biological diversity (article 15 (4)) states that access to biological resources
should be based on free and prior consent of parties and on mutually agreed terms that provide
fair and equitable sharing of the results of research and development and the benefits of
commercialization and use (Wynberg, 2005). Legislation of Suriname does ensure this right
and needs to be established. The concept of sustainable tourism, what it entails, and what the
tourism narrative is that you are selling needs to be formulated. This needs further
investigation.
..2.2. T
k
w
The social dimension of sustainable development regards community building and
development and equitable distribution of resources (Nurse, 2006). Indigenous communities
have developed management practices regarding sustainable use of the natural resources over
long periods of time. This knowledge is often embedded in every day life through culture and
is important for the survival of the community (Folke, 2004).
Participatory action research that is considered a part of community development methods is
viewed as a mythology to promote traditional knowledge in community projects with
indigenous tribes and in litigation of land claims and other related issues (Tony, Chris, &
Michael, 1993). The MERSD also teaches this methodology as part of its curriculum.
Participatory action research facilitates the integration of traditional knowledge in western
scientific communication because it works well with native cultures, it meets criteria of
validation of western scientific communication and it provides the means to record oral
tradition of indigenous people before they are lost (Tony, Chris, & Michael, 1993).
40
“Participatory action research can be defined as an integrated approach involving the
participation of community members to investigate social reality, build local skills and capacity
for the purpose of increasing community autonomy through a process of praxis.” (Tony, Chris,
& Michael, 1993, p. 51).
There is a lot of literature on the linkage of participatory action research and sustainable
community development. According to the literature participatory action research can be used
in the courtroom and by extension policymakers and legislators if the following issues are
addressed ( Hoare, Levy, & Robinson , 1993):
1.
There is a need for judges, policymakers, and legislators to understand the native
culture, the preferred method of significant knowledge retention.
2.
The usual methods of investigation, with methods of cross-examination are not
congenial to Native culture and often produce an intrinsic distortion of Native realities.
3.
Language and cultural concept are often lost in translation; because of this the context
is often lost.
4.
The training of those that conduct the participatory action research must make them
intellectual sound and capable of communicating their finding in accordance with the
rules of scientific communication.
5.
Comprehensive records of the total process should be kept by all parties.
6.
Retrieved traditions should be recorded so precise as possible to the extent that it is
available for scrutiny
7.
The intellectual validity should be understood by all parties involved so that the
judiciary will not be able to denigrate its fruits by pointing both to lack of intellectual
rigor and to lack of understanding of intellectual rigor by practitioners.
..2.3. E
Sustainable development has traditionally been focused on an environmentalism framework
that gives priority to the issue of ecological degradation because of its post-war origin
(Macekura, The Rise of International Conservation and Postwar Development, 2015). One can
safely argue that environmental concerns are the cornerstone of the sustainable development.
Until recently, sustainable development was viewed solely through the lens of the
environmentalist but as the concept has matured, increasing emphasis has been placed on its
interconnection to social and economic dimensions of development (Nurse, 2006).
This dimension reinforces the other two dimensions e.g. the spatial information system through
participatory mapping generates an environmental governance plan. It takes into consideration
the use of the resources example given residential planning, tourism development, mining, or
conservation. It takes into consideration local knowledge embedded in the culture of the
society.
In doing so it creates institutions that maintain a sustainable expiation of resources that does
not cause environmental harm or loss of habitat (Moore, Brown, Kobryn, & Strickland-Munro,
2017).
41
..2.4. T
The culture of the indigenous people is tied to the habitat and the resources available, it seems
that cultural expression functions as an adaptive learning mechanism to understanding the
effects of management decisions and human-use impacts on long-term ecological composition,
structure, and function (Folke, 2004).
Culture and human interaction are crucial components to the sustainability of development
(Watenea & Yap, 2015), the local knowledge can help develop sustainable resource
management systems. There is also a need for information systems, the spatially explicit
approach trough participatory mapping can be used to integrating indigenous needs in regional
conservation plans in Suriname (Ramirez-Gomez, Brown, Verweij, & Boot, 2016).This
methodology can be used for four types of land- use configurations:
• residential development,
• tourism development,
• mining,
• conservation
Spatial social data collected through participatory mapping are increasingly used to assess
social (they mean cultural) dimensions for land use planning and management. However, there
has been limited research to evaluate alternative approaches to identify potential land-use
conflict especially in Suriname (Moore, Brown, Kobryn, & Strickland-Munro, 2017). This
needs further investigation.
5.3. Decentralization of
participatory development
government
development
finance
or
The most important theoretical argument concerning decentralization is that it can improve
governance by making government more accountable and responsive to the governed.
Improving governance is also central to the motivations of real-world reformers, who bear risks
and costs in the interest of devolution. But the literature has mostly focused instead on policyrelevant outcomes, such as education and health services, public investment, and fiscal deficits.
Participatory methodology in development policy is the product of a more holistic and
empirical approach to development. This approach was warranted by a need for local
participation and empowerment of local institutions (Mohan & Stokke, 2000). The politics
and ethics of this approach has been subject of many debates between scholars from the north
and the south.
Proponents of participatory development argue that this approach emancipates and empowers
marginalized groups, opponents of this method asserts new forms of controls and regulation
(Kevin & Jonathan, 2015). The participatory development strategy is taught as part of the
curriculum of the MERSD and has three uses (Rietbergen-McCracken):
• Information sharing tool
• Consultation tool
• Collaborative planning tool
Participation can be in the following forms (Osman):
1.
Passive participation: in this form of participation the interaction has the intent to only
nform about the project,
42
2.
Participation by consultation: beneficiaries do not have a voice in the decision-making
process, but they have the opportunity to voice their opinion and may be involved in
the labor.
3.
Participation by collaboration: beneficiaries’ involvement is for the satisfaction of the
donors thus any discussions or analysis is based on predetermined objectives.
4.
Empowerment participation: ownership and control of the development process rests
in the hands of beneficiaries who are capable and willing
This classification is made by Zaynab Osman, an intern at the High Atlas foundation, who
unintentionally has exposed the weakness of participatory development and validated the
claims of the opponents of participatory development. In the first instance the community is
only informed. In the second instance the beneficiaries do not have a voice at the decisionmaking level.
In the third instance the donor has the final say in direction of the development agenda
indicating its envelopment and not development aid. In the fourth instance the capable and
willing are not reprehensive for the community.
The conclusion is that the participatory approach does not give the community, that is the
subject of the development policy, a significant voice in setting the development agenda and is
often revered to as a Trojan Horse of foreign development agenda points (from the perspective
of the community) e.g. The Sustainable Development Goals.
The question that one detects in the minds of the readers is what methodology should be used
to engage indigenous people? This is a politically loaded question that cannot be answered
without taking into consideration the north-south politics a neo-colonial debate (Kapoor, 2005).
The conclusion based on the Theory of Glen Sankatsing is that these forms of participation is
characteristic to envelopment strategies.
Participatory budgeting is a viable option, because of its communicative- and empowerment
aspects. This form of budgeting is institutionalized in 1500 cities across the world. This system
is known for its deliberation dimension and its representation dimension. This system has an
emancipatory dimension that is often being disregarded in the literature but can counteract the
short-communing’s of participatory development or envelopment ( Baiocchi & Ganuza, 2014).
This is the reason indigenous people should use this system to set their development agenda.
The utilization of using this budgeting system will constitute some institutional changes (
Baiocchi & Ganuza, 2014). What the chances are, warrants a thesis on the question which
institutional changes should be made to the “comptabiliteits regelgeving” (budgeting
legislation) of Suriname to facilitate development from the margin’s through participatory
budgeting? The writer of the suggested thesis should take into consideration Free Prior and
Informed Consent (FPIC) and its implications on development projects (Fontana & Grugel,
2016).
In Bolivia this is being experimented with and has some positive unintended consequences that
should be taken into consideration in the case of Suriname because Suriname just like Bolivia
has a pluriform society (Fontana & Grugel, 2016).
43
5.4. The implications of the Lokono case for development agenda of
indigenous people
On November 25, 2015, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (Court) held that the state
of Suriname had violated the rights of two indigenous groups by denying recognition of their
juridical personality and their entitlement to collective property and judicial protection. In
Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, the Court also considered the impact of nature
reserves on indigenous land rights, as well as the legitimacy of private titling of property that
encroaches on land for which collective title has not been attained. The decision pushes the
Court's previous jurisprudence significantly by asserting that under the American Convention
on Human Rights, indigenous peoples are entitled, as collective entities, to recognition of their
legal personality. In so doing, the Court challenged ordinary assumptions about the
individualized character of most adjudication regarding international human rights and made
the possibility of enforcing collective rights more palpable.
The Court’s judgment rested not only on the parties’ submissions, its own observations, and
the Commission’s findings, but also on its own prior jurisprudence, in particular its 2007 and
2008 judgments in Saramaka People v. Suriname (Case of the Saramaka People v. Suriname,
2007) (Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
The Court described the creation of three nature reserves, which, taken together, encompassed
nearly 50 percent of the territory in dispute in the case (para. 70). The Court discussed
restrictions imposed on the indigenous peoples by the state’s creation of these reserves that
were based on the following grounds (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname,
2015):
•
environmental protection;
•
mining concessions;
•
or private land title.
Regarding environmental protection, the designation of certain land as reserves transformed it
into state property upon which hunting and fishing were forbidden without exceptions for
indigenous peoples (paras. 70–73), alongside other restrictions based on designation of one of
the reserves as an environmental conservation area of international significance (para. 82).
With respect to mining, the Court took note of the adverse environmental consequences
resulting from certain bauxite mining operations in the Wane Kreek reserve, pursuant to a 1958
concession agreement that also restricted use of the area for hunting and fishing (para. 90)
(Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
The mining operations also impacted fishing and hunting stocks considerably (paras. 88–93).
Regarding private land title, the Court observed that in 1975, the state began construction of an
urban subdivision project, which included vacation homes for the wealthy (as well as a casino,
gas station, and mall), resulting in the displacement of indigenous people from the area and
restricting their direct access to certain parts of the Marowijne River, with which the local
indigenous peoples have a strong spiritual relationship (paras. 96–99) (Case of Kaliña and
Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
The Court then turned to a discussion of the first main area of dispute—namely, whether
Suriname’s refusal to recognize the right of the indigenous peoples to collective juridical
personality denied the Kaliña and Lokono peoples the ability to maintain, exercise, and seek
44
the protection of their collective property and other rights under domestic law, in violation of
Article 3 of the Convention. In Saramaka (Case of the Saramaka People v. Suriname, 2007),
the Court had held that recognizing the juridical personality of indigenous peoples is “one of
the special measures that should be granted to the indigenous and tribal groups in order to
ensure that they may enjoy their territories according to their traditions” (para. 107), while also
observing that doing so is one way, although not the only way, to ensure that the community
as a whole may enjoy and exercise fully the right to property, in accordance with their system
of communal ownership, as well as the right to equal judicial protection against any violation
of this right (Para. 109) (Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
Here, however, the Court took a stronger position, observing that “it is an undisputed fact that,
currently, the laws of Suriname do not recognize the legal personality of the indigenous peoples
and, consequently, they are unable to hold collective property titles” (para. 112). Accordingly,
it found that Suriname had violated Article 3 of the American Convention “to the detriment of
the Kaliña and Lokono peoples “since the failure to recognize their juridical personality “has
an impact on the violation of other rights” of the Kaliña and Lokono peoples (para. 114) (Case
of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015).
5.5. Judicial the implications of the Lokono case.
The most important aspect of this decision is the Court’s clear acknowledgment of the right of
indigenous peoples to recognition of their collective legal personality. In its prior decisions,
the Court often struggled with the issue of collective or group rights, but it generally defaulted
to the protection of the rights of individual members of indigenous communities, even listing
these individuals one by one in judgments. Until now, its reasoning on collective rights has for
the most part been obiter dicta. The situation started to change with the Saramaka judgment, in
which the Court for the first time identified the entire community as victims of a human rights
violation entitled to reparations, as opposed to only its individual members. In the present
judgment, the Court took a significant step forward. It held that not only is the entire community
entitled to reparations as a community, but also that indigenous peoples, as such, are entitled
to recognition of their legal personality. Instead of pushing this reasoning in obiter, or in the
judgment’s reparations section, the Court here made it a central part of the judgment and in so
doing, it significantly advanced the possibilities of recognition of collective human rights in
international adjudication, an important development in international jurisprudence(black
letter) (MacKay, 2018).
For the most part, international adjudicatory bodies in the area of human rights are only
endowed with the competence to hear cases involving individuals, or at least individual rights.
In fact, the United Nations Human Rights Committee, which oversees the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, declared that the collective right to self-determination
set forth in Article 1 of the Covenant is nonjusticiable because of its collective nature. In Kaliña
and Lokono, the Inter-American Court did not make a separate body of collective rights
enforceable, but instead made individual rights collective or at least some of them (Case of
Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015; MacKay, 2018).
The Court’s recognition of the collective dimension of individual rights is a welcome step in
advancing indigenous and minority protection in the Americas and other systems. However,
45
this part of the Court’s decision was not unanimously embraced. In his strongly worded dissent,
Judge Pérez contended that the Court misread the text of the American Convention, which in
Article 3 articulates the right of “every person” to recognition before the law and defines
“person” to mean “every human being,” and that the right does not apply to peoples or other
collective entities (Case of Kaliña and Lokono Peoples v. Suriname, 2015; MacKay, 2018).
Regarding title, the Court reviewed its established case law related to recognition of title (paras.
131–32) and found that certain demarcation criteria (para. 139) were not met in the case and
that Article 21 of the American Convention had thus been violated (para. 142). The Court
discussed the issue of granting title to third parties and articulated a proportionality test to
resolve conflicts between indigenous traditional title and the title of third parties (para. 155),
while acknowledging that indigenous title does not necessarily prevail over the title of other
stakeholders (para. 158) (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
That said, the Court found that the state’s failure to hear the complaints of the Kaliña and
Lokono communities violated their right to property (Article 21), in conjunction with the
general obligation to protect human rights (Article 1(1)) (para. 160). With respect to the nature
reserves, the Court considered, inter alia, the existence of environmental legal obligations, as
well as its previous case law in which it said the creation of a park for environmental protection
reasons was a legitimate restriction on the right to property (para. 171) (Case of The Kaliña
And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
In the case of indigenous lands, it stated that sociocultural (as well as biological) dimensions
needed to be considered; therefore, it broadened the scope of the term “environment” to include
other considerations, particularly indigenous interests (para. 173). The Court took note of the
Convention on Biological Diversity, the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, the World Heritage
Convention, and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, all of which
affect the reserves in question and have been ratified by Suriname (para. 176). It concluded
that the lack of mechanisms to ensure the access, use, and effective participation of the Kaliña
and Lokono indigenous peoples in the conservation of the reserves and the benefits they yield
constituted a violation not only of the right to property (FPIC criteria where scrutinized)
(Article 21), but also the right to political participation (Article 23), and the obligation to enact
domestic law giving effect to those rights (Article 2) (paras. 197–98) (Case of The Kaliña And
Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
On the mining concessions, the Court welcomed Suriname’s attempt to create a Commission
on the Law on Traditional Authorities and to enshrine the requirement of consultation in the
context of mining concessions (para. 210). But it also said that the state failed to ensure
effective participation in the consultation process prior to granting the concessions (para. 212).
The Court concluded that since Suriname neither undertook an “independent social and
environmental impact assessment . . . prior to the start-up of bauxite mining,” nor supervised
the assessment that was eventually conducted, it failed to comply with this safeguard (para.
226) (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
The third area of dispute involved the right to judicial protection set forth in Article 25. The
Court articulated a set of criteria against which the procedural guarantees and right of access
to justice of indigenous peoples must be considered, including not only clear rules on legal
personality and standing for indigenous groups, but also cultural accommodation, assistance at
all points in the litigation, and accommodation of indigenous customary law (para. 251). The
46
guarantee of access to justice, it said, requires remedies that the following criteria into
consideration (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015):
•
are accessible and understandable;
•
give indigenous and tribal peoples access to technical and legal assistance; and
•
facilitate physical access to the administrative or judicial institutions, or to the bodies
responsible for ensuring the right to collective property of the indigenous and tribal
peoples (id.). Those remedies must also facilitate the participation of indigenous groups
in judicial, administrative, or any other proceedings, without entailing exaggerated or
excessive efforts, due either to the distances or to the channels for accessing such
institutions, or to the elevated cost of the proceedings (id.).
As a final matter, the Court discussed reparations and determined that Suriname must grant the
Kaliña and Lokono peoples legal recognition of the collective juridical personality
corresponding to the community of which they are members in order to ensure them the
exercise and full enjoyment of their right to property of a communal nature, as well as access
to justice as a community in keeping with their customs and traditions. (Para. 279(i)(a))
Suriname must also “[d]elimit, demarcate, and grant collective title to the territory of the
members of the Kaliña and Lokono peoples, guaranteeing the use and effective enjoyment . . .
and by means of processes in which these peoples participate” (para. 279(i)(b)). The Court held
that:
•
in the case of the lands claimed that are in the hands of non-indigenous or non-tribal
third parties, whether natural or legal persons, the State must, through its competent
authorities, decide whether to purchase or expropriate the territory in favor of the
indigenous peoples, by payment of compensation to those affected as established by
domestic law. (Para. 280)
The Court also ordered the creation of a “community development fund” as compensation for
the pecuniary and nonpecuniary damage suffered by the members of these peoples, “in addition
to any other present or future benefit that might correspond to the Kaliña and Lokono peoples
as a result of the State’s general development obligations” (para. 295). The purpose of the fund,
it said, must be “to develop projects in the areas of health, education, food security, resource
management, and others that the Kaliña and Lokono peoples consider pertinent for their
development” (para. 296) (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
In this regard, the Court takes note of the “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights,”
endorsed by the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, which establish that businesses
must respect and protect human rights, as well as prevent, mitigate, and accept responsibility
for the adverse human rights impacts directly linked to their activities.(para 262) Hence, as
reiterated by these principles, “States must protect against human rights abuse within their
territory and/or jurisdiction by third parties, including business enterprises. This requires taking
appropriate steps to prevent, investigate, punish and redress such abuse through effective
policies, legislation, regulations and adjudication (para 224) (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono
Peoples V. Suriname, 2015). The Court has moved international jurisprudence in a very
welcome direction. Its judgment emphasizes that the traditional title given to indigenous
peoples (inalienable land, with title only persisting as long as sustainable and traditional
practices are in place {traditional knowledge}) is insufficient, even though it is endorsed by
international law (para. 53).
47
The Court seems to suggest that in order to comply adequately with human rights obligations,
indigenous peoples must be allotted the full bundle of rights related to title rights of use or title
to land that is termed inalienable is no longer sufficient (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono
Peoples V. Suriname, 2015).
“….That represents a significant development in the jurisprudence about indigenous land
rights, which for the most part has assumed that the traditional attachment—the spiritual
connection of indigenous peoples to their land—meant that inalienable title was sufficient.
Here, the Court has gone one step further: while the spiritual connection is still needed to assert
title, it should not be used to limit the extent of that title in a way that ultimately cripples the
ability of indigenous peoples to utilize their land in a manner that pursues their own
development…” (Lixinski, 2017, p. 153). The issue of consultation as a right was only properly
explored and advanced in the joint concurring opinion by Judges Humberto Antonio, Sierra
Porto and Eduardo Ferrer Mac-Gregor Poisot. They reviewed the Court’s previous case law on
the matter, which sets forth a clear test regarding whether consultations (watered down FPIC)
can be considered effective, and whether they meet human rights standards. The concurring
judges see effective participation as requiring consultation. That said, they still fell short of
pushing for a right of free, prior, and informed consent, and settled on the right to free, prior,
and informed consultation. This position denies the possibility of the right to free, prior, and
informed consent becoming the new right to self-determination, at least as far as international
human rights adjudication is concerned (Case of The Kaliña And Lokono Peoples V. Suriname,
2015).
“…An additional concern is how international environmental and human rights obligations are
balanced. Two considerations arise from the Court’s judgment, one factual and one legal. The
factual issue is that in its judgment, the Court found that compatibility between the two bodies
of law can be assumed in the indigenous context, because indigenous peoples are
sustainable…” (Lixinski, 2017, p. 154).
“…Similarly, when speaking about the impact of the reserves, the Court assumed that
indigenous practices help environmental conservation, in a way that unproductively
essentializes indigenous identity and reinforces the myth of the “Noble Savage,” meaning that
indigenous people in their wisdom harmoniously engage with nature. While this connection
has been exploited successfully by indigenous peoples, it also brings unintended consequences
to indigenous peoples, who now can only use their land in sustainable ways and are excluded
from certain forms of development that should otherwise accrue as a matter of human rights…”
(Lixinski, 2017, p. 154).
“…In other words, as far as indigenous peoples are concerned, some of their rights come
burdened with obligations that non-indigenous persons do not have, and it is unfortunate that
the Inter-American Court’s judgments in this area reinforce this viewpoint. Regarding the legal
issue, the main effect of the Court’s discussion of the status of international environmental law
vis-à-vis international human rights law speaks to the fragmentation of international law. By
assuming the two bodies of rules to be compatible, the Court skirted the issue of hierarchy and
put human rights at the top of the international legal order. This development assists the Court
in gaining legitimacy toward international law at large, but it may not be replicable in nonindigenous contexts, at least to the extent reliance on (essentialized) indigenous identity may
48
not always be available in considering possibly competing obligations arising from different
areas of international legal obligation….” (Lixinski, 2017, p. 154).
In short, this case reinforces chapter 26 of agenda 21 by establishing a legal framework,
reaffirms the UNDRIP principles, and enters the UN, Guiding Principles on Business and
Human Rights into blackletter law. This needs further investigation.
5.5. Concluding comments
In chapter 2, this thesis reviewed literature regarding the protection of indigenous knowledge.
In chapter 3, the flavours of development where reviewed and their views regarding cultural
heritage including indigenous knowledge. In chapter 4 a new perspective regarding sustainable
development is presented. In this chapter the following research question will be answered:
How will these insights translate into norms that facilitate the right to development of
indigenous people? In this chapter the people planet profit culture dogma is used to create an
overview of how the proposed concept of chapter 4 could be implemented in Suriname
regarding indigenous people. Further the decentralization of finance for development is
explored.
The Lokonos case is interesting because it reaffirms chapter 26 of Agenda 21. Furthermore, it
reaffirms the conflicts regarding protection of traditional knowledge. It provides a legal
framework regarding the UNDRIP that also has elements of protection of indigenous
knowledge systems. The case also reaffirms the notion of decentralization of finance and
participation as a condictio sine qua non for indigenous development, and provides a legal
frame work to implement chapter 26 of Agenda 21. Furthermore, one will detect conflicting
norms .
49
7
37
(
(
In order to answer the research questions in chapter one it is imperative that the methods and
methodology utilised stand up to scrutiny. It is often difficult to categorise a thesis, particularly
with aspects of law and human rights under any specific headings, as many works of this type
involve a hybrid of methods. Since any dissertation will inevitably be guided by
methodological principles of some kind, it is important that the process of selection is made in
a deliberate and conscious fashion (Salter & Mason, 2007).
Law research have considered doctrine as a normative matter, but have given little attention to
the manner in which it actually functions. Social scientists, who have done important
descriptive work about law concepts, have largely ignored the significance of legal doctrine.
Consequently, one is left with a very poor understanding of the most central question about the
law’s (norms) functioning in society (Tiller & Cross, 2005). This thesis is a hybrid of law and
sociological research.
The consensus of the Chicago debate is that: “academic lawyers are using non-doctrinal
methods, but they are often infusing these methods within their doctrinal research framework.
Definite inroads have been made in relation to the use of comparative approaches. Arguably
comparative law, extending far beyond a simple backward glance to the genesis of a legal
proposition, is now an intrinsic part of legal scholarship. Published government statistics and
the published results of social science research are also being included in doctrinal academic
writing to provide contextual framing or to highlight the disparity between the law, social
policy, and the existing social evidence base. There are some examples of joint authorship and
lawyers working in tandem with those from other disciplines to investigate all sides of the
contextual prism in an effort to best achieve enlightened critique. Theoretical and philosophical
discussions invariably include footnotes to the doctrinal stasis to provide factual legitimacy.
Theory is also increasingly used as a vehicle for critiquing and analysing the basis of the ‘black
letter’ law. Theory is part of the contextual framing. Researchers query – ‘What was the preeminent theory at the point in history when this law commenced? Are those theories and those
economic and political views infused in the law still relevant and valid today?’ The doctrinal
method remains true to its core, but it is certainly less constrained than in the past.”
(Hutchinson, 2015, p. 138)
In this thesis, the literature review is taking into consideration the doctrine (literary empirical
justification of norms) and other literature. Furthermore, an attempt of expert interview was
undertaken but ultimately failed because of non-response. Nevertheless, the method will be
discussed. Because of the non-response a focus group discussion was held to see if the issues
identified in the previous section part also play a role in the socio-legal realty of Suriname.
6.1. Literature review in the form of doctoral review
This research begins with a ‘doctrinal’ or ‘black letter law’ methodology. This means that some
of the research is based on analysing the legal connected to the concept’s traditional knowledge
and the right to development and their logical connections or disjunctions, the wording and
interpretation of the TRIPS and the CBD, as well as existing literature.
50
This approach enables the researcher to critically analyse the meanings and implications of
these rules and the principles which underpin them (Luhmann, Kastner, Nobles, Ziegert, &
Schiff, 2004).
Historically, doctrinal analysis has been the dominant legal method in the common law
tradition, although other categories of research such as reform oriented, theoretical, and
fundamental reseach have been acknowledged as important and to this extent doctrinal research
has always included an interdisciplinary aspect. Nevertheless, legal academic success has been
measured within a doctrinal methodology framework, which includes the tracing of legal
precedent and legislative interpretation. The essential features of doctrinal scholarship involve
‘a critical conceptual analysis of all relevant legislation and case law to reveal a statement of
the law relevant to the matter under investigation’ (Luhmann, Kastner, Nobles, Ziegert, &
Schiff, 2004). The purpose of a literature review in this thesis is three-fold:
•
it provides an examination of existing pieces of research; it is the starting point to
identify information and terminology relevant to one’s own research and to become
familiar with the subject
•
it allows the author to critically evaluate the quality of existing scholarly publications.
•
a literature review can help to put the thesis in context by identifying how it will differ
from that of other scholars, making it an original contribution to the subject area
The literature review of this thesis has the following goals:
1.
To enhance the readers understanding of the issues associated with the subject of the
thesis, in doing so one is well informed and thorough, and so that the capstone is focused
and relevant. The literature review informs every aspect of the thesis: the research
questions, hypotheses and goals, and methodology.
2.
To present the reader of the literature review with a critical review of the research
related to the thesis topic. This information sets the reader up to understand and follow
the rest of the thesis.
3.
To highlight the gaps in the literature which justify the focus of the thesis.
In order to achieve this goal, the following steps where followed (Creswell, 2013):
1.
Take a look at the literature
2.
Write the initial research questions
3.
Reviewing/ reading the literature
4.
Organizing the literature
5.
Writing the discourse
3.1.1. T k
k
When conducting an initial literature search, one first searched for articles that might provide
a literature review or a meta-analysis of research articles in the area the thesis is focused on.
Finding such a source is the equivalent of finding gold, as these articles will provide an
overview of the research in the graduate student’s area of interest and they often highlight
recent findings and gaps in the literature.
This thesis made use of the following search engines to gather the specified data:
•
Scholar.google.com
•
Springer link
•
EBSCO host
51
The procedure to use these search engines is that you input keywords. The initial keywords
where:
•
Traditional knowledge
•
Traditional knowledge and law
•
Development
•
Human rights and development
•
The right to development
•
WIPO and traditional knowledge
3.1.2. W
q
Well crafted, well defined, clear, and focused research questions are essential to the success of
the research endeavour. In this case this case one wanted to examine if protection of traditional
knowledge would enhance the discourse on the right to development. Indigenous people belong
to the marginalized groups of society. Through this inquiry one wanted to examine if the
conflicts surrounding the concept of traditional knowledge had influence on the
implementation of the right to development.
3.1.3. R
The literature that was examined consist of the following types in no particular order:
•
Books
•
Edited books
•
Pear reviewed journal articles
•
Website articles (reviewed and not reviewed)
•
News sites
3.1.4. O
z
In order to structure the literature one can, make use of literature managers for this this study
QiQQa and Mendeley where used.
Mendeley manages all the sources of the literature review, provides users with an abstract,
author keywords and can function as a citation generator using the bibtex and
scholar.google.com logarithm. This does not always work sometimes one needs to input the
data manually. In doing so one contributes to the Mendeley community.
Furthermore, QiQQa (pronounced "Quicker") was used and has the following characteristics:
it is a freeware and freemium reference management software that allows researchers to work
with thousands of PDFs. It combines PDF reference management tools, a citation manager,
and a mind map brainstorming tool. It integrates with Microsoft Word and BibTeX/LaTeX to
automatically produce citations and bibliographies in thousands of styles. These programs
provided relevant research keywords and helped organize the literature, refine the search
parameters.
3.1... w
In order to write the literature section, the following instrument was used:
•
What are the themes in the research under review?
•
Do the themes match the problems or issues that are being examined?
•
What is emphasized in the research being reviewed?
52
•
What types of research methodologies are used in the literature being reviewed?
•
Do these methodologies fit what is being examined?
•
What assumptions, biases, and limitations are present in the literature being reviewed?
•
What is emphasized and what is missing from the research being reviewed?
Although there are some aspects of opinion involved in critical thinking, the opinions expressed
as part of a person’s critical thinking need to be supported by logic, examples, and evidence.
For example, a graduate student may want to express an opinion about whether he/she liked an
article, research or point of view, but the student’s opinion at this point is completely irrelevant
to the work at hand. While what he/she likes and dislikes might be of interest to family, friends
and neighbours, it should not be part of a literature review. Comments about the usefulness or
relevance of a piece, on the other hand, are an important part of the review. This is very hard
to do.
The literature was conducted in such a matter that it can be considered an integrated whole.
Above all, one should avoid at all costs the writing of little overviews of articles. The literature
review should discuss major themes, trends, theories, etc. in the literature. The analogy to
telling a story is relevant here. Each paragraph should tell some aspect of the story, and together
the paragraphs should form an integrated whole. This is the case for this thesis every chapter
and subchapter reflects trends in the literature. Some of the themes are:
•
The conflicts surrounding traditional knowledge
•
Definitions of traditional knowledge other than that of the WIPO
•
Post development thinking
•
Culture as a fourth dimension
6.2. The usage of key informants
Scientific research starts with a set of linked assumptions about the world which is shared by a
community of scientists investigating the world. This paper asked 5 members of this
community to inform the writer about these assumptions that should be taken into
consideration. These people had the function of key informers. A key informant is an expert
source of information. The initial contact with these people was at a conference on intellectual
property. Some of these people where part of the panel, once they were informed of this
undertaking, they were eager to speak to me off the record.
The key informant technique is an ethnographic research method which was originally used in
the field of cultural anthropology and is now being used more widely in other branches of social
science investigation. In this case the writer used them to inform him about keywords he should
take into consideration (Creswell, 2013).
The primary reason for the usage of key informant technique relate to the quality of data that
can be obtained in a relatively short period of time. To obtain the same amount of information
and insight from in-depth interviews with other members of a community can be prohibitively
time-consuming and expensive (Creswell, 2013).
A known downside to this method is that Key informants might only divulge information that
is politically acceptable and social rules could discourage the researcher from publishing
potentially sensitive data which may be ascribed to a particular informant. Because of privacy
reasons the names of these people are going to be withheld. (Creswell, 2013).
53
Because of this the names of the informants will be withheld and the information will not be
transcribed. Trough storytelling the information relevant for the conceptualisation of keywords
will be presentenced. After the informal hearings with the key informant’s the discourse was
adjusted to create a more holistic view of the discourse.
6.3. From literature to interviews and focus groups
According to the Eurocentric intellectual property regime the person that created the design is
owner of the copyright. In the case of traditional knowledge, the people who file for patents
are not the original holders of this knowledge. These secondhand holders are often
anthropologist, museums, and scientist. This creates a system where the original holders of
traditional knowledge are not the holder of the copyright (customary Law and Traditional
Knowledge Background Brief - No. 7, 2016). An example of this is the San/Hoodia case. Based
on the socio legal study the following elements are needed to be taken into consideration
(Anderson, Indigenous/Traditional Knowledge & Intellectual Property, 2010, p. 3):
•
developing definitions and descriptions of what needs to be protected;
•
identifying owners, custodians, and/or other parties responsible for the management of
indigenous knowledge;
•
what the nature of the protection should entail;
•
what the scope of the rights should be;
•
what the duration of any protection should be;
•
what role, if any, would government agencies or other authorities have;
•
what the relationship with the conventional intellectual property system should be;
•
whether protection should be retro-active and what transitional measures would need
to be developed;
•
the relationship between international and national protection; and,
•
how foreign rights holders and other beneficiaries are to be recognized.
This was used as a topic list for the interviews and the focus group.
3.3.1. F
w
Preparation for user begins with recruitment; you want to ensure that you recruit a
representative sample of users for your interviews. Then you will need to create a script to ask
questions from. The script is based on the literature and is as followed:
•
Is there a definition of traditional intellectual property?
•
Is there a definition of wat should be protected?
•
Wat should the protection entail?
•
Wat should the scope of these rights entail?
•
Wat is the duration of the protection?
•
Which relationship should international and national legislation have to enable optimal
legal instruments to protect traditional intellectual properties?
•
Should the protection be retroactive, and wat transitional measures should be taken?
•
How should foreign right holders and other beneficiaries be recognized?
•
Wat scheme of knowledge transfer can be used?
•
How are the proceeds shared?
•
Common heritage or sovereignty approach regarding resources associated with
traditional knowledge?
•
The use of Benefit sharing as an instrument for social justice or an instrument for the
redistribution of wealth?
54
•
Wat role should inform consent play in the research with traditional resources.
•
Is protecting traditional knowledge protecting culture?
•
Wat can the san hoodia case teach us?
•
Wat policies can we base on the lessons learned from the san hoodia case?
•
Wat is the connection with land rights?
“Traditionally, knowledge that has been collected from indigenous peoples and/or samples
collected from indigenous lands has been considered to be ‘raw material’ from which
commercial products, involving a range of patents, could then be derived (RED.). This
approach, while having a very specific Enlightenment rationale, devalues indigenous
knowledge and overlooks the significance of this knowledge as a foundation to any future
commercial product.” (Anderson, Indigenous/Traditional Knowledge & Intellectual Property,
2010, p. 37). this is contested by my line of inquiry.
3.3.2. T
w .
A group of 10 individuals and organizations including the Veriniging van Inheemsen in
Suriname Conservation Fund, METS and Conservation International Suriname where
contacted. After the initial contact, the parties involved never contacted me again, or promised
to get back to me at a more convenient time. Alas, the reasons for non-response is unknown,
one can only speculate.
3.3.3. T
This thesis used a focus group discussion as a means to gather information. The strength of this
type of research is to allow the participants to agree and disagree with each other, because it
gives us insight in how people think about given topics (The Overseas Development Institute
(ODI), 2009).
Focus group discussion are frequently used as a qualitative data collection tool to gain an indepth understanding of social issues. Focus groups are a great way of finding out a group's
shared understandings, perceptions, feelings, and common knowledge about a topic and
exploring the degree of consensus
This data collection tool aims to obtain data from a purposely selected group of individuals
rather than from a statistically representative sample of a broader population. Even though the
application of this tool in conservation research has been extensive, there are no critical
assessment of the application of the technique. In addition, there are no readily available
guidelines for conservation researchers (O Nyumba, Wilson, Derrick, & Mukherjee, 2018).
Each of these steps is a chapter and one strongly advised to read this publication because a
summary will not do the discourse set forth in the publication justice.
This focus group discussion simulates a stakeholders’ meeting. This type qualative data
collection and analyses is a powerful tool for policy analysis and formulation and has
considerable potential in natural resource policy and development policy. It is an approach for
understanding a normative system, and changes in it, by identifying key actors or stakeholders
and assessing their respective interests in that system (Grimble & Wellard, 1997).
This type of research strategy was adopted in response to the challenge of multiple interests
and objectives, and particularly the search for efficient, equitable and environmentally
sustainable development strategies. This paper reviews the underlying concepts and methods
55
of stakeholder’s analyses and the underlying links between economic efficiency, equity, and
environmental concerns (Grimble & Wellard, 1997).This method has the following benefits
for a discourse:
•
acquiring empirical knowledge and understanding of the key stakeholders involved in
the process;
•
enveloping improved systems, frameworks, and methodologies for analyzing situations
and incorporating stakeholder and institutional concerns;
•
developing knowledge of the opportunities and scope for action by policy-makers and
facilitators in the design of interventions and the resolution of conflicts.
3.3.4. T k
k
Sharing circles have been practiced within Indigenous communities and by Indigenous people
for generations but are scarcely detailed in scholarly, peer-reviewed outlets. They have been
conceptually described, but detailing the specifics of the process has largely been neglected by
academics. Indigenous scholars acknowledge that culturally compatible modes of inquiry from
fields such as alternative dispute resolution and group dynamics research have helped to
strengthen sharing circles methodological approaches. However, those approaches are not
rooted in Indigenous epistemologies (Smith L. T., 2007).
In the case of this study a “aircon remote” was used as a talking stick. The topic list was used
and the participant debated with each other. Sharing Circles are a unique small-group
discussion process in which participants (including the leader) share their feelings, experiences,
and insights in response to specific, assigned topics. Sharing Circles are loosely structured, and
participants are expected to adhere to rules that promote the goals of the process while assuring
cooperation, effective communication, trust, and confidentiality.
The proposed participants of the discussion where:
1.
A representative of Bureau projecten binnenland
2.
A Member of a village council (Basja)and member of the association of village heads
(VIDS)
3.
A representative of Bureau intellectual property
4.
A representative of CELOS
5.
Two representatives of NIMOS
Non-Response:
6.
A member of Amazone party Suriname (an indigenous political party)
7.
A deputy director and legislative technician
8.
A scholar that specializes in decolonialization of the mind
9.
Two representatives of Tropenbos institute
10.
One representative from the VIDS
The focus group discussion took place on 22 of march on the Campus building six Student
cambers of the MERSD from 9 till 12 o’clock. The moderator cancelled on the last minute
because of some personal problems , because of this the author moderated the discussion.
Further there was a strike of the TAPERS (non-scientific personal).
The methodology used to hold this focus group discussion is written by Monique M. Hennink,
the focus group follows the guidelines (1 step is a chapter) mentioned in this publication
(Hennink, focus group discussions, 2014).
56
The steps that where followed are:
1.
designing and conducting focus group research
2.
research writing Focus Group Methodology
3.
writing focus group results
4.
assessing focus group results through literature
3.3...
(
This thesis uses a storytelling method to represent collected data. This method is often
overlooked when conducting qualitive research. According to literature four instructional
methods can be identified related to storytelling (Andrews, Hull, & Donahue, 2009):
•
case-based, narrative-based,
•
scenario-based, and
•
scenario-based instruction.
In this case the thesis used the scenario-based storytelling method. The GROW scenario is
used. The justification is that policy can be made based on the emerging themes.
In the year 1979 John Whitmore and Graham Alexander introduced The Inner Game to Europe,
with permission of Inner Game creator Tim Gallwey. They soon realized the value of The Inner
Game for leaders and managers of organizations. As pioneers of coaching in the workplace,
they spent much of the 1980s developing the methodology, concepts, and techniques for
performance improvement in organizations. Wanting to make a real difference to people, they
showed how it was possible to grow not just performance but also learning and enjoyment.
Individuals become more aware, more responsible and gained a powerful sense of purpose in
their work (The Association for Coaching, 2010).
In 1986 the management consulting firm McKinsey became a user of this product. The method
was successful at improving performance and unlocking potential that Mckinsey asked them
to come up with normative framework of coaching. This model would be used to hang what
was happening in and around the tennis court (The Association for Coaching, 2010).
So, they videoed themselves and their colleagues’ coaching, they invited neurolinguistics
programming (NLP) experts to look at what they did, they debriefed to try to discover what
was happening and whether there was a model that played out in their unconscious competence.
And yes, whether on the tennis court or in a business setting (The Association for Coaching,
2010).Initially they put it into the 7S Coaching Model because McKinsey had their existing 7S
Framework but it was tortuous. And really it looked like 1, 2, 3, 4 or sometimes 1, 3, 4 or just
1, 2, 3 etc.
The acronym GROW came out of the four key stages they identified: Goal, Reality, Options,
Will. They bounced it and a few other ideas off an internal communications person at
McKinsey who said GROW would fly well and liked it because it was simple and because it
was actions and outcome focused. They had no idea of its significance at the time (The
Association for Coaching, 2010).John Whitmore was the first to publish GROW in his book
Coaching for Performance (1992) which rapidly become the coaching bible for managers and
executive coaches alike, selling over a million copies in 23 languages. Through the book’s
success, and our international workshops, GROW became known universally and is now
acknowledged as the most popular coaching model globally (The Association for Coaching,
2010).
57
T ABLE 2 GROW MODEL
G Goal
The Goal is the end point, where the client wants to be. The goal must be
defined in such a way that it is very clear to the client when they have
achieved it. In this case all the stakeholders.
R Reality
The Current Reality is where the client is now. What are the issues, the
challenges, how far are they away from their goal?
O Options\ There will be Obstacles stopping the client getting from where they are now
Obstacles to where they want to go. If there were no Obstacles the client would already
have reached their goal/ Once Obstacles have been identified, the client
needs to find ways of dealing with them if they are to make progress. These
are the Options
W Will
The Options then need to be converted into action steps which will take the
client to their goal. These are the Way Forward.
6.4. Concluding comments
In conclusion writing a methodology section that contains interdisciplinary elements, positive
methodology and emancipatory elements is harder because it has not become commonplace in
scientific communication. In time this will change like the reception of qualative
methodologies.
58
< T
This chapter will describe the results of the literature review, the consequences of the
information provided by the key informants, the analyses of the two interviews, and the results
of the focus group. Because of the non-response of the interviews, the choice was made to hold
a focus group discussion that will be called stakeholders meeting.
7.1. The key informants
The information provided by the key informants lead to breakthrough that can be traced back
to the literature review. In this section the relevant information provided by the informants and
the significance will be discussed.
<.1.1. I
1
This informant told me about the criteria of Mansfield to file a patent and the way these criteria
can be manipulated to avoid the stipulations set forth in the Convention on Biodiversity and
the Nagoya protocol. This person pointed me towards the case in French Guyana. Furthermore,
this person pointed me to the legislation in Peru that makes it impossible to use the Mansfield
loophole. The decision of the French court makes this loophole null and void if one in the court
of law, but a lot of indigenous communities, often belonging to the marginalized groups of a
society, do not have the means to have their day in court.
This Mansfield loophole is as followed:
The 1778 judicial opinion of Lord Mansfield in Liardet v. Johnson ( Averley & adams, 2007)
describes the elements for the establishment of patents in the United Kingdom. Since than
Doctrine has established some more elements (Mgbeoji, 2001) these are but not limited to:
•
Novelty
•
Inventive steps
•
Industrial capability
•
Ownership
•
Specifications
These elements for patentability have been criticized as essentially facilitating bio piracy from
traditional cultures.
In the article written by Mgbeoji, Ikechi (2001), he extensively elaborated the mentioned
elements. “Neither the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
(TRIPS), nor any other relevant international legal instrument, nor an international adjudicative
panel or court has articulated a binding, authoritative or definitive interpretation of the key
elements of a global patent system. The most recent international instrument that deals with
patents, the WTO/TRIPS Agreement, is often seen as "a flexible document open to many
interpretations.” (Mgbeoji, 2001, p. 175).
59
<.1.2. I
2
This person informed about the fact that one has lost all believe in concepts of governance and
development because in the implementation phase the goals are never met even though the
playbook was used. The person has had a key role in the implementation of a lot of government
reforms and human rights mechanisms.
This person is also consulted by diverse authorities on development strategies of the
government of Suriname. This led me to the post development discourse of Sankatsing and
others. This led me to the local context discourse and literature why SDG is going to fail like
the MDG’s.
This led to the following literature:
This led to the discourse of post development thinkers: like Nurse, Sankatsing and others that
questioned the Sustainable development discourse. Furthermore, these authors question the
universality or one size fits all aspects of development.
<.2.3. I
3
This person pointed me to the law briefs of the World Intellectual Property Organisation. These
briefs further cement the classification of this organisation that goes against the Convention on
Biodiversity in the opinion of the writer. Based on the information, this thesis is able make a
contra argument.
The examining of the law briefs leads to the conflicts surrounding the concept of traditional
knowledge as presented in chapter 2. 3.. In these briefs the World Intellectual Property
Organisation rationalizes their division of the concept of traditional knowledge. This
examination aloud this thesis to present an alternative discourse based on arguments and
doctrine.
<.1.4. I
4
This informant told me about the diverse indigenous networks that exists. Furthermore, he told
me about the conflicts between modern science and indigenous knowledge. The issues
surrounding free informant prior consent, land right, resource harvesting, tourism among
others. This information was used to enrich the discourse of the conflicts surrounding
traditional knowledge.
The information provided by this informant was used to further enrich the discourse on
traditional knowledge. Also, information lead to the Lokono’s case. This can be found in
chapter 5. 5.
<.1... I
.
This informant told me about the fourth dimension that is emerging in the more recent literature
based on the people planet profit dogma. This cemented the usage of cultural heritage as a
development strategy to conserve biodiversity.
The contribution of this information can be found in chapter 4.
60
7.2. The interviews
Initially, this paper would make use of expert interviews based on the topic list presented in
the previous chapter. Only two of the ten respondents agreed to an open interview. The topic
list was mailed to them. The reason for non-response is unknown.
<.2.1. R
1
This person is a researcher at the Anton the Kom university who works with bio material and
has international experience with traditional knowledge.
7.2.1.1. Judicial problems when doing research with plants
Currently, I do not see a sustainable solution for this problem because there are a lot of
international instruments like the Nagoya protocol that do not function in daily live. The
solution of this problem lies in a collation of rightsholders sanctioned by the highest authority.
One of the problems why legislation alone will not work is the fact that the people in these
regions must provide for their families and often do not have other options. People in the city
for instance say that the “rode ibiss” needs to be protected. But for a hunter who has to provide
for a family of seven children, this means not going hungry to bed that day.
Another example is the fact that some Canadians are paying 100 dollars to locals to gather blue
frogs for 100 USD. This is supper illegal but it is happening. Even though bio piracy is
forbidden by international conventions. The locals of Moengo, where this is taking place are
cooperating because they never seen so much money. In this region there are very big
families,so every bit helps. Legislation is nice but the scenario’s mentioned here above are
often overlooked when drafting legislation and policy.
Furthermore, Suriname has big open borders. There are eyewitness reports that foreigners are
using this to smuggle bio-resources. Provide these people with decent living conditions and
you will that these people will not cooperate with bio-pirates. This needs further investigation.
7.2.1.2. Regulation of gathering of bio resources
Regulation is in theory a possibility but enforcement is key. The theory that will play an
important role is the criminology of the corporation or law-economic calculation. The
legislation of Peru and Brazil is nice, they are considered one of the strictest of the world. But
I have worked for a period in Brazil, I periodically (every four weeks in a season) visited a
territory as big as six times of Paramaribo. In all my visits I encounter state agents only one
time. But the legislation is very strict. Another shortcoming of enforcement is access to
resources.
Furthermore, there are technologies to recreate a “plant saceultje” from a leave. So, regulation
is nice but enforcement is key. At the end of the day it comes down to the integrity of the people
involved.
7.2.1.3. Recognition of traditional knowledge
The recognition of the diverse medical and plant knowledge of the diverse cultures make up
the pluriform society of Suriname. The most logical step is the protection and recording of this
knowledge for the next generation which is very important in my opinion.
61
Suriname has a unique cognition of cultural heritages. The recording of this knowledge needs
to follow some scientific model that translates it to scientific communication.
7.2.1.4. Cultural heritage as an export product “broko bonjo tourism”
As we begin to appraise and record this knowledge, we can exploit this by recognizing the
“dresi mangs”, after we have established objective scientific criteria to validate the medicinal
claims of this knowledge. The following example should be taken into consideration:
If we establish that the “dresi” works, then they can legally treat people, even tourist. This can
be the basis of a tourism concept.
7.2.1.5. Traditional knowledge in the curriculum of the university
The Eurocentric methods are good. But we should take into consideration that Suriname does
not consist of only white people on which the most books are based. Suriname is a pluriform
society with a lot of different genetic and ethnic markers.
Surinamese people always make fun of drunk Amer Indian people. This is based on an element
of truth because Amerindian people do not pose the same enzymes in their liver as white
people. These enzymes are necessary to detox the alcohol. Some Asian people also have the
same problem. This one of the things you need to consider when you are practicing medicine
in Suriname.
If there are traditional medicine of which are proven through objective criteria that they have
healing property than I have no objection using it in my classroom. But I am against
storytelling without scientific proof. To introduce traditional knowledge, the attitude of the
researchers needs to change. This needs further investigation
<.2.2. R
2
This respondent is a deputy permanent secretary, who has worked on diverse government
reforms, is a scholar at the faculty of law and also a qualified legislative technician.
7.2.2.1 Politics an important factor setting the development agenda
According to this source, politicians set their development agenda if they are not convinced by
their constituents that this is important or programmed or a priority. According to literature,
politics is an instrument to increase development and ethics, but the only thing that rises is the
price of gas, the prices in the stores and the exchange rate.
7.2.2.2. Broad definition or narrow definition
The usage of a broad or narrow definition for norms should be based on an empirical study.
There are legislative instruments that can help with this undertaking. Ultimately, the norms of
a legislation should serve the goal or outcome of that.
7.2.2.3. Elements of legislation when implanting the right to development
When implementing the right to development one must not lose perspective of the fact that the
indigenous people are part of a pluriform society. Furthermore, one must consider the harmony
of legislation. This process has the potential to enrich our legislation.
62
7.2.2.4. Current conflicts
In the recent past the indigenous people of Suriname and the maroons where in conflict with
each other. Furthermore, the maroons have problems with each other. Sometimes there are
problems within a tribe like the appointment of the chieftain (graman) of the Samaka people.
7.3. Concluding comments
In Annex B one will find the anthology of the sharing circle. As described in anthology, there
are some intrinsic flaws or even discriminatory provisions in the land tenure and natural
resource rights system of Suriname as it relates to the rights of indigenous people. In addition
to what has been described above under specific legislative products, some other issues relating
to the land and resource rights of indigenous peoples can be mentioned as follows:
There are no compulsory legal provisions for meaningful participation or consultation in
decisions affecting indigenous peoples, nor is their right to free, prior and informed consent
(FPIC) recognized. In practice it can therefore easily happen that indigenous peoples are only
notified of decisions that have already been taken, even months or years after the decision as
in the case of the establishment of many protected areas in indigenous territories.
There are also many examples of superficial consultations, e.g. in the form of one participant
on behalf of all indigenous peoples in Suriname in a one-time ‘stakeholders’ workshop’,
without clarity on how the input or comments received during the workshop are incorporated
or not in the final decisions.
The legislation process in Suriname is rather slow (with a few exceptions if it concerns urgent
matters that enjoy high political priority). Reasons for the slow process of legislation can vary
from limited knowledge or capacity on the topic, e.g. technical details or insufficient
comparative examples, to political priority for the topic and conflicting interests which make
lawmakers to keep postponing certain issues. Sometimes societal sensitivities, e.g. the need to
balance among ethnic group interests and potential perceptions of discrimination or
inequalities, can also be a reason to delay the discussion and adoption of legislation. Legislation
on indigenous and tribal peoples’ rights probably falls in all of these categories.
There is a limited awareness in general on indigenous and tribal peoples’ rights in Suriname,
including by lawmakers. Although there is a general recognition that there are such rights, there
is limited clarity what exactly those are, if and how they should be recognized legally, and how
this would affect other rights such as the rights of concession holders, individual ownership
rights, and rights of other communities. This limited awareness, combined with long-held
prejudices and discrimination against indigenous make this topic a difficult one to discuss in a
constructive and structured manner.
There is a persistent top-down governance attitude in Suriname, where the government and its
officials often act as the know-betters towards indigenous and maroon communities, not to be
challenged by critical groups or persons who, if they do, can face consequences in the form of
exclusion from the improvement of public services (e.g. village fund). Such attitudes again
make it difficult to have constructive and meaningful discussions over topics such as
community governance over territories, areas and resources.
63
.4
6
R
8 4
The traditional knowledge of indigenous people is not protected in Suriname. The legislation
is not in place. The government of Suriname has plans to enter into some treaties regarding
intellectual property. But the local legislation is not up to code if one access the legislation
according to doctrine (Mansfield criteria). This needs further investigation.
Although intellectual property is a human right, the concept used in Eurocentric legislation is
causing harm to indigenous people. The problem is ownership of resources. The question is
should the whole of mankind benefit from the natural resources or a group of people? This is
a very politically loaded question that needs answering if one wants to guaranty the
sustainability of development.
The individual intellectual property right or the Eurocentric concept is what the United nations
had in mind when they declared that intellectual property right is a human right. This one can
distillate from the article stating that the creator of an idea has the right of ownership of his
creation. This implicates that the human right can be operationalized only if you have an
individual patent system.
This concept patent is foreign in traditional indigenous society, technology imbedded in their
culture is used to benefit the society as a whole. If one would transfer the same thinking in
terms of doctrine this would be the concept where resources should benefit the whole of
mankind.
The development concept began with the study of economics. Economic growth will lead to a
better gross domestic product. Although the wealth in this economic model was in the hands
of a handful of people this can be found in the publication An Inquiry into the Nature and
Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith.
The wealth would eventually trickle down to the lower masses. There were some scholars like
Karl Marx that were against this form of development. This is the classical form of
development. The modern theory of development is based on the development aid to Europa
after the war and the speech of Theodore Roosevelt at his inauguration. This theory is voiced
by Rostow and his five stages of development. The latest theory of human development belongs
to Amartya Sen. Alas, these theories do not take cultural identity into consideration.
Suriname has a long history where resources are harvested, and the local communities benefit
only marginally from the proceeds. When the resources are depleted or the commodity prices
dwindle which leads to a spiral of poverty and government debt. The drop in the prices of
bauxite and oil are the latest episode of a phenomenon that has shaped the history of Suriname.
Van Lier describes this extensively in his book “samenleving in een grensgebied”. The history
of Suriname needs to written from a development perspective. It is also important to write the
history of Suriname from the perspective of the socio-political (including ethnical struggle) for
the benefits of the proceeds.
64
Some forms of participation do not allow the participants from the community to have a voice
at the decision-making level. This observation validates the claims of post development
thinkers. The literature suggests that one uses participatory budgeting because of the
emancipatory function. This paper also suggest that the government of Suriname makes a
change from incremental budget to the participatory budget. This will require institutional
change. This needs further investigation.
Traditionally, the concept of sustainable development rests on three pillars namely people,
planet and profit that where operationalized in an economic dimension, a social dimension, and
an environmental dimension. The literature suggests that there is a fourth-dimension culture.
The economic dimension in relationship with traditional knowledge yields the following two
sub dimensions namely: Benefit sharing and Sustainable tourism. Both need further
investigation as mentioned here above. The legislation regarding benefit sharing is not in place
and Suriname does not have a formulated sustainable tourism concept. This needs further
investigation.
The social dimension of sustainable development is the redistribution function. The suggested
methodology is data collection through the spatial information system. The environmental
dimension reinforces the other dimensions through management of resources and
environmental consideration in spatial information. The cultural dimension regards the local
circumstances and attitudes regarding policy. A study has shown that cultural indicators have
a significance regarding development policy outcomes.
Suriname has a long history where resources are harvested, and the local communities benefit
only marginally from the proceeds. When the resources are depleted or the commodity prices
dwindle, this leads to a spiral of poverty and government debt. The drop in the prices of bauxite
and oil are the latest episode of a phenomenon that has shaped the history of Suriname. Van
Lier describes this extensively in his book “samenleving in een grensgebied”. The history of
Suriname needs to be written from a development perspective. It is also important to write the
history of Suriname from the perspective of political struggle for the benefits of the proceeds
and the role of ethnic segregation. Traditional knowledge has enriched the modern science, the
problem is that this is not accredited to traditional knowledge. E.g. the use of plants in medical
research. The first case where the indigenous people who were custodian of this knowledge
benefited from the proceeds are de hoodia. In this thesis one will find substantial arguments to
warrant the statement that the Eurocentric intellectual property facilitates a regime where
traditional holder of knowledge is being robbed from their rights.
Sankatsing states in his book Our Common Future that culture, if one views culture as more
than just the preservation and promotion of the arts, heritage, and cultural identities, then we
must include the broad civilizational notion embodied in culture as a whole way of life. From
this perspective, culture informs the underlying belief systems, worldviews, epistemologies,
and cosmologies that shape human consciousness, global relations, as well as people’s interface
with the environment. The development model that is being pursued now is a western cultural
influence. A lot of people have lost touch with their heritage. Is this disconnection of our
pursued of happiness the cause of overconsumption? This needs further investigation.
The cultural dimension regards the local circumstances and attitudes regarding policy. A study
has shown that cultural indicators have a significance regarding development policy outcomes.
Sankatsing states in his book Our Common Future that culture, if one views culture as more
65
than just the preservation and promotion of the arts, heritage and cultural identities, then we
have to include the broad civilizational notion embodied in culture as a whole way of life. From
this perspective, culture informs the underlying belief systems, worldviews, epistemologies,
and cosmologies that shape human consciousness, global relations, as well as people’s interface
with the environment. The development model that is being pursued now is a western cultural
influence. A lot of people have lost touch with their heritage. Is this disconnection and our
pursued of happiness the cause of overconsumption? The sustainability of development and
the management of resources which are failing as a concept for humanity is nearing an
extinction event that will take place in approximately 30 years. Traditional knowledge contains
elements that can help enrich these concepts to combat the elements leading to the extinction
event. Humankind must to come together to take the necessary measures to divert the inevitable
doom.
66
9
The Government of Suriname has stated during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the
human rights’ situation in Suriname at the 18th session in May 2011 of the UN Human Rights
Commission (HRC) that “…. the situation in Suriname was somewhat different from other
Latin American countries which had indigenous peoples. The Maroon community in Suriname
was not small and in fact larger than indigenous communities, and they had been living in the
interior for more than three hundred years. The judgment of the Inter-American Court of
Human Rights stated that they should have the same rights as indigenous peoples. In some
areas, there was a clear overlap of land rights matters. Therefore, it was just not a matter of
copying what had happened in other countries in the region. Suriname needed to find a
Surinamese solution, and that was why Suriname would ask for some time to deal with this
matter” (Human Rights Council , 2011)
Diverse respondents have made it quite clear that even though conservation and culture are
important factors to consider on paper when writing policy plans behind the desk, the reality is
that indigenous people belong to marginalized groups that need to provide for their family.
This is often the reason why they compromise their integrity and the sacred bond with mother
nature. Suriname has a cacophony of ethnicities, the relationship between development and
identity is relatively new and not properly conceptualized in literature.
In the literature for Latin America Sousa, de Boaventura has written about identity and
development for Latin-America and Oostindie &Klinkers wrote about the decolonization
process of the Caribbean and Latin America, the Dutch decolonization process in particular.
Both studies underwrite on particular thing namely: that identity was used to divide and
conquer. This is in concurrence with writes like e.g.: Sandew Hira, Sankatsing, Anton de kom
and R. van Lier.
Some development theories see Culture as a barrier for development like the dominant
modernization theory on which the MDG’s and SDG’s are based upon. Knowledge is a process
involving the social construction of ideas about the external world that guide human action.
Traditional knowledge systems, locally rooted in a particular geography, are mostly culturally
transmitted via collective memory that is encoded in stories, myths, legends, songs, dances,
rituals, and practices. Traditional knowledge can be common knowledge, such as knowledge
about land-use or resource-use, practices, and may be shared by the members of all the social
groups within a community. Instead of a barrier this knowledge can provide be used when
transferring technology. This one of the many uses of cultural heritage in the development
programs. The interest to intangible cultural heritage or traditional knowledge as factors in
socio-economic development has increased for the last decades all over the world.
Unfortunately, the capabilities of traditional knowledge as a protected, legitimate, and
scientific resource in national and local sustainable development has not been translated in the
development discourse (Xu, et al., 2005).
67
9.1. (SQ.1) In which matter can traditional indigenous knowledge be
protected?
Over the past decade, traditional knowledge has received increasing attention on the
international agenda. Factors contributing to this include the recognition of this form of
knowledge in the lives of the majority of the world’s population and in the conservation of
biodiversity; concerns about the rapid loss of traditional knowledge and global cultural
diversity; concerns about unauthorized and inappropriate patenting and use of traditional
knowledge, with little or no sharing of resulting benefits with the original holders of traditional
knowledge; interest in harnessing the potential of traditional knowledge for local sustainable
development; and increasing attention to indigenous rights.
Many countries and communities worldwide are considering how to best address this issue at
the national, regional and international levels. As is apparent from the wide range of interests
and concerns listed above, TK is a complex and multi-faceted issue. It is thus being discussed
in a range of forums, each with its own perspective and its own area of competence and
expertise. This is useful and necessary. However, focusing on one part of the issue and ignoring
all the other aspects risks creating a patchwork of particular solutions that in the end do not fit
seamlessly together, and that in some cases may partially or wholly cancel out each other’s
well-intended effects. This explains the conflicts therefore a holistic approach is needed. This
needs further investigation.
The conflicts surrounding traditional knowledge resonate in the social reality of Suriname. A
lot a genetic material is leaving Suriname often without the knowledge of the authorities. The
current legal framework does not adequately protect genetic resources.Various laws, if at all
they make reference to the ‘rights of Amerindians’, state either in their articles and/or in the
Explanatory Memorandum, that those rights are expected to be relevant only during a transition
period, or as long as the situation requires, clearly assuming (or even stating) that it is expected
that indigenous and maroon tribal peoples will be assimilated into mainstream society and/or
that their lifestyle will not survive.
This is an assimilatory approach and does not respect indigenous peoples’ rights to, among
others, culture, lifestyle and identity. The legislation on land titles, while it has mentioned
indigenous and tribal peoples’ rights over their lands and livelihood resources for more than
three centuries, does not specify and protect these rights in the law, offers no means to enforce
these rights, oblige indigenous and tribal peoples to prove their ownership due to the domain
principle, and makes their rights subject to public interest that can include any project in an
approved development plan. Such limitations and qualifications are not used for the rights of
any other group of people or other categories of land titles in Suriname but only and
systematically for ‘Amerindians, and are thus considered discriminatory and a legal
entrenchment of racial inequality. This is conformed the Lokono case.
There are no compulsory legal provisions for meaningful participation or consultation in
decisions affecting indigenous peoples, nor is their right to free, prior and informed consent
(FPIC) recognized. In practice it can therefore easily happen that indigenous peoples are only
notified of decisions that have already been taken, even months or years after the decision as
in the case of the establishment of many protected areas in indigenous territories.
68
The legislation process in Suriname is rather slow (with a few exceptions if it concerns urgent
matters that enjoy high political priority). Reasons for the slow process of legislation can vary
from limited knowledge or capacity on the topic, e.g. technical details or insufficient
comparative examples, to political priority for the topic and conflicting interests which make
lawmakers to keep postponing certain issues. Sometimes societal sensitivities, e.g. the need to
balance among ethnic group interests and potential perceptions of discrimination or
inequalities, can also be a reason to delay the discussion and adoption of legislation. Legislation
on indigenous and tribal peoples’ rights probably falls in all of these categories.
9.2. (SQ.2) What definition of development can facilitate the protection
of indigenous knowledge?
The development discourse started with the inaugural speech of Truman in 1949, the most
relevant point for world politics is the division of the world in developed and underdeveloped
nations. This was further emphasized in President Truman’s program for peace and freedom in
1949 which stresses four major course of action that his presidency will pursue during his
tenure (Pieterse, 2010). There was a strong emphasizes of western stewardship as well as
capital investment to fund a “better life”.
The main themes of the development discourse were modernization and transformation to an
industrialized nation. A hidden objective was stopping the spread of communism. The theory
that embodied this political standpoint was Rostow’s classical 5 stages of development. This
theory was modeled after the development orthodoxy of the Marshall plan an aid program to
the western countries to eradicate communism. This created a one size fits all concept of
development. In the literature of “post development thinking ” this form of development
thinking is perceived as a “Northern driven” and ‘top down’ modernizing agenda which in
large part has failed to deliver the proposed outcomes of industrialization and a better life
(Cypher & Dietz, 2002)
The modern development discourse of indigenous people should begin with the treaty of
Tordesillas. This treaty grants the king of Spain and Portugal to conquer the barbaric tribes of
the Americas and convert them to Christianity. The pope granted clemency to the colonists for
sins while executing this edict from the Holy Sea.
The account of Bartolome de las Casas, which is regarded by some scholars as the source of
indigenous rights is very demeaning towards indigenous people of Latin- America and
unintentionally describes some of the cruelties for which the pope granted clemency as
described here above. This historical account is written from the viewpoint of the roman church
and is used as a warrant for the north Atlantic slave trade. This is the reason why there are
people of African descent in Suriname. Before the treaty of Tordesillas, the indigenous people
had an unwritten law regime of communal property based on their knowledge system. This
treaty did not only give the two mentioned kings the right to conquer the indigenous people,
but also granted them the power to disown them from their land, and they also created law
regimes that even today reinforce the aforementioned treaty (Sankatsing, Quest to Rescue Our
Future, 2016). This needs further investigation.
“Maar het grootste probleem van Suriname is misschien niet eens politiek-economisch, maar
meer nog sociaal-cultureel: hoe van de heterogene bevolking één Surinaams volk te maken,
69
zonder dat daarbij gevaarlijke spanningen optreden. Om dit probleem enigszins te kunnen
begrijpen, moet teruggegrepen worden in de historie. Want de maatschappelijke verhoudingen
van deze tijd zijn het gevolg van geschiedkundige factoren. Zonder deze historische groei na
te gaan, is het onmogelijk om de multiraciale, multireligieuze en Multi-linguïstische
Surinaamse samenleving te begrijpen, en een oplossing te vinden voor het brandend en netelig
cultureel probleem.” (Adhin, 2006, p. 34). This indicates that Adhin was considering culture,
in 1978 when this article was first published, as a factor for development when he formulated
his theory “eenheid in verscheidenheid”. In the next chapter this thesis will look at factors
regarding culture and development because culture has a linkage with both development and
sustainability. This will be discussed in the next chapter. Agenda 21 and the sustainable
development goals are based on modernization theory.
9.3. (SQ.3) How can we make this flavor of development sustainable?
Questions regarding the spatial and temporal scale of culture are among the most problematic
issues in relation to sustainable development. Considering the spatial scales of culture, in most
cases, it is treated as a territorialized phenomenon, a locally embedded way of life or local
cultural manifestation, material or immaterial, that should be conserved, preserved, or used in
the name of sustainability (in line with chapter 26 of Agenda 21). The eco-cultural civilization
story line is primarily concerned with sustainability on a global scale. It presumes that any
cultural practices on the local scale should turn to an ecologically more sustainable direction
to meet the global challenges of the environment. Thus, although the human–nature interface
at the local level is important, it is the global environment that ultimately matters. In most of
the story lines, cultural sustainability, like locality, heritage, the eco-cultural approach, and
ecocultural civilization, is seen as a threat for globalization, whereas the economic viability
story line represents globalization in positive terms. Some view this development as antiglobalist. This needs further investigation.
9.4. (SQ.4) How will these insights translate into norms that facilitate
the right to development of indigenous people?
In chapter 2, this thesis reviewed literature regarding the protection of indigenous knowledge.
In chapter 3, the flavours of development where reviewed and their views regarding cultural
heritage including indigenous knowledge. In chapter 4, a new perspective regarding sustainable
development is presented. In this section the following research question will be answered:
How will these insights translate into norms that facilitate the right to development of
indigenous people?
There is a limited awareness in general on indigenous people rights in Suriname, including by
lawmakers. Although there is a general recognition that there are such rights, there is limited
clarity what exactly those are, if and how they should be recognized legally, and how this would
affect other rights such as the rights of concession holders, individual ownership rights, and
rights of other communities. This limited awareness, combined with long-held prejudices and
discrimination against indigenous make this topic a difficult one to discuss in a constructive
and structured manner.
70
There is a persistent top-down governance attitude in Suriname, where the government and its
officials often act as the know-betters towards indigenous communities, not to be challenged
by critical groups or persons who, if they do, can face consequences in the form of exclusion
from the improvement of public services (e.g. village funds). Such attitudes again make it
difficult to have constructive and meaningful discussions over topics such as community
governance over territories, areas and resources.There are also many examples of superficial
consultations, e.g. in the form of one participant on behalf of all indigenous peoples in
Suriname in a one-time ‘stakeholders workshop’, without clarity on how the input or comments
received during the workshop are incorporated or not in the final decisions. In this chapter the
people planet profit culture dogma is used to create an overview of how the proposed concept
of chapter 4 could be implemented in Suriname regarding indigenous people. Further the
decentralization of finance for development is explored.
The Lokonos case is interesting because it reaffirms chapter 26 of Agenda 21. Furthermore, it
reaffirms the conflicts regarding protection of traditional knowledge. It provides a legal
framework regarding the UNDRIP that also has elements of protection of indigenous
knowledge systems. The case also reaffirms the notion of decentralization of finance and
participation as a condictio sine qua non for indigenous development, and provides a legal
frame work to implement chapter 26 of Agenda 21. Furthermore, one will detect conflicting
norms.
71
10 R
The following statement about origin of norms in general illustrates the significance of legal
doctrine on the discourse presented in the debate of conflicting norms in the Lokonos case:
“The amnesiac quality of modern law’s origins avoids a momentous paradox. An advanced
Occidental law, wedded in its apotheosis to freedom and a certain equality, becomes thoroughly
despotic when shipped to the rest of the world in the formal colonization (RED.) from the late
eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries. There were and had to be sufficient similarities
between the metropolitan and the colonial laws to make them the same. Norms of law are
considered evolved occidental law was a unitary, universal object. This law was a prime
justification and instrument of imperialism, one which, in the assessments of the great
practitioner-theorist of imperialism, would ‘raise the mass of the people of Africa to a higher
plane of civilization’, a gift which should ‘deserve the gratitude of the silent and ignorant
millions’” (Fitzpatrick, 2002, p. 107). This phenomenon can be explained by the centrum
periphery theory of development. This is for example is considered the Eurocentric origin of
law. If one would ignore this explanation, one will argue for example that the Lokonos must
adhere to the law of the land, but court presented another narrative in the Lokonos case based
on previous jurisprudence.
From childhood on, one is taught that there is a crucial difference between what others think is
right or wrong and what is right or wrong. Just because everyone does it, does not mean that
one should do it. One is repeatedly told, by elders within a society, that the rules of ethical
behaviour applies to oneself regardless of whether other people accept them as well. But in the
realm of law, the legal positivist claims, this admonition is out of place. What is legally right
or wrong does depend on other people and certain other people in particular. According to HLA
Hart, if judges or legislators accept a rule requiring you to jump off the proverbial bridge, then
it is legally wrong for you not to plunge into the icy waters below. This dogma implicates that
there is a discrepancy with what is rule of the land and what is right (norm vs morality)
(Shapiro, 2011).
After the independence, between 1975 and 1980, the form of government was a parliamentary
system. This meant that the constitutional power lay with the parliament. Suriname has a
separation of powers. The parliament (called ‘de Nationale Assemblee van Suriname’ or the
acronym: DNA) and the government together have the legislative powers (article70
Constitution), the government has the executive powers (article 116 Constitution) and the Court
of Justice is the judiciary (article 133 Constitution). Between 1980 and 1987 there was a coup
d’état by the military. The parliamentary democracy was rescinded and a state of emergency
was declared. During this period Suriname was ruled by decrees. Most of which were converted
to acts after the reinstatement of the democracy and the parliament (article 183 Constitution).
The District Council has limited legislative powers with regards to their region (article 159
Constitution).
The District Council to regulate their district in accordance with statue regional organs.
One of Hart’s most important influential contributions to legal philosophy consists of the idea
that in every developed legal system there are certain rules of recognition that determine what
counts as law of the land in that society. Such rules determine the sources of law (Marmor,
2011). They determine how law is created, modified or abolished in the relevant legal order.
72
Article 80 paragraph 1 of the Constitution establishes that bills approved by DNA and ratified
by the President obtain force of law after promulgation. In “aanwijzingen voor de
Regelgevingstechniek” (Staatsblad voor de Republiek Suriname 1992 # 75) and “besluit
vormgeving wettelijke regelingen staats en bestuursbesluiten” (Staatsblad van de Republiek
Suriname 1996 # 54) the formal requirements have been laid down. In the existence of these
rules of recognition Hart saw ‘the germ of the idea of legal validity’. The idea that there must
be some norms that determine what counts as law in any given legal system did not originate
with Hart (Marmor, 2011).
T ABLE 3 LEGISLATIVE BODY CLASIFICICATION
Constitution of the
Highest national law providing for rules regarding the
Republic of Suriname
sovereignty, principles for freedom, equity and democracy.
(grondwet)
Legislation (act/Law) that further regulate the norms of the
constitution are called “organieke wet”. In five year
development plan of Suriname of 2012-2016 one can find a list
of missing legislation of this type “organieke wetten”.
Act /Law (
Jointly realized by Government and Parliament. However,
Landsverordening, Wet,
some of the primary legislation in force is in the form of
Decreet2)
decrees, since they date from the period of Military rule
State Order
A Government Order containing general binding rules, to
(Staatsbesluit,
implement an act or to regulate a subject not reserved to be
Landsbesluit)
regulated by an Act. regulated by an Act.
Presidential Order
A decision by the President as Executive Head of State by
(Presidentieel Besluit)
virtue of the Constitution.
Presidential Resolution
A decision by the President by virtue of a statue
(Presidentiële
Resolutie)
Ministerial Order
A decision by a Minister, in the execution of a Ministerial task
(Ministeriële
(or by virtue of a statue).
Beschikking)
District Ordinances
Limited legislative power given by the Constitution to the
(Districtsverordeningen)
District Council to regulate their district in accordance with
statue regional organs.
Hans Kelsen has argued that a legal order can only make sense if one presupposes its basic
norm, the norm that grants validity to the entire system. Hart’s rules of recognition, however,
are not presuppositions. They are social rules, and it is this social reality of the rules of
recognition that is supposed to ground the idea, central to the legal positivist tradition in
jurisprudence, that law has social foundations (Marmor, 2011).
2
Landsverordening: an act/law approved during Colonial period, before 1975; Wet: Law/act approved after 1975;
Decreet: approved in the period of Military rule, 1980-1987.
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The combination of these two attitudes towards morality should not be puzzling. For almost
any policy decision, there is a plurality of evaluations possible: a decision can be good for a
politician’s career but bad for his family life, an action can be morally good but problematic
when judged from the standpoint of etiquette, and so on. What matters for the politician is
whether the evaluative standard in question is normative for him. In this sense the normative
question is also applicable to law.
After it is established what the law requires you to do, there remains a question to be answered:
in what way is this fact significant for or binding on you? Should you do as the law requires?
Has the law authority over you? (Kyritsis, 2011) The normative question arises when an agent
acknowledges the truth of a moral claim but fails to feel the force of that claim. Politicians who
do not feel the force of their duty fail to recognize the normativity or authority of morality.
There exists a widespread consensus amongst contemporary jurisprudents, positivists and nonpositivists alike, that the meaning of ‘obligation’ should not radically shift from law to
morality, or any of the other domains of practical reason. Yet there is limited effort in
contemporary discussions of legal obligation to engage with the metaphysics of normativity
with an eye to a well-founded account of those elements that deliver its non-conditional
character. If law constrains us, if it somehow has a claim on our conduct or judgement, it cannot
be out of mere habit or fear of sanctions. Unravelling law’s normative dimension involves
pinpointing exactly what would be amiss if it were so (Roversi, 2011). The Lokonos case and
other jurisprudence pinpoints what is amiss with the legal system regarding indigenous people.
How the legislation of Suriname needs to change to accommodate human rights (moral
obligations) needs further investigation
The usual procedure for new laws or revisions for draft proposals is to be submitted to the
National Assembly either by members of parliament or by (a ministry of) the government, in
this instance for example the Ministry of Physical Planning, Land and Forest Management, the
Ministry of Justice and Police, or the Ministry of Regional Development. Such processes would
of course need the full and effective participation of indigenous and tribal peoples at all stages
to implement the verdict of the Lokono case.
First and foremost, overall legislation recognizing and formalizing the rights of indigenous and
tribal peoples, in accordance with international standards and obligations of Suriname, must be
put in place in Surinamese legislation. This would eliminate or diminish the existing
discrimination in law against indigenous and tribal peoples in Suriname, and will be the basis
for making or revising specific land, natural resources and environment related legislation.
Specific existing legislation on land, natural resources and environment needs to be revised
accordingly, in particular eliminating discriminatory qualifiers such as ‘these rights will be
respected as far as possible’ or ‘subject to the implementation of development projects’, and
adding provisions recognizing and respecting the specific culture, lifestyle and use of land and
resources by indigenous communities.
Also, legislation on local governance and indigenous peoples’ representation will need to be
adapted to bring it in line with reality and contemporary standards. As mentioned, the law does
not know traditional authorities who, however, lead and represent their communities in
everyday life.
74
There should be legal requirements in place on the obligation to conduct cultural, social,
economic and environmental impact assessments, with the full participation of indigenous
peoples, prior to activities that may affect them. Similarly, the requirement to obtain their free,
prior and informed consent (not consultation) (FPIC) in such situations needs to be embedded
in law. Respecting and implementing court decisions.
Policy reforms (should) go hand-in-hand with legal reforms, so the abovementioned legal
reforms would obviously also need to be reflected in policy reforms and the other way around,
and the same recommendations can be made here:
1.
For the government: Withhold the issuance of new, and review existing concessions
and other conflicting land or resource titles (including protected areas) in indigenous
territories and establish a constructive dialogue on rights-based arrangements related to
protected areas, building on internationally agreed standards and best practices such as
mentioned in the UNDRIP, CBD Program of Work on Protected Areas, World
Conservation Congress and the World Parks Congress, and establish mechanisms and
guidance for obtaining the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous peoples for
activities that may affect them. The opinions of the lokono’s case should be taken into
consideration.
2.
For environment NGOs: Adhere to international standards and best practices on the
rights of indigenous peoples and proactively partner with indigenous peoples to identify
and pursue common objectives.
3.
For indigenous organizations: Intensify awareness (to the communities and general
public) on indigenous peoples’ rights, lifestyles and sustainable management of natural
resources; and intensify lobby and advocacy.
4.
For international and donor organizations: Focus the attention, monitoring and support
on issues that really matter in the daily lives of indigenous peoples. Truly apply the
much-preached human rights-based approach, defining objectives in light of achieving
human rights’ objectives and empowering rights-holders and duty-bearers. Monitor the
compliance of Suriname with human rights, CBD and other internationally agreed
obligations and standards.
I prupose that Suriname has to creates a national dialog on traditional knowledge and identity.
The goals of this national dialog can be formulated as followed:
1.
The Suriname government has to establish a clear workable process to develop the laws
and administrative measures and need to comply with its legal obligations and to
maintain continued dialogue between the government of Suriname and its citizens.
2.
The government needs to create a long-term sustainable development policy plan that
takes into consideration conservation of biodiversity, protection of traditional
knowledge and justice for all.
These goals have the following purpose:
1.
There is the need to establish proper reporting mechanism in place to monitor and
evaluate the progress of the implementation of the various rights in Suriname.
2.
The explicit recognition of the pluriform identity of Suriname and protection of all
heritages of Suriname.
3.
Create a development agenda that takes into consideration the local context.
4.
The need for consultations with indigenous and tribal peoples, any legislation or
administrative regulation to secure the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples in the
country.
75
Purpose four that has relationship with discourse of this thesis has the following Activities:
1.
Formation of a joint commission or other platform for consultations on new legislation,
keeping these basic elements in mind, some formally structured platform and
corresponding procedure should be established to advance the consultations with
indigenous and tribal peoples on the development of legislation and any related
measures to secure their rights,
2.
Harmonizing the constitution and existing laws and policies finally, it will be necessary
for the government to review existing laws and the constitution to ensure their
consistency with the protections for indigenous and tribal peoples to be enacted.
The following assumption are valid for activity one:
1.
Mandate of the joint commission as its first task, a joint commission of the kind
suggested should establish an agreed upon timetable, as well as clear and measurable
benchmarks by which progress for development of the relevant legislation and any
related regulatory measures may be assessed.
2.
Technical and financial assistance by international experts and institutions in order to
generate confidence in the process of developing laws to secure indigenous and tribal
peoples’ rights to lands and resources and related rights, and to ensure that this process
is carried out in accordance with relevant international standards.
3.
The legislation to be developed and its basic content which both parties have
information and draft notes of what the legislation should coffer as to the form and
issues the legislation should address, Other laws or regulations to be developed there
are various other matters relating to their rights that should be considered and drafted
immediately ensuring all issues are covered since the process is one of its kind and not
the traditional norm to amend the constitution.
76
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l
2 O
A.1. Structuralism
In the 1950s and 60’s, however, the centrality of the role of the state and the need for the
regulation of markets was hardly questioned. It was generally understood that economic
development must involve industrialization, following the path beaten first by Great Britain
and then by other Western European countries, Russia, and the United States. This theory is
also called development economics and is based on the essay by Alexander Gerashchenko
called “Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective” (1962, original essay written 1951),
in which he analyzed especially the experiences of France, Germany, and Russia in the wake
of Britain’s industrial revolution (Harris, Hunter, & Colin, 1997).
The key of the essay is that the development of a backward economy might differ considerably
from that of the now “advanced” economies. There could even be advantages for late
industrializers because they might be able to leapfrog into more technologically advanced
sectors, by learning from and imitating the pioneer’s trough technology transfer (Harris,
Hunter, & Colin, 1997). Technology transfer has potential to incorporate local knowledge in
policy plans for resource management. This is what is meant by chapter 26 of agenda 21. The
methodology and pitfalls will be discussed in participatory methodologies for development.
A.2. Dependency theory
Dependency Theory developed in the late 1950’s under the guidance of the Director of the
United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Raul Prebisch. Prebisch and his
colleagues were troubled by the fact that economic growth in the advanced industrialized
countries did not necessarily lead to growth in the poorer countries. Indeed, their studies
suggested that economic activity in richer countries often led to serious economic problems in
poorer countries. Such a possibility was not predicted by neoclassical theory, which had
assumed that economic growth was beneficial to all (Pareto optimal) even if the benefits were
not always equally shared (Ferraro, 2008). Andre Gunder Frank argues that developing nations
have failed to develop, not because of ‘internal barriers to development’ as modernization
theorists argue, but because the developed West has systematically underdeveloped them,
keeping them in a state of dependency (hence ‘dependency theory’.) (Frank, 1974).
Prebisch's initial explanation for the phenomenon was very straightforward: poor countries
exported primary commodities to the rich countries who then manufactured products out of
those commodities and sold them back to the poorer countries. The "Value Added" by
manufacturing a usable product always cost more than the primary products used to create
those products. Therefore, poorer countries would never be earning enough from their export
earnings to pay for their imports. Prebisch's solution was similarly straightforward: poorer
countries should embark on programs of import substitution so that they need not purchase the
manufactured products from the richer countries. The poorer countries would still sell their
primary products on the world market, but their foreign exchange reserves would not be used
to purchase their manufactures from abroad (Ferraro, 2008).
In literature on the war on poverty and authoritarianism in Latin America, Asia and Africa,
culture is largely ignored in the diagnoses of this phenomenon. Economist state that culture is
m
irrelevant when responding to economic stimuli. But the emergence of Culture as a factor of
Culture cannot be ignored. Can this aspect be the reason that some countries are more and
authoritarian than a half century ago? This needs further investigation (Harrison, 2000).
In other parts of the world (where there were no raw materials to be mined), the European
colonial powers established plantations on their colonies, with each colony producing different
agricultural products for export back to the ‘mother land’. As colonialism evolved, different
colonies came to specialize in the production of different raw materials (dependent on climate)
– Bananas and Sugar Cane from the Caribbean, Cocoa (and of course slaves) from West Africa,
Coffee from East Africa, Tea from India, and spices such as Nutmeg from Indonesia. (Lier,
1971)
All of this resulted in huge social changes in the colonial regions: in order to set up their
plantations and extract resources the colonial powers had to establish local systems of
government in order to organize labor and keep social order – sometimes brute force was used
to do this, but a more efficient tactic was to employ willing natives to run local government on
behalf of the colonial powers, rewarding them with money and status for keeping the peace
and the resources flowing out of the colonial territory and back to the mother country (Lier,
1971).
Dependency Theorists argue that such policies enhanced divisions between ethnic groups and
sowed the seeds of ethnic conflict in years to come, following independence from colonial rule.
In Rwanda for example, the Belgians made the minority Tutsis into the ruling elite, giving them
power over the majority Hutus. Before colonial rule there was very little tension between these
two groups, but tensions progressively increased once the Belgians defined the Tutsis as
politically superior. Following independence, it was this ethnic division which went on to fuel
the Rwandan Genocide (Ferraro, 2008).
By the 1960s most colonies had achieved their independence, but European nations continued
to see developing countries as sources of cheap raw materials and labor and, according to
Dependency Theory, they had no interest in developing them because they continued to benefit
from their poverty. Exploitation continued via neo-colonialism, this describes a situation where
European powers no longer have direct political control over countries in Latin America, Asia
and Africa, but they continue to exploit them economically in more subtle ways (Frank, 1974).
Frank (1974) identities three main types of neo-colonialism:
• Firstly, the terms of trade continue to benefit Western interests. Following colonialism,
many of the ex-colonies were dependent for their export earnings on primary products,
mostly agricultural cash crops such as Coffee or Tea which have very little value in
themselves – It is the processing of those raw materials which adds value to them, and
the processing takes place mainly in the West.
• Secondly, Frank highlights the increasing dominance of Transnational Corporations in
exploiting labor and resources in poor countries – because these companies are globally
mobile, they are able to make poor countries compete in a ‘race to the bottom’ in which
they offer lower and lower wages to attract the company, which does not promote
development.
• Finally, Frank argues that Western aid money is another means whereby rich countries
continue to exploit poor countries and keep them dependent on them – aid is, in fact,
n
often in the term of loans, which come with conditions attached, such as requiring that
poor countries open up their markets to Western corporations.
Dependent countries have the following options to break free (Young, 2016):
1.
Breaking away from dependency: This view argues that dependency is not just a phase,
but rather a permanent position. The only way developing countries can escape
dependency is to escape from the whole capitalist system. Under this category, there
are different paths to development:
a.
Isolation, as in the example of China from about 1960 to 2000, which is now
successfully emerging as a global economic superpower having isolated itself from the
West for the past 4 decades.
b.
A second solution is to break away at a time when the metropolis country is weak, as
India did in Britain in the 1950s, following World War 2. India is now a rising economic
power.
c.
Thirdly, there is socialist revolution as in the case of Cuba. This, however, resulted in
sanctions being applied by America which limited trade with the country, holding its
development back.
d.
Many leaders in African countries adopted dependency theory, arguing that developing
political movements that aimed to liberate Africa from western exploitation are
stressing nationalism rather than neo-colonialism.
2.
Associate or dependent development: Here, one can be part of the system, and adopt
national economic policies to being about economic growth such as Import substitution
industrialization where industrialization produces consumer goods that would normally
be imported from abroad, as successfully adopted by many South American countries.
The biggest failure of this, however, was that it did not address inequalities within the
countries was controlled by elites, and these policies lead to economic growth while
increasing inequality.
Critics on dependency theories state the following (Young, 2016):
Firstly, some countries appear to have benefited from Colonialism – Goldethorpe (1972)
pointed out that those countries that had been colonized at least have the benefits of good
transport and communication networks, such as India, whereas many countries that were never
colonized, such as Ethiopia, are much less developed.
Secondly Modernization theorists would argue against the view that Isolation and communist
revolution is an effective path to development, given the well-known failings of communism
in Russia and Eastern Europe. They would also point out that many developing countries have
benefitted from Aid-for Development programmed run by western governments, and that those
countries which have adopted Capitalist models of development since World War Two have
developed at a faster rate than those that pursued communism.
Thirdly, neoliberalists would argue that it is mainly internal factors that lead to
underdevelopment, not exploitation – They argue that it is corruption within governments (poor
governance) that is mainly to blame for the lack of development in many African countries.
According to Neoliberals what Africa needs is less isolation and more Capitalism.
Finally, Paul Collier’s theory of the bottom billion argues that the causes of underdevelopment
cannot be reduced to a history of exploitation. He argues that factors such as civil wars, ethnic
tensions and being land-locked with poor neighbors are correlated with underdevelopment.
o
A.3. Basic needs theory
This theory is based on the Theory of Maslow (1943) The five categories are as follows (from
the lower Physiological needs:
1.
At the first level, humans universally seek to satisfy their basic biological needs, which
are directly connected to their survival, for example food, shelter and clothes to the highest)
2.
The need for safety: The satisfaction of the needs for safety and security is at the second
level, where humans act to acquire a satisfactory feeling of safety and security against natural
dangers. Issues concerning the satisfaction of their natural needs are also found here, as is the
need for security in financial issues such as permanent employment and adequate savings.
3.
The need for love: At the third level, and provided that the two previous categories have
been satisfied to an adequate degree, humans start to strongly feel the lack of friendship, love
and family. As a result, they will seek to satisfy their need to establish personal relationships
of any kind, for example with friends, partners or family.
4.
The need for esteem: At the fourth level and as an extension of the previous category
is the satisfaction of the need for affiliation. Individuals aim at being esteemed and appreciated
by other individuals through their successful affiliation in various social groups.
5.
The need for self-actualization: Even if all the previous needs have been adequately
satisfied, an individual may still experience dissatisfaction or anxiety. Such feelings constitute
the need for self-actualization and this will only be satisfied when an individual is able to
engage in activities that make them feel fulfilled, in which they are probably more efficient.
From the perspective of cultural background, the different phases of needs and economic
growth also require individual constitutions of different qualities as well as various types of
social organization. The meeting of primal needs requires people who are aggressive and good
hunters or nomadic nations that can travel to find food. Innovation-driven economies require
societies that have faith in the future because often their returns from investments are not
realized for some time. In contrast, factor-driven economies can co-exist with high uncertainty
avoidance, which is not consistent with higher growth levels. As a consequence, the
development of the satisfaction of human needs and economic change in development and
growth coexist in a constant process of cultural background (Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2011).
The term multi-cultural equilibria imply that societies with a given economic level of
effectiveness may have different cultural portfolios. Here, we consider that culture does matter
but produces different results. This ensures that there are no unambiguous correlations between
cultural traits and specific economic results. As far as growth is concerned, a given cultural
trait may have an enhancing presence in one economy yet act as a barrier in another the problem
raised by the term multi-cultural equilibria concerns the procedure for proving their existence.
If their existence is corroborated, then new requirements for research in this field are formed,
given that more information on the exact nature of such equilibrium points is required
(Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2011). This needs further research.
A.4. Human development
In Human Development Theory traces of ancient philosophy and early economic theory can be
found. Aristotle noted that "Wealth is evidently not the good we are seeking, for it is merely
useful for something else", and Adam Smith and Karl Marx were concerned with human
p
capabilities. The theory grew in importance in the 1980s with the work of Amartya Sen and his
Human Capabilities perspective, which played a role in his receiving the 1998 Nobel Prize in
Economics. Notable early economists who actively formulated the modern concept of human
development theory were Mahbub ul Haq, Üner Kirdar, and Amartya Sen. In 2000, Sen and
Sudhir Anand published a notable development of the theory to address issues in sustainability
(Sudhir & Sen, 2000).
Amartya Sen changed the discourse of development two times. He proved that poverty in a
given country has influence on the access to education, health care and other fundamental
services. This first approach to development lead to the capabilities approach that has inspired
the human development index and the broader poverty index of the United Nations (UN). He
widened our perspective again in 1999 when the proposed that development entails not only
the means but also the ends of developments. “ Sen's view is now widely accepted:
development must be judged by its impact on people, not only by changes in their income but
more generally in terms of their choices, capabilities and freedoms; and we should be
concerned about the distribution of these improvements, not just the simple average for a
society.” (Barder, What Is Development?, 2012).
There are six basic pillars of human development (Sudhir & Sen, 2000):
•
Equity: the concept of fairness for every person, between men and women; we each
have the right to education and health care.
•
Sustainability: the idea that we all have the right to earn a living that can sustain our
lives and have access to a more even distribution of goods.
•
Productivity: states the full participation of people in the process of income generation.
This also means that the government needs more efficient social programs for its people.
•
Empowerment: the freedom of the people to influence development and decisions that
affect their lives.
•
Cooperation: there are two conditios sine qua non: participation and belonging to
communities and groups as a means of mutual enrichment and a source of social meaning.
•
Security offers people development opportunities freely and safely with confidence that
they will not disappear suddenly in the future
q
2
S k
8
0
1
Public services, in particular, have embraced the approach, seeking involvement of the public
in the development and shaping of future services to particular communities; an
acknowledgement of the need to involve service users in service development, review and
policy making. Thus, consultation has become a requirement in the successful development of
public policy and service (Hennink, 2014).
Stakeholder consultation involves the development of constructive, productive relationships
over the long term. It results in a relationship of mutual benefit; it enables us to identify trends
and emerging challenges which are currently or will in the future impact on the
organization. Listening to stakeholder concerns and feedback is a valuable source of
information that can be used to improve project design and outcomes, and help a corporation
to identify and control external risks. It can also form the basis for future collaboration and
partnerships. Consultation enables us to identify and monitor trends, challenges and
perceptions over time with specific groups of stakeholders. It therefore helps us to (Hennink,
2014):
• Identify and track needs and expectations
• Identify and track perceptions and attitudes
• Provide feedback on specific planned developments
• Evaluate implementations and actions
• Establish the brand values and positioning of the corporation as seen by others
The internal and external stakeholder contribution can be vital to the effective allocation of
resources, the success of individual developments, and the longer-term success and direction
of development projects. Consultation usually takes on two forms:
• Consultation on specific developments, projects, ventures
• Ongoing consultation to track and monitor stakeholder perceptions within the broader
operating environment
The participants of the discussion were:
1. A representative of Bureau projecten binnenland
2. A Member of a village council (Basja)and member of the association of village heads
VIDS)
3. A representative of Bureau intellectual property
4. A representative of CELOS
5. Two representatives of NIMOS (one of the representatives was also an informant)
Non-Response:
6. A member of Amazone party Suriname (an indigenous political party)
7. A deputy director and legislative technician (this person was also an informant)
8. A scholar that specializes in decolonialisation of the mind
9. Two representatives of Tropenbos institute
10. One representative from the VIDS
B.1. The call for policy makers
Table 4 political will GROW model
r
G
R
O
Create political will
Needs further investigation
Generate awareness under the constituents
NGO’s need to create a lobby
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
Some civil servants and other agents of government agencies have indicated that the agenda
for the policy of Suriname, and the agenda for legislation is set by policymakers. It is important
to get them on board. In Suriname the Civil Society (e.g. NGO) does not have a system of
lobbying for influence in setting the policy agenda. Furthermore, according to a participant
some civil servants are not very well informed, sometimes because they did not receive the
information from their predecessors and there is no adequate recordkeeping. This Theme has
linkage with all four dimensions of sustainable development.
B.2. Identity and nation building,
Table 5 identity grow model
G Identity and nation building
R
• This is not mentioned in the constitution.
• People are identifying themselves with the global identity
• Cultural dominance with a fake equilibrium, because hidden discrimination exists.
• Needs further investigation
O
• Create a curriculum that lets us learn of each other’s heritage and creates appreciation.
• Mention this in the constitution.
• The identity of the pluriform nation needs to be formulated. The Eurocentric nation
buildings concept is based on one ethnic group
W
• This needs further investigation.
Participant acknowledge that Suriname is a pluriform Society. In order to achieve justice for
all, the traditional knowledge of all cultures needs to protected and respected. One needs to
look at the factors that bind us together and learn to respect our own identity, the identity of
others and stop hidden discrimination. This theme can have a strong link through the cultural
dimension of Sustainable development.
There was also a call from some of the participants to create a Surinamese identity. This is not
one identity but a pluriform identity that differentiates from identity to identity. This needs to
be acknowledged as part of the cultural heritage of Suriname. This concept is not new and was
introduced by Jhan Adhin. It’s called “eenheid in verscheidenheid” (Adhin, 2006). Adhin
(2006) tried to analyse the socio-economic and socio-legal history and possible threats to the
development of the group.
According to a participant some indigenous people have lost touch with their heritage. This
needs to change, because they consider it taboo to use e.g. traditional medical herbs and demand
scientific proof. This is a root cause for the erosion of traditional knowledge. The bond with
mother nature that through traditionally knowledge fed humankind is also disappearing. The
s
westered global identity is trussed upon the youth Suriname. A participant called them the
Skinny jeans generation. They need to be made aware of their ancestry and the ancestry of their
fellow Surinamese citizens. In doing so one creates respect and awareness.
This theme has a linkage with the social dimension and the cultural dimension of sustainable
development. One participant indicated that she heard over the radio that a government agent
was going to represent the indigenous community on an international forum. The government
agent was going to talk about Traditional knowledge. The participant phoned the agent to ask
her about her legitimacy to represent her heritage. Out of this interaction a dialog was started
that led to the establishment of the Caribbean platform for the protection of indigenous people
and a workshop where all cultural groups were informed in Krasnapolski. This section has
linkage with all four dimensions of development.
B.3.What is development?
Table 6 grow development plan based on the local context
G
Create a development plan based on the local context
R
• One does not know what the concept of development is
• The development schemes are not participatory in nature
• Who are the beneficiaries?
• Needs further investigation
O
• Use participatory methodology
• Create the local context
• Generate technology review reports
• Historical review of legislation in the Licht of justice for all
• Taking into consideration the right to development
• Needs further investigation
W
This needs further investigation
The government of Suriname needs to engage through participatory methodology, taking into
consideration the comment regarding this methodology, when generating a dialogue for these
people what they consider to be development. The Vereniging van Inheemse Dorpshoofden in
Suriname{The Association of Indigenous Village Leaders (VIDS)} have created documents
containing some building blocks and should be taken into consideration.
The history of indigenous people should be taken into consideration with regards to setting the
development agenda and regarding property rights. In the international arena there was a
framework regarding Traditional knowledge in the Caribbean. Proof of existence can be found
by following URL: https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/partnership/?p=7663
The Ministry of foreign affairs and the Ministry of trade, industry and tourism does not have
information regarding this subject. One of the participants mentioned that the members in
Council for Trade and Economic Development (COTED) are not interested in traditional
knowledge. This part of the conversation has a linkage with the social dimension of sustainable
t
development. The spending of the financial resources of the “dorpskas” must be regulated with
auditing mechanisms. This part has a linkage with the economic dimension of sustainable
development. From the government there is no long-term (20 years) sectoral development
program.There is only a five-year program which is not being evaluated publicly.
B.4.Representation
Table 7 representation GROW model
G Create a framework for participation and representation
R
• FPIC is not always observed
• Everything is determined in Paramaribo
O Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
There are some questions raised concerning representation during the conversation. The
government of Suriname needs to consult the people before engaging in international debates
regarding topics that will affect their way of life. The government of Suriname must consider
the input of indigenous people when making policy regarding their living environment. The
government of Suriname must observe Free Informed and Prior Consent regarding policy
concerning these people. The government of Suriname must collaborate with these people to
strengthen their right to information regarding environment. The locals want input (not only
the basja or kapitein) regarding resources extraction warrants (vergunningen) in accordance
with international instruments regarding FPIC.
These finding are not binding and representative therefore they need further investigation.
Furthermore, the ruling of the Inter American Court of Justice especially the Lokonos case and
other international instruments regarding the rights of indigenous people should be taken into
consideration.
B.5. Commercial interest (TRIPS) vs. conservation (CBD)
Table 8 conservation TK GROW model
G Conservation of traditional knowledge (CBD)
R
• No awareness
• Erosion of traditional knowledge
• Commercial interest is strong
• Two confirmed patents
• Daily bread
• Needs further investigation
O Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
There is some commercial interest regarding the sale of souvenirs and artwork; in the past there
have been conflicts regarding ownership. One person is “botty”. This was during an
information session of the WIPO and the Indigenous people. The other is regarding the price
u
of Readytex. The bottom-line is that the handicraft and souvenirs are considered cultural
heritage, and are considered Traditional knowledge. This needs to be regulated. There are some
patents regarding Surinamese traditional Knowledge, the kapteng bangi and kwasi bita are two
examples that were mentioned during the discussion. It was also mentioned that there is no
legislation or mechanism that protects the indigenous people against theft of their property.
The extraction of resources is not sustainable according to the participant and has negative
impact on the environment. The people are not excluded because they need to earn their daily
bread. Two reasons where given:
1. They were never thought the traditional way
2. They want to make a fast buck (e.g. They are extracting bleu toads for 100 USD a piece
for some western scientists for research purposes)
According to participants, the focus needs to shift from commercial exploitation to awareness
and education of traditional knowledge. The participants also mentioned that there are no
proper charts or maps of the resources that take into consideration for the location of their
community. This emerging theme has a linkage with all 4 dimensions of sustainable
development.
B.6. Awareness an education of traditional knowledge
Table 9 create curriculum to preserve biodiversity GROW model
G
Create a curriculum that incorporates the preservation of biodiversity, appreciation of
cultural heritage including Traditional knowledge.
R
• There are some people that are disconnected from their identity
• Lack of awareness is given as reason for unsustainable resource harvesting
methods
• Taboo for using traditional knowledge
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
Table 10 educate TK mythology GROW model
G
Educate methodology for doing TK research
R
Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
The participants indicated that there is need for an awareness campaign for the people because
they seem to have lost the link with the forest, because all culture knows the concept of mother
earth that nurtures humankind, provides shelter and medicine. Her children are extracting
resources in such a rate that nature is dying. Two days before the focus group, the white rhino
became extinct. Some people consider the usage of folk remedies like coconut oil as a hair
product taboo. The participants of the discussion also agreed that awareness needs to start at
v
an early age. The example of the NIMOS institute in Apoera was given. In this case the institute
drafted a curriculum surrounding Crapa and its usage by their ancestors. This can be used as a
model. There are models in Guyana and Brazil that can be considered for technology transfer.
A participant shared that in the course of the implementation of the RED plus project an
indigenous gentleman talked about the curriculum in Guyana. The education system focusses
on both the western knowledge and traditional knowledge. This prevented the exodus of the
villages and the erosion of traditional knowledge. Because of this the capacity needed for the
execution of the implementation of RED plus mechanisms could be found in the village.
This participant shared with us that this one of the bottlenecks of the implementation of RED
plus mechanism in Suriname. This theme has linkage with all four dimensions of sustainable
development.
B.7 Good governance vs bad governance (government vs governance)
Table 11 governance vs government GROW model
G
Governance vs Government
R
• No formal instruments for participation or input on the policy making level
• Disseminated information
• No evaluation of the effectives and efficiency
• No audit
• …..
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
One of the participants, who is a Basja and member of her village council, shared with us that
the government is very bureaucratic, the information needed is often shattered, and important
decisions are often taken in Paramaribo without input from the locals. Another thing that was
mentioned was the village fund (dorpskast). The above-mentioned participant told about her
role in the establishment of the village fund, the concern that was raised, the lack of periodical
audits and reports, the difficulty to get funding and other bottlenecks. Some participant also
expressed the fact that the funds are only used for certain rituals but are not used to fund other
project. This theme has a linkage with all four dimensions, and has a linkage with the debate
participatory development methodology, the debate envelopment or development and the
financing of development.
w
B.8. Caribbean platform for the protection
Table 12 regional framework GROW model
G
Establish a regional framework for protection of traditional knowledge
R
Government agents do not know the status of the framework
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/partnership/?p=7663
O
• Toolkit http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/details.jsp?meeting_id=15485
• Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
Caribbean Regional Framework for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge, Traditional
Cultural Expressions and Genetic Resources was established to create a state led dialogue under
the WIPO aimed at the establishment of regional instrument aimed at protection. In this thesis
one will find the discourse and warrant on the definition of cultural heritage. The Ministry of
trade does not know the status of this framework according to a participant, who is civil servant
of that Ministry. The Ministry of foreign affairs also does not know the status of this
framework.
B.9. Protection of Traditional knowledge
Table 13 policy GROW model
G
Establish policy (including legislation) to protect Traditional Knowledge
R
• There are a lot of definitions regarding Traditional knowledge
• Current legislation does not contain special protection
• There are conflicts in the international arena (TRIPS VS CBD)
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
The protection of traditional knowledge needs to be done through education and generating
awareness. According to a participant, this will be established when children are aware that
they need to protect Mother Nature. That establishes sustainable harvesting of natural
resources.
Participants have indicated that cultural heritage needs to be protected in the constitution.
B.10 Earning daily bread and butter
Table 14 sustenance GROW model
G
Create sustainable revenue streams
R
• The current revenue streams are not sustainable
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W
Needs further investigation
Eventhough, the participant had objections against benefit sharing schemes and other
development schemes that would generate revenue. But one can observe that participants
x
shared with the group which is, that people engage in schemes of unsustainable resources
harvesting.
B.11 Erosion of traditional knowledge
Table 15 stop erosion GROW model
G
Stop erosion of traditional knowledge
R
• There are some generations that do not aware of traditional knowledge
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
Some participants have indicated that the generation known as the “skini jeans generation”
inot acquainted with their heritage. One participant indicated that the children of Apoera did
not know what crape oil was. They saw the trees in their village.
Cellos created a curriculum with the school and village elders to reacquaint these children with
their culture. The group said that it was important that the youth should know their heritage. It
contains the key to a sustainable future.
B.12 Local input
Table 16 local policy input GROW model
G
Create a policy environment that facilitates Participatory development strategies
R
Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
A participant indicated that everything is decided in Paramaribo. From permission for
harvesting of resources. In her village there is a council of elders that gives feedback on request
of people. Another participant indicated that the basia(member of the village council) gives
permission to harvest for a fee and does not take into consideration the will of the people. The
participants also indicated that they like to participate in the deliberatory process of policy. One
participated as a girl of 18 years. She was asked to represent the village head, who was her
father, when they established the village fund. During the meeting she expressed here concerns
regarding the fact that someone outside the village would manage the fund.
Furthermore, till this day according to this participant, there are no annual report regarding the
income and spending of this fund. It’s only used for cultural feasts, and not used for the
financing of the development of the village. The school, clinics, roads and other development
infrastructure is financed by the government or multinational companies active in that region.
Also, it was indicated that the people often do not know how to read or write, or do not have
the skills to write a project to use the village fund, to fund projects that are critical to the
sustainable development.
B.13 Exodus of the people
Table 17 sustainable Community building
G
Build a sustainable community
R
Needs further investigation
y
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
Because of schooling options, a lot of people are choosing to live in the coastal areas of
Suriname. One other reason is the “binnenlandse oorlog”. But the people go back to their
ancestral village on Holidays.
This phenomenon is not unique for this region. Guyana and Brazil incorporated Traditional
knowledge in their curriculum to give them knowledge to fend for themselves in the village if
they can’t get a job in the coastal area. This program was beneficial for the deployment of the
REDPLUS program because the expertise for implementation could be sourced locally.
B.14 Force majeure by civil servants
Table 18 evaluation of service delivery GROW model
G
Evaluate the civil service
R
• Decimation of information
• No recordkeeping of information
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W
Needs further investigation
Table 19 evaluation of civil service GROW model
G
evaluate the Protection of whistle-blowers
R
• No legislation
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W
Needs further investigation
Table 20 freedom of information GROW model
G
evaluate the freedom of information
R
• No legislation
• Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W
Needs further investigation
Carefully, two participants tried to tell us that civil servants often are trying to gather
information and are indicating that a policy should entail the following elements. The
politicians often set the policy agenda sometimes in contradiction to the gathered information.
A participant shared with us, that he worked at the judicial affairs of a department; he got the
directive to look at legislation regarding the pricing of goods in the Surinamese currency.
Though, the legislation states that the vender is free to appraise his goods in the currency of his
choosing, the directive from the minister was that the goods must be appraised in the
Surinamese currency. Another agent of the state shared a similar experience. This has a linkage
with all four dimensions of sustainable development.
B.15 (un) sustainable resource management
Table 21 sustainabale resource harvesting GROW model
z
G
Sustainable resource harvesting
R
Needs further investigation
O
Needs further investigation
W Needs further investigation
The participants have indicated that the nature is like their mother, it provides food, medicine,
clothing and among other things. This needs to be harvested in a sustainable matter. Awareness
starts with children
2
Verslag stakeholdersmeeting
Bezoeker a
De definitie van religie zoals die geïntroduceerd is door de witte man past niet bij mij als
inheemse, maar toch noemt de witte man mij een heiden. En u als niet inheemse komt ook in
die gemeenschappen en u noemt ze ook heidenen.
Bezoeker b
En inheemsen tegen elkaar
Bezoeker a
De mensen die dat doen mogen dan op een Indiaan lijken maar deze persoon is geen Indiaan.
Dat komt doordat de inheemse zodanig geconditioneerd is dat hij niet meer weet wie hij is.
Nu zitten we ermee: Hoe kan het gebruik van een medicijn gebaseerd op kennis van inheemsen
gemaakt van kruiden geneeskracht hebben?
De westerse geneeskunst is niet altijd effectief vanwege fysiologische kenmerken.
Bezoeker c
Er zijn meerdere factoren die een rol spelen zoals klimaat enz. die ook moeten worden
meegenomen.
aa
Bezoeker a
In mijn visie moeten er meerdere factoren worden meegenomen. De Anton de Kom
Universiteit kan hierin een belangrijke rol vervullen door onderzoek te doen naar de lokale
context. Helaas wordt het onderwijs op de universiteit gebaseerd op wetenschap van Europese
origine. De wereld, alles verandert. In mijn cultuur hebben we geleerd alles leeft, omdat het
leeft groeit het, verandert het naar omstandigheden.
Bezoeker b
Ik heb er niet zoveel kennis over, maar ik heb soms de indruk dat onze medische kennis en
behandelswijze gebaseerd zijn op de witte man, deels komt doordat wij ook weinig onderzoek
doen. Toen ik bij volksgezondheid zat zag ik dat de Cubaanse artsen soms workshops hadden
waarbij ze veldervaring uitwisselden. Dit werd gedaan door middel van dataverzameling en
datauitwisseling. Ik heb het vermoeden dat artsen van hier dat ook doen. Wat er precies ermee
gedaan wordt weet ik niet. Als we middels deze data de lokale context en de effectiviteit van
medicijnen zouden kunnen meten.
Ik was bijvoorbeeld in Bolivia Lapaz en had problemen met ademhalen vanwege de ijle lucht.
Ik was ziek geworden en ik moest daaraan denken toen er gesproken werd over wat je als mens
anders maakt. Ik weet niet in hoeverre temperatuur en klimaat van toepassing zijn op mensen.
Dus dit vraagt om nader onderzoek.
Wij Surinamers gebruiken heel veel huismiddelen die afgaande op wat bekend is in de
volksmond. Een voorbeeld is het gebruik van “paanbladeren” en katoenbladeren.
Bezoeker c
Het gebruik van oso dresi is vaak taboe, dat komt omdat de meeste medische boeken zijn
geschreven in westerse landen waar je veelal een homogene bevolking hebt. Het is dan
makkelijk om onderzoek te doen. Suriname heeft een pluriforme samenleving. Hiermee wordt
helaas geen rekening gehouden bij onderzoek. Het is zo ingeworteld dat we geen etniciteit
mogen gebruiken bij onderzoek.
Bezoeker e (deze bezoeker was laat en dacht dat de focusgroep ging over local knowledge. Ik
heb hem verteld over de prefixes hierna vertelde hij het volgende ):
De organisatie (Bureau Intellectuele Eigendom) hanteert de definitie van de WIPO. De WIPO
hanteert traditional knowledge, traditional cultural expression en genetic resources.
Ik heb hem aangegeven dat ik die definitie conform de TRIPS niet gebruik maar de definitie
van de CBD gebruik.
Bezoeker a (inheemse basja):
Sommige westerse onderzoekers komen onderzoek doen in inheemse gemeenschappen. Nadat
ze onderzoek hebben gedaan in de gemeenschap publiceren zij hun bevindingen. Hetgeen is
gedeeld met de onderzoeker is opeens geen eigendom meer van de inheemse gemeenschap.
Waar blijven de rechten van de inheemsen, waar blijf ik? Ik blijf zogenaamd armoedig, als ik
kijk naar mijn familie in geheel Zuid-Amerika dan behoren wij tot de armste mensen terwijl
het anderen rijk maakt. Ik zou graag zien dat het in Suriname iets anders doet. Omdat er
inheemsen in Suriname zijn.
De rechten van Inheemsen moeten worden erkend, maar het moet niet zo zijn dat Inheemsen
meer rechten claimen dan andere mensen. Dat mogen wij niet toestaan. Met alle culturele
achtergronden, laten we iets mooi Surinaams maken.
Laten wij toevoegen die bescherming dat nog niet bestaat.
bb
Zo klinkt het al mooi maar laten we het mooier maken.
Bezoeker e
Wij zijn al een tijdje bezig met wetgeving (regelgeving) hieromtrent. Eigenlijk zou je de
minister en de DNA- voorzitter moeten hebben uitgenodigd. Dit zijn beleidsaangelegenheden.
In Suriname werken we met wat onze regelgeving toestaat.
Er is een filmpje vertoond
Bezoeker f
Waar verschilt jouw concept van ontwikkeling met dat van het filmpje?
F.ilahi
Ik verwijs naar de deconstructie van participatieve methode en development/envelopment aid.
Het idee is dat de gemeenschappen de resources krijgen en dan mogen ze zelf gaan bepalen
op welke wijze zij dat gaan besteden voor hun gemeenschap.
Bezoeker f
Ik vind dit verre van ideaal dat zij naar de rechter moeten stappen alvorens zij hun gelijk
krijgen,
F.ilahi
Ik pretendeer het ook niet te weten maar ik heb heel wat documenten bestudeerd waarin
inheemsen zelf aangeven wat zij zelf willen
bezoeker f
Als we met het geld een school bouwen of een polikliniek bouwen heb je volgens mij wel
ontwikkeling gebracht maar is dat wel ontwikkeling dat zij willen?
Vraag: Wat is belangrijk als we beleid gaan maken op het gebied van traditional knowledge?
Bezoeker e (gebruikt de classificatie van WIPO)
In het voorgesprek spreek je over Anansi dat is folklore, je praat over een plantje dat is genetic
resources.
F.Ilahi ik gebruik een andere definitie.
bezoeker e : als jurist ben je gebonden aan de bewoordingen van een verdrag
F.Ilahi
CBD en TRIPS hebben verschillende definities van wat onder traditional knowledge wordt
verstaan.
Vanuit het zuiden verwerpen de juristen de definitie vanuit het westen. In deze thesis wordt
gebruik gemaakt van een holistische benadering.
Bezoeker a
Het TRIPS-verdrag heeft betrekking op handel, gelet op het feit dat men niet zonder meer
kennis kan gaan halen, heeft men loopholes gecreëerd. Zonder dat inheemsen daarin inspraak
in kunnen hebben. Dat zijn politieke zaken door juridische instrumenten.
WIPO geeft aan dat traditionele kennis niet specifiek inheemse kennis hoeft te zijn. Alle
groepen hebben traditionele kennis toch?
Als we praten over Suriname hebben alle groepen traditionele kennis. Maar vandaag praten
we over inheemse kennis.
Wat is belangrijk voor jou als het gaat om inheemse kennis?
Toena is water in de inheemse taal
Bezoeker e
cc
Ik heb geen westerse achtergrond, ik heb altijd problemen gehad met docenten vanwege mijn
afwijkende mening, maar ik ben de mening toegedaan dat we de autoriteiten niet bereiken.
Want wetgeving komt van De Nationale Assemblee. Om te geraken tot eenduidigheid dienen
alle actoren betrokken te worden. En ze moeten ook weten wat de gedachtegang is .
Bezoeker d
Ik denk dat de bedoeling is dat de verschillende actoren die op het veld zijn hun mening moeten
geven.
F. Ilahi
ja
bezoeker a
Een ochtend stond ik op en ik luisterde naar het nieuws en hoorde ik mevr. Rooplal bij Bureau
Intellectuele Eigendom praten over inheemse kennis .
Zij was namens Suriname afgevaardigd via buitenlandse zaken om in Genève te praten over
kennis van inheemse volkeren.
Ik heb toen gebeld, heb haar gezegd dat ik gehoord heb dat u namens de inheemsen wil gaan
praten over onze kennis maar mag ik van u weten wie u heeft gematigd om namens de inheemse
gemeenschap te praten? Ik heb me verontschuldigd maar ik kon het niet anders formuleren.
We hebben toen contactgegevens uitgewisseld en er is een werkrelatie ontstaan. We zijn toen
gekomen tot meetings waar we alle groepen hebben uitgenodigd om zitting te nemen . De
meeste groepen begrepen toen niet waar de inheemsen naartoe wilden. Toen heb ik voorgesteld
dat WIPO ons komt vertellen in 2001. WIPO is gekomen hoor. Inheemsen en Marrons waren
helemaal zichtbaar in Krasnapolsky. Je had groepen mensen die zich bedreigdvoelden. Een
meneer die een onderneming had bij de SMS en souvenirs verhandelde, wij waren aan het leren
tijdens de workshop want wij hoorden de dingen voor het eerst, op de tweede dag kwam die
bewuste meneer bram bram bram de zaal binnen en zei “ scheldwoorden dat betekent miem
pay ding djoeka gie ding bangie “ hij had begrepen dat de meubels gemaakt zijn met kennis
van de tribale volkeren want hij was bezig met de export van de meubelen. Hij was echt tekeer
gegaan want hij begreep dat .
Verschillende mensen in de groep: was het een blanke man met dreadlocks?
Bezoeker a : ja
Bezoeker b : het gaat om Botie, hij is helaas komen te overlijden.
Diverse mensen : ja het gaat om Botie
Bezoeker a: in elk geval moest de politie komen en zei : hebben we die bewuste meneer, ik
weet niet als het Botie is, uit de zaal gezet.
Bezoeker e
Precies zo ook Readytex toch ?
Men gaat de souvenirs voor een appel en een ei kopen in het binnenland, wij moeten het
reguleren.
Bezoeker a
Als we vandaag praten over ontwikkeling omdat we niet meer leven in hokjes , maar als we
onderkennen dat we een samenleving met potentie zijn.
In mijn cultuur groeit de wereld elke dag, alles leeft, dus ook de wereld leeft, het verandert.
Laten wij het stapvoets gewijs ertoe leiden dat we kunnen samenwerken met elkaar .
dd
Ik wil het woord transitie niet gebruiken. Ik wil gebruiken een stukje aanpassing, stapsgewijs,
eerst kruipen , daarna lopen en grijpen toch? Zo zal het duidelijk zijn wat de volgende stap zal
zijn .
Aangezien we een rechtsstaat zijn verwacht ik heel veel van de ministeries.
Bezoeker e
Ik zal dit moeten overbrengen naar de minister en als de minister dit in zijn beleid wil opnemen.
Als de minister zijn beleid niet wenst om te buigen dan kan ik weinig doen.
Ik ben als rapporteur hier om te rapporteren.
Bronnen zijn belangrijk. Je hebt een verdrag CBD.
Bezoeker a
Na de workschop in Marriott in 2017 heb ik naar het ministerie van HIT voor de derde keer de
Regionale
Raamwerk
Traditionele
Kennis
overgedragen
.
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/partnership/?p=7663
http://www.wipo.int/edocs/mdocs/tk/en/wipo_grtk_kin_08/wipo_grtk_kin_08_caribbean_bro
chure.pdf
http://www.wipo.int/edocs/mdocs/tk/en/wipo_iptk_ge_15/wipo_iptk_ge_15_presentation_ma
rcus_goffe.pdf
bezoeker e
mevrouw Simson ?
bezoeker a
Die had het al maar zij werkt niet meer daar
bezoeker e
Precies die is niet meer verbonden aan het bureau
Bezoeker a
Nee, twee andere mensen omdat ze niet bekend waren met dit framework.
En ik heb er werk van gemaakt dat men ook beschikt over dit raamwerk.
In negen landen in het Caraïbische gebied is er onderzoek gedaan, toen is er een document
geproduceerd. Het zou goed zijn als Suriname dat document zou nemen en binnen Suriname
alvast ons huiswerk zou maken.
Misschien is het goed dat wij binnen de grenzen van tijd tot tijd erover praten.
Bezoeker e
Wat ik kenbaar wil maken, ik weet niet als u bij de laatste workshop aanwezig was van het
kabinet van de Vp . Jammer genoeg zou het bureau op de hoogte moeten zijn. Plotseling wordt
het bureau uitgenodigd door het kabinet van de Vp. De dingen worden gedaan in opdracht van
hogerhand.
Bezoeker c
Dus jij als ambtenaar hebt niets in de melk te brokkelen. Je kan alleen adviseren.
Bezoeker e
Wij zijn de instantie waar de rechten geregistreerd moeten staan, dus we hebben wel veel in de
melk te brokkelen
Bezoeker b
Er is zo’n regionale raamwerk waar u het over had . Is het gedistribueerd ? Mogen wij ermee
werken?
Bezoeker a
ee
De opdrachtgever was de CARICOM geweest. En de WIPO heeft het gestuurd naar JUPO. En
tijdens die workshop heb ik het gegeven aan HIT
Bezoeker b
Als het iets is waar we achter staan moeten wij het misschien tot een nationaal iets maken zodat
we daarmee kunnen werken.
Bezoeker a
Laten we dan verwijzen naar het regionaal raamwerk.
Bezoeker e
De mensen van CARIFORUM praten echt niet over TK in het Caraïbisch gebied.
Hierover praten ze binnen EU. Dat kan je van mij aannemen.
Vraag: Wanneer zijn we met elkaar eens dat het probleem is opgelost?
Bezoeker a
Voor het eerste verwijzen we naar het regionaal raamwerk
Dat we de kennis in elk geval goed gaan gebruiken uiteindelijk op de universiteit , want daar
worden de juristen opgeleid .
Vorig jaar heb ik het met meneer Menke over gehad . Ik ben niet de degene die moet bepalen
maar ik ben een van de mensen die op- en aanmerkingen kan maken t.a.v. waarin wij
Surinamers worden onderwezen. Volgens welke norm?
Als kennisinstituut, als belangrijke schakel die ons daarmee in feite kan helpen. Is een opleiding
voor juristen over de situatie in Suriname?
Bezoeker e
Eigenlijk moet de minister hier zijn.
Meerdere mensen in de groep:
We gaan er niet weer op in.
Bezoeker d
Er zijn meerdere invalshoeken waarop je zaken kan bekijken dan vanuit een beleidsperspectief.
Bezoeker e
Ik ben het eens met uw benadering
Bezoeker a
ADEK moet bij ons komen , het beleid van ADEK moet erop gericht zijn dat instituut op hoger
niveau te tillen door met inheemsen te komen praten over onze kennis. Door wegen die ook
ADEK kent door daarvan gebruik te maken. Door bijvoorbeeld door prof. Mans
Die man is aan ADEK verbonden en CELOS om te komen tot traditionele kennis.
Bezoeker e
Ik ben het met u eens.
Bezoeker a
Er moet ergens een begin worden gemaakt.
Bezoeker e
U was niet in Torarica.
Bezoeker a
De mensen nodigen mij toch niet meer uit. 2.24;26
Bezoeker b
Heeft u dat raamwerk en dekt het de conflicten?
F.Ilahi : nee
ff
bezoeker a : nee het bevat ontwikkelingsvraagstukken die nu in Suriname spelen onder ons.
Bezoeker c : is het verspreid onder het volk?
Bezoeker a: de overheid moet ons assisteren bij het verspreiden,
zodat we FPIC kunnen verrichten om erachter te komen wat in de Engelse taal staat geschreven.
Bezoeker c : het is geen Surinaams product maar een regionale stuk?
Bezoeker a : ja
Bezoeker a:
In het stuk zijn wat moeilijke zaken regarderende Inheemsen thematisch erin verwerkt.
Bezoeker b:
Het voorstel dat ik bij de heer Polanen had gedaan was: waarom wordt traditionele kennis niet
beschermt in onze grondwet?
Heel veel landen Ghana . Heel wat landen hebben het gewoon in hun Grondwet Tk beschermd.
CBD zegt dat de mensen toegang moeten hebben waardoor wij ook beschermd zijn. Als je dat
in je moederwet doet heb je al zoveel ondervangen. Want kan je kijken hoe de organieke
wetten eruit moeten zien.
In Europa heb je een paar landen, Zuid Amerika heb je een paar landen, daar hebben ze de
bescherming in de grondwet opgenomen.
Het is de access en benefit sharing zoals bedoeld in de CBD.
Bezoeker e
Maar we zien dat de landen waar dit zo geregeld is er erger van afkomen.
Bezoeker a
Dat is die moderne ontwikkeling waartegen ik 100% tegen ben. Wat u zegt, ik ben rijk want
ik heb wat papier. Ik mag ook wat eraan verdienen, dat is wat CBD praat en onze staat ook.
Voor mij is dat niet correct. Voor mij en onze overleving gaan wij kijken wat we hebben.
Waarover wij beschikken. Hoe we dat gaan beschermen voor hetnageslacht . Dit is op de eerste
plaats alvorens wij gaan kijken op welke wijze wij geld gaan verdienen .
Dit geniet bijval van meerdere mensen
Bezoeker a
In deze situatie, hoe komen mensen met kinderen uit elke dag. U begrijpt waarschijnlijk niet ik
kwam in 1989 na zes jaren in America gewoond te hebben terug. Mijn dorp is totaal verwoest
en verlaten. Mijn huis in het dorp doorzeeft met kogels. Alles weggedragen .verbrandt en alla
soort sani.
Dan komt Bertdjaja houtberijf door de politiek, drie Aziatische bedrijven . In Paramaribo zijn
over het gebied verspreid. Wij willen hout kopen en wij betalen met dollars. Ik durfde nog niet
naar het dorp te gaan want ik kon niet aanzien wat er met het dorp gaande was. Mijn broers
kwamen naar me toe, zus we gaan hout verkopen. Ze gaan ons in dollars betalen. De mensen
hebben het geld niet . dat is precies wat wij met de menen doen in het binnenland. Ze kennen
de verhouding koop en verkoop niet .
Als ze iets konden verkopen, u gaat naar de mensen met geld, de mensen hebben het geld
nodig. Ze begrijpen de gevolgen voor de natuur niet. Mensen zijn egoïsten toch? Dit alles speelt
binnen onze samenleving.
Dit speelt zich af in Suriname, dit is geen gezonde zaak. Het is daarom belangrijk om de
biodiversiteit te beschermen voordat we praten over geld verdienen.
Bezoeker e
gg
Bij dat van Conservation International in Torarica . De mensen van Galibi vinden dat ze
gewoon hun schildpad eieren mogen eten . Dat is waar, reden waarom ? De gemeenschap was
toen klein. Bij een populatie van 200-500 en iedereen eet 2 of 3 dan is er geen probleem. Maar
nu heb je in diezelfde gemeenschap heb je nu mensen die de eieren rapen en verkopen. Dat is
een gevaar. Het heeft twee zijden.
De mensen van Matawai zijn in opstand gekomen. Er vindt grootschalige ontbossing plaats.
De mensen hun punt is dat hun economisch systeem wordt gewijzigd . Vissen worden
vernietigd en zij hebben geen voordeel aan. Maar de concessies worden verleend aan mensen
van het gebied en de mensen accommoderen derden. Ik kan het jammer genoeg niet helemaal
met u eens zijn want accommoderen vindt plaats door de eigen mensen.
Dus de vraag is: hoe geven de mensen hun kinderen elke dag te eten?.
Bezoeker a
Het heeft dus meerdere invalshoeken.
Ik ga er altijd van uit dat het dorp een dorpsbestuur heeft.
De staat heeft een regeringsteam die breed moet denken.
Iedereen en alles heeft een geest dat verantwoordelijk is voor je eigen plichtsbesef. Je moet
eigenwaarde hebben .
Ik ga hiervan uit.
Wanneer u daar als president of ministerzit, heeft u grote verantwoordelijkheid
Anders moet je daar niet zitten.
Bezoeker b
De mensen die de mensen tegen zichzelf moesten beschermen.
Bezoeker a
Je bent daar, je hebt een overheid, moet je mij komen leren hoe jij dat ziet, hoe jij dat wil.
Bezoeker b
Je wil ook beschermd worden.
Bezoeker a
Ja, er moet afstemming komen tussen burger en overheid.
Want wat ik zie en voel kunt u onmogelijk zien en voelen en omgekeerd ook niet. Maar als
we dat niet afstemmen . en we zitten in Paramaribo achter een bureau en ik kom concessie
vragen bij u, en u kent niet eens dat gebied . Er bestaat niet eens een kaart van het gebied waar
de inheemse dorpen voorkomen.
Bezoeker e
De kapitein moet tekenen, SBB moet tekenen.
Bezoeker a
Nu pas schijnt het een beetje te veranderen.
Bezoeker c
Er is een dorpscommissie geloof ik.
Bezoeker e
Het wordt namens de dorpscommissie getekend door de kapitein, dus het is niet alleen
Paramaribo die bepaalt.
Bezoeker a
Dat is nu.
Bezoeker e
hh
Ja, we hebben het over nu.
Bezoeker a
En nu toch, de mensen die ondertekenen bij RO. Wanneer ik praat over Surinaams bos waar
moet ik informatie gaan vinden ?
Bij welk ministerie?
Bezoeker d
LBB
Bezoeker c
LBB gaat over bosbouw toch?
Bezoeker d
Ja ze maken landuse kaarten.
Bezoeker a
De overheid is niet zo logisch als wij.
Bezoeker b
Dieren heb je niet bij LVV.
Bezoeker c
NH gaat over mineralen.
Bezoeker a
Als ik praat over mijn woonomgeving dan heeft NH opeens iets over het bos in mijn
leefomgeving te zeggen. Dan sturen ze mij naar RO. Dan kom je bij een secretaresse die “sorry
hoor”maar die niets weet . Ik krijg dan toch iemand te spreken die niets weet hoe mijn woonen leefomgeving eruitziet en dan maken ze een kaart. Dan moet ik gaan naar SBB.
Bezoeker e
Dan ga ik kapvakken te zien krijgen.
Bezoeker a
Dan ga ik andere dingen te zien krijgen, bijna 5 instanties moet je aflopen om een overzicht te
hebben over iets van jouw eigen.
Bezoeker e
De dc wordt er ook bij betrokken.
Bezoeker b
Wacht wacht wacht, ik denk dat , ik ga het weer over SBB hebben. Ik denk dat ze proberen om
daar die data bij elkaar te hebben door die Gonini website van ze. Waar ze tegenwoordig ook
bezig zijn met data over mijnbouw, hoe heet het afdeling ook al weer.
Meerdere groepsleden
GMD.
Bezoeker b
Zij proberen al die data op een plaats te hebben.
Bezoeker a
Wat is GLIS dan?
GlIS heeft geen enkel overzicht over Para .
Bezoeker d
Dan moeten wij GLIS ook daarbij zetten.
Bezoeker a
De rol van RO klopt niet .
ii
En dat komt niet overeen met dat van SBB.
Bezoeker e
SBB probeert praktisch bezig te zijn.
Bezoeker a
Dat is ons land.
Dat mogen wij niet .
Ik heb een auto, ik heb wat meer tijd.
Ik ben beter verstaanbaar .
Maar die arme mensen in het binnenland niet.
Welke tijd hebben ze, als ze een klacht hebben ?
Want je kan niet alle informatie van de overheid krijgen .
Alles wordt verkocht hoor!!! Vogels ,dieren enz.
Bezoeker e
Brownsberg is een voorbeeld van. (Brownsberg is een natuurreservaat maar wordt geteisterd
door klein mijnbouw)
Brownsberg is al voor 80% weg.
Bezoeker a
Anyway, dat is ons land.
Daar moeten wij overleven en dat gaan beschermen. laten wij ons best doen ik weet niet hoe je
dit moet formuleren. Ik weet niet hoe je dit moet formuleren maar er is teveel versplintering in
dit heel land. En het scheidt ons van elkaar hoor. Het scheidt ons.
Bezoeker e
Ik heb als Surinamer niet gekeken wat ons scheidt maar wat onze overeenkomst is. Dat is een
beter uitgangspunt.
Bezoeker d
Maar het bos dan?
Bezoeker e
En Surinaamse mensen?
“…Hoe wij hier ook samen kwamen “ anders moeten wij het volkslied veranderen.
Welke opties kunnen wij verkennen?
Bezoeker c
Je had het over regulering?
Daar had je het over.
Bezoeker e
Bewustwording is ook iets dat daarnet is genoemd door bezoeker a . Toen Minister Burleson
er was op het Ministerie hadden we vaker workshops om rechthebbenden te informeren. Niet
alleene TK maar ook andere onderwerpen. Het beleid is nu enigszins gewijzigd. Ik heb niet
gezegd dat het helemaal is gewijzigd. Wij zitten erachter en onze directeur wil er werk van
maken. Wij zijn er steeds mee bezig . Dit is een belangrijke factor om oplossingen te faciliteren.
Als je niet bewust bent van wat je hebt, dan verkoop jij je moeder voor een tientje.
Bezoeker d
Bewustwording moet zich niet alleen binnen de stad of kustgebied voltrekken.
Bezoeker e
Neee!!
jj
Bezoeker d
Het is voor de mensen van het binnenland heel moeilijk om naar de stad af te reizen of wanneer
het jullie uitkomt om naar ons af te reizen om informatie te verkrijgen. Daarnaast vind ik ook
dat de bewustwording niet alleen op dat niveau moet plaats vinden maar ook op het niveau van
de kinderen. Als je de kinderen niet leert dat ze iets hebben dat van onschatbare waarde is en
dat ze zelf hun verantwoordelijkheid moeten nemen waarover ze zelf ook over kunnen
beschikken, hoe gaan ze later, als ze wat ouder zijn geworden verantwoordelijkheid dragen?
Als dat niet gebeurd gaan ze inderdaad die mensen brengen om gifkikkers weg te brengen.
Bewustwording moet ook voor kinderen gelden.
Het moet niet alleen van ondernemers en andere groepen komen die van zichzelf ook wel weten
dat bepaalde zaken niet zouden moeten kunnen.
Vanaf kleins af in de schoolprogramma’s van de basisschool.
Ik denk dat mevr. Vreedzaam wel weet hoe wij bezig zijn geweest met de kinderen van Apoera
met krappa . Wij van CELOS hebben een scholen programma gecreëerd en ik denk dat RO
daarin een sleutelrol kan spelen. Door bijvoorbeeld te zeggen als jeeen waterval in je omgeving
hebt, maak de mensen bewust dat het van belang is voor het ecosysteem rondom het dorp.
De westerse invloeden zijn heel erg groot als ik kijk naar Apoera. De mensen staan niet meer
in contact met de natuur. Ze hebben natuurlijk een groot bos rondom maar de kinderen wisten
niet wat krappa was.
Het curriculum van onderwijs wordt in Paramaribo bepaald, en als die kennis aan het
verdwijnen is , wat het overall plaatje is. De eroding van de e traditionele kennis is een reële
bedreiging voor de biodiversiteit. Wil je het behouden, dan begint het met het internaliseren.
Dat kan door een gedeelte van het curriculum open te laten door hen bij te brengen wat voor
hun gebied belangerijk is.
F.Ilahi:
In Brazilie heeft men in de inheemse dorpen het gebruik dat naast het normale curriculum ook
ruimte is voor een dorpsoudste om met de kinderen bezig te zijn en kennis van hun volk over
te dragen.
Bezoeker e
Als de jongeren 12 of 13 zijn nemen ze hun “bati’ en trekken naar de goudvelden. Ze zullen je
zeggen “ you na spang ye spang mi ede”
Dus niet alleen aan de jongeren moet de kennis worden overgedragen maar ook aan de ouderen
.
De generatie na ons, de skinny jeans generatie kennen geen krappa olie. Het is dus instant pap,
melk en wat suiker, zij kennen geen kwak.
Je hebt geen tijd om echte pindasoep te maken. Je gaat gewoon pindakaas kopen.
Bezoeker c
Wij waren gisteren op Matta, Wij (NIMOS) hadden bezoek van een paar Guyanezen van het
REDPLUS project en er was een inheemse meneer bij . Hij heeft met de gemeenschap van
kk
MatTa zijn ervaring gedeeld. In Guyana stuur je kinderen naar school tot de universiteit , ze
kunnen geen werk vinden en dan is het alsof je voor niets geinvesteerd hebt.
Wat de inheemsen in Guyana zijn gaan doen binnen de gemeenschappen is de jongeren ook
zelf onderwijzen. Wat jij zegt dat we ze die kennis die wij bezitten, dat wij dat hebben
overgedragen. Ook al hebben ze in de stad gestudeerd , als ze in het dorp wonen ze die kennis
en die vaardigheden hebben om daar zelf geld te verdienen . Als er dus straks geïmplementeerd
moet worden dan heb je wel mensen daar met die kennis . Maar dan zijn ze niet uit het dorp
getrokken maar dan zijn ze daar gebleven omdat je ze op beide vlakken geschoold hebt. Als
wij een soortgelijk iets in Suriname zouden kunnen doen dan denk ik inderdaad dat de jongeren
die naar de stad trekken en hier blijven dat niet zouden doen
Bezoeker e
Als je nu gaat naar “Milasie Kondre” zijn er ongeveer 50 mensen. Volgende week is het
paasvakantie, dan is het dorp weer vol. Vakantie en vrije dagen trekt iedereen naar het dorp.
Na de vakantie zijn het weer alleen ouderen en mensen die in het gebied werken.
Er is geen ontwikkeling in het dorp dus iedereen trekt weer terug naar de stad. Intussen
verdwijnt het dorp. Als je stelt dat ze daar in het dorp moeten blijven om hun dorp op te bouwen
vindt men je wilt niet dat we in de stad moeten komen. Intussen wordt niets onderhouden en
gaat alles kapot.
Bezoeker c
Ze willen wel hoor.
Bezoeker d
Er zijn geen andere mogelijkheden. Er zijn beperkte scholingsmogelijkheden. Je kan de mensen
niet kwalijk nemen dat ze er niet wonen.
Bezoeker e
Hoe ga je beide combineren, want het mooie is dat we verschillende culturen hebben. Als je
de gelegenheid geboden wordt om ze te mogen meemaken zul je van alle bevolkingsgroepen
een deel moeten hebben meegemaakt om te hebben gezien wat we hier in Suriname hebben .
Maar als je zo kijkt zal na 100 jaar een groot deel van onze cultuur zijn uitgestorven als de
witte neushoorn.
Bezoeker c
Het is wat bezoeker a zei, we spraken over acces en bennefit sharing. Soms hoor je behoud en
bescherming .je hoeft je kennis niet altijd te delen . Misschien moet je een paar voor je zelf
houden beschermen in plaats van het wijd te verspreiden en daar voordeel aan hebben.
Misschien moet je niet altijd geld verdienen , zoals van die kikker.
Bezoeker e
Kijk bij Readytex. Ik heb een vriend, die heel goede beeldhoutwerkjes kan maken
sieradendoosjes en toekans. Wanneer we die dingen gaan verkopen bij Readytex toen hoor.
Dan kopen ze het op voor 200 srd en verkopen het voor 500 srd en 1500srd . Het is net als in
het filmpje: they where satified with just one dolar.
Geld is niet altijd alles.
Met de technologie van nu bestraalt hij het en een machine maakt het precies na.
Meerdere mensen in de groep:
3d printer
F.Ilahi : het verhaal van Redidoti ressort wordt verteld. En de bron.
ll
Bezoeker c
Er is wel een systeem om aan middelen te komenvan de gemeenschap pot. Je moet een
projectplan schrijven. Je kan niet zomaar het geld gaan halen.
Bezoeker e
What about de mensen die geen projecten kunnen schrijven.?
Bezoeker c
Dat heeft iemand van RO mij gezegd.
Je begrijpt ook als het geld bestemd is voor het hele dorp, en jij wil een stoel kopen begrijp je
dat dat niet kan.
Er zijn regels en procedures, maar die worden niet nauw nageleefd .
Bezoeker e
Ik weet dat als je pangi krijgt etc , men geld haalt uit de dorpskas o. Maar als meneer B geen
kinderen heeft dan gebruikt hij nooit het geld. Hij kan niet schrijven en hij kan niet lezen toch.
Bezoeker d
Als je in een dorp woont dan heb je altijd gemeenschappelijke noden zoals een weg enz. Ik
neem aan dat het geld daarvoor dient.
Bezoeker e
Al die dingen worden gedaan door multinationals ,de staat of NGO’s .
Bezoeker c
Maar ik ben het eens tenminste ik weet niet als je dat gezegd hebt. RO bepaalt waarvoor je het
geld kan krijgen.
Bezoeker d
Dorpskasten worden beheerd door RO?
Bezoeker e
De kapting toch en de basja’s en de DC werken samen met RO .
Als hout ter sprake komt dan komt SBB erbij.
Bezoeker a
U wilt het niet weten, echt niet!!!!
U heeft niet begrepen dat ik het toen al heb uitgelegd hoe verwarrend dit land is. Dit is gewoon
heel simpel gezegd Paramaribo . U heeft het over twee dingen eigenlijk toch ? Een ding is
dorpskast. De overheid heeft ons geleerd om een dorpskast op na te houden. In mijn situatie is
het ik was achttien jaar ( is een wat oudere mevrouw) Mijn vader die toen dorpshoofd was
kreeg een uitnodiging van de kapitein van Redidoti . Het is een heel politiek ding geweest mijn
dorp en Redidoti . Daarnaast woon ik op Joddensavanah Redidoti . Mijn vader werd
uitgenodigd voor een vergadering met betrekking tot de dorpskast. Het begin daarvan. Mijn
vader was ziek toen heeft hij mij gevraagd om te gaan. Mijn vaders jongere zus is met mij
meegegaan. Wij zijn geweest en de mededeling werd gedaan: dorpkas ey opo en a dorpskas
ou de na lanti . Meneer Arichero ,ambtenaar RO, was er namens de overheid. Hij zou onze
gemachtigde zijn. De kast zou zijn bij de DC van Para. U kunt zich voorstellen de mensen
zitten om je heen, en ik ben een andere mening toegedaan. Sorry voor de mensen daar. Ik heb
het woord gevraagd en de vraag gesteld : saide oenoe no mang beheer a kas ? Vanaf toen was
ik eigenlijk een opstandeling. Toen zei de kapitein ano a volk e taki maar sa so mi taki . Maar
ze hebben ons (mijn gemeenschap) gestimuleerd om hout te gaan bewerken en als het hout
bewerkt wordt dan komt een gedeelte van het hout in de kast en dat is ten behoeve van de
mm
gemeenschap. Lanti ( de overheid) heeft gesteld dat dat moest gebeuren. Ik ben naar huis
gegaan en heb mijn vader gezegd dat ik het niet eens ben want wij kunnen ook het beheer
houden want ingi no dong! Waarom moet de overheid zeggen wat we moeten doen en waarom
die meneer Arichero. Ik heb het gelaten voor wat het was en in 1980 kreeg je de binnenlandse
oorlog.
Zoals ik eerder heb verteld ben ik toen naar het buitenland vertrokken. Na mijn terugkomst
wilde ik weten wat er van de dorpskast is overgebleven en wat het inhoudt? En ze hebben mij
keurig geantwoord. Intussen heb ik eraan meegewerkt dat wij geen deel van zulke zaken zijn!
Wij zijn gestopt stel je eens voor, wij zijn geschoold . Want al die jaren was er nooit een
jaarverslag. Dus wie controleert wie ! Dat zijn de dingen.
Een ander punt zijn die projecten .
Wij zeggen dat het grondgebied dat wij hebben geërfd van onze grootouders, van ons is het is,
het is geen vrij domein, punt. Nu zegt de overheid er is geen titel dus je moet de grond
aanvragen. Ok, maar wij zijn de menig toegedaan, wij gaan geen grond aanvragen want het is
onze grond.
Bezoeker e
Als u grond aanvraagt, erkent u dat u geen eigenaar bent.
Bezoeker a
Nu komen ze met een ander systeem de mensen die hout willen bewerken moeten een stukje
grond aanvragen. Dat hebben wij intussen gedaan maar dit is geen beslissing van het volk. Het
zijn twee mensen uit het dorp die een concessie aangevraagd .
De overheid heeft ons dorp, 40 kilometer verder grond gegeven. De overheid zegt: ik geef het
aan jullie om economische activiteiten te ontplooien. Deze inkomsten komen in de dorpskast
maar die dorpskast blijft niet bij jou. De dorpskast blijft bij RO en als je geld wil hebben dan
moet je een projectplan schrijven. En elk jaar controleren wij je op het gebruik van het bos.
Bezoeker d:
Wie controleert het beheer van de dorpskast?
Bezoeker a:
De mensen stellen geen vragen. Maar goed. Maar als we erachter komen dat je het bos niet
goed gebruikt dan wordt het ingetrokken.
Bezoeker e
Als ze het intrekken dan heb je het recht verspeelt.
Bezoeker a
Zie je? Dat is het probleem dat wij hebben. Wat is de overheid ?De overheid is mijn dochter
(DNA Lid namens de NDP) , de overheid is de kapitein , de overheid is jouw zoon. Begrijp je
nu hoe dit land in mekaar zit en hoe de overheid te werk gaat.
Laat me zeggen, ik wil toch even benadrukken die bewustwording. Vanuit het veld kan je
mensen gebruiken want onze menselijke capaciteit hebben we. We hebben een stukje moeder
aarde , het is jammer want ruw gezegd je schijtop de grond maar je eet ook van de grond. Je
gaat dood en wordt geboren op en onder de grond. En alles doet moeder aarde voor je! En we
mishandelen moeder aarde zo. Miskenning van resources, mi no mag go buy grong ( ik mag
geen grond gaan kopen) als ik overleden ben, als ik overleden ben waar mijn mensen
(voorouders) hebben geleefd dan mag ik niet betalen voor de grond.
nn
Daarom zijn de mensen nu bewuster. Ze gaan terug naar hun dorp toch? Lanti of mensen
verkopen de grond wel wanneer mensen komen te overlijden. Er zijn zoveel zaken waarmee
we kunnen voorzien in onze primaire levensonderhoud als we het bos goed behandelen. We
hebben vis, we hebben vlees en we hebben groente. Als we ziek zijn hebben we medicinale
planten enz enz.
Zuurstof krijgt u gratis.
Bezoeker e
Plus extra
Bezoeker a
Plus extra . dus economie achtergrond . maar u de jongelieden , ik kijk naar u allen , gaat u niet
allen maar ga terug naar het bos!
Bezoeker e
Ik ga niet voor u jokken maar het beleid .ik kan als jurist alle punten aanhalen. Ik ga een stom
voorbeeld noemen . ik zat eerst bij juridische zaken. Men wilde alle prijzen in SRD plaatsen.
Maar de wet zegt dat de winkeliers mogen bepalen welk bedrag en in welke courant zij een
overeenkomst willen aangaan. Dus je kan me niet zeggen het moet in SRD, want de wetgever
heeft anders bepaald .
Denkt u dat er naar ons geluisterd wordt? Dit is een gek voorbeeld.
Juristen zijn aandragers van informatie. De juiste informatieen daarna bepaalt het beleid.
Bezoeker a
De samenleving moet het ook horen !
Meerdere instemmingen van mensen.
Bezoeker a
Laat jouw stem horen als jongere . Ik zeg niet ga staken .,praat tot de mensen . Jullie zijn de
mensen die later voor mij moeten zorgen.
Maar als ik de kennis niet overdraag dan ga je niets weten toch.
Laten we dit afronden en dan ga je voor ons een goede planning maken op basis van de realiteit
. We denken soms realistisch maar wij doen niks. De realiteit is, we hebben Chinezen, we
hebben Javanen, we hebben Hindoestanen en noem maar op. Verschillende culturen. Een
mooie mozaïek van cultuur maar wat doet u als u jurist bent of ontwikkelingswerker? U vergeet
dat!
Laten we in de realiteit blijven en kijken wie we zijn. Of wat we hebben want als je niet weet
wat je bent en wat je hebt als resources dan kan je nooit een goede planning maken.
Laat de afdeling reseach van ADEK kijken hoe wij die dingen kunnen doen waarbij we een
zullen worden. Surinaamse mens. Ook als je de bijbel als geschiedenisboek hanteert dan zie je
dat Mozes een leider is geweest . Mozes kon niet praten maar god zei: ik stuur je broertje met
je mee die wordt jouw tong en jouw stem. De les is, er zijn altijd oplossingen maar laten wij
het zoeken en vinden waar wij het moeten vinden.
Laten wij niet met elkaar lachen maar in je hart zeg je, jij lummel indiaan. Wat wil je
eigenlijk.met de grond ?
Laten we kijken wat we moeten doen .
Ik kan je niet beloven dat ik de volgende keer naar het gesprek kom want ...
Bezoeker f
oo
Ik ben blij dat bezoeker a wat mogelijkheden heeft gelist, De andere kant van de medaille is
dat je bij een afdeling zit waarje wordt beperkt.
Bezoeker d
Iets dat steeds naar voren komt is dat ontwikkeling steeds voor iedereen een andere betekenis
heeft . Voor de een is het kennis overdracht, voor de andere is het hout bewerken , voor de
andere is het onderwijs .
Voor een andere is het de omgeving en het ecosysteem . En daar gaat het om !
I denk dat het belangrijk is , hoe behoud je het. Traditionele kennis in relatie tot
ontwikkelingsniveau die je wil hebben in die gebieden.
Je hebt een beetje geld maar je hebt er niets aan als je huis in een mijn ligt.
Bezoeker e
Ik wil tot slot effe meedelen :ik heb in vele dorpen familie in het binnenland. Maar ik heb ook
familie in Para . Als mijn neefje van Brownsweg zegt dat hij geld gaat zoeken in de
mijnbouwsector kan ik er niet veel aan doen want ik kan hem geen alternatief bieden.
Ik kan hem alleen zeggen Opa heeft het ons anders geleerd.
Vanaf de lagere school leren ze ons anders denken .hetgeen dat onze grootouders ons
bijbrachten werd ons dagelijks ontnomen . Wij krijgen een westerse educatie en traditionele
kennis erodeert beetje bij beetje.
Hindoestanen waren vaker met cocosolie bezig. Het is nu minder.
Ik heb over mijzelf gesproken . Op elke hindoestaanse erf heb je een Neemboom . Bepaalde
dingen zijn standaard.
De mens van nu houdt niet van die geur, dus kap die boom!
We discrimineren onszelf.
Bezoeker a
Je zegt het zelf, je discrimineert je eigen ik.
Bezoeker e
Ik heb dreadlocks maar ik moet met de dreadlocks verschijnen. Men heeft gezegd ik ga nooit
meester in de rechten kunnen worden . Denk je dat ik naar ze hebt geluisterd?
Ik hou van de gedrevenheid van bezoeker a ,het is niet de eerste keer. Als je iets echt wil dan
kan je het bereiken.
Bezoeker f
Misschien niet in het beleidscentrum maar elders wel.
Bezoeker a
Iedereen moet de behoefte hebben en dan zal je zien dat het op de politieke agenda komt. Ik
heb geloof erin, daarom doe ik dit werk.
Soms wil je diplomatisch doen maar mensen verstaan je verkeerd .
Bezoeker b
Ik heb een milieuachtergrond. Wat bezoeker a heeft gezegd past helemaal binnen het
Sustainabale Development. U heeft al alles gezegd daarom ben ik stil gebleven.
Bezoeker a
Milieu wet is nog niet aangenomen. Nog steeds praten we en praten we.
Bezoeker b
Het is wat bezoeker e zegt: wij doen ons werk, het is uiteindelijk de politiek die het bepaalt.
Bezoeker c
pp
Het zijn belangen die spelen .
Bezoeker a
In 1975 ben ik met een toneelgezelschap gegaan om de Surinamers daar te motiveren om terug
te keren. Ik heb toen twee kleine meisjes gezien in het park. Het was lente en ik zat de bloemen
te bewonderen. Weet je wat die kinderen zeiden: niet plukken. Konden de kinderen in Suriname
ook zoo bewust zijn.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Verslag respondent 1
F.Ilahi
Zijn er bepaalde protocollen als het gaat om het werken met traditionele kennis?
Het is een abstracte vraag moet ik zeggen. Het is geen vraag dat tot he point is, laat mij
aangeven wat de praktische wijze is waarbij wij hier te werk gaan.
We stellen onszelf een vraag waarbij wij hopen dat het maatschappelijk medische te
beantwoorden valt en mogelijk commerciële relevantie zou kunne hebben.
b.v. ehhh is het mogelijk dat we in Suriname medicinale planten hebben die een betere
molecuul zouden kunnen bevatten dan een Zuid-Afrikaanse plant. Waarbij een paar jaar
geleden is gevonden dat het een voordelige werking heeft maar teveel bijwerkingen.
Zo zou je kunnen afvragen hoe zou ik komen aan informatie om mijn vraag met recht mag
stelen?
Je gaat twee paden bewandelen :
1. Je gaat veel lezen, je gaat de literatuur na , is de vraag vanuit de literatuur te beantwoorden.
2. daarna ga je kijken zijn er in Suriname planten waarvan we mogelijkerwijs mogen
veronderstellen dat deze planten moleculen bevatten die de aandoening die men in Zuid-Afrika
had behandeld beter zou kunnen behadelen.
Zo ja weer twee paden:
1. weer kijken in de literatuur, want als ik ga zoeken naar die planten in die familie wat kan ik
dan verwachten aan moleculen en wat weten we al over die plantenfamilie.
2. een andere pad die je bewandelt: wat is opgeschreven in de Surinaamse literatuur over deze
planten. Wat is bekend met het behandelen van deze aandoeningen met deze planten op de
traditionele manier. Wordt er al wat gedaan?
Ik doe het bijna nooit met interview met houders van traditionele kennis want dat is om
problemen vragen. Om juridische problemen vragen en als ik het op die manier. Als ik niemand
interview kan niemand mij zeggen ik heb gestolen.
F.Ilahi
U geeft aan dat er juridische consequenties zijn als u zelf met de traditionele houders gaat
praten, kunnen wij dit verschijnsel op een andere manier benaderen? Is er een gouden
tussenweg?
Mans
Ik ben bang van niet. Ik heb hierover heel lang zitten nadenken en met veel mensen gesproken.
Het punt is dat ik iets kan voorstellen en de houders iets kunnen voorstellen maar uiteindelijk
ligt het aan een groot verbond waarbij alle belanghebbende bij elkaar komen. De uitkomsten
qq
zullen moeten worden gesanctioneerd door het hoogste gezag. De voorstellen moeten dan
worden gegoten in een wetsvoorstel dat wordt goedgekeurd.
Op dit moment zie ik het niet gebeuren. Het is heel moeilijk, en je kan wel zeggen van he ok
we hebben Nagoya enz. in de praktijk weten we hoe dat ding werkt. Er is niemand daar in het
bos om na te gaan als er wordt voldaan aan de voorwaarde van de Nagoya protocol.
Het is te begrijpen dat als ik een Rode Ibis zie vind ik dat mooi dat is betaalbaar enz. enz. maar
die man die daar woont en 7 kinderen heeft, dus een groot gezin heeft om te verzorgen, die
denkt ha eten. Je kan die man niet zeggen denk aan de immateriële waarde enz enz…. hij
denkt aan eten. Je kan die kleine jongen die in Moengo de blauwe kikker voor de buitelanders
gaat vangen voor een appel en een ei gaat verkopen voor Canadezen. Op een geven moment
zijn die kikkers uitgeroeid en als die Canadezen wat vinden zal Suriname met lege handen
staan. Maar het is Super illegaal. Maar die kleine jongen heft nog nooit van zij even 200-300
USD gezien. Hij is onderdeel van een groot gezin en groot leefgemeenschap die moet worden
onderhouden.
Dat zijn de zaken en dan kan je inderdaad mooie dingen gaan bedenken in waschington of
werever of in Rio of in Japan, maar dit is de praktijk. En daarom zij ik ‘.. Ik geloof er niet in’
Ik geloof dat er een aanzet kan worden gedaan als er een brede steun is dat kan worden
gesanctioneerd.
Als we praten of medicinale planten . We hebben geweldig grote grenzen die niet zijn
beschermt. Het is niet eens beschermt tegen coca import en export. Ook een plant overigens.
Ik zeg altijd ik hou me bezig met de verkeerde medicinale planten, daarom ben ik nog steeds
arm (Vrolijke noot).
Er spelen grote belangen bij zulke zaken. Hoe komt het dat Buitenlanders , blijkens uit getuigen
verklaringen van inheemsen, dat er tonnen medicinale planten werd verscheept naar het
buitenland vanuit het zuiden van Suriname. Hoe??? Gaat het via illegale routes? Gaat het via
officiële kanalen? Of gaat het via Guyana ? het moet Duane paseren? Het moet inhet vliegtuig
komen.
Het is mooie dat het wordt besproken door mensen maar het zal niet tot een oplosing komen
als het wordt besproken door mensen met jas en das. De praktijk leert ons totaal iets anders.
Dit kan je pas oplossen las je brede steun hebt.
Laten we het simpel stellen als je ervoor zorgt dat de jongeman die de kikkers gaat verzamelen
een regelmatig en goed inkomen heeft hij geen behoefte om kikkers te gaan vangen. Het is een
kwestie van beleid, van visie het de vraag op welke wijze je het land leefbaar gaat maken.
Geef de mensen van het zuiden een inkomen door ze wat planten te laten verzamelen waardoor
ze een inkomen hebben. Geef ze een goed alternatief. En dat is een van de dieperliggende
problemen.
F.Ilahi
Stel u zich voor dat er regelgeving die de verzameling van kikkers reguleert en
instutionaliseerd, waarbij de overheid ook meeverdient, als voorbeeld mag dienen Peru, zou
dat kunnen werken in Suriname?
Mans
Idealiter wel, maar we kennen de praktijk ook. Wie gaat wat reguleren? Wie gaat op wat
toezien? Kijk we proberen Goud al hoelang te reguleren. Je weet zelf wel hoe het is. Er zijn
rr
allerlei loopholes en ik heb geen geloof in mensen want mensen vanuit zichzelf het goede doen.
Mensen doen het goede omdat ze geen keus hebben. Omdat ze anders door de mand gaan vallen
en zullen worden opgesloten of omdat ze een beter alternatief hebben. Een alternatief dat beter
verdiend.
Als je denkt dat je ermee weg komt dan heb je het mis want ga je veel zopie drinken. En da ga
je dronken in je auto stappen en met 180 km/u naar huis rijden. Daarvan houd de mens een
potende combinatie tussen moed en adrenaline. Maar als je weet dat er zeven Porshes zitten te
loeren en de boete 13000 euro is ga je er 1000 keer over nadenken. In Suriname heb je het
handhavingsmechanisme niet. Op geen enkel niveau.
Ik lees vanmorgen in de krant dat de politie weer geen brandstof heeft om uit te rukken.
Als de pakkans klein is zullen mensen een kans wagen.
Het is natuurlijk goed als er een aanzet komt, maar in de praktijk weten we hoe het afloopt. Er
komt niets van terecht omdat de basics niet in orde zijn in Suriname. Het heeft niets te maken
met ontwikkelingsgraad maar met de pakkans. Dit blijkt uit het feit dat ook zoveel mensen
gepakt worden in de zogenaamd geciviliseerde samenlevingen.
Wetenschapers die frauderen omdat ze zich beter willen voordoen dan ze zijn. Het is de mens
eigen om niet het goede te doen. In het buitenland heb je een goede journalistiek, in Suriname
kijkt men weg of men wordt bedreigd. En dan knijpen ze hun ogen nog harder dicht.
In het buitenland heb je heel wat toezicht in vergelijking met Suriname en dat is het punt dat
ik wil maken.
Peru klinkt mooi op papier maar de praktijk is even erg. Ik heb in Brazilië gewoond en gewerkt,
we gingen via de amazone regelmatig onderzoek doen in het oerwoud om een bepaalde plant
te verzamelen in een bepaald gebied een bepaald seizoen en we hadden een vergunning van de
Federale overheid daarvoor. Maar zo een jungle is immens groot. In die periode ging ik elke 4
tot 6 weken naar het gebied gedurende 8 jaar. In al die keer heb ik twee jachtopzieners gezien
in een bootje. Zij moesten een gebied zes keer Paramaribo gecontroleerd. En dan heb je
prachtige regels. Brazilië heeft de strengste regelgeving om zelf een blad te exporteren. Maar
iedereen doet het.
Er is zoveel technologie om van een stukje van een blad een hele boom te produceren.
Dus je stop een blad in je zak en je brengt het naar een moderne lab hebt maak je een plant
saceultje .
Het is goed om te filosoferen, ik denk dat het goed is dat er vanuit Suriname een aanzet zou
worden gegeven om deze vorm van kennis te beschermen. Maar wij moeten realistisch zijn en
de condities te scheppen dat de zaken wel effectief worden opgepakt.
Ik denk dat men bij het begin moeten beginnen namelijk het erkennen van deze vorm van
geneeskunde in ons land, en dan zijn er verschillende dat die niet vanuit het culturele opzicht
de moeite waard zijn om te beschermen en in stand te houden, maar ook vanuit ook mogelijk
wetenschappelijke en commerciële doeleinden. Al vindt je een op de 20.000 je kan daarmee 8
miljard USD kunnen verdienen per jaar over 10 jaar dat je patent hebt. Maar je moet beginnen
het te erkennen. Dat het er is dat het cultureel erfgoed is dat de moeite waard is om te behouden,
dat inheemse traditionele geneeskunde , de Afrikaanse traditionele geneeskunde de
verschillende vormen uit India Ayurveda Sidarta , Jawa uit Indonesia verschillende vormen
uit Europa en het Middden- Oosten van de Libanezen. Niemand heeft dat. Maar laten we
beginnen dat te erkennen en laten we beginnen dat ook te documenteren. Geef die mensen
ss
adequate compensatie, niet alleen vanuit de Nagoya protocol, maar compensatie vanuit dit
willen laten documenteren. Bescherm dat het wordt gedocumenteerd opgeschreven in boeken
. Andere landen doen dat wij niet wij schamen ons ervoor of wij vinden het niet de moeite
waard.
Meneer Frits van Troon om even een sideline te geven is boven de zeventig. Ik heb hem
aangeboden om hem te interviewen en alles op te schrijven, ik moet eerst geld vinden , maar
niemand wilt je geld geven want onderzoek kost geldt. Hopelijk is die man nog lang onder ons
maar als hij er niet meer is gaat er een stukje kennis verloren en dat is een gemiste kans. … enz
enz…
Nogmaals begin het allemaal te documenteren. Adequaat te documenteren. Zorg ervoor dat het
geen naschoolse opvang business wordt waarbij ongeschikte figuren meeliften. En hun allerlei
declaratie te laten doen die oneigenlijk zijn .
Stel als je 90 maaltijden moet declareren je geen 400 maaltijden declareert per dag, na drie jaar
loopt het bedrag behoorlijk op. En dan zit je te klagen dat er geen geld is voor de Universiteit.
Een toner van mijn printer duurt het langer dan een jaar
We hebben geen toilet papier want de universiteit moet bezuinigen
Wat ik met deze statements probeer te zeggen is wat tussen de oren is, prioriteiten stellen. Dat
moet vanuit de beleidsmakers moet worden benadrukt. Als dat gebeurt zal men tot de conclusie
komen dat dit een van de zaken is welke prioriteit geniet.
Als we beginnen te documenteren en te koesteren wat we hebben als culturele erfgoed zoals
Jamaica trots is op zijn erfgoed. Het is een export product geworden. De hele wereld weet wat
reggae is . de hele wereld kent Bob Marley. Voor mij is hij een groot artiest geweest maar als
we kijken naar die man zijn leven dan kan ik niet zeggen dat hij een rolmoddel is.
Constant high, 70 vrouwen slechte husband , slechte vader.
Gewoon een onsympathieke figuur.
Een schoft. I sabi toch. Slecht geschoold.
Geen rolmodel.
Maar het maakt niet uit, Jamaicanen zijn trots op hun cultuur en cultureel erfgoed. Wat hebben
wij om trots op te zijn? Ons cultureel erfgoed is Nederland! Daar zijn wij trots op. Kijk naar
meneer Chan (Chan Santhoki) met zijn diaspora. Laat mij je een ding zeggen als iemand in
Nederland komt om te werken, behalve dat hij gek is, heeft hij wat te verbergen, of wordt hij
gezocht door de justitie.
Je bent toch niet goed in je hoofd om te kiezen voor ergens waar je inflatie heb van 1 op 10
voor ergens waar je 50 maal verdient. Dan ga je dat laten omdat je zogenaamd van je land
houdt. Kom on men. Ik geloof het niet. Dus meneer Chan bedriegt zichzelf niet, maar hij
bedriegt het volk.
Ik ben niet verbonden aan een politieke partij ik geef iedereen ervan langs.
Maar als jij jouw eigen waarden leert erkennen, en trots op leert te zijn, en we hebben veel om
trots op te zijn. Wij moeten ophouden om te verwijzen naar de keizerstraat met die moskee
naast die synagoge. Het is afgezaagd en dat is het eigenlijk niet.
Het is toevallig en het is geweldig dat het in stand is gebleven. Het is geweldig dat men van
die synagoge op die moskee schieten en omgekeerd. Of elkaars bezoekers molesteren. Dat is
super. Er zijn weinig landen waard dat mogelijk is. Zelf in Amsterdam is dat niet mogelijk. In
tt
New York never in youre life. Alleen hier kan het en iedereen loopt langs alsof er niets aan de
hand is. Toeristen komen en maken foto’s.
Maar het is niet om te zitten en te zeggen ai boy wat zitten we goed.
Het gaat veel verder dan dat en we blijven zitten, praat met een Blaka Mang over winti met een
microfoon en zeg hem het wordt live uitgezonden 9 van de 10 gevallen rent hij weg. Praat met
een hindoestaan over ayurveda, dan ga je wat trots zien, vraag je wat verder dan blijkt dat hij
weinig ervan weet. De term kent hij , maar de inhoudt niet enz. enz. enz…. snap je wat ik
bedoel?
En als je daarmee begint en dat uitbouwt, het is niet alleen culturele erfgoed om bijzonder trots
op te zijn. Suriname is het enigste land in de wereld met al deze zaken bij elkaar.
De volgende stap is het koesteren van het stukje trots en het uitbouwen daarvan. Dat uitbouwen
houdt in o.a. het uitbaten van de medicinale wetenschappelijke potencie. En dan ben je waar je
moet zijn.
Want dan kan je beleid te maken door te stellen dat alle “dresi mangs” die op basis van
objectieve criteria hebben bewezen die geef ik een maandelijkse fee vanuit “lanti”. Ik neem ze
als het ware in dienst van het ministerie van Volksgezondheid. En ik laat ze mensen behandelen
onder toezicht, onder supervisie. En als ze succesvol blijken te zijn ik noem Pakke zijn zoon
volgens objectieve criteria, je hoeft mij niet te vertellen wat je doet, maar ik wil de before en
after picture zien van de behalende patiënt. Je bent in dienst bij lanti dus je hoeft net meer te
hosselen. Vanwege die trots mogen wij de behandeling niet meer baka baka doen maar gewoon
openlijk. Ik wil bijvoorbeeld een foto zien van before en after van die broko bonjo zien middels
een foto van AZ. De objectieve criteria kunnen bijvoorbeeld zijn dat de persoon niet eens een
kalpol heeft gebruikt tijdens het proces. MAW. Het feit dat die man weer voetbal speelt is te
danken aan Pake zijn therapie. Wat betekent dat? Ik kan hiermee reclame kan gaan maken. Ik
kan een broko bonjo toerisme op gang brengen. Dat betekend dat alle taxi chauffeurs,
restaurants en hotels er beter van zullen worden.
Dit zal zorgen dat Suriname op een hoger plain wordt gebracht, dan hoeven we niet aan de VN
te vragen om geduld te betrachten als we achter zijn met onze contributies.
Dit zal ons transformeren van een cocaïne land naar iets anders.
Dat is mijn visie dat is mijn idee.
En natuurlijk moet je een juridisch framework hebben. En ik wil mensen niet ontmoedigen
maar ik vind dat het prachtig is dat Suriname is vertegenwoordigd op Nagoya en andere fora.
De conventies zijn natuurlijk geweldig, in de praktijk gebeurt het niet.
Als ik ter kwade trouw ben dan ga ik waar ik wil ga ik planten verzamelen, wie gaat mij wat
maken! Wie gaat mij stoppen. Het gaat pas een probleem worden als ik een paper wil
opschrijven en wil publiceren. De goede journaals vragen tegenwoordig wel naar zulke dingen.
Een stukje ethiek. 1. Heb je toestemming?
2. heb je Nagoya gevolgd?
Deze dingen moet je tegenwoordig in je stuk schrijven. En je kan liegen maar hoelang kan je
liegen? Het komt wel eens naar boven. Een goed vakblad kan bijvoorbeeld effe bellen. Als je
eenmaal door de mand ben gevallen dan is je reputatie naar de maan. Nationaal niet want al
ben je 7 keer opgesloten voor pedofilie toch word je statenlid toch.
Noot F.ILahi
uu
Prof mans verwijst naar een paper die hij heeft geschreven en zijn methode sectie.
In zijn paper geeft hij aan dat hij toestemming had en dat de planten niet voorkomen op een
lijst van verboden planten.
Dat had ik er in eerste instantie er niet bij waardoor ik het terug heb gehad.
Dat gelt ook voor alle artikelen. Ik denk dat er in Suriname niet veel wordt opgeschreven maar
veel wordt gesproken. Elke internationale artikel heeft tenminste deze elementen. Voor
Suriname is het bijzonder maar internationaal is het een voorwaarde.
Op onze universiteit praten we heel veel en doen niet veel helaas.
F.Ilahi
Ziet u ooit hier op de Universiteit traditionele kennis wordt gedoceerd naast de westerse kennis
waardoor de discourse beter is afgestemd op de Surinaamse context waardoor de universiteit
haar plaats niet kan innemen als ontwikkelingsuniversiteit?
Mans
Ik denk het wel, maar ik denk niet dat het is wat men wilde namelijk bij de medische faculteit
te introduceren het vak Ayurveda. Er waren wat gedachten in die richting, ik denk dat dat een
slecht idee zou zijn. Waarom Ayurveda ? en als je dat doet waarom Ayurveda alleen. Ik heb
net allerlei vormen geschetst, is het omdat je toevallig met mensen van India in contact ben
gekomen? Waarom niet als verplichte vak tegelijkertijd het vak Jawa of traditional Chinese
medicijn.
Ik denk dat dit niet de oplossing is. Ik vind dat je behoorlijk geneeskunde kan bedrijven met
westerse kennis en westerse boeken.
Wat we in Suriname moeten beseffen is dat we niet alleen cultureel maar ook genetisch een
andere samenstelling hebben dan degenen die de boeken hebben geschreven. We maken
grappen dat inheemsen niet kunnen tegen alcohol toch , het is gebaseerd op een element van
waarheid want inheemsen mogelijk ook andere etnische groepen uit Azië minder
ontgiftigingsenzymen hebben in hun lever dan de witte man. Dus een witte man kan meer
alcohol verdragen is te veel voor mensen met andere ontgifitiginsenzymen in hun lever. Dit is
een van de zaken waarmee je rekening moet houden als je geneeskunde bedrijft in Suriname,
er zijn ook andere markers om het zo te zeggen de mate voor lever en nierfuncties zijn
gebaseerd op functies van de witte mens. Dat is iet waarmee we ernstig rekening mee moeten
houden.
Een andere voorbeeld is als de gemiddelde Surinamer met een bovendruk van 210 en beneden
druk van 140-150 gaat slapen, de persoon bij ondrobong een bus neemt, eerst van huis uit
natuurlijk naar ondrobong en vban ondro bong een bus neemt naar de Kwata weg en van de
Kwata weg hier naartoe wandelt en hier vier uren wacht voordat hij wordt onderzocht door
iemand van cardiologie.
In Nederland wordt iemand met soortgelijke verschijnselen halfdood binnengereden bij de
eerstehulppost met loeiende sirene. Kennelijk is er een genetische verschil ook daarin. Ik kan
mij herinneren dat er wat Nederlanders hier van de Hart Missie, toen ze nog elk jaar hier naartoe
kwamen, maar die zaten met grote ogen te kijken naar het feit dat mensen in die toestand,
weliswaar groggy, per eigen gelegenheid naar de poli kwamen. Er zijn genetische verschillen
dat moet beter worden benadrukt.
vv
Het stukje cultuur is bij uitstek iets voor maatschappijwetenschappen, met name sociale
wetenschappen en dat moet beter worden onderzocht. Ik denk dat er verschrikkelijk veel is dat
in kaart moet worden gebracht. Ook dat stukje van ons cultuur.
Een ander voorbeeld is een van de weinige landen waarbij marrons een transitie hebben
gemaakt van collectieve jungle People om het grof uit te drukken naar top posities in de
samenleving. Ik heb het niet zozeer over meneer Brunswijk of mevrouw Amafo. Alhoewel
een van haar broers een topper is bij de MAS (o.a. Nauticus) en een andere is Topper bij
Suriname Airways (piloot) .
Dat is twee generaties. Hun ouders hebben nog in stamverband geleefd. Dat is ongekend snel
en is een onderzoek waard. Een uitgebreide uitgekiemde sociologie studie. En geen jhonymang
zoals bij de naschoolse opvang die na zeven jaren 3 a4 aflevert. Het moet worden gedaan door
echte wetenschapers die dat echt gaan bestuderen.
Zo kan ik me voorstellen dat er zoveel andere dingen zijn op rationeel medische gebied
enz..enz.. die ongelooflijk de moeite waard zijn. En dan kan ik mij voorstellen dat elementen
zullen worden meegenomen in het curriculum van bepaalde opleidingen. Maar als je geen data
hebt, maar je blijft bij ik heb bij ik heb met mijn eigen ogen gezien en andere anekdotes wat
moet ik ermee?
Want ik kan mijn studenten onmogelijk vertellen gebruik geen gips maar stuur al je studenten
naar Pake. Dat ga ik niet doen , ik ga niks over pake zeggen want ik heb geen bewijs. Geef mij
het bewijs dan wil ik het wel doen ja zoals ik het daarnet heb verteld. Zodat je een broko bonjo
toerisme opgang kan brengen een industrie, dat is de kracht van wetenschapelijkbewijs. Maar
geen verhalen van ; ik heb gehoord van of ik ken iemand; dat is niet de manier.
Helaas doen we te weinig aan culturele antropologie, jij bent daar op FMIJW wat doen ze daar?
Geven ze colleges en voor de rest peuterenn ze in hun neus? Want er is ongelofelijk veel te
onderzoeken en te beschrijven in internationale vakbladen zodat Suriname op de kaart wordt
gezet. Maar men doet weinig en daarom ben ik zo cynisch. Ik loop ook al een tijdje rond op
deze wereld en heb het ook al een tijdje gezien.
En is het mooie als we 3 mensen of 13 mensen naar de VN om te gaan ratificeren van dat en
dit, 3 zijn effectief nodig en 10 gaan boodschappen doen met handgeld afkomstig van belasting
middelen, dus think about it
Kan traditionele kennis een goudmijn zijn?
Het gaat niet zo zeer om monetaire waarde, het gaat om culturele verrijking en
wetenschappelijke verrijking van wetenschapsbeoefening maar dan moet het serieus worden
gedaan. Je kan niet verwachten dat op basis van het feit dat ik ben Suriname dergelijke zaken
ga opnemen in mijn college en ik heb geen evidence.
Laten de mensen van maatschappijwetenschappen dergelijke zaken te gaan onderzoeken. Laten
ze de typische dingen gaan opschrijven en onderzoeken die Suriname definiëren. Ik heb het
gehad over het succes van de marrons. Maar laten we het hebben, een klein beetje was ik ermee
bezig, de ontwikkeling van rijsboeren van Indiase origine die nadat hun contract was verstreken
zijn ze toch gebleven. Ze hebben 100 nf gekregen dat was toen behoorlijk en een stukje land.
Ik wil graag weten hoe deze mensen met die 100 nf en het stukje land zijn gekomen tot Manglie
achtige dingen. Ga het voor mij onderzoeken, ik wil het graag weten. Suriname behoort het te
weten in plaats van blah blah. Ik denk dat het super is geweldig is. Maar we praten gewoon we
ww
komen bij tot he point enz. enz. maar dit is wat je behoort te doen op een universiteit zo kan je
een universiteit profileren, zo moet je een universiteit profileren en waarom niet, want we zijn
het enige land ter wereld, al zijn we een pope land met een popen populatie, maar we zijn het
enigste land met deze samenstelling van deze culturen. Ga het etaleren voor die hele wereld.
Ik wil graag weten fa ding mang doeing? Ze zijn niet allemaal rijk geworden natuurlijk. Maar
ik wil wel weten hoe ze het hebben gedaan. Ik heb het beschreven kort aangestipt, hoe komt er
vanuit de Hindoestaanse gemeenschap bedenkingen zijn tegen de gebruiken van de gebruiken
van de hindoestanen dat het zo succesvol is gebleken. De zeden en gebruiken en gewoonten
van de hindoestanen mbt het opvoeden van kinderen. M.b.t. het uithuwelijken en dergelijken,
het is supersuccesvol niet allen in Suriname maar ook in Guyana ook in Jamaica ook in
Trinidad . Terwijl de moderne hindoestanen vinden dat uithuwelijken ouderwets is. Maar het
is succesvol gebleken voor de groep, voor de gemeenschap. Ga dat onderzoeken noh.
Hoe komt het dat creolen en marrons die hebben geoccupeerd de zogenaamde losers zijn. Hoe
komt het? Waarom? Hoe komt het dat hij zeven vrouwen heeft en geen inkomen, en elke vrouw
heeft drie kinderen? En elke kind is op zijn 14de weer zwanger. Ga dat onderzoeken noh?
Hoe komt het dat je zulke dingen niet ziet bij de hindoestanen? Of chinezen? Nauwelijks bij
de Javanen? Maar bij dit soort mensen wel toch?
Als je deze zaken hebt onderzocht dan breng je het in je colleges. Maar kom geen dingen tegen
mij zeggen die je hebt van horen zegen. Ik ga geen colleges verzorgen op basis van
anekdotische bewijsvoering.
Ik zeg niet dat je antropologische zaken of culturele zaken incorporeren in je curriculum. En
dan ga je kiezen voor een eurocentrische benadering, maar het is gebleken dat deze benadering
succesvol is gebleken, en wij achter zijn gebleken met het toevoegen van onze elementen op
een wetenschappelijke manier. Wij hebben dat niet gedaan. Wij doen niks. Dat is een groot
probleem. Ik heb je thesis niet gelezen maar ik denk dat deze zaken er wel in moeten. Dus het
stukje van eigen inbreng en eigen waardering. Wij hebben dat niet. Kijk eigen inbreng begint
met eigenwaardering vandaar dat ik ook zo ben begonnen.
Begin je eigen dingen te waarderen dan pas ga je de moeite waard is , omdat het dusdanig
gehalte heeft dat je het kan zetten in je curriculum op universiteitsniveau.
Heeft u bij sustainabilaty of development de vierde dimensie de curtural dimension bekeken?
Nee maar, Je gaat het pas de moeite waard vinden in je eigen curriculum pas als je waardering
hebt voor je eigen identiteit. Verder moet je ook houden van je opleiding en van de Universiteit
om dit op te nemen in het curriculum. Je moet eigenlijk af van dat complex.
Maar we hebben dat nog steeds. Ik maak het zo vaak mee. Ik krijg zo vaak mensen op bezoek,
witte mensen, je gaat met ze hier en daar en overal en je ziet gewoon het verschil in
behandeling. Een klootzak van een portier bij diaconessen, je komt met een groepje met witte
mensen en die mogen gewoon doorlopen, maar ik word tegen gehouden en ik word gevraagd
wat ik daar te zoeken hebt. En deze zaken gebeuren elke dag. Die bakra zegt goede morgen en
loopt door, maar ik elo elo waar ga je. Dit is een complex, het complex kon je zien toen ik hem
bokte en hem zei dat ik een afspraak heb met zijn baas de directeur van het ziekenhuis. Maar
dat is Suriname he.
Dat geld ook voor medicinale planten
Er zijn heel wat dekolonisatie bewegingen in de wetenschap die bezig zijn een plaats op te
eisen, denk u dat een mogelijke benadering is?
xx
Dat kan alleen gebeuren als we dat vertalen vanuit de traditionele kennis middels evidence
based research naar moderne kennis zoals ik dat eerder heb gesteld.
En dat gaan wij zelf doen, die bakra’s gaan het niet voor jouw doen. Nogmaals we moete af
van dat complex.
Denkt u dat er heel veel moet veranderen qua management en wetenschappelijk personeel, qua
denken om tradisonele kennis te doceren hier op de universiteit?
Dat moet sowieso maar daarvoor moet je drie stappen terug doen. Dat zal beteken dat je af
moet van wat 90% van het staf (wetenschappelijk personeel) dat is ze komen ze drinken thee,
ze geven les en drinken weer thee en gaan weg. De universiteit onderscheid zich van andere
educatieve instellingen in dat het naast onderwijs het ook onderzoek moet doen. Het onderzoek
moet va dien aard zijn zeker in een derde wereld land dat het een maatschappelijke relevantie
heeft. Maar dat het ook moet worden terug geïnjecteerd in het curriculum. Dat is overal zo , in
derde wereld landen dient dat meer zo te zijn. Onderzoek gedaan bij NASA door Harvard
mensen komt terug in het curriculum van Harvard. Natuurkunde astrofysica enz enz .
onderzoek over zwarte gaten worden terug gestopt in het curriculum.
Maar hier gebeurt het iet omdat we hier geen flauw idee hebben wat academica betekend. We
hebben wel de status dat vinden we wel mooi en mensen vinden het prachtig om te zeggen ik
werk bij de universiteit, maar wat doe je? Dat is het niet! Adel verplicht dan moet jij je ook
academish gedragen en een academische uitstraling hebben en academisch werk doen en
daarbij hoort onderzoek. En als je daarmee begint, dan kan ik mij niet voorstellen dat je
eurocentisch onderzoek gaat doen. Je zou onderzoek dat hier doen. Ik kan mij niet voorstellen
dat je andersoortig onderzoek zou kunnen doen. En dan kan je stappen nemen om te zijn waar
je wil zijn. En daarvoor zul je de universiteit uit een komma moeten halen.
Verslag respondent 2
f.i
Vindt u in de Surinaamse context politieke ideologieën worden meegenomen wanneer er beleid
wordt geformuleerd?
j.k
Dit is niet makkelijk te beantwoorden want je moet dan kruipen in de mensen hun gedachten
is. Wat is politiek? Daarover zijn er boeken geschreven enz. voor mij is het simpel politiek is
yy
het instrument waarmee je de samenleving kan verheffen. Als om ons heen kijken dan merken
wij dat dat niet is gelukt toch. De Surinaamse samenleving is niet naar een bepaalde waarde en
niveau gegaan. De enig zaken die aan het stijgen zijn de brandstofprijzen, prijzen in de winkel
en de koersen. Niemand heeft het over de waarden en normen die de beste zijde laten zien van
ons land.
f.i
Wat u eigenlijk stelt is dat we geen cultuur hebben van institutionele integriteit?
j.k.j
Het woordje cultuur is voor meerdere uitleg van toepassing, het gaat er gewoon om dat er geen
juridische instrumenten zijn om dat aan te sturen, en bij normafwijkend gedrag dit te handhaven
e af te straffen.
En als er en keertje iemand veroordeeld is dan is het toeval, of een bewuste afrekenscenario.
Helaas is er geen cultuur van als je niet integer bent dan wippen je uit die organisatie en we
straffen je.
Fi
In uw ervaring als wetgevingsjurist heeft u gemerkt dat men een analyse heeft gemaakt van een
belangenveld? En is er een stakeholders meeting geweest?
Jkj
Ik kan alleen praten over regelgevin producten waaraan ik leiding heb mogen geven variërend
van fiso, sociale wetging (basis zorg, algemene pensioenwet, ) bij deze regelgeingsproducten
zijn er wel stakeholdersmeeting geschied zowel binnen en buiten Suriname . Er moeten op een
gegeven moment politieke beslissingen worden genomen. Over het algemeen is wel het
draaiboek van deze analyse gevolgd.
Ik vat het samen in een bouwplan van zo’n wet waarin je hebt van doel tot wie je gaat
raadplegen, kosten baten lasten en risico’s . wij van binnenlandse zaken hebben meegewerkt
aan de totstandkoming van een wetgevingsformulier. De voorzitter van de DNA zou het gaan
verheffen tot een hoger niveau ik weet niet hoe het daarmee staat.
Dit formulier is niets anders dan de architectuur van het wetsonderwerp. Het is net een
bouwtekening. Hetzelfde kan ook gedaan worden als het gaat om lagere regelgeving.
Het is verder niet geformaliseerd.
Bij het maken van een wet zijn er empirische vragen die beantwoord moeten worden om te
komen tot een norm of is het een aaneenrijging van woorden?
Je moet als eerst weten wat je wilt. Wat je moet bereiken met die norm en dan moet je aan de
hand daarvan ga je afweging van keuzes moeten maken. Niet alles gaat via geboden en
verboden. , maar je kan het ook regelen via subsidies , voorlichting enz. uiteindelijk is het
taalkundig een aaneenrijging van woorden want het moet een lopende zin worden maar dat
bedoel je niet. Wat je bedoelt is komt er een gedegen analyse?
Ik kan b.v. verkeerscriminaliteit aanpakken middels incentives. Moet ik iemand een beloning
geven omdat ik hard heeft gereden. Maar wij kiezen ervoor om ze te straffen. En natuurlijk heb
je een manier van formuleren. Je gaat dus zoeken voor geschikte handhavingsmechanisme.
Je hebt vaak een heel enge definitie en een heel ruime definitie welke kies je?
zz
Het verschil tussen ruime definitie en enge definitie is niet zomaar ontstaan dat is
proefondervindelijk, kennelijk bij bepaalde cases heeft deze definitie gewerkt bij de vervolging
bij het overtreden van een norm. Er moet rekening gehouden worden met de rechtszekerheid.
Het gevaar van een ruime definitie is dat je alles onder een bepaalde norm kan brengen, en
iemand kan b.v. niet schuin de straat oversteken of je hebt een overtreding van een norm bij
wijze van spreken.
Er moet dus een afweging worden gemaakt. De Hoge Raad der Nederlanden geeft vaker te
kennen dat er geen ruimte is voor een ruime interpretatie. Het doel is hierbij leidend. Als je
zoveel als mogelijk norm adresanten wil bereiken dan zal je moeten kiezen voor een ruime
definitie dit verschilt het per onderwerp.
fi
In dit geval gaat het om de introductie van traditionele kennis en de bescherming daarvan? Er
zijn twee opvattingen een sui generis erkening of de benadering van de WIPO?
Jkj
Als het gaat om bescherming dan wil je het een zo ruim mogelijke definitie geven. Als je gaat
voor beperking wil je het zo eng als mogelijk maken. Belastingwetten zijn een voorbeeld van
als je wil dat mensen zoveel als mogelijk moeten betalen zal jij je vrijstelling zo miniem als
mogelijk maken. Maar als je wil dat de mensen de belastingdruk zo min als mogelijk moeten
voelen dan formuleer jij je vrijstellingen zo ruim als mogelijk.
Als je gaat om bescherming dan zal je zo ruim als mogelijke definitie moeten kiezen, maar je
moet rekening houden met de formulering van de definitie. Dus wat wordt verstaan onder
traditionele kennis.
Als je eenmaal een goede doel van regelgeving hebt dan moeten alle artikelen van het product
het doel dienen. Dit vereist inderdaad een empirische benadering.
Denkt u dat een sui generis definitie van bescherming raadzaam is?
Terugwerking kan zich gaan verzeten tegen het legaliteitsbeginsel toch. Daar ben ik over het
algemeen tegen. Als het b.v. 20 jaar terug legaal was kan je het niet met terugwerkende kracht
verbieden. Iets dat niet genormeerd was toen kan je niet met terugwerkende kracht normeren
toch.
f.i de literatuur suggereert dat het wel genormeerd was maar in de samenleving van de indianen.
Jkj
Ze hebben het zelf in het vrije verkeer gebracht
Fi
Ja maar nu heeft iemand er een patent op gevestigd en de kennis niet meer van hun? En iemand
maakt geld met deze patent.
Ik vindt dat het patente bureau het patent niet kan vestigen zonder enig onderzoek. Er moet een
wereldwijd onderzoek komen. En eigenlijk zou het niet mogen.
f.i.
Een van de redenen is omdat Surinaamse regelgeving achter loopt
Jkj
Niet allen regelgeving
Fi
aaa
Stelt u zich de volgende casus voor;
Van een osos dresi onderzoekt een wetenschaper de werkende stof en maakt daarvan een pil.
Hij heeft niets nieuws gedaan , hij heeft eigelijk de kennis gestolen.
jkj
je zegt daar iets dat hij die kennis gestolen, het moet ergens genormeerd zijn toch? Dan moet
je die man op dat punt aanpakken toch?
Het is gewoon tekort schietende regelgeving
Brazilie en Peru waren zich bewust van de commerciële waarde, vergis je niet heel wat
belangrijke medicijn bedrijven zijn daar gevestigd.
Ik vindt niet dat je eigendom kan claimen van een mengsel van bladeren en of kruiden. Wie
kan een andere verbieden om dat te gebruiken.
f.i
als je het commercieel doet?
Jkj
Al doe je het commercieel ik kan die bomen planten op mijn erf. Het i blikken en ter verkoop
aanbieden toch?
Het enige is HI ik wil een verguning. Ik gebruik machines dus DC ik wil een Hinderwet
vergunning. Dus logistieke voorzieningen maar moet mij weerhouden om planten te planten
en verkopen.
fi
U bent directie coördinator gender en heeft zich veel bezig gehouden met vrouwenrechte.
Wat is ervaring met de operationalisering van verdragen?
jkj
Operationalisering van verdragen is een aangelegenheid van de politiek. Dat wil zeggen ze
moeten inzicht hebben van wat houdt die norm in.
De vraag is hebben we ons gecommitteerd?
Welke verplichtingen vloeien voort uit het verdrag?
Soms hoe jij je niet te committeren, je interne politiek vindt dat het zo hoort, dan hoef je geen
partij te zijn bij geen enkel verdrag.
Kennelijk zijn we nog niet zover we zitten in het spanningsveld van grondenrechten tot
Allerlei erkenning vraagstukken
In Suriname hebben inheemsen en marrons wel een vooruitgeschoven positie omdat hun
traditioneel gezag is geformaliseerd. Het gaat zo ver dat als onze president naar zo’n dorp gaat
moet hij zich aanmelden bij leiding van dit dorp en toestemming vragen.
Wij zien dat niet op tv, dat is het werk van het bureau volkscontacten die toestemming vraagt
namens de President. Aan de ene kant hebben we buitengewoon veel respect voor het gezag
van deze mensen en erkennen wij hun culturele gebruiken, maar dat heeft voor hun niet geleid
tot de realisatie van hun rechten of tot ontwikkeling.
Het is een kip of ei verhaal welk land zo in elkaar dat de oorspronkelijke bewoners komen als
eerst aan bod en mogen alles claimen. De resten zijn voor de mensen daarna.
Ik denk niet dat de Vikings zegen dat Noorwegen van hun is.
Bij ons wil het erop gaan lijken dat boslandcreolen en indianen zeggen dat Suriname van hun
is.
bbb
Ze zeggen wij houden het wapen voor jullie overeind. Het wapen is een symboliek, ook in
Brazilië heeft men niet een dergelijke opvating. Ik ben niet bekend daarmee.
Een dergelijke verdeelsleutel gaat resulteren in oorlog. Het heeft ook geresulteerd in oorlog.
Natuurlijk zeg ik ook niet dat je het Amerikaans model moeten toepassen waarbij we ze
uitmoorden en in reservaten plaatsen. Want dar dat was ook barbaars.
Hoe sterk is de norm de right to development?
Een ieder die je spreekt zal je zeggen dat iedereen recht heet op ontwikkeling of gezondheid.
Maar men kan onmogelijk een kliniek gaan bouwen ergens langs de rivier waar er maar 5
mensen wonen aan een riviertje. Dus men zalmoeten accepteren dat hij een uur zal moeten
lopen of varen.
Tot nog toe zegt de president dat hij indiaans bloed heeft, maar voor hem waren er ook anderen
op posities die zaken kunnen hebben gedaan.
Helaas hebben we meegemaakt dat groepen in het binnenland tegen elkaar hebben gevochten.
Zijn de mensen van het binnenland in staat het met elkaar te vinden.
Vooral onder de Marons is er verdeeldheid.
Ook nu merken we dat met perikelen met een graman
f.i.
In de lokonos case waar Suriname veroordeelt is eisen de indianen erkenning van hun grondde
rechten dmv collectieve eigendom maar dat Suriname weigert dat , hoe staat u daartegenover?
Als je wil meespelen internationaal meegaan. Maar dan moet men consumenten het recht
geven om zich collectief te verengen.
Als men dit wil moet er een register komen wie tot dat dorp behoort. Want het moet duidelijk
zijn wie een zaak namens het dorp aanhangig mag maken.
Ook zal men een gebied moeten afbaken voor gebruik van het dorp, maar dan kan iemand van
buiten komen en plotseling komen en zeggen dat hij ook tot het dorp behoort, er moet een vorm
van registratie komen. Daarover moet er afspraken worden gemaakt.
Ik weet niet wat de achter zal zijn, er moet een vertegenwoordigsstrustuur worden bedacht.
Bij de kantonrechter moet er een advocaten brief zijn. Er moet een dergelijke constructie zijn.
Want ik hoop niet dat bijvoorbeeld alle donkergekleurde mensen bijvoorbeeld rechten hebben
op alle vissen en dieren in het binnenland. Ik hoop niet dat dat het uitgangspunt is.
Wanneer je met dit soort zaken bezig bent onstaan er groepen en binnen de kortste keren krijg
je ruzie.
De politiek vindt dat soms leuk.
Ik ben helemaal voorstander van als bedrijf x in een bepaald gebied iets gaat beginnen dat hij
moet afstemmen met de autoriteiten en de autoriteiten stemmen af met gezag ter plekken . Maar
dan moet je van tevoren hebben geregeld wie welke rechten heeft.
Dan krijg je een situatie da het tradesioneel gezag zegt op basis van deze criteria kan je die
verguning verlennen. Of niet verlennen.
Al die spelregels zal je moeten vastleggen..
Want wat blijkt al die mensen die schreeuwen kwikvervuiling kwik vervuiling, ga eens kijken
wie heeft getekend voor akkoord dat die vergunning is verleend, want elke maand wordt er
zoveel procent goud aan ze geven.
Het maakt ze niets uit als hun eigen kind vervuilt drinkwater drinkt.
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Als het kind ziek is moeten wij die niks te maken hebben met dat gebied een bijdrage leveren
aan de ziekte koste verzekering zodat ze behandelt kan worden. Hoe staat het met onze
collectieve rechten dan op een shoon milieu, alleen de basja heeft recht op 25 gram .
Hoe staat het met handhaving?
Die zijn soms zoek, maar er zijn ook gevallen waar men kordaat optreed. Met militaire
optreden. We hebben geen delta force. Het kan altijd beter. Maar je krijgt een doorkruising van
belangen, iemand die in de handhaving zat heeft gezien hoeveel geld er te maken is en vraat
zelf een concessie aan.
Je zal geschikt mensen en materieel moeten hebben om het te kunnen doen. Als je het een keer
twee keer moeilijk maakt voor iemand gaat hij rustig via de grote onbewaakte grenzen weg.
Ook gebeurt het dat de ambtenaar die optreed krijgt een telefoontje dat de spullen van zo
iemand zijn en dat hij niet moet optreden anders…ontheven
In de tussentijd gaat alles via een achterdeur weg, dit zal een hele aanpak verwijzen. Met onze
huidige generatie zal het niet leuken. Misschien over 50 jaar zal dat anders zijn. Het vechten
tegen de bierkaai want onze kinderen worden opgevoed in een corrupte samenleving waar
corruptie beloont wordt.
Als je eerlijk bent wordt je tegengewerkt door een niet eerlijke persoon.
Het is niet makkelijk.
We moeten met onze overheid bij punt nul beginnen. Vooral bij de overheid. Er zijn beproefde
recepten.
Moeten we en andere manier van begroten zoals people centered budgeting leiden tot
operationalisatie?
Het hang helemaal van het draaiboek dat uiteindelijk leidt tot sloten van een begroting.
Ik begrijp helemaal dat je de DNA niet kunne opzadelen met zo’n dikke document per
ministerie.
De projecten zijn niet openbaar, middels openbaarheid van bestuur kan dat.
Pas als er navraag is, in de vaste commissie wordt die klaarheid gegeven.
Verder is het zo dat de bedragen theorie zijn er is geen kredietopening,
Dat kan door de projecten hangen aan de begrotingsartikelen.
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