Linguascaping Toronto.pdf

PR O O FS 2 Linguascaping the City: A Phenomenological Inquiry into Linguistic Place-making of Toronto’s Chinatown and Kensington Market Neighborhoods TE D Dejan Ivković, Violetta Cupial, Jamie Arfin and Tiziana Ceccato Introduction EC A great city may be seen as a construction of words as well as stone Tuan, 1991 (p. 686) U N C O R R In urban spaces, language becomes a landmark. We orient others and ourselves in space with indexicals such as over there, before the Coca Cola sign. Linguistic objects acquire the orientational function of landscape formations such as hills and rivers as well as human-made structures. Language presence and the use of visual modalities of representation (such as color schemes and special typefaces), coupled with the engagement of auditory, olfactory, haptic and gustatory senses, help us create our own, personal and unique places. This collaborative inquiry explores the agency in linguistic place-making, what we call linguascaping. With its emphasis on the process of meaning-making rather than on the materiality or presence of linguistic artifacts, the linguascaping view complements the traditional linguistic landscape approaches (e.g. Backhaus, 2007; Landry & Bourhis, 1997) and thus aims to bring newer insights to the existing sociolinguistics research on linguistic landscaping. It frames the extant discursive formations as contingent on the participants’ 20 4107_Ch02.indd 20 31-10-2018 21:20:52 Linguascaping the City 21 U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS phenomenologies (Thorne & Ivković, 2015), experiences and views, which wait to be conveyed. The descriptor linguascaping conjures the meaning of to shape through and with language (cf. the hypothetical English cognate *to scape), highlighting the role of human-made and human-experienced environments, including linguistic landscapes. By using the descriptor linguascaping, itself containing the Germanic suffix -skap(e) – which occurs as a free morpheme in Scandinavian phrases and compounds such as å skape musikk (make music) or musikkskapelse (music making) in Norwegian – we intend to convey the idea that, in the phenomenological sense, linguistic landscapes are created rather than given a priori, independent of experience. More specifically, our goal is to derive individual linguascapes of a vibrant, historically and culturally sedimented area of Toronto in the phenomenological act of linguascaping. To gather phenomenological data, we use the ‘phenomenology walks’ protocol (Vagle, 2014). We explore a predefined route in Toronto’s neighborhoods of Chinatown and Kensington Market, bustling with businesses and population, that reflects both histories and more recent migratory trends. With a focus on personal meaning- and sense-making in a particular context, for people who share a particular experience of the linguistic landscape of the area examined, we are interested in how people derive their own sense of place-making through and with language. More specifically, the objective of the walk is to ‘see (where, what, how, and why) given phenomena reside in various places’ (Vagle, 2014: 85) and to identify the tokens of linguistic diversity, including language presence (or absence) and attendant semiotic artifacts, as they are situated in a given locale. The participants have a double role: that of a study participant as well as a researcher and co-author. To this end, the participants–researchers first create their own phenomenologies of cityspace and then negotiate intersubjective readings. The main question, which serves to galvanize the phenomenological readings of the city, therefore, is: how do I experience and understand the (phenomena of) linguistic and cultural diversity/complexity of cosmopolitan Toronto as presented to me? More specifically, the following questions are addressed: what have I experienced in terms of the phenomena? What contexts or situations have influenced or affected my experiences of the phenomena? We end with the question: what is the potentiality of the concept and the term linguascaping to account for the linguo-semiotic place-making as an act of subjective and intersubjective experience of one’s multilingual surroundings? 4107_Ch02.indd 21 31-10-2018 21:20:52 22 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization O FS We situate these questions within the Tuanian paradigm of humanistic geography (Tuan, 1977, 1996) amenable to phenomenological inquiries. The phenomenological turn with its attention to the individual and their lifeworld (Cresswell, 2004: 29) complements a social constructivist view, which regards place, like space and time, as a social construct (Harvey, 1996: 261). This view is espoused primarily by sociologists who approach matters of space and place from the viewpoint of critical human geography and social and spatial justice (e.g. Lefebvre, 1991; Soja, 2010). O From Linguascape to Linguascaping U N C O R R EC TE D PR The terms linguascape and linguascaping are not entirely novel in the sociolinguistic literature. Hewitt (1995: 98) understands the global linguascape as the ‘linguistic corollary of “ethnoscape”’, which he views as a form of supracultural communicative processes, resulting, among other things, in ‘the various creole languages and those where new urban forms were being generated through certain kinds of cultural contact within specific political dynamics’. Pennycook (2003) and Dovchin (2014, 2017) anchor linguascape within Appadurai’s (1996) taxonomy of scapes1 in the age of globalization as fluid, mobile and constantly changing global cultural flows. Pennycook (2003: 524) uses the term to ‘capture the relationship between the way in which some languages are no longer tied to locality or community, but rather operate globally with the other scapes’. Dovchin (2017) elaborates further on this idea, focusing on the interactional flows within Mongolia’s multilingual linguascapes, where the local meets the global, through English, in the sphere of popular music. By linguascape, Dovchin (2017: 16) means ‘the transnational flows of linguistic resources circulating across the current world of scapes, creating local linguistic forms whilst intersecting and interjecting with other moving resources across these scapes’. According to Dovchin, the line between what constitutes local and global is not always clear, with English sometimes being perceived even as a local language in the context of Mongolian popular music. Mufwene (2008: 258) uses the term metaphorically; he attributes changing of the African linguascape to the linguistic colonialism of the Western European nations and to new socioeconomic structuration, ‘that favoured the emergence of new language varieties’, bringing to the fore the changing nature of the phenomenon. Jaworski et al. (2003: 19) describe linguascape as a product of languages, domestic and host, and their associated referents, such as ‘the shots of local people and scenery’, ethnic music and even ‘sampling and descriptions of local food and drinks’ and linguascaping as a creative force. 4107_Ch02.indd 22 31-10-2018 21:20:52 Linguascaping the City 23 TE Strolling the Cityscapes D PR O O FS Ivković (2012: 78) describes both linguistic landscape and virtual linguistic landscape as instances of linguascapes, whereby linguascape as a term in its own right, it is suggested, may serve as a common denominator for all of the instantiations of semantic spaces linguistically and semiotically created by human agency in the different embodiments of primarily public spaces, physical or digital. Focusing on the process and agency of the subject of experience, Thorne and Ivković (2015: 185) understand linguascaping as a dynamic process of formation of ontologies – discursive elements and practices that mediate social interactions. They explore multilingual communication and interaction on YouTube and conclude that the social media platform shares not only content alone: through postings in YouTube discussion fields, multilingual posters of comments also participate in the dissemination and propagation of beliefs, opinions and attitudes though monolingual and multilingual discussion threads, thus making ‘everyday politics and lived ideologies visible as they are produced, transformed and contested’, a process that they describe as ‘linguascaping.’ U N C O R R EC Recently, research on the linguistic landscape of the city, amenable to discovery through walking, has garnered the attention of researchers, educators and students (Chern & Dooley, 2014; Chestnut et al., 2013; Garvin, 2010; MacPherson, 2016; Malinowski, 2015; Trumper-Hecht, 2010). Chern and Dooley (2014) outline teaching and learning strategies for English language learners in an EFL context through ‘English literacy walks’ in which students explore multimodal and multilingual texts in the city of Taipei using digital cameras. With the elementary school student in mind, the teaching ideas that Chern and Dooley present are organized using the ‘four resources model’, which includes code-breaking, text participation, text use and text analysis to develop literacy skills for beginner to advanced language learners. Chestnut et al. (2013: 118) analyze three undergraduate students’ experiences of the linguistic landscape of Seoul, focusing on the pedagogical aspects of publicly displayed language in the streets of Korea’s capital city. They conclude that the narrative exercise, in which the students ‘considered how culture and language shape language perception’, contributed to raising awareness of the complex relationship between language and culture, showcasing the inherently idiosyncratic nature of interpretation. The interpretation of the landscape can vary depending on various factors. According to MacPherson (2016), these linguistic landscape 4107_Ch02.indd 23 31-10-2018 21:20:52 24 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS walking tours can be based on a relational approach that involves items such as the walk itself, the walker’s physique and the walker’s personal preferences and history, specifically, the terrain or length of walk, the pace at which people walk and personal characteristics and experience such as gender and ethnic and cultural background, as well as past experiences. When people complete these walking tours, Macpherson concludes, the above factors impact how they view, interact, and experience their environment. During the completion of walking tours, different individuals experience different phenomena, perspectives and perceptions, even though they all walked the same route. Garvin (2010: 265) notes that, ‘seeing the interpretation of text, images and icons [were] integrated with the [individual] viewer’s background and experiences… [which triggered] strong emotions but had different, multiple meanings for each participant’. This is especially true when the perspectives of different ethnic backgrounds are analyzed within a particular linguistic landscape. In a study of the linguistic landscape of Upper Nazareth (Trumper-Hecht, 2010), a city that includes both Arab and Jewish individuals, Arab residents perceived that there was Arabic written on signs in their city, even though Arabic is not permitted, by law, on public signs, as Hebrew serves as the dominant language in this city. Hebrew was visible on 75% of business signs and on 100% of civic signs. Only 5.8% of the business signs included Arabic while there was no Arabic on civic signs. Micallef (2010) explored the city of Toronto in a collection of psychogeographic walking tours using a combination of history, personal memory and observation in various neighborhoods as a guide for tourists and locals who wish to gain a richer understanding while navigating the city. The following quote from Micallef’s narrative compilation of walking tours, in which he depicts his experience of navigating Toronto streets, epitomizes the idea of phenomenological inquiry, set in the context of the urban stroll: The old notion of the flâneur will be different for whoever engages in this activity, even in a diverse metropolis such as Toronto. But that doesn’t mean that other flâneurs can’t carve out ways to navigate the city comfortably, recording their own insights and noticing the ways their own particular bodies and histories interact with the cityscape. (Micallef, 2010: 11) This kind of walking, termed psychogeography by Guy Debord and the Situationists in 1950s Paris, is concerned with ‘the specific effects of the geographical environment, consciously organized or not, on the emotions and behaviour of individuals’ (Coverley, 2018: 93). 4107_Ch02.indd 24 31-10-2018 21:20:52 Linguascaping the City 25 Chinatown and Kensington Market Neighborhoods U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS Chinatown and Kensington Market are Toronto’s two important historical landmarks frequented both by tourists and locals. The area includes several major streets stretching into Toronto’s Downtown Core district, District C01 (Downtown, Little Italy and Little Portugal): Dundas Street West, Spadina Avenue, College Street, and Bathurst Street. Kensington Market is an eclectic neighborhood consisting of Victorianera homes with numerous businesses of various ethnic backgrounds, such as Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and Caribbean, with food specialty stores, restaurants and shops selling apparel. Chinatown, on the other hand, is home to shops, restaurants and businesses primarily from China, Vietnam, Thailand and other countries in the Far East. In 1787, the British purchased the land – on which today’s Kensington Market and Chinatown were built – from three Mississauga Native chiefs in a large sale treaty and settled the area. The population grew from fewer than 200 in the mid-1800s to 3000 in 1900 to 32,000 by 1913 (Cochrane, 2000). By 1931, the area became popular among the Eastern European Jews, who had emigrated as a result of persecution. After World War II, the Jewish population began to move out of Kensington Market toward the city’s northwest. In 1947, the area surrounding Elizabeth Street between Queen Street West and Dundas Street West, originally known as Chinatown, was expropriated by the City to build a new city hall and private developers purchased land to build office complexes. As a result, Chinese immigrants and businesses moved west, to an area predominantly occupied by Irish, Jewish, Portuguese and Italian immigrants (Chan, 2013; Yee, 2005). This created the present Chinatown, centered between Spadina Avenue on the West, McCaul Street on the East, College Street to the North and Queen Street to the South (Thompson, 1989). This area was originally called Chinatown West or New Chinatown and was known to be one of the most overcrowded areas in all of Toronto (Thompson, 1989: 187). Thompson notes that residential houses in Chinatown West were in disrepair, although they were worth maintaining as residents desired to live there because it was a ‘“convenient location to Chinese businesses and their jobs” … and the presence of other Chinese’. This neighborhood also included a center for social services (e.g. University Settlement House) where services were provided for Chinese immigrants who may not understand or be fluent in English (Thompson, 1989). From 1950 to 1966, after the move west toward Spadina along Dundas Street, Chinese businesses gradually increased since the prices of buildings 4107_Ch02.indd 25 31-10-2018 21:20:52 26 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization O FS were much lower than in old Chinatown (Chan, 2013). Restaurants and groceries and market establishments grew by approximately 50%. In the 1970s, there was also an ‘expansion of the Chinatown commercial area’ with an influx of capital with new immigrants mostly from Hong Kong (Peng, 1994: 228). Peng (1994: 226) describes how Chinatown West on Dundas Street West between Beverly Street and Spadina Avenue changed from residential to commercial and the resulting atmosphere: PR O The expansion of commercial activities in some cases took the form of conversion of existing stores to restaurants or grocery stores, but more often Chinese residents simply tore down old residential houses and constructed brash red brick, two- or three-storey buildings containing a mix of retail, office and restaurant facilities. By the late seventies, on both sides of the street, jumbled shop signs in both English and Chinese advertised everything. TE D It is in the 1960s and 1970s that, with the introduction of Pierre Trudeau’s multiculturalism and changed immigration policies, the Chinese and also the Portuguese population in Toronto increased significantly (Cochrane, 2000; Peng, 1994). Cochrane (2000: 71) describes the influence that the Portuguese had on the Kensington Market neighborhood: R R EC By the ‘60s and ‘70s, Kensington was a major Canadian Portuguese centre. They became a new Kensington colony with a different style, but the same feeling of community … They painted the old house fronts in bright, warm colours, and decorated front yards with religious icons. Kensington bloomed with the grapevines and vegetables and flowers they grew in their backyards. ‘If there was a bit of soil’, says Nick Da Silva, ‘we grew collards, tomatoes, salsa, grapes.’ They also lived the life of immigrants, working hard, learning English and the new ways, and making their home in the new world. U N C O In the 1970s and 1980s, Kensington Market became a trendy tourist destination with the opening of stores such as Courage My Love, a vintage clothing store (Cochrane, 2000). In addition, Caribbean ‘bakeries and food stores appeared on demand with patties and produce from Jamaica and Barbados … there was never a concentration of West Indians living in Kensington, but they enjoyed shopping there, because like so many others, they could find familiar things to buy’ (Cochrane, 2000: 108). On the other hand, Chinatown remained a cultural hub for the Chinese community. It is reasonable to expect that the demographic history of the area is still visible even though the population distribution has tended to shift in favor of one or the other ethnolinguistic group. 4107_Ch02.indd 26 31-10-2018 21:20:53 Linguascaping the City 27 Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis The philosophical underpinnings U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS Its Greek etymology – phainomenon (‘that which appears’) and logos (‘study’) – suggests that a phenomenological inquiry is interested in how things appear rather than in what things are. Therefore, a phenomenologist seeks to describe a phenomenon not to understand the ‘thing’ for its own sake but rather to reveal how the thing manifests itself to the subject of experience. With its focus on the subjective dimension of the phenomenological encounter within the life-world, this movement in philosophy challenges the central tenet of the positivist worldview according to which the world is out there to be described and measured independent of our experience. The philosophy of phenomenology recognizes at least three components central to the phenomenological doctrine espoused by Brentano (1838–1917) and Husserl (1859–1938): intentionality, natural attitude vs phenomenological attitude and phenomenological reduction (bracketing) (Sokolowski, 2000). In the phenomenological sense, intentionality is not about intention in its ordinary meaning of purpose, but about directedness toward an object (another term for the technical notion of intentionality is ‘aboutness’). Intentionality is ‘consciousness of’ and ‘experience of’ something or other (Sokolowski, 2000: 8), produced by the thinking, perceiving Subject in an act of intentional experience (Duranti, 1999: 34). Summarizing Husserl’s view on intentionality, Duranti notes that, ‘The focus on acts as opposed to entities provided the foundations for Husserl’s phenomenology: meanings are constituted in our consciousness through the different ways in which we engage with the world. It is the ability to engage in such acts that makes us meaning-making individuals’. According to Husserl, one of the obstacles to identifying essential qualities of our individual experience is our natural attitude, which is the state one is normally in and how one goes about in everyday life, as-amatter-of-factly. To counter the natural attitude, Husserl advocates adopting a phenomenological attitude that involves stepping outside of the natural attitude and, ‘requires a reflexive move, as we turn our gaze from, for example, objects in the world, and direct it inward, toward our perception of those objects’ (Smith et al., 2009: 12). According to the phenomenological doctrine, in order to achieve the phenomenological attitude, we need to (a) develop awareness of the consequences of the natural attitude, (b) put them aside or ‘bracket’ them (what is also called phenomenological reduction) and (c) undertake a detailed examination of our perception of the world and the phenomena 4107_Ch02.indd 27 31-10-2018 21:20:53 28 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization FS in question. The three-step approach is known as the ‘phenomenological method’. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) is a popular approach to qualitative research that draws from the philosophy of phenomenology, in the traditions of Brentano, Heidegger and particularly Husserl (Smith et al., 2009). O Method U N C O R R EC TE D PR O Interpretative phenomenological analysis provides a set of guidelines for a systematic inquiry. The method complements as well as enhances more traditional ways of conducting ethnography by zeroing in on a smaller number of cases, which allows the researchers to explore them in greater detail. Rather than identifying and measuring phenomena, phenomenologists favor the human experience, perception, beliefs and what things mean in concrete terms, as a valuable source of data. IPA offers insights into how a specific person, in a specific context, makes sense of a specific phenomenon. The focus of a phenomenological study is ‘on descriptions of what people experience and how it is that they experience what they experience’ (Patton, 1990: 71). For Rossman and Rallis (2003: 72), ‘the purposes of phenomenological inquiry are description, interpretation, and critical self-reflection into the world’. However, van Mannen (2014: 36) notes that the open stance of phenomenology to the world and a wondering attentiveness does not make one a phenomenologist unless this exaltation is disciplined ‘to become productive phenomenological reflection’. According to Smith et al. (2009: 33), ‘IPA is concerned with human lived experience, and posits that experience can be understood via an examination of the meanings which people impress upon it’. The key orientation of IPA is on the commitment to in-depth analysis of particular experiential phenomena (such as the process of linguistic place-making) conceived from the viewpoint of particular people, in a particular context. On the other hand, experience is also relational and sharable, which allows the researcher to make comparisons and generalizations. The IPA researcher is therefore interested in the exploratory, open question, ‘What is the individual experience of a phenomenon?’, with the aim to capture variations between co-researchers. In the final stage of the analysis, detailed accounts of individual lived experiences are extracted, generating elaborate patterns as a result of shared phenomenological encounters (Smith, 2010). The present analysis begins with the examination of individual cases, moving forward to an examination of similarities and differences across the cases. More specifically, the investigation begins with an attempt to 4107_Ch02.indd 28 Q5 31-10-2018 21:20:53 Linguascaping the City 29 FS discern emerging themes in participants’ individual phenomenological accounts, proceeding to the parsing of shared themes. Following this methodological trajectory, we approach this inquiry by adding an additional hermeneutic dimension, whereby participants step into the role of researchers and collaborators. O Participants as researchers U N C O R R EC TE D PR O The project involves three former graduates of the MA program in Education at York University in Toronto (linguascapers), who partake in all key phases of the study led by their instructor: data collection, data analysis, text production and research dissemination at conferences (Ivković et al., 2017) and in social media, such as Facebook (www. facebook.com/LinguascapingToronto). All three linguascapers are female, presently working as teachers. They previously took a graduate seminar in urban sociolinguistics and education at York University in Toronto with the project leader. The course provided training in the conceptualization and conduct of language-related research in urban contexts characterized by transnational migration, transience and flux. The thematic focus – within the broader topic of language in the cosmopolis – of the graduate seminar was on three interrelated areas of inquiry: superdiversity, linguistic landscape and language use in the digital realm. The course explored the following methodological approaches to analyzing language and multilingualism: autoethnography, surveys and interviews, phenomenology and psychogeography, discourse analysis, multimodal and semiotic analyses and corpus linguistics (Ivković, 2014). For their final project, the students were asked to conduct a phenomenological investigation of a block or a neighborhood in Toronto, focusing on linguistic and cultural diversity. Moreover, the thematic and methodological preparation, as well as the final project, provided the students with the toolkit to conduct language-related research on urban conglomerations, but also equipped them with necessary theoretical and conceptual knowledge for conducting the phenomenological analysis at hand. While all seven students who completed the seminar were invited to participate, two years after, three students remained in the project: Jamie, Tiziana and Violetta. Each of them brings their unique experience and paints their own account of the area of Toronto around Chinatown and Kensington Market. Jamie’s, Tiziana’s and Violetta’s life stories distinctly shape the context and thus situate their individual phenomenologies. Jamie was born in a Montreal family which spoke English and French. While English is her dominant language, she studied French and Hebrew, 4107_Ch02.indd 29 31-10-2018 21:20:53 30 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization PR O O FS the latter being utilized in synagogue and on her trips to Israel as a Taglit Birthfight Israel trip leader. Tiziana is a first-generation Italian-Canadian, who speaks both English and Italian fluently, having learned Italian at home. She grew up and still lives in a mid-size city, 100 kilometers east of Toronto. Violetta grew up in Poland and Germany, and migrated to Canada as an adolescent. While Polish and English are her dominant languages, she is fluent in German and studied French and Hebrew as additional languages. On two occasions, in 2015 and 2016, Jamie, Tiziana and Violetta, individually, embarked on a psychogeographic stroll following the same path, in the iconic neighborhoods of Chinatown and Kensington Market. Data collection R EC TE D According to Vagle (2014: 86), ‘The phenomena do not exist in vacuums and intentionalities run all over the place – in systems, in discourses, in the ways objects are arranged, for example in a room, in a theater, in home, in a classroom, in a hospital, on a street corner, in an art gallery, in a prison, and in practice’. To examine these cultural artifacts, we adopted the phenomenological walk protocol (Vagle, 2014: 85). Its purpose was to discern where, what, how and why the phenomena under investigation might exist. The total length of the route covered is 3.6 km. The walk originated at The Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO) and included the following streets, in the direction pointed by the arrow (see Figure 2.1): AGO → Dundas Street West → Spadina Avenue → College Street → Bathurst Street → Dundas Street West → Augusta Avenue → Baldwin Street → Kensington Avenue → Dundas Street West → AGO. R ‘Phenomenology walk’ protocol U N C O The protocol served as a data-gathering tool, but also ‘as an opportunity to bridle and practice openness to the phenomenon and contextualize it’ (Vagle, 2014: 86). The protocol provided the participants with a set of guidelines for constructing phenomenological narratives, the aim of which was to capture observations of unexpected, poignant and interesting objects, activities, settings and circumstances. To effectively observe the space and take detailed notes, the participants were asked to reflect on the following inquiry-guiding questions: what is happening here? What is the purpose of the place? What conversations and practices take place here? Furthermore, the participants were asked to draw upon their own understandings of phenomenological research and ecological aspects of the place, ‘paying special attention to the cultures, discourses, systems and 4107_Ch02.indd 30 31-10-2018 21:20:53 31 EC Q4 TE D PR O O FS Linguascaping the City Figure 2.1 The map of the walking route R R everyday practices’ (Vagle, 2014: 86). To gather phenomenological data, the participants used their cameras for stills as well as other gadgets to record videos and sound. U N C O Narratives and Emerging Themes The act of walking is to the urban system what the speech act is to the language or to the statement uttered de Certeau, 1984 (p. 97) Four dominant themes emerged from the narratives, further grouped into two distinct categories: Environment (Themes 1 and 2) and Myself (Themes 3 and 4). (a) The first theme elaborates on dynamics of human activity in city spaces. (b) The second theme addresses presence (or absence) of particular language(s) and associated cultural artifacts. (c) The third theme focuses on memories and associations. (d) Finally, the fourth theme centers on the feeling of inclusion/exclusion. To further 4107_Ch02.indd 31 31-10-2018 21:20:53 32 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization illustrate the themes, the narrative excerpts – here described as scenes – are selected, as follows. FS Environment Theme 1: Human activity and interaction Scene 1 PR O O The themes of human activity and interaction and language presence are concerned with the external factors influencing perceptions and understanding of the space. The focus is on what I feel is out there in the space I am surrounded with (e.g. ‘There is [italicized for emphasis] a cluttered feeling’, in Scene 1 below), rather than on how I feel (e.g. ‘I [italicized for emphasis] feel overwhelmed …’, in Scene 9). The latter, lingering in the background, is part of the phenomenological encounter with the ‘intended object’ (Brentano). Scene 2 R EC TE D I pass by Ten Ren’s Green Tea on the north side of the street. They display beautiful traditional teapots in the window. I notice they also sell bubble tea. Back on the sidewalk, I see many different trinkets spilling out of shops on to the street. It’s very colorful. There is a cluttered feeling as the contents of merchant shops overflow onto the sidewalk forcing pedestrians to take notice. There is a great energy about this area. I hear various conversations in different languages and people hustle by on their way to wherever they’re headed this sunny Wednesday afternoon during rush hour. Everyone seems to be out today. I pass by the bank, CIBC, which is written in English and Chinese script. (Jamie) U N C O R So, I just crossed the street, heading north on Spadina. The audible tone of the crosswalk signal is in the background again. Reaching the other side of the street, I see a really cool dragon sculpture, two of them together where people are standing waiting for the streetcar. Again, looking at the signs here at this corner there are lots of Chinese and English signs to the left, to the right. Here’s another one, Bank of Montreal with a Chinese/ English sign. There are some exotic types of fruits such as fruit from Thailand and simpler items such as sweet oranges, all at reasonable prices. It is busy and there are people of both Chinese and English descent, more Chinese than English, mind you, although some girl just walked by me and she was speaking in French! I have someone behind me that is speaking in a European language, but I can’t seem to decipher what it is. The signs continue to be written in English and Chinese, over and over again. Kim Cuong Jewelers doesn’t seem to have any Chinese characters 4107_Ch02.indd 32 31-10-2018 21:20:54 Linguascaping the City 33 on it, even though the store seems vacant. Maybe it’s his last name? Across the street, again, Chinese stores are around and then right in between the Chinese stores is a mixture of Chinese and solely English signs. (Tiziana) FS Scene 3 D PR O O It strikes me that it is a lot quieter on College coming up to Bathurst. I think about how busy and loud Dundas east of Spadina was and in comparison, College Street is extremely calm and less populated. I expected a continuation of the business of Dundas on Spadina and College because they are major streets, but I just don’t feel it here. The sidewalks are wide and the traffic seems to be moving better here. There are a lot of new restaurants and bars that have appeared over past few months and the past year … I am walking south on Bathurst and there are a lot less people. The sun is shining. This area feels much more residential and I don’t see businesses here. I look down the alleyway behind Sneaky Dee’s and the businesses on the south side of College and I see a wall filled with posters. It must be targeted at the smokers who stand outside of the club. The posters are all in English. (Jamie) U N C O R R EC TE Human activity and interaction are more intense in certain stretches of the participants’ walk than in other areas. The first two scenes give a sense of vibrant activity and human interaction that the participants experience on the first part of their walk. For example, Jamie and Tiziana describe Dundas Street West, from the Art Gallery of Ontario to Spadina Avenue, and north on Spadina Avenue, from Dundas Street West to College Street (see the map in Figure 2.1), as being bustling with people and activity. The stretch exhibits a variety of action and movement, including vehicular traffic, as well as people walking by and speaking in different languages, while moving throughout the space. The signage and the businesses in these areas are also plentiful, showcasing bilingual and monolingual inscriptions, mainly in English and Chinese. Tiziana notices a display of exotic fruits from Thailand, and reacts with surprise (note an exclamation mark) on hearing one passerby speaking French, and others chatting in another European language that she cannot precisely identify. Later, when they both move westward, along College Street and eventually south on Bathurst Street, human activity is noticeably reduced. Jamie comments on how this drop in activity is contrary to what she had expected considering that this part of the route took place on major Toronto streets. She explains in Scene 1 that even the items for sale in the businesses demand the attention of the passerby, thus forcing interaction with the space. Violetta also experiences the decrease in human activity and interaction on College Street, hearing only English, as illustrated with the 4107_Ch02.indd 33 31-10-2018 21:20:54 34 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization beginning line in Scene 4, when she discusses the theme of presence/absence of a particular language and associated referents. FS Theme 2: Presence/absence of a particular language and associated referents Scene 4 TE D PR O O Interestingly, on my walk on College Street, I do not hear any languages other than English. I decide to have a warm ramen bowl in the Japanese restaurant on College Street. As I enter and sit down, one of the waitresses brings me a menu. The menu is in Japanese and English. Most of the customers are Caucasian, except for a couple who seem to be Asian. As I sit down, I notice that all of the staff members are Asian in the restaurant. This piques my interest to determine what language they were speaking. After much attentive listening, I determined that all of the staff members are actually Japanese. I thought about the concept of authenticity. A friend once told me that it is difficult to find real Japanese restaurants in Toronto because most of them are businesses run by Chinese people. Well, here I was in an authentic Japanese restaurant run by Japanese people who made their signature dishes. (Violetta) Scene 5 R R EC I arrive at the intersection of Bathurst Street and College Street. Here I notice the sign Italy Village. I look around and do not hear any Italian language or see any Italian business in this neighborhood. I am surprised because the sign indicated to me that the specific area would have been taken over by the specific cultural group as it was in Chinatown. I am deliberating whether this area was ever as culturally vibrant as Chinatown is currently? Has the Italian community abandoned the area? (Violetta) Scene 6 U N C O Also a Kooyi Korean grill, unfortunately it looks like they’re closed. There is also Pizzeria via Mercanti – another Italian pizza store with the Italian flag on it and the green, white and red painted below their logo. Some of the customers here on the patio were quite observant watching me talk and take pictures of the actual storefront. I also noticed a Carlo’s House of Spice (Figure 2.2) and Kings Café, all signs in English that look like they are written in another language. There’s El buen precio Tienda Hispana, which is Spanish and Sweet Olenka’s definitely an EasternEuropean name and Hungary Thai (Figure 2.3), which is an interesting name – combining a country name from Europe with a cuisine from the Pacific Ocean. Makes me wonder what kind of food they serve and/or what was the purpose to naming their restaurant that way. (Tiziana) 4107_Ch02.indd 34 31-10-2018 21:20:54 Linguascaping the City 35 U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS Participants noticed that some neighborhoods are more linguistically diverse than others. In Scene 4, Violetta comments that on College Street she only hears English, but then comes across a restaurant with Japanese food, which she visits. While ordering a meal, she observes that, in an Asian restaurant with the majority of customers of European descent, the menu is bilingual, in Japanese and English. After listening carefully to the conversation, she corrects herself in the previous assumption that the staff is not Chinese, but actually Japanese. Nevertheless, this leads her to think about the concept of authenticity. Further, along the way, she enters Little Italy, which is announced to her with the Italy Village sign (Scene 5). She now directs her attention not to the presence of English, but to the absence of spoken Italian, in an area called Little Italy. She wonders what has happened to the community once inhabiting the space. In Scene 6, Tiziana brings to our attention two examples of playful, hybridized use of writing systems. The Devanagari-like (a writing system used in Sanskrit and some other languages of India) inscription is fused with the Latin alphabet to represent the word ‘spice’ (Figure 2.2). A few meters further, she identifies another example of fusion, this time cultural and culinary (Figure 2.3). The restaurant offers menu items from the Figure 2.2 Carlo’s House of Spice,190 Augusta Avenue, Kensington Market henomenology Walk’ Protocol 4107_Ch02.indd 35 31-10-2018 21:20:54 PR O O FS 36 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization Figure 2.3 Hungary Thai Fusion Restaurant, 196 Augusta Avenue, Kensington Market EC TE D Hungarian and Thai cuisines, announced by the flags of the Eastern European and Asian countries, and the inventive play with the noun Hungary and the adjective hungry, in symbiosis with the word Thai. Language presence (or absence) and the graphical representation of messages, such as typeface and lettering, is indexical of particular communities, ethnically marking a particular geopolitical location through symbolic means (Scollon & Scollon, 2003). Myself C O R R The themes of memories and associations and feeling of inclusion/ exclusion are concerned with the internal: where I fit in and how I perceive my place and myself in this space. Here the focus is not on what (I think) reality is like, but rather on my perceptions of, and reaction to, my surroundings. Scene 7 U N Theme 3: Memories and associations 4107_Ch02.indd 36 Across the street I see a building that says Shaolin Lucky Food Mart. There are businesses on every level – a tutoring center at the top with a sign featuring both Chinese characters and English words; pictures of dancers and some sort of food restaurant in the middle; and a moose (Figure 2.4), likely once part of Toronto’s public art project featuring moose sculptures back in the 1990s/early 2000s. I remember the city-wide 31-10-2018 21:20:54 37 TE D PR O O FS Linguascaping the City EC Figure 2.4 Shaolin Lucky Food Mart, 393 Dundas Street West O R R art project when I was in grade school. Different places were given a big white moose, which could then be decorated. My high school was given a few because we had a visual arts program. I remember the moose stood in our lobby covered in whatever my peers had dreamed up. Here in Chinatown, almost twenty years later, stands a decorated moose. At street level, the building houses a fruit market with both Chinese and English writing on the signs. (Jamie) U N C Scene 8 I know Scadding Court has and continues to be an important place for the surrounding neighborhood. My husband used to play basketball there on Sundays. I’ve also heard stories from his Bubby (Grandmother) about the community center when she lived in Kensington as a young girl. At that time there was a strong Jewish presence. (Jamie) Scene 9 Above the various fruits and vegetables, I notice a large yellow sign which reads the following text: ‘Place all items from our store in shopping cart 4107_Ch02.indd 37 31-10-2018 21:20:55 38 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization PR O O FS and basket and not in your eco shopping bag until all items are paid for at the cashier. Please be advised that all shoplifting will be dealt by the law’ (Figure 2.5). Next to the English text is, I believe, a Chinese version of the text in red letters. As I read the sign I think about its meaning. First, the phrase eco shopping bag stands out to me, as I have never heard that phrase being used in an English context by the people I know to be native English speakers. What comes to my mind is actually a German phrase where the speakers often use the words Oko Tute/Tasche, which is commonly used in German to indicate an environmentally friendly bag. Second, what is also visible to me here is that, perhaps, the sign is necessary so that individuals from different cultural backgrounds do not misunderstand their intentions during shopping and that there is no room for cultural and linguistic misunderstanding. Much of how the shop is set up and how the owner is interacting and bartering with the customers reminds me of the time I used to live and go grocery shopping in Korea. It seems that all of the people who are interacting with one another know each other well and are part of this community. (Violetta) U N C O R R EC TE D Perceptions of, and reactions to, the surroundings are often grounded in the participants’ memories either in relation to the particular space or Figure 2.5 ‘Eco-bag’ sign on Spadina Avenue 4107_Ch02.indd 38 31-10-2018 21:20:56 Linguascaping the City 39 Theme 4: Feeling of inclusion/exclusion Scene 10 PR O O FS as an association to people, other places or past events. In Scene 7, Jamie, who is a long-time resident of Toronto, recalls her grade school days evoked by the sight of the familiar moose sculpture that is still present (Figure 2.4). In Scene 8, she draws on the stories about Kensington Market that her husband’s Jewish grandmother (Bubby) has told. She interprets the changes of the Jewish presence in the area, described by the grandmother, through the interwoven narratives of her family history as well as her own memories. In Scene 9, Violetta interprets the market in Chinatown through the lenses of her memories of a South Korean market. She uses her past experiences of traveling in East Asia and Germany to interpret the current space by making inferences as to the meaning and purpose of the prohibitive message (Figure 2.5). R Scene 11 R EC TE D I continue west on Dundas. I hear different languages as I walk, including Mandarin and Cantonese, although I’m not 100% sure. I see more multistory buildings with different restaurants displaying mini pictures of different types of food available. Perhaps these pictures are meant for those who cannot read Chinese and/or are not familiar with various regional cuisines. I pass by stores with wares spilling onto the street and again, I notice multiple-leveled buildings inhabited by different businesses. I see a number of spas and places where you can get a massage, as well as restaurants. It feels very densely populated here. There are so many signs. I can’t read many of them. I feel overwhelmed by the sheer number of them. (Violetta) U N C O I’m at Huron and Dundas and streetcars zoom by. I look and see some dead ducks hanging in a restaurant window. A disturbing sight indeed. There are so many different smells as I stroll along walking by restaurants and markets. Seeing all the signs here remind me of being in certain areas of Beijing and Shanghai when I traveled there six or seven years ago. I notice a banner advertising space for rent and a realtor’s contact. It is in Chinese characters. This banner is so intentionally targeting Chinese speakers or readers in Toronto. I think about how language really can include and exclude others. I also notice a sign in Chinese characters along with a Canadian flag. I have no idea what it says, but it makes me think about the multifaceted nature of identity. This sign is aimed at Chinese-Canadians. There is a duality of identities represented in this sign. It is not intended for me, an English-speaking Canadian, who 4107_Ch02.indd 39 31-10-2018 21:20:56 40 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization FS cannot speak or read Chinese characters. This sign is very specifically targeted. It prompts me to think of what it means to be Canadian in such a diverse city. It means so many different things to different people and in Chinatown it is one part of a much larger narrative of being Chinese or of Chinese descent in another country. (Jamie) Scene 12 R EC TE D PR O O We’re back to the Tim Horton’s that has only English characters on its sign and I have a sense of comfort and familiarity again, but as we’re across the street, we’re seeing a lot of Chinese and/or Korean only signs that are protruding off the sides of the buildings, that is those that are sticking out of the building – not those that are flush. I’ve just counted two that are fully Chinese. The other ones are both bilingual with English. Even the signs advertising the restaurant food, which is nice to see – a mixture of both but some are all in Chinese, except for how much it costs! It is still very overwhelming to see – all these unfamiliar characters coming at you when you don’t understand what they mean, especially since further down, many of these signs are solely in other languages. It’s funny because while my husband keeps harping about being hungry, I’m feeling overwhelmed about what I see around me. […] I saw fluorescent signs that are entirely written in Chinese. This time I’m feeling more overwhelmed walking along this side of the street due to the number of signs that are solely written in a language I don’t know. I’m shocked because how are the people who walk by supposed to know what is being said on the sign? Is this neighborhood solely geared toward a single linguistic community – what about the rest of the individuals in the city who want to come to visit? Won’t they feel left out if they can’t understand what is being said? These are some of the thoughts that went through my mind as I was walking back to the AGO. (Tiziana) U N C O R Entering space where one’s language or culture is not represented may make one feel alienated and excluded. In Scene 10, Jamie describes feeling overwhelmed by seeing and hearing multiple languages that she does not understand. In Scene 11, she describes the street signage as targeting a single group, namely, Chinese-Canadians, revealing the multifaceted nature of Canadian identity. She is aware that there is an intention to communicate but not to her. Similarly, in Scene 12, Tiziana questions the intentions of having the messages geared exclusively toward specific groups and the impact that this may have on others (Figure 2.6). She notes that the linguistic profile of a given area may make it more inclusive to one group, while excluding those who do not comprehend the language. On the other hand, one of the salient moments in all three of the narratives, exemplified in Scene 12, is the presence of the Tim Horton’s – Canada’s 4107_Ch02.indd 40 31-10-2018 21:20:56 41 Q4 TE D PR O O FS Linguascaping the City Figure 2.6 Hand-written messages in Simplified Chinese R R EC famous chain with coffee and donut shops spread throughout the country – alcoved in Chinatown, with signage exclusively in English. The presence of a shared language serves as a code and also has an emblematic function. It may serve to flag an Anglophone Canadian area, while creating an inclusive space for those English speakers who are not bilingual with Chinese, without excluding those who are. Place is security, space if freedom Tuan, 1977 C O Discussion U N Towards a phenomenology of linguascaping Mediated through language and personal narratives, among other semiotic conduits, phenomenological experience, as evidenced, is constituted in numerous episodes, large and small, imprinted on our mind that may or may not resurface in our conscious awareness. Once the experience becomes explicit, it becomes a word, corroborating in evoking a sense of place: a more concrete, stable and secure incarnate of space (Tuan, 1977: 7). Tuan 4107_Ch02.indd 41 31-10-2018 21:20:56 42 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS (1991) notes that physical spaces are imbued with meanings as a result of large and small events, while the former, he goes on to say, are often passed on orally and recorded in people’s lore. The latter, seemingly inconsequential, ‘will quickly fade from memory if their unique flavor and poignancy were not recreated in words, preferably written words that endure and have a certain public visibility’ (p. 693). The narrative transformation of supposedly unattended happenings renders the invisible visible once told and shared, as exemplified in this quote from Scene 2, ‘some girl just walked by me and she was speaking in French!’ Words thus become part of the places they depict, just like a label or a tag. It is the traces of a constant flow of people and their actions in public spaces that constitute the fleeting reality of everyday life. Unrecorded, these voices remain flickering moments of a conversation and vestige of images that, perhaps, no one has ever intended (heard, seen or otherwise brought attention to), except for those involved. ‘[W]ritten signs are always traces of human activity’ (Blommaert, 2010: 31). They disclose the underlying motivations in the process of production of semiotic artifacts. Once some worker puts signs up (Figure 2.5, Scene 9), now situated, they become ‘ordinance in place’, as well as ‘biding law when and where the signs are posted, when and where the signs become discourses in place’ (Scollon & Scollon, 2003: 1). Although simulacra of events, things or people, recorded traces of human activity reveal their stable nature before us more readily because we may return to them and experience them anew. On their own or coupled with the physical landscape forms they latch on, the moments of human activity become places each time someone engages with the text or image. Once told or signed or written down, painted or composed, they extend the physical space: crossing a street, entering a building and window-shopping are some of the activities for which we are likely to need language to navigate through in urban spaces. We perform these sequences of steps quite routinely even if we are not particularly familiar with the space, drawing from previous experiences in similar environments. One’s sense of wonder is lost in the encounter with the expected. A first-time Toronto visitor who lives in New York, perhaps, wouldn’t need much effort to find their way around Toronto’s Chinatown, thus missing an opportunity to experience the surroundings to the fullest. In contrast, by abandoning the natural attitude, which shapes our everyday life and also ensures that we function productively in the society otherwise constrained by time and space, we privilege certain phenomena over others by purposefully bestowing them with attention and thus examining the phenomena in more detail. Then, while navigating busy metropolitan areas, we direct our attention to the choice of language presented to us on 4107_Ch02.indd 42 31-10-2018 21:20:56 Linguascaping the City 43 U N C O R R EC TE D PR O O FS a billboard and in window displays. In a moment of heightened awareness, we recall our memories (Scene 8) to create new and recreate old assumptions (Scene 9), to form a chain of associations (Scene 4) and experience emotions (Scene 11). Recalling the city-wide art project and reminiscing on time spent in grade school, evoked by the image and inscription Shaolin Lucky Food Mart and the image of a moose right in front (Scene 7, Figure 2.4), indexical of Chinese and mainstream Canadian cultures, respectively, may serve as an example of all those mental states mentioned above. This move is the first step leading to the phenomenological attitude, still restricted to the subjective side of experience. In this phase, we already go beyond the everyday encounter with a word or an image in our surroundings, yet stay in the realm of the Self. It is only when we are capable of taking a step back from the subjective experience by bracketing it that we are closer to seeing the phenomenon in its essence. Once we distance ourselves from the things observed, examine them, and thematize them in a theoretical manner, we are completing a full phenomenological circle. Through this turn toward phenomenological reduction (bracketing, epoche), which guides us back to the objective world and the source of meaning, what initially appeared to us as ‘a cluttered feeling’ and ‘a great energy’ (Scene 1) in some parts of the city but not in other parts, now becomes a distinctive marker of the effects of mobility resting in the new tapestry of migratory patterns of globalization and a pointer of urban cities in transition (Garvin, 2010). A surprise effect, expressed in writing by an exclamation mark, of overhearing a French conversation (Scene 2) in ‘unexpected places’ (Pennycook, 2012), is now a testimony to the corollaries of the rapid changes (Scene 5). We now reveal authenticity and hybridity (Blommaert & Varis, 2011), in which ‘language plays a role in the management of shifting relations between commodity’ (Heller, 2003: 474), in Scene 4 identified as the dialectical triad of the Japanese food as a consumer product, people of European descent as consumers and Chinese managers as business owners. What initially appeared as ‘signs in English that look like they are written in another language’ (Scene 6; see Blommaert, 2010: 29; Ivković, 2015: 90) emerges as an index of cultural and linguistic blending and inclusion (Scene 10), whereby, playfully merging the resources from different writing systems, the sign-owners skillfully expand their client base. The concept and its name Linguascaping is introduced as a construct, a metaphor and a heuristic. As a construct, linguascaping highlights the transformative power of 4107_Ch02.indd 43 31-10-2018 21:20:56 44 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization PR O O FS language and its capacity to create and recreate personal ‘places’ endowed with human meaning. It emphasizes the intrinsically idiosyncratic nature of the experience as a result of the encounter of the Self with a given space and one’s surroundings, as well as the capacity of language to coconstruct and co-create intersubjective meanings through shared experiences. As a metaphor, linguascaping stands for place-making, as its name and the morpheme -skape (to make, to create) suggest. It brings to the fore the process of discursive formations of ontologies (Thorne & Ivković, 2015) here and now, empowered by language, in contrast to and in concert with the objective reality that exists regardless of our grasp of it. As a heuristic, linguascaping presents a set of steps, with the purpose to lead an inquirer through a systematic discovery of intimate as well as shared exploits of space with language as a focal point and using IPA to execute these steps. D Conclusion U N C O R R EC TE Focusing on Toronto’s urban spaces, the collaborative initiative explores the agency of language and other semiotic means in the process of linguistic place-making, what we are terming linguascaping. The aim of this chapter is two-fold: first, it has introduced IPA as an approach to qualitative inquiry in the linguistic landscapes studies framed as linguascaping or linguistic place-making. Second, the chapter has shown the theoretical and methodological promise of the framework, seen as the agentive process of creating and co-creating personal and shared readings of urban spaces, to uncover negotiated and intersubjective, but also idiosyncratic, interpretation of linguistically and culturally complex discourses. As the narrative excerpts (scenes) and the analysis of emerging themes have shown, the interpretation of space is subjective and contextual. Interpretations are highly contingent on participants’ life-world – histories, backgrounds, linguistic repertoires, memories – which is in constant flux, but which still displays stability allowing accounts of life experiences to be shared and reified. The study reveals the following emergent themes: human activity and interaction, the presence/absence of a particular language and associated referents, memories and associations, and a feeling of inclusion/exclusion. Exemplifying the role of subjectivity and intersubjectivity in linguistic profile of urban spaces, this study may serve as a blueprint for a collaborative project, involving not only an instructor and students, but also professional ethnographers in uncovering impressions of globalization in cosmopolitan cityspaces on individuals. 4107_Ch02.indd 44 31-10-2018 21:20:56 Linguascaping the City 45 Note FS (1) Appadurai (1996) identifies the following ‘scapes’: ethnoscape (transnational flows of people), technoscape, mediascape, fianancescape (flows of money, goods and capital) and ideoscape (ideas and ideologies). References U N C Q2 O Q1 R R EC TE D PR O O Appadurai, A. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Vol. 1). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Backhaus, P. (2007) Linguistic Landscapes: A Comparative Study of Urban Multilingualism in Tokyo (Vol. 136). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Blommaert, J. (2010) The Sociolinguistics of Globalization. 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(2014) The linguascape of urban youth culture in Mongolia (Doctoral dissertation). Dovchin, S. (2017) Translocal English in the linguascape of Mongolian popular music. World Englishes 36 (1), 2–19. Duranti, A. (1999) Intentionality. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 9 (1/2), 134–136. Garvin, R. (2010) Postmodern walking tour. Linguistic Landscape in the City 254–276. Harvey, D. (1996) Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. Oxford: Blackwell. Heller, M. (2003) Globalization, the new economy, and the commodification of language and identity. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7 (4), 473–492. Hewitt, R. (1995) The umbrella and the sewing machine: Trans-culturalism and the definition of surrealism. In Aalund and Granqvist (eds), pp. 91–104. Ivković, D. (2012) Virtual linguistic landscape: A perspective on multilingualism in cyberspace. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, York University. Ivković, D. (2014) Language in the Cosmopolis: Theory and Method [Syllabus]. Toronto, Ontario: Faculty of Education, York University. Ivković, D. (2015) Towards a semiotics of multilingualism. Semiotica 207, 89–126. Ivković D., Cupial V., Arfin J. and Seccato T. (2017, July) A phenomenological Inquiry into Linguo-semiotic placemaking of Toronto’s Chinatown and Kensington Market neighbourhoods. Paper presented at Semiofest, Toronto. 4107_Ch02.indd 45 31-10-2018 21:20:57 46 Critical Inquiries in the Sociolinguistics of Globalization U N O C O R R EC TE D PR Q3 O FS Jaworski, A., Thurlow, C., Lawson, S. and Ylänne-McEwen, V. (2003) The uses and representations of local languages in tourist destinations: A view from British TV holiday programmes. Language Awareness 12 (1), 5–29. Landry, R. and Bourhis, R.Y. (1997) Linguistic landscape and ethnolinguistic vitality: An empirical study. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 16 (1), 23–49. Lefebvre, H. (1991) The Production of Space (Vol. 142). Blackwell: Oxford. MacPherson, H. 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(2003) Learning in the Field: An Introduction to Qualitative Research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Scollon, R. and Scollon, S.W. (2003) Discourses in Place: Language in the Material World. Routledge. Soja, E.W. (2010) Seeking Spatial Justice (Vol. 16). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Sokolowski, R. (2000) Introduction to Phenomenology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, J.A., Flowers, P. and Larkin, M. (2009) Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis: Theory, Method, Research. London: Sage. Thompson, R.H. (1989) Toronto’s Chinatown: The Changing Social Organization of an Ethnic Community. New York: AMS Press. Thorne, S.L. and Ivković, D. (2015) Multilingual Eurovision meets plurilingual YouTube. Dialogue in Multilingual and Multimodal Communities 27, 167. Trumper-Hecht, N. (2010) Linguistic landscape in mixed cities in Israel from the perspective of ‘walkers’: The case of Arabic. In E. Shohamy, E. Ben-Rafael and M. Barni (eds) Linguistic Landscape in the City (pp. 235–251). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Tuan, Y.F. (1977) Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Tuan, Y.F. (1991) Language and the making of place: A narrative-descriptive approach. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 81 (4), 684–696. Vagle, M.D. (2014) Crafting Phenomenological Research. Routledge. Yee, P. (2005) Chinatown: An Illustrated History of the Chinese Communities of Victoria, Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg, Toronto, Ottawa, Montréal, and Halifax. Toronto: James Lorimer & Co. See http://books.scholarsportal.info/viewdoc. html?id=37794 4107_Ch02.indd 46 31-10-2018 21:20:57 Author Query Sheet Book No.: 4107 Chapter 03 TO: CORRESPONDING AUTHOR AUTHOR QUERIES – TO BE ANSWERED BY THE AUTHOR O FS The following queries have arisen during the typesetting of your manuscript. Please answer these queries by marking the required corrections at the appropriate point in the text. Please provide better quality artwork for Figure 3.2, if available. U N C O R R EC TE D PR O Q1 4107_Ch03_AQ.indd 1 31-10-2018 16:56:20