MINING FOR ANCIENT COPPER Essays in MEMory of BEno rothEnBErg TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY SONIA AND MARCO NADLER INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY MONOGRAPH SERIES NUMBER 37 Executive Editor Editorial Board Managing Editor Graphic Designer Israel Finkelstein Avi Gopher Oded Lipschits Guy D. Stiebel Myrna Pollak Noa Evron CONTENTS Contributors Preface xi Erez Ben-Yosef xiii SECTION I: TIMNA VALLEY Chapter 1 STRATIGRAPHY AND STRUCTURE OF THE TIMNA VALLEY AND ADJACENT ANCIENT MINING AREAS Michael Beyth, Amit Segev and Hanan Ginat 3 Chapter 2 BENO ROTHENBERG AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF COPPER SMELTING AT TIMNA James D. Muhly 21 Chapter 3 THE CENTRAL TIMNA VALLEY PROJECT: RESEARCH DESIGN AND PRELIMINARY RESULTS Erez Ben-Yosef 28 Chapter 4 THE DIET OF ANCIENT METAL WORKERS: THE LATE BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGES IN THE ARABAH VALLEY (TIMNA AND FAYNAN) Lidar Sapir-Hen, Omri Lernau and Erez Ben-Yosef 64 Chapter 5 THE SINAI-ARABAH COPPER AGE EARLY PHASE (CHALCOLITHIC) MINE T EXCAVATIONS Tim Shaw and Alexandra Drenka 81 Chapter 6 THE INSCRIPTION OF RAMESSESEMPERE IN CONTEXT Deborah Sweeney 109 Chapter 7 A PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOMAGNETIC INVESTIGATION OF THE YOTVATA FORTRESS Ilana Peters, Lisa Tauxe and Erez Ben-Yosef 118 Chapter 8 WHO WAS THE DEITY WORSHIPPED AT THE TENT-SANCTUARY OF TIMNA? Nissim Amzallag 127 Chapter 9 TRANSGENDERED COPPER MINING IN THE LEVANT Laura M. Zucconi 137 SECTION II: NAHAL >AMRAM Chapter 10 ANCIENT COPPER MINES AT NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH Uzi Avner, Hanan Ginat, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstine, Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Rachamim Shem-Tov, Sagi Filin, Reuma Arav, Uri Basson, Omer Shamir, Linda Scott-Cummings 147 Chapter 11 VOLUME AND MASS ESTIMATION OF MINE DUMPS AND SLAG PILES USING HIGH-RESOLUTION TERRESTRIAL LASER SCANS Reuma Arav, Sagi Filin and Uzi Avner 178 Chapter 12 EVIDENCE OF PAST FLOOD INTENSITIES IN THE NAHAL >AMRAM COPPER MINES Hanan Ginat, Dagan Meeshly, Uzi Avner and Boaz Langford 188 Chapter 13 MINERS’ MEALS AT THE COPPER MINES OF NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ISRAEL Liora Kolska Horwitz, Uzi Avner and Omri Lernau 199 Chapter 14 NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY: A SURVEY OF UNDERGROUND COPPER MINES Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Uzi Avner and Hanan Ginat 217 Chapter 15 A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF COPPER SLAG IN THE SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY Sana Shilstein and Sariel Shalev 228 SECTION III: FAYNAN, THE NEGEV AND BEYOND Chapter 16 INTENSIVE SURVEYS, LARGE-SCALE EXCAVATION STRATEGIES AND IRON AGE INDUSTRIAL METALLURGY IN FAYNAN, JORDAN: FAIRY TALES DON’T COME TRUE Thomas E. Levy, Erez Ben-Yosef and Mohammad Najjar 245 Chapter 17 KEY FEATURES FOR DEDUCING TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES IN THE BRONZE AGE MINING DISTRICT OF FAYNAN, JORDAN Ingolf Löffler 259 Chapter 18 COPPER TRADE AND THE SETTLEMENT RISE IN THE SOUTH LEVANTINE DESERTS IN THE EB IV Moti Haiman 270 Chapter 19 EXTRACTIVE METALLURGY IN THE CHALCOLITHIC SOUTHERN LEVANT: ASSESSMENT OF COPPER ORES FROM ABU MATAR Aaron N. Shugar 276 Chapter 20 BRONZE CHISEL AT HORVAT HALUQIM (CENTRAL NEGEV HIGHLANDS) IN A SEQUENCE OF RADIOCARBON DATED LATE BRONZE TO IRON I LAYERS Hendrik J. Bruins, Irina Segal and Johannes Van der Plicht 297 Chapter 21 THE DISCOVERY OF THE SINAITIC SITE KUNTILLET >AJRUD Ze’ev Meshel 309 Chapter 22 THE ORIGIN OF THE COPPER USED IN CANAAN DURING THE LATE BRONZE/IRON AGE TRANSITION Naama Yahalom-Mack and Irina Segal 313 Chapter 23 THE ARABAH COPPER INDUSTRY IN THE ISLAMIC PERIOD: VIEWS FROM FAYNAN AND TIMNA Ian W. N. Jones, Mohammad Najjar and Thomas E. Levy 332 SECTION IV: BEYOND THE SOUTHERN LEVANT: CYPRUS, OMAN, GREECE AND BRITAIN Chapter 24 APLIKI KARAMALLOS ON CYPRUS: THE 13TH CENTURY BCE MINERS’ SETTLEMENT IN CONTEXT Vasiliki Kassianidou 345 Chapter 25 KING HEROD AND THE CYPRUS COPPER MINES Shimon Dar 357 Chapter 26 ARCHAEOMETALLURGICAL RESEARCH ON IRON AGE (1250-300 BCE) COPPER PRODUCTION IN THE NORTHERN AL-HAJJAR MOUNTAINS (OMAN PENINSULA) Julie Goy, Michele Degli Esposti, Cécile Le Carlier de Veslud and Anne Benoist 366 Chapter 27 ANCIENT MINING AND METALLURGICAL ACTIVITY AT THE GOLD-SILVER-COPPER ORE DEPOSITS IN MAVROKORFI AREA, MOUNT PANGAEON (NORTHEAST GREECE) Markos Vaxevanopoulos, Michail Vavelidis, Vasilios Melfos, Dimitra Malamidou, Spyros Pavlides 385 Chapter 28 THE GREAT ORME BRONZE AGE COPPER MINE IN NORTH WALES: OPPORTUNITIES TO LINK ORE TO METAL Robert Alan Williams 399 Chapter 29 COPPER MINING AND SMELTING IN THE BRITISH BRONZE AGE: NEW EVIDENCE OF MINE SITES INCLUDING SOME RE-ANALYSES OF DATES AND ORE SOURCES Simon Timberlake and Peter Marshall 418 SECTION V: METALWORKING Chapter 30 JUDAH OF IRON VS. ISRAEL OF COPPER: THE METALWORKING DEVELOPMENT IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL AND ITS HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS Yulia Gottlieb 435 Chapter 31 TRADITION AND CONTINUITY IN CRAFT WORKSHOPS AT TEL DAN Rachel Ben-Dov 455 Chapter 32 A FIRST CENTURY JEWISH RECYCLING ECONOMY Matthew Ponting and Dan Levene 479 Chapter 33 EARLY BRONZE AGE REFINING OF COPPER Christopher John Davey 495 Chapter 34 BRONZE PRODUCTION IN PI-RAMESSE: ALLOYING TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL USE Frederik W. Rademakers, Thilo Rehren and Edgar B. Pusch 503 Chapter 35 EXAMPLES OF COPPER HARPOONS OF NAQADA CULTURE IN THE EASTERN NILE DELTA Marcin Czarnowicz 526 Chapter 36 BRONZE WORKING AT SUMHURAM: NEW DATA FROM AN ANCIENT SOUTH ARABIAN HARBOR ON THE COAST OF DHOFAR (SULTANATE OF OMAN) Michele Degli Esposti, Carla Martini, Cristina Chiavari, Elena Bernardi and Gian Luca Garagnani 539 Chapter 37 OBSERVATIONS ON SOCKETED COPPER ALLOY ARROWHEADS IN THE EARLY FIRST MILLENNIUM BCE Jamie M. Szudy 556 CONTRIBUTORS Amzallag, Nissim Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Gottlieb, Yulia Tel Aviv University, Israel Arav, Reuma Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Goy, Julie University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France Avner, Uzi Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Haiman, Moti Israel Antiquities Authority and Bar Ilan University, Israel Bason, Uri GeoSense Ltd, Israel Ben-Dov, Rachel Hebrew Union College, Israel Ben-Yosef, Erez Tel Aviv University, Israel Benoist, Anne Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France Bernardi, Elana University of Bologna, Italy Beyth, Michael Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Bruins, Hendrik J. Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Chiavari, Cristina University of Bologna, Italy Czarnowicz, Marcin Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland Dar, Shimon Bar Ilan University, Israel Davey, Christopher University of Melbourne, Australia Degli Esposti, Michele University of Pisa, Italy Drenka, Alexandra Independent scholar, Israel Filin, Sagi Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Frumkin, Amos Hebrew University, Israel Garagnani, Gian Luca University of Ferrara, Italy Ginat, Hanan Dead Sea and Arava Science Center and Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Jones, Ian W.N. University of California, San Diego, USA Kassianidou, Vasiliki University of Cyprus, Cyprus Kolska-Horwiz, Liora Hebrew University, Israel Langford, Boaz Hebrew University, Israel Le Carlier de Veslud, Cécile University of Rennes 1, France Lernau, Omri University of Haifa, Israel Levene, Dan University of Southampton, UK Levy, Thomas E. University of California, San Diego, USA Löffler, Ingolf Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Germany Malamidou, Dimitra Ministry of Culture, Kavala, Greece Marshall, Peter English Heritage, UK Martini, Carla University of Bologna, Italy Meeshly, Dagan Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Melfos, Vasilios Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Meshel, Zeev Tel Aviv University, Israel Muhly, James D. University of Pennsylvania, USA Najjar, Mohammad University of California, San Diego, USA Pavlides, Spyros Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Shilstein, Sana Weizmann Institute of Science, Israel Peters, Ilana Tel Aviv University, Israel Shugar, Aaron A. Buffalo State College, USA Ponting, Matthew University of Liverpool, UK Sweeney, Deborah Tel Aviv University, Israel Pusch, Edgar University College London – Qatar, Qatar Szudy, Jamie M. University of Vienna, Austria Rademakers, Frederik University College London, UK Tauxe, Lisa Scripps Institution of Oceanography, USA Rehren, Thilo The Cyprus Institute, Cyprus Timberlake, Simon University of Cambridge, UK Sapir-Hen, Lidar Tel Aviv University, Israel van der Plicht, Johannes University of Groningen and Leiden University, The Netherlands Scott-Cummings, Linda PaleoResearch Institute, USA Segal, Irena Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Segev, Amit Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Shalev, Sariel University of Haifa, Israel Vavelidis, Michalis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Vaxevanopoulos, Markos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Williams, Robert A. University of Liverpool, UK Shamir, Omer GeoSense Ltd, Israel Yahalom-Mack, Naama Weizmann Institute of Science and Hebrew University, Israel Shaw, Tim Imperial College of Science and Technology, UK Zucconi, Laura Stockton University, USA Shem-Tov, Rachamim Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel PREFACE There is no better way to honor the memory of Beno Rothenberg (1914–2012) than by publishing a volume dedicated to new studies on copper in antiquity. Rothenberg’s pioneering work in the Timna Valley, which was the center of his academic career, focused on ancient copper mining and smelting technologies, and paved the way to other studies of this metal and its role in ancient societies around the world.1 Rothenberg’s work is considered by many to be a cornerstone in the development of archaeometallurgy as an integrative research discipline; as such, the study of ancient metal and metal production technologies is based on a synthesis of various avenues of investigation from the natural and social sciences and the humanities, the main objective of which is the study of the people and societies behind the artifacts and technologies.2 This book celebrates just such an approach with a collection of studies that includes, in addition to contributions on technologies, results of research on various aspects of the production and use of copper in ancient societies: from the geological settings of copper mines to the diet of metalworkers and the characteristics of metal trade systems. The studies range from Oman to the British Isles, with a special emphasis on the southern Levant and the Arabah Valley. They testify not only to the current prosperity of research in the geographical region whose systematic study was pioneered by Rothenberg, but also to the growth and vitality of the research discipline that Rothenberg fundamentally helped to advance (cf., Thornton 2012, Roberts and Thornton 2014). The book’s publication follows the international conference on “Copper in Antiquity” held at the Timna Park (southern Arabah, the Eilot Regional Council) in 2013. The conference, also in memory of Rothenberg, was organized by Tel Aviv University and the Timna Park with the help and support of other organizations,3 and steered by E. Ben-Yosef with the help of Y. Goren, H. Ginat and A. Holzer. Some of the contributions are based on presentations given at the conference, while others were written especially for the book. The 37 chapters of the book, contributed by 66 scholars, present a wide array of topics. They are organized in five sections—the first four are divided by geography, while the final section includes studies related specifically to metalworking. The geographic sections are organized according to their proximity to Timna, which, as mentioned above, was at the core of Rothenberg’s academic work. The book commences with Timna itself (Section I), goes on to nearby Nahal >Amram (Section II), a smaller copper ore district located ca. 5 km to the south of Timna, also within the general region of the southern Arabah Valley. The next section (III) deals with the Faynan copper ore district in the northern Arabah Valley, together with contributions on the Negev and southern Canaan. The last geographic section (IV) contains contributions related to various locations, from Oman to the British Isles, through Cyprus and Greece. This wide geographic spectrum helps to contextualize the intense research in the southern 1 2 3 On Rothenberg’s work and its contribution to archaeometallurgical research, see Pigott (1996), Ben-Yosef (2012). Rothenberg’s research into the metallurgical aspects of the ancient copper ore district of Timna was part of his broader quest for a better understanding of the archaeology and history of the Negev and the Arabah, which started even before his independent projects, while he participated in the expeditions of N. Glueck and Y. Aharoni. This background helps to explain Rothenberg’s integrative approach to archaeometallurgical research, and his keen interest in questions related to the society behind the technology— or as he himself put it, archaeometallurgy helps us understand “not only how men made metal, but also how metal made men” (via Bachmann 1990). These organizations include the Dead Sea and Arava Science Center, the Institute of Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London, the Jewish National Fund, the Eilot Regional Council, the Israel Government Tourist Corporation and the Economic Corporation for the Tourism Development in Hevel Eilot. Preface Levant presented in the previous sections, and in general emphasizes common denominators in the study of copper across diverse cultures and space. Section I, “Timna Valley,” consists of nine chapters. • Chapter 1 presents the geological settings of the copper ore, which is a necessary background to the archaeometallurgical research of the region (mining and smelting technologies, distribution of sites, etc.). It also provides a basic background to the ore bodies of Faynan, the Jordanian counterpart of Timna, and Umm Bogma in southern Sinai, both heavily exploited in antiquity. • Chapter 2 presents an overview of the rather tumultuous debates over the date of the earliest evidence of smelting in the valley, and over the chronology of the main phase of copper exploitation there. The latter is related to the question of “King Solomon’s Mines,” a subject that is again part of the scholarly discourse as a result of recent discoveries.4 • Chapter 3 introduces the Central Timna Valley Project, which commenced in 2012 and has focused since that time on investigating the Late Bronze and Iron Age s (13th– 9th centuries BCE) mining and smelting sites of the region, with emphasis on technological developments and social processes of the people responsible for the copper industry (the early phase of the Edomite Kingdom). • Chapter 4 presents new data on the diet of the Late Bronze and Iron Age metalworkers, based on remains of mammalian and fish bones from the main smelting sites in Timna. These data are presented together with a summary of previously published materials from Timna and Faynan in order to assess the social status, ethnicity, and other aspects of the people directly engaged in the smelting activities in these periods. • Chapter 5 is a detailed report of Rothenberg’s last excavations at Timna (2001–2002), in the complex shafts and gallery system of Mine T (dated to the Chalcolithic period). The report integrates all the data from the earlier excavations at the mine (1974-1976) into a comprehensive presentation of the research and its results. • Chapter 6 provides a fresh look at the Egyptian inscription that was found in 1972 on the cliffs above the “Hathor Temple,” and in particular at Ramessesempere, the head of the Egyptian expedition to the mines in the days of Ramesses III. • Chapter 7 presents preliminary results of an archaeomagnetic study of pottery sherds from the Yotvata Fortress. Located just above the nearest permanent water source to Timna, the fortress has been associated with the Egyptian phase of copper production and interpreted as part of the efforts to maintain water supply at this time. The results suggest Late Bronze Age activities, thus corroborating the excavator’s dating and supporting his interpretation of the site. • Chapter 8 presents a fresh interpretation of the later (Iron Age) phase of the “Hathor Temple,” with an intriguing suggestion that the place served for the worship of YHWH, the deity of the Israelites, whose source may have been in the south and in connection to ancient metallurgy. • Chapter 9 presents an analysis of the genealogy of Esau (Edom), in light of our current understanding of the region and the rather fluid role of tribes and clans in forming political alliances. Such alliance is probably behind the Iron Age copper exploitation in Timna and the northern Arabah. 4 Forty years after the excavations of the “Hathor Temple” in the center of the Timna Valley and the consequent revision in the dates of all major smelting and mining sites, new radiocarbon dates indicated that one of the smelting camps was most active during the 10th – 9th centuries BCE, and not earlier than the second half of the 12th century BCE (Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). This in turn triggered new research in the valley, which has demonstrated that the peak in production was indeed in the early Iron Age and after the Egyptians left the region (Ben-Yosef, this volume); while possible connections to Jerusalem are still debated, the new chronological framework and evidence of long-distance copper trade necessitate reconsideration of the region’s role in this formative period in the history of the southern Levant. xiv Preface Section II, “Nahal >Amram,” consists of six chapters, all of which present results of a recent interdisciplinary project led by Uzi Avner and focused on the history of mining and smelting in this region. • Chapter 10 is an overview of the Nahal >Amram Project, and provides the dating skeleton of the different sites based on artifact typologies and a large suite of new radiocarbon dates. The main periods of activity were found to be Late Bronze–Iron Ages, Nabataean–Byzantine and Early Islamic. • Chapter 11 presents volume and mass estimates of mining dumps and slag piles. In addition to enhancing our understanding of the scale of mining and smelting in the Nahal >Amram area and nearby sites, the chapter contributes to the development of research methods by the introduction of high-resolution terrestrial laser scans as an efficient technique to tackle such problems. • Chapter 12 presents a study of paleo-floods based on their record within Nahal >Amram’s mines. The galleries preserve unique evidence of mega-floods, whose contexts provide important information on their frequencies in the past.5 • Chapter 13 presents the diet of the miners based on faunal remains found within the galleries, and concludes that their food was surprisingly rich. • Chapter 14 presents a detailed report of the comprehensive underground survey of the mines in Nahal >Amram, including new mapping of the entire system. • Chapter 15 presents a preliminary chemical analysis of slag in an attempt to assess developments in smelting technologies through time. Section III, “Faynan, the Negev and Beyond,” consists of eight chapters. • Chapter 16 presents an overview of the intensive, large-scale anthropological archaeology project in Faynan, Jordan, directed by Thomas Levy and Mohammad Najjar. Commenced in 1997, the project has shed new light on the history of copper ore exploitation in the northern Arabah from the Neolithic to the Late Islamic period, with a substantial contribution to the early Iron Age archaeology of the region. The latter is the focus of the chapter, which discusses the most recent finds and their interpretation by the excavation team (and addresses some criticism). • Chapter 17 also focuses on Faynan. It presents a new study on the technological developments and organizational structure in the Bronze Age, based primarily on the finds of the comprehensive archaeometallurgical project of the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum (under the direction of Andreas Haputmann, 1983–1993). • Chapter 18 presents an overview of the Early Bronze Age IV settlement wave in the Negev, with emphasis on its connection to the copper trade between the northern Arabah (Faynan) and Egypt. • Chapter 19 presents a new study on copper ore fragments found in the Chalcolithic (Ghassulian) site of Abu Matar in the Beer-sheba Valley. While the majority of the ore fragments correspond with the mining site of Faynan, one type offers closer association with ore formations in Anatolia and the Caucasus. • Chapter 20 presents a lead isotope study of a 12th century BCE bronze chisel from Horvat Haluqim in the Negev. The results suggest that the copper originated in Faynan and that an active metal trade network existed in the south in that period. • Chapter 21 presents a brief summary of the discovery of Kuntillet >Ajrud in northeastern Sinai, a unique, possibly cultic site, near the road between the Mediterranean Sea and Elath (Darb al-Ghaza). 5 The ancient mining landscape of the southern Arabah holds important evidence of the paleo-environment and young geomorphological processes; see, for example, the previous studies of Hauptmann and Horowitz (1980) and Shlomi et al. (2015). xv Preface Rothenberg’s visit to the site in 1967 was an important milestone in its research. The site probably served as an important road station; however, it is not clear if it was related to the copper trade.6 • Chapter 22 presents a new study on the provenance of copper in Canaan during the second half of the second millennium BCE. Based on chemical and lead isotope analyses of final copper-based objects, it is demonstrated that Timna played an important role in the copper trade after the Egyptians left the region, and in particular during the 11th century BCE. • Chapter 23 is a comprehensive overview of our current knowledge of Islamic copper production in the Arabah Valley. While in the Early Islamic period the copper mines of the southern Arabah (Timna and Nahal >Amram) were most active, in the Late Islamic period mining activities are documented only in Faynan. Section IV, “Beyond the southern Levant: Cyprus, Oman, Greece and Britain,” contains six chapters, all related to primary copper production (i.e., ore mining and smelting), as evidenced in the archaeological record and historical documentation. • Chapter 24 presents evidence from a Late Bronze Age (13th century BCE) miners’ settlement in the Apliki ore district of Cyprus, which was exposed by modern exploitation of the region. • Chapter 25 is also focused on Cyprus, albeit in a much later period. It presents the case of King Herod’s exploitation of the Cypriot mines (1st century BCE), as relayed by Flavius Josephus, and suggests that this was the major source for Herod’s wealth, which enabled his grandiose construction enterprises in Judea and many cities around the Mediterranean. • Chapter 26 presents preliminary results of an ongoing archaeometallurgical research on Iron Age copper production in the northern al-Hajjar Mountains in Oman. This research is part of a multifaceted project, which includes surveys, excavations and complementary laboratory work. • Chapter 27 presents a new study of one of the mines in Mount Pangaeon in northeastern Greece, and at a nearby smelting site (Valtouda). The study includes documentation of mining technologies from the Roman period to the days of the Ottoman Empire, and an assessment of the complex history of exploitation of the multi-metallic (gold-silver-copper) ore body. • Chapter 28 presents preliminary results of a study on the Bronze Age Great Orme copper mine in north Wales. The study attempts to establish a robust geochemical signature for the ore body, in order to enhance the quality of provenance studies and in turn to reassess the scale of the mining activities (and its geographical impact) and the importance of the site in Bronze Age Britain. • Chapter 29 is also concerned with Britain in the Bronze Age. It presents new copper mining sites and discusses the main phase of Bronze Age copper exploitation in Britain based on reexamination of radiocarbon dates. The study demonstrates that widespread small-scale mining activities took place in western Britain between ca. 2000–1500 BCE (the termination possibly related to the beginning of copper importation from Europe). Section V, “Metalworking,” consists of eight chapters, all related to secondary copper production (e.g., alloying, recycling, mending and casting) and final copper objects. • Chapter 30 discusses the transition from copper to iron in the southern Levant. Based on the archaeological evidence, it seems that Judah adopted iron-working earlier than its northern counterpart, 6 Although Kuntillet >Ajrud is located near one of the main roads between Gaza and Timna, its accepted dating to the 8th century BCE precludes the possibility that it was connected to the copper trade, as the Arabah copper industry ceased at the end of the 9th century BCE (e.g., Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). However, if the beginning of the occupation at Kuntillet >Ajrud were to be dated earlier, such a connection should be considered (cf., Schniedewind 2017, contra the opinion of the excavator). xvi Preface • • • • • • • the Kingdom of Israel. Various possible reasons for this discrepancy are discussed, among them the stronger affiliation of Judah to metalworking and trends in metallurgical developments based on its connection to the flourishing early Iron Age copper industry of the Arabah. Chapter 31 presents a detailed report on the early Iron Age metallurgical workshops at Tel Dan, with evidence for bronze-working and recycling. Chapter 32 presents the results of a study on metal recycling procedures based on archaeological finds and Jewish literary sources of late antiquity. The study demonstrates that contrary to the notion that recycling resulted in poor control over composition and quality, the management of scrap metal was actually a developed and sophisticated industry that provided reliable products. Chapter 33 presents a study of Early Bronze Age copper refining. Based on evaluation of the technology, the author suggests identifying crucibles depicted in Egyptian Old Kingdom tombs and the Old Babylonian site of Tell edh-Dhiba‘i as refining vessels. Chapter 34 presents new evidence of Late Bronze Age bronze production in Qantir–Pi-Ramesse. The evidence indicates a rather high technological variability, as alloying was achieved by different methods, including mixing fresh metals (copper and tin ingots?), recycling and cassiterite cementation. Chapter 35 presents copper harpoons of Pre-Dynastic Egypt and discusses their significance in the Naqada culture. An overview of the finds and relevant artistic depictions suggest that they were not only weapons, but also an important symbol that played several roles in ancient Egyptian society. Chapter 36 presents new data on bronze working at Sumhuram (Oman). The alloying process was evaluated based on the analysis of metal items dated from the 3rd century BCE to the 4th century CE and other evidence from the site. No diachronic trends or correlation between shape/function and chemical composition were found, suggesting low standardization. Chapter 37 discusses the use of copper for the production of weapons at times when iron was the dominant metal of choice. The case study of socketed copper alloy arrowheads of the 7th century BCE demonstrates that copper still had an advantage when certain forms were desired, and even more so given the ability to mass produce by casting. The wide-ranging contents of this volume demonstrates the importance of copper in the shaping of human history. Since the dawn of metallurgy more than 7,000 years ago, copper has been used to produce a wide assortment of objects with different functions in ancient societies, from ornaments, cult and art to agricultural and domestic tools, weapons and coinage.7 This in part is what makes copper, and the evidence related to the efforts invested in its production, so well suited for deciphering social meaning and extracting knowledge about the past. This book, in memory of Beno Rothenberg, also commemorates his friend and colleague, Professor Tim Shaw (1934-2017), who contributed, together with Alexandra Drenka, a comprehensive chapter on Mine T in Timna (Chapter 5). Shaw was Professor of Mining Engineering at Imperial College London, who became fascinated with the archaeology of ancient mines (mining archaeology/Montanarchäologie)8 through his work with Rothenberg in Timna. He was engaged in archaeological research and in teaching archeaologists for many years, including at the archeaometallurgy summer school of the Institute of Archaeo-metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London. Shaw’s research achievments will undoubtedly continue to be part of the investigation of the Timna mines and other ancient mining districts around the world. 7 8 On this, in relation to the modern exploitation of copper, see the recent publication of Golding and Golding (2017). This research field, sometimes included under the broader discipline of “archaeometallurgy,” has been attracting a growing interest in recent years (cf., Stöllner 2014). xvii Preface ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The book is published with the support of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University, the Marie Curie Actions (FP7-PEOPLE-2012-CIG grant #334274 to E.B.-Y.), and the Israel Science Foundation (grant #1880/17 to E.B.-Y.). Special thanks are due to Myrna Pollak, head of the Institute of Archaeology’s Publications Department, to Noa Evron, graphics editor and Nitsan Shalom and Brett Cohen, assistant editors, for their work on the text, layout and production of the book. Many individuals contributed towards the book’s creation, from its seeds at the Timna International Conference to the final print. Among them are the local “Timnaeans,” Hagit Gal (Park Manager), Dubi Goldman, Hanan Ginat, Assaf Holzer and Guy Markman, who helped with the conference organization and later with various aspects of the research and publications related to the southern Arabah. The editor is grateful to Yuval Goren, who was pivotal to the initiation of the renewed archaeological research in Timna, as well as to the success of the Timna Conference. Thanks are also due to the Israel Antiquities Authority and its representatives in the south, Tali Erickson-Gini and Yoram Haimi, for their help in promoting research in one of the most remote regions of Israel. Lastly, thanks are due to Aaron Greener for his assistance in the editorial process, and to the Central Timna Valley Project’s staff, whose devotion and enthusiasm for the exploration of Timna also propelled the work on this book. Erez Ben-Yosef, Editor 2018 REFERENCES Bachmann, H.G. 1990. Introduction. In: Rothenberg, B., ed. The Ancient Metallurgy of Copper, Vol. 2. London: xvii-xxi. Ben-Yosef, E. 2012. Beno Rothenberg: Obituary. Israel Exploration Journal 62(1): 244–246. Ben-Yosef, E., Shaar, R., Tauxe, L. and Ron, H. 2012. A New Chronological Framework for Iron Age Copper Production in Timna (Israel). Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 367: 31–71. Golding, G. and Golding, S.D. 2017. Metals, Energy and Sustainability: The Story of Doctor Copper and King Coal. Cham, Switzerland. Hauptmann, A. and Horowitz, A. 1980. Zur geomorphologie und palaomorphologie des Modell-gebietes. In: Conrad, H.G. and Rothenberg, B., eds. Antikes Kupfer im Timna-Tal. Bochum: 57–67. Pigott, V. 1996. Near Eastern Archaeometallurgy: Modern Research and Future Directions. In: Cooper, J.S. and Schwartz, G.M., eds. The Study of the Ancient Near East in the 21st Century. Winona Lake: 139–176. Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. 2014. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective. New York. Schniedewind, W.M. 2017. An Early Iron Age Phase to Kuntillet ‘Ajrud? In: Greenspahn, F. and Rendsburg, G.A., eds. Le-ma‘an Ziony: Essays in Honor of Ziony Zevit. Eugene, Oregon: 134–146. Shlomi, Y., Ginat, H., Meron, T. and Holtzer, A. 2015. Pace of Degradation in Streams within Sandstone in a Region with Copper Mines (Timna Valley, southern Israel). Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies 7(2): 38–50 (in Hebrew). Stöllner, T.R. 2014. Methods in Mining Archaeology (Montanarchäologie). In: Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses. New York: 133–159. Thornton, C.P. 2012. Archaeometallurgy in the 21st Century. Reviews in Anthropology 41 (3): 173–187. xviii CHAPTER 10 ANCIENT COPPER MINES AT NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH Uzi Avner, Hanan Ginat, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstine, Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Rachamim Shem-Tov, Sagi Filin, Reuma Arav, Uri Basson, Omer Shamir, Linda Scott-Cummings Ancient copper mines at Nahal >Amram were first discovered by IDF soldiers in 1949, then visited by N. Glueck in 1950, surveyed by B. Rothenberg during the 1960s and by L. Willies in 1988. In 2010, the authors began a new, multidisciplinary study supported by the Israel Ministry of Science. The archaeological survey recorded in detail the previously discovered mines but uncovered many others, as well as related sites. The main periods of mining were the Late Bronze and Iron Ages (15th to 10th centuries BCE), the Nabataean-Byzantine (1st to 5th centuries CE) and the Early Islamic (7th to 11th centuries CE). The survey and limited excavations yielded ample finds, while additional scientific studies (geological-geomorphological survey, ground penetrating radar, 3D scanning and a variety of chemical analyses) revealed much new information as to the history and technology of the ancient copper industries in the Arabah Valley. INTRODUCTION Nahal >Amram, 10 km north of Eilat, is the third largest ancient copper mining center in the Arabah Valley, after Faynan and the Timna Valley (Fig. 10.1). The area is characterized by complex geology and rich, varying lithology, influenced by the adjacent Syrian-African Fault that created the Arabah Valley (Beyth, Eyal and Garfinkel 2011; Ginat et al., this volume). Copper-bearing sandstone is exposed here, among other rock formations. The region’s climate is hyper arid, with annual average rainfall of only 20 mm, against 3600 mm of potential annual evaporation. The closest water sources to the copper mines are Be<er Orah, 7 km to the north-northeast, >Ein >Avrona, 8 km to the east northeast, and the high water table of Aqaba, 15 km to the south-southeast. The first report of ancient remains at Nahal >Amram was made in 1949 by soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces who visited the site (Braslavi 1952: 327). It was then visited by N. Glueck (1953: 13–15, 1960: 12–14), who described two mines with shafts and galleries and a large miners’ camp.1 During the 1960s the area was surveyed by Rothenberg (1963: 34–38, 61–62, 1967a: 41–49). He described mines on the escarpments of Har Amir (Site 33) and the large miners’ camp (Site 33a) with a slag pile and shallow depressions, or “plates,” around the camp. This archaeological complex was first related exclusively to the enterprise of King Solomon (10th century BCE, Rothenberg 1967a: 40–42). Rothenberg also described shafts and mines at the head of Nahal >Amram (Site 38) and dated them to the Roman (1963: 61–64) or Byzantine period (1967a: 147). In 1989, two mining areas were documented in detail by 1 According to Glueck’s description, the two mines are those we numbered 35/28 and 36/2–3, following the numbering method of the Israel Archaeological Survey (see map in Figs. 10.2, 10.14). avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.1: Map of the Arabah Valley. Copper mining areas are indicated by circles and smelting sites by triangles. L. Willies (1990, 1991), who identified five mining periods: 1. The Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age (4500–2000 BCE); 2. Narrow shafts and narrow galleries, dated to the Egyptian New Kingdom (14th– 12th centuries BCE); 3. Broad galleries and shafts dated to the Roman–Byzantine periods; 4. Similar mining but on a larger scale during the Early Islamic period (7th–8th centuries CE); 5. Some mining or testing in the Mamluk period (13th–15th centuries CE). Rothenberg, in a later publication (1999: 162–166), generally followed Willies’ dating.2 2 The pottery collections from Rothenberg’s and Willies’ surveys were examined and dated by M. Gichon of Tel Aviv University. 148 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.2: Map showing Nahal >Amram and Har Amir, the core area of the survey. 149 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS From 2011 to 2013, the authors undertook an interdisciplinary research project, supported by the Israel Ministry of Science and involving several inquiries in the exact science. The study included a meticulous archaeological survey (by Avner and Shem-Tov), detailed mapping of the interior of 47 mines (by Langford), geological and geomorphological studies (by Ginat), a GPR preliminary survey (by Basson), LiDAR scanning of mine dumps and slag piles (by Filin and Arav), chemical analyses of copper ores and slag (by Shilstien and Shalev), 14C dating (by Cummings), and more. Currently, the study of Nahal >Amram continues with the support of the Israel Science Foundation (grant No. 60/14). Following is a brief general description of the research results (for further details, see Arav et al., Ginat et al., Kolska-Horwitz et al., Langford et al., and Shilstein and Shalev, this volume). ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY AND EXCAVATIONS Many mines and other sites were recorded during the new survey (Fig. 10.2). Numerous finds were uncovered in limited excavations; here we present only the main results. THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD Nine cult sites dated to the Neolithic period were found on the mountains around the copper mines. These sites are part of a much broader phenomenon, with over 300 such sites presently recorded in the Elat Mountains, dated to the seventh and sixth millennia BCE (Avner et al. 2014). Rich cultic paraphernalia was found at these sites, including offerings of copper nodules, indicating the interest of the indigenous people in the colorful ore. In fact, copper ore was traded throughout the Near East as early as the PrePottery Neolithic B (eighth–seventh millennia BCE; e.g., Hauptmann 2007: 255–261), and has been found in various uses (e.g., Kingery 1988). CHALCOLITHIC AND EARLY BRONZE AGE Exploitation of copper ore for metal production in Nahal >Amram probably began early in the Chalcolithic period (ca. 4500 BCE). The northern escarpment of Har Amir was described by Rothenberg (1995: 35, 1999: 163–164) as a Chalcolithic mine, where he apparently referred to open-cast mining. In the new survey, however, we could only identify later mines (see below) and no Chalcolithic artifacts. Currently, evidence for this period at Nahal >Amram is limited to four small Chalcolithic–Early Bronze habitations, and some slag with Chalcolithic chemical fingerprints (presently studied by Shilstein and Shalev). Nevertheless, an intensive copper industry has been discovered in two Chalcolithic-Early Bronze I villages in Aqaba, Tell Magass and Tell Ḥujayrat al-Ghuzlan, about a three-hour walk from Nahal >Amram (Khalil and Riederer 1998; Hauptman, Khalil and Schmidt-Strecher 2009; Klimscha 2013). A study of the copper ore and artifacts from these sites by Hauptmann, Khalil and SchmidtStrecker (2009) pointed to the Timna Valley as the source of copper. However, since Nahal >Amram is the large copper source closest to Aqaba, we suggested that it could have served as the main source of copper for the Chalcolithic copper industry at these sites. Indeed, a recent pilot study of lead isotopes of copper ores from the Aqaba sites and from the Arabah, by A. Ketelaer and A. Hauptmann, in Bochum (unpublished), supplied the first confirmation to this assumption.3 3 The study compared the ratios of lead isotopes Pb 204, 206, 207, 208 in copper ores from the two Chalcolithic villages with those of Nahal >Amram, Timna and Faynan. The closest similarity of ratios was found with the ores of Nahal >Amram. We are grateful to Hauptmann and Ketelaer for their permission to include the results of their study in this paper. 150 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah LATE BRONZE AND IRON AGE The next period of copper mining and smelting was the Late Bronze and Iron Ages (15th to 10th centuries BCE). Two types of mines are identified in these periods. One was briefly described by Rothenberg (1963: 34–37, 1967a: 41–47), with narrow galleries dug into the sandstone escarpments of Har Amir (erroneously named Giv>at Yocheved by Rothenberg). He also counted 38 narrow shafts that he first interpreted as water holes (Rothenberg 1963: 34–36, Fig. 16; 1967a: 44–46, Fig. 70) as he also did in Timna (1967a: 8–10; 1972: 63–64). Two shafts at Har Amir were considered important support for this interpretation by Rothenberg, but later, in both Timna and Nahal >Amram, they were proven to be mining shafts.4 During the new survey, 62 narrow mining shafts and 78 horizontal entrances to narrow galleries were recorded (Fig. 10.3). Most shafts are filled today by compact sand and rocks, so only their rims are discernible (Fig. 10.4). A few are still open, connecting to galleries at their bottom or even connecting two different levels of the mines (Fig. 10.5a, b). Both shafts and galleries of Har Amir bear chisel marks (Figs. 10.4, 10.5a) and clearly form one mining system, similar to that of the Timna Valley (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980: 69–167). A second type of mine from this period is clusters of shallow depressions on alluvial terraces, usually 2–4 m in diameter. To date, 324 such depressions are recorded on the terraces around the miners’ camp (Figs. 10.6, 10.8). Initially, the depressions or “plates” were interpreted at Timna and Nahal >Amram as ore dressing installations, for crushing and then winnowing the ore (Rothenberg 1963: 38, 1967a: 16), or even for dressing by a flow of water (Rothenberg 1975: 32). Later, however, they were found by Cohen (1976) to be filled-in mining shafts.5 The “plates” of Nahal >Amram are not entirely like those of Timna; they are closer to each other and somewhat deeper. Therefore, it was unclear whether they were covered mining shafts or they were originally open mining depressions dug to capture copper nodules washed and deposited within the alluvium (cf. Ben-Yosef, Levy and Najjar 2009). An attempt to answer this question by means of ground penetrating radar (GPR, by Basson and Shamir, Fig. 7) indicated a possible shaft, but if so, they were actually much wider than the usual shafts, ca. 3 m across, compared to 0.8 m. A dig in one depression (unsurveyed by GPR) was disappointing; it was only 0.5 m deep. Presently it seems that the first option is preferable, but further examinations are still needed, by both GPR survey and excavations. Nevertheless, even now it is clear that these hundreds of depressions add considerable dimension to the copper mining of the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. Between the clusters of “plates,” on a comparatively broad flat area of Nahal >Amram, is a large miners’ camp previously described by Glueck (1953: 13–14, 1960: 13–14) and by Rothenberg (1963: 34–38, 1967a: 41–53). A ground plan of the camp has now been prepared by a GPS survey, comprising 160 stone-built dwelling structures (hut bases) on an area of 500 × 250 m, divided by small wadis into several “neighborhoods” (Figs. 10.8, 10.9). If an average of five persons were accommodated in one structure, some 800 miners could have occupied the camp during the mining seasons (from late 4 5 In 1969, Avner first visited the shafts at Har Amir and climbed down to the “water holes” described by Rothenberg. At the bottom of one, galleries extended westward, following a greenish level in the white sandstone bearing the copper nodules (Figs. 10.5a, b). Avner then presented to Rothenberg a series of arguments indicating that the shafts, at both Timna and north >Amram, were actually copper mines. In late 1974, the Bochum Mining Museum team, in cooperation with Rothenberg, excavated several shafts in Timna and confirmed that they were indeed mines, not water holes (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980: 69–167). In 1975, E. Cohen excavated a “plate” in the Timna Valley and discovered a shaft in it identical to the so-called water holes (Cohen 1976). From that moment it became clear that the “plates” were actually covered mining shafts. In the following year several “plates” were excavated by Conrad and Rothenberg (1980: 69–72, 127–128; Rothenberg 1978: 55) and fully confirmed Cohen’s observation. 151 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.3: Map of the Har Amir mines (due to close proximity, not all mines are indicated). 152 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.4: Har Amir Mine 34/4, filled-in narrow shafts, with oblique chisel marks on the shaft’s walls. a) b) Fig. 10.5: (a) Har Amir Mine 34/9, an open shaft carefully cut by chisel, connecting two levels of the mine; (b) the lower galleries of Mine 34/9. autumn to spring). Large quantities of stone tools and pottery sherds were previously collected from the camp (by Glueck and by Rothenberg, op. cit.), and artifacts were also taken by visitors during the last six decades. However, in the recent survey we still collected many surface finds in each cluster of structures. These included stone anvils and hammers, some with the remains of crushed copper ore, grinding stones, pottery sherds—mainly of the “regular” wheel-made ware, many fragments of clay furnace linings and of tuyères, and small pieces of furnace slag. The amount of slag is surprisingly small compared to that observed in contemporary camps at Timna. They are found in a thin scatter over most of the camp area, with some denser spots (Fig. 10.8). Due to the small amount of slag, questions arise as to the exact technology of copper smelting in the camp. The exact time span of the Har Amir mines, the “plates” and the large miners’ camp is still unclear. Glueck (1953: 13–14, 1960: 13–14) said the camp was Solomonic, i.e., 10th century BCE, while 153 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.6: A cluster of “plates” at Nahal >Amram Site 35/19. Fig. 10.7: Nahal >Amram Site 35/19: a GPR section of a “plate,” indicating a possible broad shaft (note the difference between vertical and horizontal scales). 154 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.8: Nahal >Amram: a map of the miners’ camp. Rothenberg, in his later publications (1995: 35, 1999: 164) related the complex to the Egyptian New Kingdom, 13th–12th centuries BCE. To date, however, no sign of any Egyptian presence at Nahal >Amram has been discovered. In Timna, where many Egyptian artifacts were uncovered in the miners’ sanctuary (Rothenberg 1988), a new study demonstrates that the role of Egypt was actually limited (Avner 2014). Moreover, old and new 14C dates from Timna show that the most intensive period of copper production was from the mid-11th to the early 9th centuries BCE, ca. 100–270 years after the end of Egyptian presence in the region (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012, Avner ibid). This was also the case in the Faynan area, with over 100 14C dates (Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014: 215–222, 129–130, 168–170, 183, 223–228, 814). From Nahal >Amram miners’ camp, only five 14C date are currently available, from ca. 1420 to 1030 Cal. BCE (Table 10.1: 2–6). Two identical dates, ca. 1220 BCE, fall within the timespan of the Egyptian presence in the region, three others are either earlier or later. 155 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.9: Nahal >Amram: the miners’ camp, view from the western edge of Har Amir. taBle 10.1: caliBrated 14c dateS a raBah valley )* No. Site # Site Type 1 Tell Ḥara Ḥadid PRI 4768 Charred twig Smelting site (unidentified) 2 >Amram 35/14 Miners’ camp 3 nahal >a mram coPPer m ineS and r elated SiteS (Southern Depth AMS (Cm) 14C BP Date Calibrated Date / Probability (%) ~ Mean Cal. Date 20 3322±23 35.2% 33.0% 95.4% 1637–1606 BCE 1584–1454 BCE 1664–1528 BCE 162 0/1570 BCE PRI 4764 Charred twig 2 3144±24 68.2% 7.1% 81.0% 7.3% 1446–1401 BCE 1496–1472 BCE 1465–1383 BCE 1340–1317 BCE 1420 BCE >Amram 35/14 Miners’ camp PRI 5304 Charred twig 15 2871±24 93.0% 2.4% 1121–974 BCE 957–942 BCE 1030 BCE 4 >Amram 35/6 Miners’ camp PRI 4766 Charred twig 10 2984±23 57.3% 12.2% 8.6% 95.4% 261–1192 BCE 1172–1166 BCE 1143–1132 BCE 1276–1132 BCE 1220 BCE 5 >Amram 35/6 Miners’ camp PRI 4765 Charred twig 2 2922±23 6.2% 9.8% 52.2% 95.4% 1189–1180 BCE 1159–1145 BCE 1130–1054 BCE 1211–1031 BCE 1120 BCE 6 >Amram 35/6 Miners’ camp Pta 4127 ? Charcoal (Rothenberg 1990a: 72) 2920±60 95.4% 1282–932 BCE 1120 BCE 156 Sample # Material from the chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah No. Site # Site Type Sample # Material Depth AMS (Cm) 14C BP Date Calibrated Date / Probability (%) ~ Mean Cal. Date 7 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 4399 Oil spill 0 1975±22 95.4% 39–71 CE 20/40 CE 8 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 4352 Wool 0 1782±29 95.4% 138–333 CE 240 CE 9 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 3036 Fabric 10 1790±15 15.7% 141–197 CE 240 CE 10 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 4353 Olive pit 10 1724-22 95.4% 251–385 CE 270/340 CE 11 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 4600 Basket 0 1678±22 2.9% 92.5% 264–274 CE 330–416 CE 360/290 CE 12 >Amram 35/29 Copper mine PRI 4351 Linen 10 1628±22 1.2% 69.1% 3.6% 21.5% 355–365 CE 448–472 CE 448–472 CE 486–535 CE 420 CE 13 >Amram 35/32 Copper mine PRI 5299 Peach pit 20 1776±24 29.7% 38.5% 95.4% 200–260 CE 280–330 CE 140–340 CE 245/310 CE 14 >Amram 35/32 Copper mine PRI 5301 Date pit 15 1758±23 94.8% 0.6% 222–349 CE 371–377 CE 300 CE 15 >Amram 35/32 Copper mine PRI 5300 Walnut shell 25 1712±23 15.3% 52.9% 95.4% 260–280 CE 320–390 CE 250–400 CE 340 CE 16 >Amram 35/24 Dwelling cave PRI 5302 Wood (unidentified) 30 1722±23 95.4% 252–386 CE 260/330 CE 17 >Amram 35/24 Mining dump PRI 3037 Charred twig 5 1800±15 90.6% 4.8% 136–254 CE 301–316 CE 220 CE 18 >Amram 36/3 Copper mine PRI 3038 Twig (unidentified) 0 1765±15 31.9% 36.6% 95.4% 235–260 CE 295–325 CE 220–340 CE 250 CE 19 >Amram 35/7 Slag pile PRI 4166 Charred acacia twig 0 1337±23 88.3% 7.1% 647–740 CE 746–764 CE 670 CE 20 >Amram 35/7 Slag pile PRI 5303 Charred acacia twig 35 1239±23 66.4% 29.0% 687–780 CE 789–872 CE 730/770 CE 21 >Amram 35/6 Slag scatter (from 35/7) PRI 4354 Charred acacia twig 0 1413±22 95.4% 602–659 CE 660 CE 22 >Amram 35/7 BM 1163 (Burleigh and Hewson 1979: 350) 0 1240±36 95.4% 681–881 CE 730/770 CE 23 Pta 4117 Be<er Orah Copper furnace Charcoal (Rothenberg 1988: 4) ? 1390±50 92.4% 3.0% 560–711 CE 746–764 CE 660 CE 24 Be<er Orah 10 1370±20 95.4% 639–676 CE 670 CE Pta 6158 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 157 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS No. Site # Site Type Sample # Material Depth AMS (Cm) 14C BP Date Calibrated Date / Probability (%) ~ Mean Cal. Date 25 Be<er Orah Rt 1741 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 25 1270±55 95.4% 658–881 CE 670 CE 26 Be<er Orah Pta 6159 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 15 1210±40 93.7% 687–895 CE 790 CE 27 Be<er Orah Rt 1742 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 10 1115!45 3.6% 7.8% 84% 777–793 CE 802–846 CE 854–1017 CE 910 CE 28 Be<er Orah Rt 1949 Charcoal (Avner and Magness 1998: 57) 10 1150±45 95.4% 770–989 CE 890 CE 29 Be<er Orah Rt 1740 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 15 915±50 95.4% 13.5% 1024–1215 CE 10 4 0/1120 CE 30 Be<er Orah Rt 1825 Charcoal (Sharon, Avner and Naḥlieli 1996: 112) 5 730±55 81.9% 13.5% 1187–1321 CE 1349–1392 CE 1270 CE 31 Timna 39b Bm1116 Charcoal (Burleigh & Hewson 1979: 349) ? 1945±300 91.9% 595 BCE–640 CE 50 CE 32 Timna 2, Fu 1 Grn4381 ? (Rothenberg 1990a: 71) 1350±50 95.4% 604–770 CE 640 CE 33 Timna 2, Fu Z BM2242 ? Charcoal (Rothenberg 1990a: 71) 1400±100 90.9% 2.6% 1.9% 421–779 CE 790–830 CE 837–867 CE 650 CE 34 Yotvata (L. 1) PRI 4167 Charred twig (Chenopodiaceae) 10 2839±23 94.9% 1056–917 BCE 1010 BCE 35 Yotvata (L.2) PRI 4355 Charred twig (Chenopodiaceae) 15 1278±22 95.4% 673–770 CE 700/760 CE 36 Yotvata (L.2) PRI 3263 Charred Acacia twig 10 850±15 95.4% 1161–1223 CE 1180 CE * PRI samples were prepared for dating by L. Scott Cummings, R. A. Varney, and P. Kováčik at the PaleoResearch Institute, Golden Colorado, and analyzed by AMS at UCIAMS (PRI-3036, 3037, and 30–38 at University of California Irvine) or CAIS (University of Georgia). Calibration based on OxCal 4.2, calibration curve IntCal13 (https://c14.arch.ox.ac.uk/oxcal/OxCal.html). Other dates are referred to in Column 3. Approximate mean calibrated dates are based on the dominant peak in the curve; in cases of two dominant peaks, two mean dates are mentioned. 158 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah NABATAEAN TO EARLY ISLAMIC MINES Mines of later periods, presently generally addressed as Nabataean to Early Islamic (1st to 11th centuries CE), are clustered in two areas. One is located next to the dark red hill of Giv>at Yocheved and another at upper Nahal >Amram. In the former (Fig. 10.10), previously unsurveyed, 12 broad horizontal entrances to galleries and five broad shafts were recorded, as well as two large cavities in the sandstone slopes that seem to be the result of opencast mining (Fig. 10.11). Most galleries are now blocked by sand (Fig. 10.12), while shafts are blocked by coarse talus. In open galleries and in partially open broad shafts, long and vertical digging marks are observed, as is also found in the larger mines (Fig. 10.13, and see below), most probably made by large picks held by two hands (cf. Fig. 10.10: Map of mines near Giv>at Yocheved. The northern cluster is of broad galleries and shafts (Nabataean to Early Islamic); the southern cluster is of narrow galleries (Late Bronze to Iron Ages), aside from Mine 45/16. 159 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.11: Site 45/17 near Giv>at Yocheved: the cavity in the slope is the result of opencast mining. Rostovtzeff 1966: Pl. 35).6 Hence, these mines present technology and strategy different from those of the Har Amir mines. The largest mining area is that at the head of Nahal ‘Amram (Fig. 10.14). Two of the mines were first described here by Glueck (1953: 13–14, now numbered 35/28 and 36/2–3) and dated by him to the Iron Age. Rothenberg, however, related them to the Roman or Roman-Byzantine periods (1963: 61–62; 1967a: 145–146 respectively). Willies (1990, 1991) surveyed several mines in this area and mapped the largest one (now numbered 35/29). In one gallery he found a mining basket (Willies 1991: 134, Figs. 34, 38).7 He dated these mines as Roman to Early Islamic, with emphasis on the Early Islamic and with some reuse in the Mamluk period. Rothenberg (1995: 36, 1999: 164–165) generally adopted these dates but pointed at the Byzantine as the most intensive period of mining. In the new survey we recorded here 29 horizontal entrances to broad galleries and seven broad shafts, up to 11.5 m deep, connecting to galleries and halls, in two clusters on both sides of a steep ridge (Fig. 10.14). The interior of 17 mines could be studied and mapped (Langford et al., this volume); others were blocked by sand or rocks. In some mines the ceiling of an entrance hall collapsed. All mines showed digging marks created by large tools, similar to those of the previous cluster, but in some galleries marks of small picks are also found (Fig. 10.15). Unlike the mines of Har Amir, chisel-marks were not observed in these mines. All galleries contained small niches cut into the walls for oil lamps. In some, these niches were cut very close to the entrance (Fig. 10.16), indicating 6 7 We thank S. Dar for the reference to this relief. Following the discovery, the basket was held in the IAMS laboratory at University College, London. In 2014 it was returned to Israel and is now stored with organic materials at the Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem. 160 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.12: Site 45/6 near Giv>at Yocheved: a broad blocked entrance to a mine. Fig. 10.13: Nahal Tzfunot (north of Har >Amram): a hall in a mine with long, vertical marks of a large digging pick (left wall). 161 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.14: Map of mine clusters at the head of Nahal >Amram: the dotted areas indicate the mines’ dumps. night-time work, i.e., two shifts a day. Under two niches in Mine 35/29, oil spills were found. One spill was sampled and oil was extracted (by D. Namdar, the Hebrew University), which now awaits identification.8 The second sample was analyzed for 14C and dated to the early 1st century CE (Fig. 10.17, Table 10.1: 7). 8 Chemical analysis by Namdar showed that it is not olive oil; other options presently examined are palm or sesame oil. 162 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.15: Mine 36/2: marks of small digging picks. Fig. 10.16: Mine 36/2, small oil lamp niches at the mine entrance, indicating night-time work. 163 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.17: Mine 35/29: oil spill from a lamp niche in the deepest gallery. Oil extracted (by D. Namdar) was radiocarbon dated to ca. 20/40 CE. In the largest mine (35/29, total length 1100 m) we discovered a lower level of galleries, unnoticed by Willies, with artifacts mixed in the sand. A short dig in this section (2 sq m, 20 cm deep) produced ample finds, including many Early Islamic pottery sherds, from which a jug and a cooking-pot were restored (Fig. 10.18). We also found a Late Nabataean oil lamp and a few fragments dated to the 3rd–4th centuries CE (Fig. 10.19),9 tridacna shells used as oil lamps, many pieces of textile, leather, goat wool and ropes (Fig. 10.20), many animal bones, (Horwitz et al., this volume), some with green discoloration from copper minerals, numerous fruit remains from a variety of species (see below) and many charcoal and desert plant remains used as firewood. All finds were in the upper 20 cm of the sand fill, with no observed stratigraphy. The basket found by Willis in this mine (Fig. 10.21) is now dated by 14C to ca. 360 or 390 CE (Table 10.1: 11). One may wonder how cooking activity could have taken place in such a deep, remote, poorly ventilated section of the mine. The answer comes from two shafts seen in the gallery ceiling, blocked by coarse sediment. In the past, however, they obviously supplied enough air to this section. Fluvial sediment blocking galleries and shafts are common in the mines and provide important information about their history (Ginat et al., this volume). Presently, we have one 14C date, ca. 250 CE, from the bottom of sediment fill of a shaft in Mine 36/2-3 (Table 10.1: 18), which means that a specific flood occurred after this date. A limited excavation (1 sq m, 25 cm deep) in Mine 35/32 also yielded ample finds, including Early Islamic pottery sherds, smaller amounts of Nabatean–Late Roman sherds, many pieces of fabric, strings and ropes, and numerous fruit remains. This small dig also yielded a basket fragment of the same type illustrated in Fig. 10.21–28 × 18 cm, and the tip of an iron or steel digging tool (Fig. 10.22: 1). 9 The oil lamps were produced in Petra (cf. Grawehr 2006 Nos. 429–433, 500, 502, 504). We thank T. Gini-Erickson for identifying the oil lamp and other pottery sherds, and for the reference to Grawehr. 164 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.18: Mine 35/29: an Early Islamic jug and a cooking-pot, restored from sherds (by T. Levin). Fig. 10.19: Mine 35/29: Late Nabataean oil lamp and fragments, 4th century CE. 165 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.20: Mine 35/29: ropes made of palm trunk fibers. Fig. 10.21: Mine 35/29: basket found by Willies, after it was returned from London to the Israel Antiquities Authority. Another excavation took place in a dwelling cave, ca. 21 sq m, adjacent to opencast Mine 35/24 (Fig. 10.23). Unlike in the mines, some stratigraphy remained. In the upper 30–35 cm, Early Islamic pottery was found together with a few Nabataean–Roman finds, but on the cave’s floor only the older artifacts were found, including four Late Roman-early Byzantine coins (Fig. 10.24) dated from 304 to 346 CE. Here, too, many fruit remains10 and fish bones were found, Red Sea shells and glass beads, many 10 Over 300 fruit remains from the three digs included pits of dates, olives, and peaches; shells of almonds, walnuts, and a pomegranate; grape stalks and others. They were initially identified by Avner, now being studied by M. Daviv and E. Weiss, Bar-Ilan University. 166 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.22: Tips of iron digging tools: 1. from Mine 35.32; 2–4. from dwelling cave at Mine 35/24. fabric pieces and another fragment of a basket, ca. 28 × 26 cm, of the same type as the previous ones. An important find from the cave’s floor was three additional tips of iron digging tools (Fig. 10.22: 2–4). These and the one from Mine 35/32 are the first remains of digging tools found in the Arabah mines.11 The fruit remains and animal bones demonstrate a high quality of nutrition available to the miners, indicating that they were not slaves but professionals (Horwitz et al., this volume). Despite the obvious dominance of Early Islamic pottery, 12 14C dates currently available from the mines are all earlier, from the early 1st to the early 5th centuries CE (Table 10.1: 7–18). Hence, the immediate understanding from the limited digs is that the same mines, even the same galleries, were exploited over a long period of time, at least from the 1st to the 11th centuries CE, with a possible interruption from the mid5th century to the mid-7th century. Although we sometimes observe a relative chronology of intersecting galleries in the mines, we are currently unable to reconstruct a map of each mining period separately. Nevertheless, the discovered tips of digging tools may supply another means to identify phases in the mines. These tools seem to be small, similar to modern geologic picks and they are probably responsible for the small digging marks in the mines (Figs. 10.15, 10.16). Since they were found in a Nabataean–Early Byzantine context, they may signify the earlier phase in these mines. Unfortunately, the remains of small 11 Two bronze digging picks were reported from Timna, dated to the 13th–12th centuries BCE (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980: 72–73), but, the same objects were previously published as copper spear-butts (Rothenberg 1972: 105–106). Copper is obviously too soft to dig in sandstone, but no chemical analysis was published to indicate that the tools were indeed of bronze. Hence, the first interpretation of the objects is better accepted. 167 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.23: Opencast Mine 35/24 (center top), with a dump pile below and dwelling cave on the left. Fig. 10.24: Late Roman–Early Byzantine coins, 304–346 CE, from Nahal >Amram Dwelling cave 35/24, L. 4, B 51; L. 5; B. 63. digging marks are very limited and seem to be obliterated by the later mining with the larger tools; in some locations, one can see long vertical digging marks on top of small marks (Fig. 10.15). One of the outcomes of this large scale mining was the accumulation of mining dumps on the escarpments and in the wadis below the mines, as mentioned previously by Rothenberg (1967a: 146; 1999: 164) and by Willies (1991: 117, 118). GPS mapping of the dumps enabled calculation of their total area. Presently, they cover 8500 sq m, but their restored area, considering the erosion during the last 900 years (since cessation of mining), is at least 14,060 sq m (Figs. 10.14, 10.25). In the wadis, the 168 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.25: Nahal >Amram Site 35/24: a GPR section of a dump. The lines indicate different phases of dumping. piles are up to 6 m deep (Figs. 10.23, 10.25, and see Arav et al., this volume) but are now extensively intersected by small young wadi channels. On the slopes, the dumps are often eroded (Fig. 10.26) or covered by talus and cannot be recorded. Based on their restored area and varying depths, the volume of the dumps when mining ceased was at least 21,000 cu m or ca. 42,000 tons of sandstone dug out from the mines.12 In contrast, the calculated volume of the mines around the dumps is only 4520 cu m, ca. 9400 tons. The great difference between the two can be explained in several ways: 1. As mentioned above, some mine entrances and some galleries within mines are presently blocked and cannot be measured. 2. Above some large dumps on the escarpments no mine entrances are visible. This means that some mines remain unknown to us, covered by talus. 3. In some places opencast mines are observed (Figs. 10.11, 10.23), with no preserved digging marks, but the rock face seems unnatural (cf. Willies 1991: 115, 121, 135). This mining technique could have created large dumps with no galleries. Similar to the mines, the dumps also show long-term accumulation. The vast majority of pottery sherds collected from their surface was Early Islamic, however, the only charcoal from a dump dated by 14 C was ca. 220 CE (Table 10.1: 17). GPR sections of the dumps (Fig. 10.25) show that they accumulated in several phases, in different gradients, with occasional leveling. 12 The erosion of dumps during the 1000 years of mining was not included in the above estimation, hence, the true amount of eroded dumps over 2000 years should be much higher. Also, the specific weight of the dumps, 2.1 gr/ cu cm, was measured from the top of a pile. However, as seen in the GPR section (Fig. 10.25), the lower levels are more compressed, so the general dump weight may be higher than that calculated here. A laser scanning of three dump piles before and after the November 2012 rain storm, by Arav et al. (this volume), showed that ca. 0.4% of the dumps’ volume was washed away. This may provide a general idea as to the loss of dump material during almost a millennium of mining and during the last millennium, since the end of the mining activity. 169 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS Fig. 10.26: Site 45/6, an eroded dump on a slope. The pillar is the remains of an eroded layer of a dump; the rock above the pillar is from a talus cover; a 1 m layer of dump still lies beneath the pillar. In light of the large scale mining in the later periods, the question arises: Where was the copper ore smelted? Within the earlier miners’ camp there is one late small pile of broken slag “cakes” (Fig. 10.27), dated now by four 14C dates from ca. 660 to 770 CE (Table 10.1: 19–22).13 The slag pile is 102 sq m, and two probes excavated in it showed that its depth is 20–40 cm. The total weight of the pile, based on the excavated slag, is ca, 30 tons, theoretically representing a production of only three tons of copper. This calculation follows Hauptmann (2007: 253), presenting a ratio of ca. 1:10 copper to slag. This ratio may be true for earlier slag; however, for the later periods it should be taken with reservation. Almost all Early Islamic smelting sites with slag “cakes” along the Arabah, are located next to older smelting sites, containing small furnace slag. This may mean that the older slag, containing 30%–50% of iron, could have been reused as flux by the later smiths. If slag could be reused as flux (after crashing), the estimated amount of produced copper should be much higher. In any case, the slag pile at Nahal >Amran is indeed small, but several larger smelting camps from this period are known in the southern Arabah. The primary one is near Be<er Orah, close to a water source (Fig. 10.28). A 3D laser scan, by Arav et al. (this volume) indicated ca. 3000 tons of slag.14 For other nearby and contemporary smelting sites, mainly Be<er Orah South, Tell Ḥara Ḥadid and near Umm Rashrash15 (see the sites’ location in Fig. 10.1), about the same amount combined is estimated. Therefore, the current conjectured total amount of copper produced in the later periods is at least 600 tons, or much more. 13 Geomagnetic dating of this slag pile was somewhat later than the 14C dates, around 900 CE (Ben Yosef et al. 2008, Fig. 13). 14 The specific weight of slag “cakes” from Be’er Orah was measured at 4.1 gr/cu cm. 15 Two large piles of slag were mentioned by Glueck (1935: 47–48) on a hill above Um Rashrash. Unfortunately, they were erased during the early construction stage of modern Eilat. 170 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.27: Nahal >Amram Site 35/7, from the south: a small pile of fragments of tapped slag “cakes,” with two excavated probes. Fig. 10.28: Be<er Orah: large slag piles, mainly Early Islamic. 171 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS HISTORICAL NOTES Although Chalcolithic-Early Bronze mining at Nahal >Amram is elusive, the area seems to have served as the main source of copper ore for the intensive industry of the two Chalcolithic villages at Aqaba: Tell Magass and Tell Ḥujayrat al-Ghuzlan. As mentioned above, the first support for this assumption is based on the recent pilot study of lead isotopes of copper ores from these villages and from the largest copper ore sources along the Arabah Valley. As for the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, for many years King Solomon was considered the historical figure behind the establishment of the Arabah copper industry (Phythian-Adams 1933; Glueck, e.g., 1938, 1942, 1970: Chapter 4). Rothenberg (1963: 42, 64) first followed this historical view, but later (e.g., 1967a: 51–53; 1972: 180–181; 1988: 270–278; 1999 passim) dated the complex to an earlier period and attributed it to the Egyptian initiative of the 13th–12th centuries BCE. Nevertheless, as mentioned above, the role of the Egyptians in Timna now seems limited, and besides Timna, no sign of the Egyptian New Kingdom was found at other mines along the Arabah Valley. Based on ample 14C dates from Faynan and Timna, the climax of copper production was the 11th–9th centuries BCE. Of five 14C dates presently available from Nahal >Amram, from these periods, two fall within the time of Egyptian presence at Timna, but there is no indication of any Egyptian technology or control of work. Hence, the question remains regarding who stood behind the organization of this large-scale operation? Apparently, this time span permits the reintroduction of King Solomon into the scenario. However, unlike at Negev Highland sites, no Judean pottery was found at Nahal >Amram or in Timna. Unavoidably, the only candidates that could have operated this industry were the indigenous desert tribes, the “Shasu” (cf. Levy, Adams and Muniz 2004; Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014: 986–994; Levy et al. 2005; Avner 2014). Another intriguing period at Nahal >Amram spans the 1st to 5th centuries CE. The later part of this period was included in the historical overview by Rothenberg and Willies (see above). However, among the tens of kilograms of pottery sherds collected during the new survey from the mines and dumps, as well as from the excavations, we recognized only very few Late Roman or Byzantine sherds. In Rothenberg’s survey of the Arabah and the Elat Mountains (1963, 1967b, 1971), 44 sites out of a total of 226 were identified as Byzantine, based on surface collection of pottery. Today, however, based on a reexamination of the pottery, excavations and 14C dates, all of these 44 sites are dated to the Early Islamic period (Avner and Magness 1998; R. Avner 1998 Rapuano 2013), except the Late Roman fortress of Yotvata.16 This concurs with our recent observation of the large amount of pottery from Nahal >Amram and the new 14C dates.17 Nevertheless, 12 14C dates from the >Amram mines (Table 10.1: 7–18) shed new light on the copper mining during the 1st to 5th centuries CE. This time-span began during the peak days of the Nabataean kingdom, the time of King Aretas IV, and continued through the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. Until recently, the only clue for a Nabataean presence at Nahal >Amram was a large and fine rock stella of an “eye idol” on the cliff of Giv>at Yocheved (Fig. 10.29, and see Avner 2000: 109), but now this stella is no longer in isolation. In 106 CE the Nabataean kingdom was annexed to the Roman empire (Bowersock 1983: 76–109), but 25 years later (131–132 CE), the Bar-Kochba Revolt broke out and forced the Roman army to abandon the southern Negev and other regions (Eck 1999). Therefore, it seems that only the Nabataeans could 16 Meshel 1989; Roll 1989; Davies and Magness 2008, 2011. 17 Following our own examination, K. Damgaard (Copenhagen University) carefully examined all the pottery from the mines and confirmed the initial observation. His thorough study (2011) of the Early Islamic pottery from Aqaba validates this conclusion. 172 chaPter 10: a ncient coPPer m ineS at nahal >a mram, Southern a raBah Fig. 10.29: Giv>at Yocheved, Site 45/20: a rock-stela of an “eye idol,” representing a Nabataean goddess. have continued to operate and run the copper mines. They even maintained a variety of organizational institutions, without a king or a government to instruct them. Only from Diocletian’s Reform, at the very end of the 3rd century CE, can one see a resumption of Roman control of the southern Negev (Erickson-Gini 2010: 65–74: 98; Avner 2015, with references). However, even then there are no indications of Roman or Byzantine control over the copper mines. The very few Late RomanByzantine pottery sherds found to date in the survey and excavations, and the four coins of the early 4th century from the dwelling cave (Fig. 10.24), cannot indicate yet a Roman or Byzantine control of the mines. So, once again the industry seems to be in the hands of the local population, this time the Nabataeans. The dimension of the Nabataean mines, although difficult to detect today, is well reflected in the nearby Nabataean–Roman–Byzantine Aila (ancient Eilat, in modern Aqaba), where numerous remains of the copper industry were uncovered, including over 500 copper objects, in comparatively small excavated areas (Parker 2006: 228; Power 2012: 29). Still missing are the remains of Nabataean copper smelting, of which we have only clues: a small number of Nabataean pottery sherds in the large smelting site of Be<er Orah, additional Nabataean sherds at a small smelting site near Yotvata, a geomagnetic date of the 1st century BCE–CE from the same site (Ben Yosef et al. 2008, Fig. 13), and a 14C mid-1st century CE date from the Chalcolithic smelting furnace of Timna 39b (Table 10.1: 31, Rothenberg 1990b).18 18 Paleomagnetic dating of the slag from the Timna 39b furnace, by Ben-Yosef et al. (2008: 2872–2874) confirmed its Chalcolithic date, but also pointed to a later, secondary use of the furnace. This may explain the late 14C date from the furnace, as suggested by Rothenberg (1990b). 173 avner , Ginat, Shalev, ShilStine , lanGford, f rumkin, Shem-tov, f ilin, a rav, BaSSon, Shamir , Scott-c umminGS It is interesting to note that from the Timna Valley only little is known of Nabataean–Roman activity (one mine, two Greek inscriptions with Nabataean names, and some pottery). So it seems that Nahal >Amram gained preference in these periods. The Early Islamic (7th to 11th centuries CE) was a major mining period at Nahal >Amram, when the mines reached their maximum dimensions. This intensive mining fits well with what we know of the period in the southern Arabah Valley and the vast development in the region: the construction of a series of villages, large farms based on qanat (underground water tunnels), gold production, and more (Gilat et al. 1993; Avner and Magness 1998; Avner 2016). All these created a lively hinterland for the town of Ayla,19 an important administrative and commercial center, pilgrim station and even a focal point of Islamic scholarship (Cobb 1995; Whitcomb 1988, 1994, 1998; Damgaard 2011). Compared with the extensive Early Islamic mining activity at Nahal >Amram, the situation at Timna is puzzling. Early Islamic presence there is known only on top of older smelting camps, mainly at Site 2, but no contemporary mines were ever identified.20 Nor has early Islamic mining been found in the Faynan area, but additional mines are known at Nahal Reḥav>am, near Eilat and at Jebel Mraḥ, in eastern Sinai, 18 km west-southwest of Eilat (unpublished). Little is known of the Mamluk period (13th–15th century CE) in the Eilat region, aside from the Ayla Fortress and the remains along Darb al-Hajj. Willies (1991: 136) and Rothenberg (1999: 164) suggested some Mamluk mining at Nahal >Amram, which finds some support in two glazed pottery sherds collected in the recent survey. Two buildings with adjacent installations at Nahal >Amram (Site 45/23) and northeast Timna Valley, and one 14C sample from Be<er Orah, ca. 1270 CE (Table 10.1: 30) are probably Mamluk. CONCLUDING NOTE The preliminary results of the renewed research at Nahal >Amram demonstrate its potential for studying the past of the >Arabah Valley and the role of copper in the history, technology, economy and sociology of desert populations. Obviously, to reach a better understanding of these themes, additional excavations are needed, as well as numerous chemical analyses and series of 14C dates. REFERENCES Avner, R. 1998. Elat-Elot: An Early Islamic Village. >Atiqot 36: 21*–40*. Avner, U. 2000. Nabatean Standing Stones and Their Interpretation. ARAM 11–12: 95–120. Avner, U. 2014. Egyptian Timna—Reconsidered. 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