MINING FOR ANCIENT COPPER Essays in MEMory of BEno rothEnBErg TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY SONIA AND MARCO NADLER INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY MONOGRAPH SERIES NUMBER 37 Executive Editor Editorial Board Managing Editor Graphic Designer Israel Finkelstein Avi Gopher Oded Lipschits Guy D. Stiebel Myrna Pollak Noa Evron CONTENTS Contributors Preface xi Erez Ben-Yosef xiii SECTION I: TIMNA VALLEY Chapter 1 STRATIGRAPHY AND STRUCTURE OF THE TIMNA VALLEY AND ADJACENT ANCIENT MINING AREAS Michael Beyth, Amit Segev and Hanan Ginat 3 Chapter 2 BENO ROTHENBERG AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF COPPER SMELTING AT TIMNA James D. Muhly 21 Chapter 3 THE CENTRAL TIMNA VALLEY PROJECT: RESEARCH DESIGN AND PRELIMINARY RESULTS Erez Ben-Yosef 28 Chapter 4 THE DIET OF ANCIENT METAL WORKERS: THE LATE BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGES IN THE ARABAH VALLEY (TIMNA AND FAYNAN) Lidar Sapir-Hen, Omri Lernau and Erez Ben-Yosef 64 Chapter 5 THE SINAI-ARABAH COPPER AGE EARLY PHASE (CHALCOLITHIC) MINE T EXCAVATIONS Tim Shaw and Alexandra Drenka 81 Chapter 6 THE INSCRIPTION OF RAMESSESEMPERE IN CONTEXT Deborah Sweeney 109 Chapter 7 A PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOMAGNETIC INVESTIGATION OF THE YOTVATA FORTRESS Ilana Peters, Lisa Tauxe and Erez Ben-Yosef 118 Chapter 8 WHO WAS THE DEITY WORSHIPPED AT THE TENT-SANCTUARY OF TIMNA? Nissim Amzallag 127 Chapter 9 TRANSGENDERED COPPER MINING IN THE LEVANT Laura M. Zucconi 137 SECTION II: NAHAL >AMRAM Chapter 10 ANCIENT COPPER MINES AT NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH Uzi Avner, Hanan Ginat, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstine, Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Rachamim Shem-Tov, Sagi Filin, Reuma Arav, Uri Basson, Omer Shamir, Linda Scott-Cummings 147 Chapter 11 VOLUME AND MASS ESTIMATION OF MINE DUMPS AND SLAG PILES USING HIGH-RESOLUTION TERRESTRIAL LASER SCANS Reuma Arav, Sagi Filin and Uzi Avner 178 Chapter 12 EVIDENCE OF PAST FLOOD INTENSITIES IN THE NAHAL >AMRAM COPPER MINES Hanan Ginat, Dagan Meeshly, Uzi Avner and Boaz Langford 188 Chapter 13 MINERS’ MEALS AT THE COPPER MINES OF NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ISRAEL Liora Kolska Horwitz, Uzi Avner and Omri Lernau 199 Chapter 14 NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY: A SURVEY OF UNDERGROUND COPPER MINES Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Uzi Avner and Hanan Ginat 217 Chapter 15 A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF COPPER SLAG IN THE SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY Sana Shilstein and Sariel Shalev 228 SECTION III: FAYNAN, THE NEGEV AND BEYOND Chapter 16 INTENSIVE SURVEYS, LARGE-SCALE EXCAVATION STRATEGIES AND IRON AGE INDUSTRIAL METALLURGY IN FAYNAN, JORDAN: FAIRY TALES DON’T COME TRUE Thomas E. Levy, Erez Ben-Yosef and Mohammad Najjar 245 Chapter 17 KEY FEATURES FOR DEDUCING TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES IN THE BRONZE AGE MINING DISTRICT OF FAYNAN, JORDAN Ingolf Löffler 259 Chapter 18 COPPER TRADE AND THE SETTLEMENT RISE IN THE SOUTH LEVANTINE DESERTS IN THE EB IV Moti Haiman 270 Chapter 19 EXTRACTIVE METALLURGY IN THE CHALCOLITHIC SOUTHERN LEVANT: ASSESSMENT OF COPPER ORES FROM ABU MATAR Aaron N. Shugar 276 Chapter 20 BRONZE CHISEL AT HORVAT HALUQIM (CENTRAL NEGEV HIGHLANDS) IN A SEQUENCE OF RADIOCARBON DATED LATE BRONZE TO IRON I LAYERS Hendrik J. Bruins, Irina Segal and Johannes Van der Plicht 297 Chapter 21 THE DISCOVERY OF THE SINAITIC SITE KUNTILLET >AJRUD Ze’ev Meshel 309 Chapter 22 THE ORIGIN OF THE COPPER USED IN CANAAN DURING THE LATE BRONZE/IRON AGE TRANSITION Naama Yahalom-Mack and Irina Segal 313 Chapter 23 THE ARABAH COPPER INDUSTRY IN THE ISLAMIC PERIOD: VIEWS FROM FAYNAN AND TIMNA Ian W. N. Jones, Mohammad Najjar and Thomas E. Levy 332 SECTION IV: BEYOND THE SOUTHERN LEVANT: CYPRUS, OMAN, GREECE AND BRITAIN Chapter 24 APLIKI KARAMALLOS ON CYPRUS: THE 13TH CENTURY BCE MINERS’ SETTLEMENT IN CONTEXT Vasiliki Kassianidou 345 Chapter 25 KING HEROD AND THE CYPRUS COPPER MINES Shimon Dar 357 Chapter 26 ARCHAEOMETALLURGICAL RESEARCH ON IRON AGE (1250-300 BCE) COPPER PRODUCTION IN THE NORTHERN AL-HAJJAR MOUNTAINS (OMAN PENINSULA) Julie Goy, Michele Degli Esposti, Cécile Le Carlier de Veslud and Anne Benoist 366 Chapter 27 ANCIENT MINING AND METALLURGICAL ACTIVITY AT THE GOLD-SILVER-COPPER ORE DEPOSITS IN MAVROKORFI AREA, MOUNT PANGAEON (NORTHEAST GREECE) Markos Vaxevanopoulos, Michail Vavelidis, Vasilios Melfos, Dimitra Malamidou, Spyros Pavlides 385 Chapter 28 THE GREAT ORME BRONZE AGE COPPER MINE IN NORTH WALES: OPPORTUNITIES TO LINK ORE TO METAL Robert Alan Williams 399 Chapter 29 COPPER MINING AND SMELTING IN THE BRITISH BRONZE AGE: NEW EVIDENCE OF MINE SITES INCLUDING SOME RE-ANALYSES OF DATES AND ORE SOURCES Simon Timberlake and Peter Marshall 418 SECTION V: METALWORKING Chapter 30 JUDAH OF IRON VS. ISRAEL OF COPPER: THE METALWORKING DEVELOPMENT IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL AND ITS HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS Yulia Gottlieb 435 Chapter 31 TRADITION AND CONTINUITY IN CRAFT WORKSHOPS AT TEL DAN Rachel Ben-Dov 455 Chapter 32 A FIRST CENTURY JEWISH RECYCLING ECONOMY Matthew Ponting and Dan Levene 479 Chapter 33 EARLY BRONZE AGE REFINING OF COPPER Christopher John Davey 495 Chapter 34 BRONZE PRODUCTION IN PI-RAMESSE: ALLOYING TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL USE Frederik W. Rademakers, Thilo Rehren and Edgar B. Pusch 503 Chapter 35 EXAMPLES OF COPPER HARPOONS OF NAQADA CULTURE IN THE EASTERN NILE DELTA Marcin Czarnowicz 526 Chapter 36 BRONZE WORKING AT SUMHURAM: NEW DATA FROM AN ANCIENT SOUTH ARABIAN HARBOR ON THE COAST OF DHOFAR (SULTANATE OF OMAN) Michele Degli Esposti, Carla Martini, Cristina Chiavari, Elena Bernardi and Gian Luca Garagnani 539 Chapter 37 OBSERVATIONS ON SOCKETED COPPER ALLOY ARROWHEADS IN THE EARLY FIRST MILLENNIUM BCE Jamie M. Szudy 556 CONTRIBUTORS Amzallag, Nissim Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Gottlieb, Yulia Tel Aviv University, Israel Arav, Reuma Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Goy, Julie University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France Avner, Uzi Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Haiman, Moti Israel Antiquities Authority and Bar Ilan University, Israel Bason, Uri GeoSense Ltd, Israel Ben-Dov, Rachel Hebrew Union College, Israel Ben-Yosef, Erez Tel Aviv University, Israel Benoist, Anne Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France Bernardi, Elana University of Bologna, Italy Beyth, Michael Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Bruins, Hendrik J. Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Chiavari, Cristina University of Bologna, Italy Czarnowicz, Marcin Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland Dar, Shimon Bar Ilan University, Israel Davey, Christopher University of Melbourne, Australia Degli Esposti, Michele University of Pisa, Italy Drenka, Alexandra Independent scholar, Israel Filin, Sagi Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Frumkin, Amos Hebrew University, Israel Garagnani, Gian Luca University of Ferrara, Italy Ginat, Hanan Dead Sea and Arava Science Center and Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Jones, Ian W.N. University of California, San Diego, USA Kassianidou, Vasiliki University of Cyprus, Cyprus Kolska-Horwiz, Liora Hebrew University, Israel Langford, Boaz Hebrew University, Israel Le Carlier de Veslud, Cécile University of Rennes 1, France Lernau, Omri University of Haifa, Israel Levene, Dan University of Southampton, UK Levy, Thomas E. University of California, San Diego, USA Löffler, Ingolf Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Germany Malamidou, Dimitra Ministry of Culture, Kavala, Greece Marshall, Peter English Heritage, UK Martini, Carla University of Bologna, Italy Meeshly, Dagan Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Melfos, Vasilios Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Meshel, Zeev Tel Aviv University, Israel Muhly, James D. University of Pennsylvania, USA Najjar, Mohammad University of California, San Diego, USA Pavlides, Spyros Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Shilstein, Sana Weizmann Institute of Science, Israel Peters, Ilana Tel Aviv University, Israel Shugar, Aaron A. Buffalo State College, USA Ponting, Matthew University of Liverpool, UK Sweeney, Deborah Tel Aviv University, Israel Pusch, Edgar University College London – Qatar, Qatar Szudy, Jamie M. University of Vienna, Austria Rademakers, Frederik University College London, UK Tauxe, Lisa Scripps Institution of Oceanography, USA Rehren, Thilo The Cyprus Institute, Cyprus Timberlake, Simon University of Cambridge, UK Sapir-Hen, Lidar Tel Aviv University, Israel van der Plicht, Johannes University of Groningen and Leiden University, The Netherlands Scott-Cummings, Linda PaleoResearch Institute, USA Segal, Irena Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Segev, Amit Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Shalev, Sariel University of Haifa, Israel Vavelidis, Michalis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Vaxevanopoulos, Markos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Williams, Robert A. University of Liverpool, UK Shamir, Omer GeoSense Ltd, Israel Yahalom-Mack, Naama Weizmann Institute of Science and Hebrew University, Israel Shaw, Tim Imperial College of Science and Technology, UK Zucconi, Laura Stockton University, USA Shem-Tov, Rachamim Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel PREFACE There is no better way to honor the memory of Beno Rothenberg (1914–2012) than by publishing a volume dedicated to new studies on copper in antiquity. Rothenberg’s pioneering work in the Timna Valley, which was the center of his academic career, focused on ancient copper mining and smelting technologies, and paved the way to other studies of this metal and its role in ancient societies around the world.1 Rothenberg’s work is considered by many to be a cornerstone in the development of archaeometallurgy as an integrative research discipline; as such, the study of ancient metal and metal production technologies is based on a synthesis of various avenues of investigation from the natural and social sciences and the humanities, the main objective of which is the study of the people and societies behind the artifacts and technologies.2 This book celebrates just such an approach with a collection of studies that includes, in addition to contributions on technologies, results of research on various aspects of the production and use of copper in ancient societies: from the geological settings of copper mines to the diet of metalworkers and the characteristics of metal trade systems. The studies range from Oman to the British Isles, with a special emphasis on the southern Levant and the Arabah Valley. They testify not only to the current prosperity of research in the geographical region whose systematic study was pioneered by Rothenberg, but also to the growth and vitality of the research discipline that Rothenberg fundamentally helped to advance (cf., Thornton 2012, Roberts and Thornton 2014). The book’s publication follows the international conference on “Copper in Antiquity” held at the Timna Park (southern Arabah, the Eilot Regional Council) in 2013. The conference, also in memory of Rothenberg, was organized by Tel Aviv University and the Timna Park with the help and support of other organizations,3 and steered by E. Ben-Yosef with the help of Y. Goren, H. Ginat and A. Holzer. Some of the contributions are based on presentations given at the conference, while others were written especially for the book. The 37 chapters of the book, contributed by 66 scholars, present a wide array of topics. They are organized in five sections—the first four are divided by geography, while the final section includes studies related specifically to metalworking. The geographic sections are organized according to their proximity to Timna, which, as mentioned above, was at the core of Rothenberg’s academic work. The book commences with Timna itself (Section I), goes on to nearby Nahal >Amram (Section II), a smaller copper ore district located ca. 5 km to the south of Timna, also within the general region of the southern Arabah Valley. The next section (III) deals with the Faynan copper ore district in the northern Arabah Valley, together with contributions on the Negev and southern Canaan. The last geographic section (IV) contains contributions related to various locations, from Oman to the British Isles, through Cyprus and Greece. This wide geographic spectrum helps to contextualize the intense research in the southern 1 2 3 On Rothenberg’s work and its contribution to archaeometallurgical research, see Pigott (1996), Ben-Yosef (2012). Rothenberg’s research into the metallurgical aspects of the ancient copper ore district of Timna was part of his broader quest for a better understanding of the archaeology and history of the Negev and the Arabah, which started even before his independent projects, while he participated in the expeditions of N. Glueck and Y. Aharoni. This background helps to explain Rothenberg’s integrative approach to archaeometallurgical research, and his keen interest in questions related to the society behind the technology— or as he himself put it, archaeometallurgy helps us understand “not only how men made metal, but also how metal made men” (via Bachmann 1990). These organizations include the Dead Sea and Arava Science Center, the Institute of Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London, the Jewish National Fund, the Eilot Regional Council, the Israel Government Tourist Corporation and the Economic Corporation for the Tourism Development in Hevel Eilot. Preface Levant presented in the previous sections, and in general emphasizes common denominators in the study of copper across diverse cultures and space. Section I, “Timna Valley,” consists of nine chapters. • Chapter 1 presents the geological settings of the copper ore, which is a necessary background to the archaeometallurgical research of the region (mining and smelting technologies, distribution of sites, etc.). It also provides a basic background to the ore bodies of Faynan, the Jordanian counterpart of Timna, and Umm Bogma in southern Sinai, both heavily exploited in antiquity. • Chapter 2 presents an overview of the rather tumultuous debates over the date of the earliest evidence of smelting in the valley, and over the chronology of the main phase of copper exploitation there. The latter is related to the question of “King Solomon’s Mines,” a subject that is again part of the scholarly discourse as a result of recent discoveries.4 • Chapter 3 introduces the Central Timna Valley Project, which commenced in 2012 and has focused since that time on investigating the Late Bronze and Iron Age s (13th– 9th centuries BCE) mining and smelting sites of the region, with emphasis on technological developments and social processes of the people responsible for the copper industry (the early phase of the Edomite Kingdom). • Chapter 4 presents new data on the diet of the Late Bronze and Iron Age metalworkers, based on remains of mammalian and fish bones from the main smelting sites in Timna. These data are presented together with a summary of previously published materials from Timna and Faynan in order to assess the social status, ethnicity, and other aspects of the people directly engaged in the smelting activities in these periods. • Chapter 5 is a detailed report of Rothenberg’s last excavations at Timna (2001–2002), in the complex shafts and gallery system of Mine T (dated to the Chalcolithic period). The report integrates all the data from the earlier excavations at the mine (1974-1976) into a comprehensive presentation of the research and its results. • Chapter 6 provides a fresh look at the Egyptian inscription that was found in 1972 on the cliffs above the “Hathor Temple,” and in particular at Ramessesempere, the head of the Egyptian expedition to the mines in the days of Ramesses III. • Chapter 7 presents preliminary results of an archaeomagnetic study of pottery sherds from the Yotvata Fortress. Located just above the nearest permanent water source to Timna, the fortress has been associated with the Egyptian phase of copper production and interpreted as part of the efforts to maintain water supply at this time. The results suggest Late Bronze Age activities, thus corroborating the excavator’s dating and supporting his interpretation of the site. • Chapter 8 presents a fresh interpretation of the later (Iron Age) phase of the “Hathor Temple,” with an intriguing suggestion that the place served for the worship of YHWH, the deity of the Israelites, whose source may have been in the south and in connection to ancient metallurgy. • Chapter 9 presents an analysis of the genealogy of Esau (Edom), in light of our current understanding of the region and the rather fluid role of tribes and clans in forming political alliances. Such alliance is probably behind the Iron Age copper exploitation in Timna and the northern Arabah. 4 Forty years after the excavations of the “Hathor Temple” in the center of the Timna Valley and the consequent revision in the dates of all major smelting and mining sites, new radiocarbon dates indicated that one of the smelting camps was most active during the 10th – 9th centuries BCE, and not earlier than the second half of the 12th century BCE (Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). This in turn triggered new research in the valley, which has demonstrated that the peak in production was indeed in the early Iron Age and after the Egyptians left the region (Ben-Yosef, this volume); while possible connections to Jerusalem are still debated, the new chronological framework and evidence of long-distance copper trade necessitate reconsideration of the region’s role in this formative period in the history of the southern Levant. xiv Preface Section II, “Nahal >Amram,” consists of six chapters, all of which present results of a recent interdisciplinary project led by Uzi Avner and focused on the history of mining and smelting in this region. • Chapter 10 is an overview of the Nahal >Amram Project, and provides the dating skeleton of the different sites based on artifact typologies and a large suite of new radiocarbon dates. The main periods of activity were found to be Late Bronze–Iron Ages, Nabataean–Byzantine and Early Islamic. • Chapter 11 presents volume and mass estimates of mining dumps and slag piles. In addition to enhancing our understanding of the scale of mining and smelting in the Nahal >Amram area and nearby sites, the chapter contributes to the development of research methods by the introduction of high-resolution terrestrial laser scans as an efficient technique to tackle such problems. • Chapter 12 presents a study of paleo-floods based on their record within Nahal >Amram’s mines. The galleries preserve unique evidence of mega-floods, whose contexts provide important information on their frequencies in the past.5 • Chapter 13 presents the diet of the miners based on faunal remains found within the galleries, and concludes that their food was surprisingly rich. • Chapter 14 presents a detailed report of the comprehensive underground survey of the mines in Nahal >Amram, including new mapping of the entire system. • Chapter 15 presents a preliminary chemical analysis of slag in an attempt to assess developments in smelting technologies through time. Section III, “Faynan, the Negev and Beyond,” consists of eight chapters. • Chapter 16 presents an overview of the intensive, large-scale anthropological archaeology project in Faynan, Jordan, directed by Thomas Levy and Mohammad Najjar. Commenced in 1997, the project has shed new light on the history of copper ore exploitation in the northern Arabah from the Neolithic to the Late Islamic period, with a substantial contribution to the early Iron Age archaeology of the region. The latter is the focus of the chapter, which discusses the most recent finds and their interpretation by the excavation team (and addresses some criticism). • Chapter 17 also focuses on Faynan. It presents a new study on the technological developments and organizational structure in the Bronze Age, based primarily on the finds of the comprehensive archaeometallurgical project of the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum (under the direction of Andreas Haputmann, 1983–1993). • Chapter 18 presents an overview of the Early Bronze Age IV settlement wave in the Negev, with emphasis on its connection to the copper trade between the northern Arabah (Faynan) and Egypt. • Chapter 19 presents a new study on copper ore fragments found in the Chalcolithic (Ghassulian) site of Abu Matar in the Beer-sheba Valley. While the majority of the ore fragments correspond with the mining site of Faynan, one type offers closer association with ore formations in Anatolia and the Caucasus. • Chapter 20 presents a lead isotope study of a 12th century BCE bronze chisel from Horvat Haluqim in the Negev. The results suggest that the copper originated in Faynan and that an active metal trade network existed in the south in that period. • Chapter 21 presents a brief summary of the discovery of Kuntillet >Ajrud in northeastern Sinai, a unique, possibly cultic site, near the road between the Mediterranean Sea and Elath (Darb al-Ghaza). 5 The ancient mining landscape of the southern Arabah holds important evidence of the paleo-environment and young geomorphological processes; see, for example, the previous studies of Hauptmann and Horowitz (1980) and Shlomi et al. (2015). xv Preface Rothenberg’s visit to the site in 1967 was an important milestone in its research. The site probably served as an important road station; however, it is not clear if it was related to the copper trade.6 • Chapter 22 presents a new study on the provenance of copper in Canaan during the second half of the second millennium BCE. Based on chemical and lead isotope analyses of final copper-based objects, it is demonstrated that Timna played an important role in the copper trade after the Egyptians left the region, and in particular during the 11th century BCE. • Chapter 23 is a comprehensive overview of our current knowledge of Islamic copper production in the Arabah Valley. While in the Early Islamic period the copper mines of the southern Arabah (Timna and Nahal >Amram) were most active, in the Late Islamic period mining activities are documented only in Faynan. Section IV, “Beyond the southern Levant: Cyprus, Oman, Greece and Britain,” contains six chapters, all related to primary copper production (i.e., ore mining and smelting), as evidenced in the archaeological record and historical documentation. • Chapter 24 presents evidence from a Late Bronze Age (13th century BCE) miners’ settlement in the Apliki ore district of Cyprus, which was exposed by modern exploitation of the region. • Chapter 25 is also focused on Cyprus, albeit in a much later period. It presents the case of King Herod’s exploitation of the Cypriot mines (1st century BCE), as relayed by Flavius Josephus, and suggests that this was the major source for Herod’s wealth, which enabled his grandiose construction enterprises in Judea and many cities around the Mediterranean. • Chapter 26 presents preliminary results of an ongoing archaeometallurgical research on Iron Age copper production in the northern al-Hajjar Mountains in Oman. This research is part of a multifaceted project, which includes surveys, excavations and complementary laboratory work. • Chapter 27 presents a new study of one of the mines in Mount Pangaeon in northeastern Greece, and at a nearby smelting site (Valtouda). The study includes documentation of mining technologies from the Roman period to the days of the Ottoman Empire, and an assessment of the complex history of exploitation of the multi-metallic (gold-silver-copper) ore body. • Chapter 28 presents preliminary results of a study on the Bronze Age Great Orme copper mine in north Wales. The study attempts to establish a robust geochemical signature for the ore body, in order to enhance the quality of provenance studies and in turn to reassess the scale of the mining activities (and its geographical impact) and the importance of the site in Bronze Age Britain. • Chapter 29 is also concerned with Britain in the Bronze Age. It presents new copper mining sites and discusses the main phase of Bronze Age copper exploitation in Britain based on reexamination of radiocarbon dates. The study demonstrates that widespread small-scale mining activities took place in western Britain between ca. 2000–1500 BCE (the termination possibly related to the beginning of copper importation from Europe). Section V, “Metalworking,” consists of eight chapters, all related to secondary copper production (e.g., alloying, recycling, mending and casting) and final copper objects. • Chapter 30 discusses the transition from copper to iron in the southern Levant. Based on the archaeological evidence, it seems that Judah adopted iron-working earlier than its northern counterpart, 6 Although Kuntillet >Ajrud is located near one of the main roads between Gaza and Timna, its accepted dating to the 8th century BCE precludes the possibility that it was connected to the copper trade, as the Arabah copper industry ceased at the end of the 9th century BCE (e.g., Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). However, if the beginning of the occupation at Kuntillet >Ajrud were to be dated earlier, such a connection should be considered (cf., Schniedewind 2017, contra the opinion of the excavator). xvi Preface • • • • • • • the Kingdom of Israel. Various possible reasons for this discrepancy are discussed, among them the stronger affiliation of Judah to metalworking and trends in metallurgical developments based on its connection to the flourishing early Iron Age copper industry of the Arabah. Chapter 31 presents a detailed report on the early Iron Age metallurgical workshops at Tel Dan, with evidence for bronze-working and recycling. Chapter 32 presents the results of a study on metal recycling procedures based on archaeological finds and Jewish literary sources of late antiquity. The study demonstrates that contrary to the notion that recycling resulted in poor control over composition and quality, the management of scrap metal was actually a developed and sophisticated industry that provided reliable products. Chapter 33 presents a study of Early Bronze Age copper refining. Based on evaluation of the technology, the author suggests identifying crucibles depicted in Egyptian Old Kingdom tombs and the Old Babylonian site of Tell edh-Dhiba‘i as refining vessels. Chapter 34 presents new evidence of Late Bronze Age bronze production in Qantir–Pi-Ramesse. The evidence indicates a rather high technological variability, as alloying was achieved by different methods, including mixing fresh metals (copper and tin ingots?), recycling and cassiterite cementation. Chapter 35 presents copper harpoons of Pre-Dynastic Egypt and discusses their significance in the Naqada culture. An overview of the finds and relevant artistic depictions suggest that they were not only weapons, but also an important symbol that played several roles in ancient Egyptian society. Chapter 36 presents new data on bronze working at Sumhuram (Oman). The alloying process was evaluated based on the analysis of metal items dated from the 3rd century BCE to the 4th century CE and other evidence from the site. No diachronic trends or correlation between shape/function and chemical composition were found, suggesting low standardization. Chapter 37 discusses the use of copper for the production of weapons at times when iron was the dominant metal of choice. The case study of socketed copper alloy arrowheads of the 7th century BCE demonstrates that copper still had an advantage when certain forms were desired, and even more so given the ability to mass produce by casting. The wide-ranging contents of this volume demonstrates the importance of copper in the shaping of human history. Since the dawn of metallurgy more than 7,000 years ago, copper has been used to produce a wide assortment of objects with different functions in ancient societies, from ornaments, cult and art to agricultural and domestic tools, weapons and coinage.7 This in part is what makes copper, and the evidence related to the efforts invested in its production, so well suited for deciphering social meaning and extracting knowledge about the past. This book, in memory of Beno Rothenberg, also commemorates his friend and colleague, Professor Tim Shaw (1934-2017), who contributed, together with Alexandra Drenka, a comprehensive chapter on Mine T in Timna (Chapter 5). Shaw was Professor of Mining Engineering at Imperial College London, who became fascinated with the archaeology of ancient mines (mining archaeology/Montanarchäologie)8 through his work with Rothenberg in Timna. He was engaged in archaeological research and in teaching archeaologists for many years, including at the archeaometallurgy summer school of the Institute of Archaeo-metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London. Shaw’s research achievments will undoubtedly continue to be part of the investigation of the Timna mines and other ancient mining districts around the world. 7 8 On this, in relation to the modern exploitation of copper, see the recent publication of Golding and Golding (2017). This research field, sometimes included under the broader discipline of “archaeometallurgy,” has been attracting a growing interest in recent years (cf., Stöllner 2014). xvii Preface ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The book is published with the support of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University, the Marie Curie Actions (FP7-PEOPLE-2012-CIG grant #334274 to E.B.-Y.), and the Israel Science Foundation (grant #1880/17 to E.B.-Y.). Special thanks are due to Myrna Pollak, head of the Institute of Archaeology’s Publications Department, to Noa Evron, graphics editor and Nitsan Shalom and Brett Cohen, assistant editors, for their work on the text, layout and production of the book. Many individuals contributed towards the book’s creation, from its seeds at the Timna International Conference to the final print. Among them are the local “Timnaeans,” Hagit Gal (Park Manager), Dubi Goldman, Hanan Ginat, Assaf Holzer and Guy Markman, who helped with the conference organization and later with various aspects of the research and publications related to the southern Arabah. The editor is grateful to Yuval Goren, who was pivotal to the initiation of the renewed archaeological research in Timna, as well as to the success of the Timna Conference. Thanks are also due to the Israel Antiquities Authority and its representatives in the south, Tali Erickson-Gini and Yoram Haimi, for their help in promoting research in one of the most remote regions of Israel. Lastly, thanks are due to Aaron Greener for his assistance in the editorial process, and to the Central Timna Valley Project’s staff, whose devotion and enthusiasm for the exploration of Timna also propelled the work on this book. Erez Ben-Yosef, Editor 2018 REFERENCES Bachmann, H.G. 1990. Introduction. In: Rothenberg, B., ed. The Ancient Metallurgy of Copper, Vol. 2. London: xvii-xxi. Ben-Yosef, E. 2012. Beno Rothenberg: Obituary. Israel Exploration Journal 62(1): 244–246. Ben-Yosef, E., Shaar, R., Tauxe, L. and Ron, H. 2012. A New Chronological Framework for Iron Age Copper Production in Timna (Israel). Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 367: 31–71. Golding, G. and Golding, S.D. 2017. Metals, Energy and Sustainability: The Story of Doctor Copper and King Coal. Cham, Switzerland. Hauptmann, A. and Horowitz, A. 1980. Zur geomorphologie und palaomorphologie des Modell-gebietes. In: Conrad, H.G. and Rothenberg, B., eds. Antikes Kupfer im Timna-Tal. Bochum: 57–67. Pigott, V. 1996. Near Eastern Archaeometallurgy: Modern Research and Future Directions. In: Cooper, J.S. and Schwartz, G.M., eds. The Study of the Ancient Near East in the 21st Century. Winona Lake: 139–176. Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. 2014. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective. New York. Schniedewind, W.M. 2017. An Early Iron Age Phase to Kuntillet ‘Ajrud? In: Greenspahn, F. and Rendsburg, G.A., eds. Le-ma‘an Ziony: Essays in Honor of Ziony Zevit. Eugene, Oregon: 134–146. Shlomi, Y., Ginat, H., Meron, T. and Holtzer, A. 2015. Pace of Degradation in Streams within Sandstone in a Region with Copper Mines (Timna Valley, southern Israel). Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies 7(2): 38–50 (in Hebrew). Stöllner, T.R. 2014. Methods in Mining Archaeology (Montanarchäologie). In: Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses. New York: 133–159. Thornton, C.P. 2012. Archaeometallurgy in the 21st Century. Reviews in Anthropology 41 (3): 173–187. xviii CHAPTER 3 THE CENTRAL TIMNA VALLEY PROJECT: RESEARCH DESIGN AND PRELIMINARY RESULTS Erez Ben-Yosef The Tel Aviv University Central Timna Valley (CTV) Project is a multi-year, multidisciplinary research endeavor that attempts to elucidate various aspects of ancient copper exploitation in the southern Arabah Valley. The first phase of the project (2012–2016) included new surveys and excavations of several of the main copper mining and smelting sites in Timna. The field work was designed to address key issues in Late Bronze and Iron Age archaeology of the region, including evolution of copper production technologies and the introduction of iron, historical questions concerning the nature of 13th—9th century BCE desert societies and the impact of intense copper production on social processes, regional and global interactions and the economy of the southern Levant at this juncture. Here we present an overview of the project and preliminary results of its first phase. INTRODUCTION The Timna Valley (Fig. 3.1) is one of the best preserved ancient copper ore districts in the world, with dozens of sites that represent over six millennia of copper mining and smelting (Rothenberg 1990b). The area was first reported as an ancient copper production district by John Petherick (1861), a mining engineer and the British consul of Khartoum. It was later visited by early scholars such as Fritz Frank (1934), Nelson Glueck (1935) and others. Beno Rothenberg was the first systematic researcher in the valley; he began investigating the area in 1959 and acknowledged the importance of Timna for the study of ancient copper metallurgy by organizing an interdisciplinary team of experts to help with various aspects of research (Pigott 1996; Ben-Yosef 2012a). The work of Rothenberg and his team (“the Aravah Expedition”) lasted several decades (1959–1984; with some later field work in 2001/2 [Shaw and Drenka, this volume] and 2005 [J. Merkel, personal communication 2013]), and was fundamental to the shaping of archaeometallurgy as a well-recognized research discipline. Rothenberg’s pioneering work on copper mining and smelting technologies was the basis for further research in the copper mines of the Arabah Valley (e.g., Hauptmann 2007; Ben-Yosef 2010; Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014) and is the starting point of the current project, which builds on the published and unpublished materials of the Aravah Expedition. The first phase of Tel Aviv University’s Central Timna Valley Project (CTV, 2012–2016)1 focused on the main mining and smelting sites in the valley, and included surveys, excavations and complementary laboratory work. The project was triggered by the results of the 2009 excavations at the large smelting camp of Site 30 (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012) that called for a substantial revision of the accepted chronological framework for the main phase of copper production in Timna. Until the renewed excavations, Site 30 was 1 See: http://archaeology.tau.ac.il/ben-yosef/CTV/ chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.1: Map of the Timna Valley and the archaeological sites recorded by the Aravah Expedition (based on Rothenberg 1990); the main smelting sites are indicated, as well as sites excavated by the Aravah Expedition and the CTV Project (the map’s grid is based on the Israel Cassini Soldner [ICS], and the distance between the grid marks is 1 km). 29 erez Ben-yosef dated predominantly to the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1300–1150 BCE, Rothenberg 1980)2—similar to all other major smelting and mining sites in the valley (cf., Rothenberg and Glass 1992). This dating is based on the results of the excavations at the Hathor Shrine (Site 200, Rothenberg 1988), which yielded numerous Egyptian finds including cartouches of pharaohs from Seti I to Ramesses V. However, radiocarbon results from the 2009 excavations demonstrate that Site 30 is exclusively Iron Age (late 12th–9th century BCE), and that the Egyptian finds from the Hathor Shrine cannot serve as a chronological anchor to all major sites in the valley; this revision has significant implications for our understanding of the copper industry and its background, as the suggested link between large scale production and the Egyptian New Kingdom of the 19th and 20th Dynasties (e.g., Rothenberg 1972) should now be reconsidered, and the capabilities (and complexity) of local sociopolitical entities should be reevaluated. Above all, the recent revision in the chronological framework of the major sites at Timna demonstrates that these sites can no longer be treated as a homogeneous group; it became evident that the main period of copper exploitation in the valley covers ca. 500 years, roughly between 1300–900 BCE, with changing sociopolitical and historical settings. Thus, higher time resolution and careful examination of each site are necessary in order to achieve meaningful insights on the history of the region at this time, and to address questions concerning technological evolution, social processes and more. In light of these new developments in the research of Timna, one of the CTV Project’s main goals has been to establish absolute chronology for the main mining and smelting sites in the valley. In addition to multiple radiocarbon dates on short-lived samples, we examined the potential of other analytic methods to provide age constraints on mining and smelting contexts, including optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating and archaeomagnetism (below). Based on the foundation of absolute chronology, the first phase of the CTV project aimed at achieving the following goals (cf., Ben-Yosef et al. 2016): 1. Investigating technological evolution and innovation in the transitional period between the Bronze and Iron Ages, focusing on mining and smelting technologies and the possible link to the development of iron production technologies. 2. Investigating social, cultural and ethnic aspects of production systems, including questions regarding the role of Egypt, the formation of Edom, identity of the Shasu people, and more. 3. Contextualizing Timna in wider regional and historical perspectives, including its relation to Faynan, the Negev Highland and the Hijaz, its connections with potential markets such as Philistia, Moab and ancient Israel, and its possible role in historical events such as the military campaign of Shoshenk I to the southern Levant. The CTV Project is based on new surveys and excavations of several of the main copper mining and smelting sites in Timna, and includes various experts that study different aspects of the finds. In addition, as part of the new project we work on old materials of the Aravah Expedition that were never published. These include both archival documents and excavated artifacts that provide more insights on the archaeology of Timna and contribute to the goals of the renewed research.3 The layout and preliminary results of the field work activities of the CTV Project are described in the next two sections (divided into smelting and mining contexts, Table 3.1). This is followed by a discussion of the significance of the results and their implications on the research of Timna and beyond. 2 3 30 Site 30 Layer I was the only context in Timna dated by Rothenberg to the 10th century BCE (attributed to the Shoshenk I campaign to the southern Levant). Access to unpublished materials of the Aravah Expedition was kindly granted by J. Gavish (Rothenberg’s personal collections) and the Israel Antiquities Authority (with the help of U. Dahari, M. Sebbane, A. Rochman-Halperin and O. Sion). chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults taBle 3.1: fielD seasons of the first Phase of the ctV Project (2012–2016) Season Mining Sites Smelting Sites 2012 - Survey of slag mounds (Sites 34, 30A; Supervisor: I. Peters) 2013 Excavations at Merkavot 1, 2 (Supervisor: C. Smitheram) Excavations at Site 34 Area 19 (Supervisors: Geophysical survey of Merkavot 1 (Supervisor: U. Basson, W. Ondricek and I. Peters) no results) 2014 Excavations at Merkavot 2 (Supervisor: C. Smitheram) Survey of Merkavot 3 (Supervisor: C. Smitheram) Geophysical survey of Merkavot 2, 3 (Supervisor: N. Wechsler) Excavations at Site 34 Areas 19 and G (Supervisors: W. Ondricek and I. Peters) Survey of Site 34 (hilltop only; Supervisors: O. Yagel and V. Workman) 2015 - Excavations at Site 34 Areas 13 and 21 (supervisors: W. Ondricek and V. Workman) Excavations at Site 15 Areas A, B, C and M (Supervisors: M. Cavanaugh and O. Yagel) Survey of Site 15 (Supervisor: C. Smitheram) Survey of Site 3 (Supervisor: O. Yagel) 2016 Geophysical survey of Merkavot 3 (Supervisor: N. Wechsler) Excavations at Site 34 Areas G, 13 and 21 (supervisors: V. Workman and I. Peters) Excavations at Site 35 Areas A, B and C (supervisors: W. Ondricek and M. Cavanaugh) Survey of Site 35 (Supervisors: O. Yagel and C. Smitheram) SURVEYS AND EXCAVATIONS OF COPPER SMELTING SITES One of the most prominent archaeological remains in the Timna Valley is slag deposits. In fact, Timna was recognized as an ancient mining district based on these deposits (Petherick 1861), and it took more than a century of research for the mines themselves to be discovered and documented (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980). The Aravah Expedition documented nine sites with significant accumulation of slag at Timna (2, 3, 12, 13, 15, 30, 34, 35, 185)4 and treated them as smelting camps that mostly represent simultaneous activities (Rothenberg 1967, 1972; Conrad and Rothenberg 1980; Rothenberg 1990b; 1999b, and see above). These sites were at the core of the Aravah Expedition’s research; they were all surveyed and three of them (Sites 2, 30 and 3) were excavated in several seasons of field work.5 The excavated materials were the basis for technological reconstructions (Bachmann 1980; Rothenberg 1990b), dating, and studies related to the history of the region and its inhabitants at the peak of copper production in the southern Arabah Valley (Rothenberg 1999b, and references therein). The main smelting sites of Timna are also the focus of the first phase of the CTV Project, which aims, among other objectives, to contextualize Rothenberg’s extensive work in a refined, chronological framework. Together with the new data from the 2009 excavations at Site 30 (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012) and the recent excavations at Site 2 (Erickson-Gini 2014), the CTV Project has already deepened our understanding of Timna in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, including substantial revisions of previous research (e.g., Ben-Yosef et al. 2016; Ben-Yosef 2016). 4 5 Glueck (1935) reported seven smelting camps in Timna (Sites 3, 12, 13, 15, 30, 34 and 35 of the Aravah Expedition [cf., Rothenberg 1988: 2, although the reference to Site 2 is an error]); these are probably the same seven camps reported by Frank (1934). Small probes, like the one reported by Rothenberg (1990a: 12) at Site 185, were probably carried out by the Aravah Expedition at other sites, possibly without any publication. One of the aims of the current project is to track down information and materials from such probes. 31 erez Ben-yosef While the mining fields of Timna are located around the perimeter of the valley and below the cliffs, the main smelting sites are found closer to the center at a distance of 1–3 km (Fig. 3.1). This separation facilitated both ore channeling from a wide area of mining and wood supply, as vegetation is more abundant in the wadi plains in the center of the valley. The CTV Project started with a survey of slag mounds at Site 34 and its vicinity and continued with excavations at Sites 34, 15 and 35. In addition, all of the main smelting camps (except Site 2) were surveyed and mapped, and materials from the Aravah Expedition’s excavations at Site 3 were analyzed and processed for publication. THE 2012 SURVEY OF SLAG MOUNDS AND ARCHAEOMAGNETIC DATING In partial preparation for excavations we conducted a survey of slag mounds at Site 34, one of the largest smelting sites in Timna (below), and its vicinity (Figs. 3.1, 3.2). The slag mounds were documented and slag samples were collected as part of an archaeomagnetic study that aimed at providing age constraints to the individual slag deposits (Peters 2015, Peters, Tauxel and Ben-Yosef 2017). Building on previous archaeomagnetic studies at nearby Site 30 (Shaar et al. 2011) and other sites in the region (Ben-Yosef et al. 2008), the current research yielded important insights about the chronology of smelting at the center of the Timna Valley. The results demonstrate that the slag mounds on the hilltop of Site 34 represent (exclusively) early Iron Age activities, in contrast to the slag mounds at the hill bottom (Early Islamic), but similar to the slag deposits of nearby Sites 30 and 30A (the latter investigated here for the first time). Furthermore, the results demonstrate the potential of archaeomagnetism to provide age constraints on slag deposits, with time resolution of up to a few decades (e.g., Site 34 Slag Mound #3, 980±10 BCE). As part of the current project we also applied archaeomagnetism on pottery from the Fortress at Yotvata that has been associated with the main period of copper production in Timna (Meshel 1993). Preliminary results suggest that the fortress is related to the Late Bronze Age activities in Timna (Peters, Ben-Yosef and Tauxe, this volume); however, additional research should be carried out in order to establish a firm date for the site, particularly in light of the recent revision in the chronology of the main sites in Timna. SITE 34 (SLAVES’ HILL) Although Site 34 (Figs. 3.1, 3.2) is one of the largest smelting camps in Timna, Rothenberg did not excavate it and “left it intentionally undisturbed for the next generation of researchers” (Rothenberg, personal communication 2009). The site has been at the center of the CTV Project, with field work conducted there every season since the first one (Table 3.1; Ben-Yosef 2016). The site is located on a sandstone plateau (of ca. 3 ha.) surrounded by sheer cliffs averaging 20 m in height, and has only one access on the northwest, where an access path was cut into the bedrock. This location indicates a need for defense, which is also evident by a wall that protects the northern part of the site where the slopes are more accessible. This wall was first reported by Glueck (1935),6 and later surveyed by Rothenberg (1962, 1967), who also described a gatehouse protecting the entrance to the site. Inside the wall, Site 34 contains numerous slag mounds (~1000 tons) and architectural features that are related to different aspects of the metallurgical activities (Fig. 3.3). The CTV Project excavations concentrated in four areas (Fig. 3.3): a slag mound and associated installations (Area 19, Fig. 3.4), the gatehouse complex (Area G, Fig. 3.5; Ben-Yosef, Langgut and Sapir6 32 Glueck (1935) considered the site’s location and the wall as a means to “forcibly retain the drafted laborers”; in turn, this description gave the site its popular name—“Slaves’ Hill.” Although slaves probably did not operate the furnaces on the hill (Sapir-Hen and Ben-Yosef 2014), the romantic epithet is very much in use, and even found its way into popular literature (such as the young adult fiction of Havron 1958–1959). chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.2: The two largest smelting camps in Timna, Sites 30 and 34; note the proximity of the Hathor Shrine. Photo courtesy of U. Avner. Hen 2017), metallurgical installations of various qualities (Area 13), and a rock shelf with metallurgical remains (Area 21). As mentioned above, Rothenberg dated the site to the Late Bronze, like the other main smelting camps in Timna (not surprisingly, given its proximity to the Hathor Shrine, cf., Fig. 3.2). Following the recent revision in the chronology of nearby Site 30 (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012) and in accordance with the goals of the current project, we put an emphasis on establishing absolute chronology for the site in the first two excavation seasons (2013 and 2014). Fourteen short-lived samples from well-defined contexts were sent for radiocarbon dating, and the results fixed the chronology of the site between the late 11th and late 10th centuries BCE, in agreement with the archaeomagnetic age constraints received from slag samples (above). Thus, Site 34 represents a relatively narrow time window within the five centuries of substantial copper production at Timna, which corresponds to Site 30 Layer II (or only the later part of it; Ben-Yosef et al. 2012) and Khirbat en-Nahas (KEN) Stratum IV (and possibly also Stratum V; Levy et al. 2014); both also demonstrate a need for defense at this exact same time (the fortress at KEN and the wall at Site 30). The abandonment of Site 34 corresponds to disruptions in the stratigraphy at Site 30 and KEN, and to abandonment of other sites in the Arabah Valley including, e.g., Khirbat al-Jariya (Ben-Yosef, Najjar and Levy 2014). The disruptions and abandonment of sites were attributed to the campaign of Shoshenk I to the region in the second half of the 10th century BCE (BenYosef et al. 2010; Levy, Munger and Najjar 2014; Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014). 33 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.3: Detailed map of Site 34 and the excavation areas of the CTV Project (the map is based on the 2014 survey supervised by O. Yagel and V. Workman). 34 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.4: Site 34, Area 19A; sampling the western section of the excavation pit for seeds (14C dating), charcoal (species identification, fuel sources), slag (chemistry/mineralogy, smelting technology), textile pieces (fabric materials, weaving technology) and more. Nine radiocarbon samples from this section fixed the date of Site 34 around the 10th century BCE. Fig. 3.5: Site 34, Area G; the gatehouse complex at the end of the 2014 season; the two rooms abut solid extensions of the site’s wall (probably platforms or bases of towers); the rooms are flanked by extensive patches of dung and other organic materials, representing donkey (or mule) or other livestock pens. 35 erez Ben-yosef The excavated materials and the artifacts recorded during the intense surface survey of 2014 are the basis of various studies. These include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 7 36 Pottery: the Site 34 assemblage consists of hundreds of diagnostic sherds of all types defined previously for the main smelting sites in Timna (“Negebite” pottery, “normal” wheel-made pottery, and Quarrayyah Painted Ware [QPW]), excluding Egyptian pottery.7 In addition to providing insights on the society of Timna during the 10th century BCE, the exceptionally rich assemblage coupled with tight absolute chronology enables refining the typological scheme for the Arabah Valley in the Iron Age (Kleiman, Kleiman and Ben-Yosef 2017). Animal bones: faunal remains provide insights on the diet of the metal workers and their social status. Analysis of the goat/sheep bone assemblage (the most abundant find) by context indicated that the craftspersons working at the furnaces were treated to the best parts of meat, probably reflecting their higher social status (Sapir-Hen and Ben-Yosef 2014). The presence of fish (in all contexts) indicates significant food procuring efforts by the inhabitants of the site. Surprisingly, the fish assemblage does not correspond to the nearby Red Sea (25 km to the south), but rather to the Mediterranean Sea and fresh water rivers (Sapir-Hen, Lernau and Ben-Yosef, this volume). This implies trade connections (direct or indirect) with coastal societies and probably other peoples to the north. The bones also provide insights on one of the key components of the copper production system—the draught animals. At Site 34, only donkey (or mule) bones were found. Together with the tight dating and analyses of other assemblages from smelting sites in the Arabah Valley, it seems that camels were introduced to the region only in the late 10th century BCE, as part of the reorganization of the industry in the aftermath of Shoshenk I’s campaign to the region (Sapir-Hen and Ben-Yosef 2013). The animal bone assemblage of Site 34 is yet to be fully studied, and more insights are expected based on careful, context-based analysis. Seeds: remains of thousands of uncharred seeds were unearthed in almost all of the excavated contexts. The seeds not only provide excellent material for radiocarbon dating, but also add to our knowledge of the diet of the site inhabitants, including the non-humans. They include all of the biblical Seven Species as well as doum palm, pistachio, lentils and more. None of these grows in Timna, and except dates and the doum palm that may have grown in the oases of the southern Arabah Valley, their origin has to have been much further to the north in the Mediterranean regions. In addition, in certain contexts seeds were found mixed with animal dung, indicating the diet of these animals; dung was found in large quantities on both sides of the gatehouse’s rooms, piled up against the inner side of the wall (Area G, Fig. 3.5). It seems that this was the location where donkeys were held together with other livestock animals (goat/sheep), and that their dung was deliberately piled, probably to be used in the operation of the furnaces (the initial heating stage). Thousands of grape seeds were found in this dung, indicating that the donkeys were fed with grape pomace, a high calorie food that suits their pivotal role in the industry (Ben-Yosef, Langgut and Sapir-Hen 2017). Ground stones: more than 1000 ground stones of various types were documented on the site’s surface during the 2014 survey and a few dozen were unearthed in the excavations (of all areas). This large quantity is typical at smelting sites (e.g., Levy, Bettilyon and Burton 2016) and reflects the important role of ground stones in the chaîne opératoire of copper production. The association In light of the new chronological framework for the main smelting sites in Timna, the identification of certain pottery types and wares as “Egyptian” by the Aravah Expedition (e.g., Rothenberg 1980: Plate 211) should be reexamined, including the petrographic identification of some wares as “Nilotic.” If the identification proves to be valid, it implies that Egypt had also been involved in copper production during the Iron Age. chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults 5. 6. of the new assemblage from Site 34 primarily with copper production8 allowed for systematic investigation of the function of each type within the process of copper production (as domestic functions were generally excluded). The results of this investigation, with new insights on copper production processes, are presented in Greener and Ben-Yosef (2016). Charcoal: the large scale copper production evident in the main smelting sites at Timna required large amounts of fuel, which, for successful smelting, had to be charcoal-based (cf. Merkel 1990). As wood is scarce in the arid environment of the Arabah Valley, the source of charcoal has intrigued many visitors to the region (e.g., Glueck 1935: 26); however, even when charcoal was excavated in abundance in the smelting sites of Timna, it has never been systematically studied prior to the current research. As part of the CTV Project excavations at Site 34, thousands of charcoal fragments were collected; hundreds of them were analyzed together with charcoal samples from Site 30, resulting in a database of plant species used as fuel sources during ca. 200 years (11th—9th centuries BCE).9 Based on the assumption that the climate of Timna and the natural flora were not significantly different than they are today, changes in the assemblage through time were interpreted as reflecting human impact on the environment (Cavanagh 2016). The most dominant species in the assemblage was acacia and white broom (Retama raetam), two main sources of wood that grow locally—but rejuvenate slowly. The later part of the assemblage is characterized by increasing frequencies of less woody species, and even imported wood (Phoenix, Juniperus, Pistacia), indicating increasing stress on the natural environment that probably contributed to the cessation of production in Timna during the 9th century BCE. Moreover, fuel sources in Timna were probably a limiting factor for the industry, and one of the main reasons for the differences in scale of production between Timna and Faynan (the latter is larger in order of magnitude [Ben-Yosef 2012b]). Furnace related materials: the excavations at Site 34 unearthed various artifacts that are the basis for reconstructing smelting technologies. These include copper ore and flux (iron ore), furnace fragments (including an intact furnace bottom uncovered in Area 19B), tuyère fragments, slag, crucibles (for secondary refining/melting), metal chunks and fragments of copper ingots. Even though similar artifacts were excavated by the Aravah Expedition, the high time resolution of the CTV Project’s excavations allows for tracking fine technological changes and trends (within the time span represented at Site 34 and within a broader diachronic context by comparison to other [well-dated] sites). Moreover, some of the artifacts are rare, and have very little representation in the metallurgical assemblages of the Arabah Valley even after decades of excavations and surveys (see overview in Ben-Yosef and Levy 2014); future studies of these artifacts, and in particular the ingots, crucibles and some of the furnace-related features, are expected to shed more light on copper production technologies as well as other related aspects (e.g., establishing provenance signature and tracking trade networks). Slag is also a key for technological reconstructions, as its texture, chemistry and mineralogy provide invaluable information on parameters such as furnace temperature and redox conditions, ingredients of the smelting mixture, efficiency and standardization of the smelting cycles, and more (cf., e.g., Bachmann 1980, 1982). As part of the CTV Project, dozens of slag samples from Site 34 Area 19 and from Site 3 (below) were analyzed for their chemistry (ICP-MS/OES)10 and 8 The architectural remains and other characteristics of the site rule out its use for dwelling; thus, probably only minor domestic activities (food preparation, etc.) were carried out at the site itself, and most of these were conducted in the dwelling area, which had to be in tents located at the base of the hill. 9 The analysis was done by M. Cavanaugh under the supervision of D. Langgut at Langgut’s laboratory in the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University. 10 Inductively Coupled Plasma (ICP) analyses were conducted by O. Yagel in Y. Erel’s laboratory at the Institute of Earth Sciences of the Hebrew University. 37 erez Ben-yosef 7. 8. compared to previously published data from the Arabah Valley (Yagel 2016). The slag from Site 34 shows a striking similarity in efficiency and standardization to slag studied by Ben-Yosef (2010) from other 10th century BCE sites in the Arabah Valley, which were part of the identification of a distinct “socio-technological” system (System #2) that operated in the entire Arabah Valley at this time. Textile, cordage, basketry and leather: the extraordinary preservation of organic materials in Timna is unparalleled even at other desert sites, including Faynan (with few exceptions such as Kuntilet >Ajrud and caves in the Judean Desert). Thus, the organic remains at Timna provide a window into various aspects of past societies that are usually transparent in archaeology. The rich assemblage of textile and related finds from Site 34 is in full agreement with other evidence from the site that indicate a complex and hierarchical society that engaged in a sophisticated system of production and trade. The finds include clothes of varying qualities, with some presenting high quality weaving and dyeing (in red and blue; see Workman 2016; Sukenik et al. 2017; O. Shamir, personal communication)11 Textile and leather fragments, as well as ropes and cords, probably represent disintegrated bags, saddles, tents, leather bags (which served as bellows and water containers), leather bellow pipes, and more; however, additional work should be done in order to decisively identify their original use. Miscellaneous small finds: metal objects (awls, needles, rings, etc.), beads (dozens, of many material types), and other small artifacts were excavated and reveal different aspects of the daily life at Site 34, as well as trade connections. The few metal objects that were analyzed were found to be made of bronze and were most probably not local products. The CTV Project’s efforts to retrieve as much material as possible from each excavated context (at the expense of excavation scale) resulted in large quantities of artifacts and ecofacts even from relatively small volumes of excavations.12 Most of these fall into the categories above and reflect key aspects of the people of Site 34 and the copper production industry; reviewing other materials, such as pollen, tiny seeds of wild flora, mollusks, etc., are beyond the scope of the present paper. In sum, the rich archaeology of Site 34 provides a strong basis for studying the society at Timna in the 10th century BCE, as well as various aspects of its engagement in copper production, including organization of production and production technologies. It should be noted, however, that the site represents only one part of a larger system that included the mines (and miners), and the dwellings, which had to be based on tents and located in the wadi plains surrounding the hill. SITE 3 Site 3 is a relatively small (7,700 sq m) smelting camp located north of Mount Timna (Figs. 3.1, 3.6). It was excavated by the Aravah Expedition in 1979 and 1984 (and probed in 1959) and reinvestigated by the CTV Project, including a survey and analyses of materials from previous excavations (Yagel 2016; Yagel, Ben-Yosef and Craddock 2016). Contra to Site 34, Site 3 has no defense elements and it includes 11 The textiles are made of goat hair, wool or linen (the first two sometimes mixed); it is worth noting that the red and blue dyes and tassels (several fragments of which were found at Site 34) echo the depiction of the Shasu nomads in Egyptian drawings (e.g., the Shasu prisoner on Ramesses III’s reliefs at Medinet Habu, and see an overview in Ward 1972), suggesting a possible connection between the term and the Iron Age nomadic population of the copper ore districts of the Arabah Valley (cf. Levy 2009). 12 The efforts to retrieve maximum materials were based on extensive sieving with down to a 1 mm mesh, floatation (done in the artificial Timna Lake), systematic sorting (“picking”) at camp, and in cases application of other methods to retrieve microscopic finds (e.g., a pollen study led by Dr. Dafna Langgut in Area G). 38 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults rectangular buildings (Fig. 3.7), suggesting the possibility that it represents Late Bronze Age smelting activities that correspond to the occupation of the Hathor Shrine (Strata II–III). This triggered our interest in the site, as after the chronological revision of Sites 30 and 34 there was no secure smelting context in Timna from the “Egyptian phase,” except Site 2 (Erickson-Gini 2014). As part of the CTV Project we sent three short-lived samples from Rothenberg’s excavations for radiocarbon dating; the results cover quite a long time span—from the end of the 13th to the mid-10th centuries BCE; however, based on the overlap with the occupation of the Hathor Shrine and other similarities to the Late Bronze activities in Timna (e.g., high frequency of Qurrayyah Painted Ware) we suggest dating the site to the later part of Egyptian activities in the valley (mid 12th c. BCE), as indicated by the finds in the Hathor Shrine (Fig. 3.8). Fig. 3.6: Map of Site 3 (CTV Project 2015 Survey, mapping by O. Yagel; cf. Yagel et al. 2016). 39 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.7: Aerial photograph of the southern part of Structure 1 (Site 3), including all of the areas excavated in the 1984 season of the Aravah Expedition. Our new investigation of Site 3 strengthened Rothenberg’s (1967: 30) suggestion that the site had an administrative role in the copper production system at the end of the Late Bronze Age. In addition, we focused on reconstructing smelting technologies based on chemical analysis of slag samples (n=28) and its comparison to samples from Site 34 (above) and previously published data (Yagel 2016). The results enabled linking Late Bronze and Iron Age technologies, and supported the assertion that the industry was based on a local labor force even under Egyptian control. After the Egyptians left Timna (and the southern Levant as a whole), the same technological traditions were used (and gradually improved upon); engagement in large scale copper production triggered and facilitated social processes, and served as a catalyst for the consolidation of local tribes and the formation of ancient Edom in the early Iron Age (if not earlier). Moreover, the continuity between the Late Bronze and Iron Ages at Timna suggests that the Egyptians had an important role in the formation of the early Edomite kingdom, as local institutions of control and exertion of power had probably already been established in the Late Bronze Age, whether under direct guidance and involvement of the Egyptians, or as a response to their demands. SITE 15 Site 15 is located north of Mount Timna on one of the small tributaries of Nahal Timna (Fig. 3.1). Based on the site’s similarity to Site 3—including no defense elements and some rectangular buildings (Figs. 3.9, 3.10)—we first hypothesized that it represents Late Bronze, Egyptian-controlled smelting. However, following the site’s survey and excavations by the CTV Project (conducted in 2015), three short-lived samples were sent for radiocarbon dating. Two of the samples yielded ages in the range of 1131-934 (1 40 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.8: Radiocarbon dates from Site 3 and Bayesian modelling based on the stratigraphy and the supposition that the site was abandoned at the same time as Site 200 Stratum III (the Hathor Shrine) (calibrated and modelled by OxCal v.4.2 and calibration curve IntCal13, © Bronk Ramsey 2013). Fig. 3.9: Aerial photograph of Site 15 prior to the 2015 excavations. 41 erez Ben-yosef sigma) Cal. BCE (the third failed). Thus, Site 15 reflects the new copper production system established in Timna immediately after the Egyptians left the region. This activity corresponds to the earliest contexts at Site 30 (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012) and to KEN Stratum VI (and possibly also to Stratum V; Levy et al. 2014). The site sprawls over ca. 1 hectare and includes several thin scatters of slag and a few relatively well preserved architectural complexes (cf. Rothenberg 1962). The CTV Project’s excavations concentrated on four small areas (Fig. 3.10): 1. 2. 3. Area A: a small probe in an open area (courtyard?) with a dense surface scatter of slag. The excavations here confirmed that the slag cover is thin, consisting of only the surface layer. A circular stone feature was unearthed half a meter below the surface (Fig. 3.11), indicating accumulation of sediments of varying qualities outside the main structures. Area B: excavations in a rectangular room of one of the main architectural complexes (Fig. 3.12). The excavations reveal several stratigraphic phases and installations that probably relate to domestic activities (possibly a storage room and/or kitchen) within the room. Area C: excavations in a room at the site’s center (Fig. 3.13). The excavations revealed domestic and/ or smelting activities and a phase that pre-dates the establishment of the structure’s walls. Within the room, the natural alluvium had been dug into by the occupants creating a large (>1 m in diameter) Fig. 3.10: Map of Site 15 and the 2015 excavation areas of the CTV Project (mapping by C. Smitheram). 42 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.11: Circular stone feature (Locus 113) at the bottom of Area A, Site 15; note the lump of textile stuck between the stones above the scale (B. 9079). Fig. 3.12: Site 15, Area B at the end of the 2015 excavations. 43 erez Ben-yosef 4. concavity. Evidence of high exposure to fire and smelting-related finds (such as technological ceramics, slag, charcoal and ore) suggest that this feature is directly related to copper production. Area M: excavations of a small tumulus on the hill overlooking the main site. Although the excavations revealed an elliptical structure that is probably a tomb, we did not find any human bones or distinct burial-related artifacts. It is worth noting that similar structures were surveyed in Timna by E. Cohen-Sason (personal communication 2013) and by the Aravah Expedition, including in Site 3 (above). In the latter, a small probe was conducted by Rothenberg in 1959—refuting Glueck’s claim that these were early furnaces and supporting their function as graves. The other main structure on the hill overlooking the main site (Fig. 3.10) was interpreted by Yekutieli and Cohen-Sason (2010) as an observation post—part of a “surveillance system” used by the Egyptians in order to maintain their control over the operation of the mines and smelting sites. Although the functional interpretation of this structure, as well as other similar features in the Timna Valley (including Sites 2, 3, 12, 30, 34 and similar features within the mining areas) might be correct, their association with Egyptian “imperialism” has to be revised in light of the new, and much more complex chronological framework (see discussion below). As at other sites in Timna, the preservation of organic materials at Site 15 is extraordinary. In addition to exceptionally large pieces of textile (Fig. 3.14), the excavations revealed hundreds of seeds of various kinds, including almonds (Fig. 3.15), which are the first to be reported from Timna so far. Fig. 3.13: Site 15, Area C, during the 2015 excavations (the black line indicates boundaries of excavation square).. 44 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults In addition, a well preserved, intact bronze needle (Fig. 3.16A) and a small iron tool (Fig. 3.16B) were found, the latter being a rare find for this period, when iron was only at its naissance as material for utilitarian tools (cf. Gottlieb, this volume). Fig. 3.14: Textile and ropes as found at Site 15 (B. 9068). Fig. 3.15: Almonds found at Site 15, Area C. Fig. 3.16: Metal objects from Site 15: (a) bronze needle, (b) iron (awl?). 45 erez Ben-yosef SITE 35 Site 35 is located west of Mount Timna in a relatively flat area within the Nahal Nehushtan basin (Fig. 3.1). The site covers an area of ca. 125 × 100 m, and is dominated by architectural complexes (Figs. 3.17, 3.18). Between the architectural remains there are several scatters of slag, similar in characteristics to Sites 3 and 15 (above). The differences between Site 35 and the nearby smelting camps of Sites 34 and 30 (located ca. 200/700 m to the northwest respectively) led Rothenberg (1962) to suggest that the former was the location of the workers’ dwellings and workshops. However, these differences most probably reflect a chronological discrepancy (see above), and although we agree that the workers at Sites 30 and 34 did not dwell at the sites themselves, it seems (based on various types of evidence) that their dwellings were at transient tent camps, and not based on architectural complexes such as the ones at Site 35. Thus, the working hypothesis of the CTV Project has been that Site 35 is contemporaneous with the nearby Hathor Shrine (located less than 200 m to the northeast) and represents Late Bronze Age activities; however, without radiocarbon dates, this dating remains tentative. The first excavations at the site were conducted by the CTV Project in 2016 and included three areas (Figs. 3.18, 3.19): 1. Area A, a large building complex and a courtyard. This complex contains several rectangular rooms, stone pavements, stone benches and to its south a courtyard that was probably used as a pen (Fig. 3.20). The excavations exposed two distinct layers; the lower consists of ashy sediments and predates the architectural remains. The rooms include several small installations, and beneath one of the floors a pit containing a rather intact and unburned partial skull of a caprine was uncovered. Fig. 3.17: Overview of Site 35 during excavations (2016). 46 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.18: Map of Site 35 and the 2016 excavation areas (mapping by O. Yagel and C. Smitheram). Fig. 3.19: Aerial photograph of Site 35 and the 2016 excavation areas (at the end of the season). 47 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.20: Site 35, Area A at the end of the 2016 season. The two main stratigraphic phases are clearly visible: an earlier, organic-rich ashy layer pre-dates the architectural remains. The area at the center of the photograph was probably a pen attached to the building complex from the south (it is partially excavated). 2. 3. Area B, flat area to the north of the building complex of Area A. Prior to excavations, several stone features and slag scatters were visible on the surface. The excavations demonstrated that the slag appears as a thin layer with no significant accumulation, and that the entire area contains the ashy sediments that correspond to the lower layer in Area A. Furthermore, the excavations exposed several rounded stone-built installations dug into the ground, probably used as storage pits. These are quite common at other smelting sites in Timna (Fig. 3.21; cf. Site 3 [Yagel, Ben-Yosef and Craddock 2016: Fig. 10]). Also uncovered were architectural remains—specifically walls—that were not originally visible on the surface. Area C, a small dense scatter of slag to the west of Area A and near a large architectural complex (Fig. 3.22). The excavations here revealed beneath the slag an accumulation of thin layers of ashy sediments sitting on top of scorched clayey material (Fig. 3.23). This material seems to represent bottoms of smelting furnaces and/or other metallurgical installations that were constructed here continuously (furnaces were deliberately broken at the end of the smelting process in order to extract the raw metal; thus typically only the bottoms are found). The pottery assemblage was rather small, but included a significant quantity of QPW sherds (Fig. 3.24) together with the other types typical of the main smelting sites at Timna (namely “Negebite” pottery and wheel-made “normal” pottery; see above). No typical Egyptian New Kingdom pottery was identified; however, further typological research on the assemblage is needed in order for this observation to be conclusive, as well as for providing more ceramicrelated insights. In addition to pottery, other artifacts were unearthed, including tuyère fragments, crucibles, textile, seeds, charcoal, beads of several types, metal artifacts and a broken copper ingot (Fig. 3.25). The latter is a rare find in Timna (cf. Rothenberg 1990a: 63–66), and represents the final product of the copper production industry. 48 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.21: Site 35, rounded stone features (storage pits?) dug into the ground in Area B: (a) rounded stone feature in Square 1; (b) rounded stone feature in Square 2; (c) rounded stone feature in Square 4; the natural sandstone formation of “Solomon’s Pillars” is in the background. Fig. 3.22: Excavations at Site 35, Area C; in the background, Site 34 (“Slaves’ Hill”). 49 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.23: Site 35, Area C; the dark patches are burned clay, probably furnace bottoms and/or other metallurgical installations. The white patches are gypsum casts used in preparation for archaeomagnetic sampling of the burned clay. Fig. 3.24: A sherd of Quarrayyah Painted Ware (QPW) excavated at Site 35 (Area A, Square 1, Locus 1247, Basket 13301). The 2016 excavations were accompanied by an intense pedestrian survey of the site, including artifact documentation and collection (mostly ground stones and pottery) and detailed mapping of the architectural features. The assemblage of the surveyed pottery is rather slim, most probably the result of previous surveys at the site.13 SURVEYS AND EXCAVATIONS IN COPPER MINING SITES The ancient mines of Timna exploited almost exclusively the copper-bearing sandstones of the Amir-Avrona stratigraphic boundary, which is accessible around the perimeter of the valley below the cliffs (Fig. 3.1, Beyth, 13 In addition to the Aravah Expedition, Site 35 was surveyed by a team from Ben-Gurion University (over a period of more than one season; Y. Yekutieli, personal communication), and possibly also by other archaeologists working in the Timna Park. Unfortunately, none of the previous surveys was published. 50 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.25: Two sides of a broken copper ingot (65.59 g) excavated at Site 35 (Area A, Square 1, Locus 1232, Basket 13137); as the final product of the smelting process, ingots are extremely rare in the archaeological record of Timna —in all of Rothenberg’s excavations, only a handful of copper artifacts were identified as ingots (Rothenberg 1990a: 63–66). Segev and Ginat, this volume).14 This location, far from the main smelting sites and the center of the valley, is probably the reason that the investigation of the mines started relatively late (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980). Moreover, although some mines were recorded in the early surveys of the Aravah Expedition in the early 1960s, 14 There is no significant evidence for ancient exploitation of the Timna Formation, the other major copper ore body in Timna (contrary to the situation in Faynan, where the equivalent of this formation [Burj] was the dominant source of copper ore; see Hauptmann 2007). This is probably related to its limited exposure on the surface (especially of the orebearing member). However, there is some evidence for ancient mining in the Timna Formation for manganese oxides that were used as flux in advanced copper smelting technologies, such as the one that was introduced in the second half of the 10th century BCE (Bachmann and Rothenberg 1980; Rothenberg 1980; Ben-Yosef 2010: Chapter 8). 51 erez Ben-yosef it took more than a decade to identify the main mining fields, which are represented by thousands of “platelike” depressions that cover extensive areas around the valley’s perimeter (Figs. 3.1, 3.26). These depressions were documented in the early surveys of the Aravah Expedition (e.g., Rothenberg 1967), but it was only in the mid-1970s that it was first demonstrated that these were all blocked mining shafts (Cohen 1976). These mining fields were systematically investigated by the Aravah Expedition, including a detailed survey in the “Model Area” (Fig. 3.1) and excavations of some of the blocked shafts (e.g., Hauptmann and Horowitz 1980). The Aravah Expedition defined three main types of mines in Timna (Rothenberg 2005): • Type A – open-pit mines ( placer) (Fig. 3.27): relatively simple technology based on extracting copper ore nodules by digging pits into wadi terraces (gravel). These nodules (and ore fragments) are the result of natural erosion of the ore-bearing rocks and re-deposition in the valleys located topographically and stratigraphically below. Based on the simplicity of the technology and the assumption that such mines would have been exhausted prior to the application of more demanding technologies, Rothenberg associated this type with Chalcolithic (and earlier) mining. • Type B – basic shafts and galleries (Fig. 3.28): shafts and galleries of relatively large diameter cut into the sandstone with stone tools. This type pre-dates the use of metal chisels and was dated to the Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age by the Aravah Expedition (or the “Sinai–Arabah Copper Age, Early and Middle Phases,” cf. Rothenberg and Glass 1992). • Type C – complex shafts and galleries (Fig. 3.28): A more advanced form of shaft and gallery mining technology identified by the use of metal tools to carve into the copper ore bearing sandstone.15 Most of the blocked shafts (the “plate-like” depressions, Fig. 3.26) in the valley are associated with this type of mining technology, and based on the “Egyptian paradigm” of the Aravah Expedition were dated to the Late Bronze Age. In light of the recent chronological revision of the main smelting sites in the valley (above), these mines should now be dated to the Late Bronze and Iron Ages (13th–9th century BCE), with a probable peak in mining activities during the 10th century BCE. The CTV Project conducted surveys and excavations in mines near the site of the chariots petroglyph (“Merkavot” in Hebrew; see Yekutieli 2016). This area, located outside of the “Model Area” of the Aravah Expedition (Fig. 3.1), was not systematically studied prior to the new project (Conrad and Rothenberg 1980; Rothenberg 2005; and see also Shaw and Drenka, this volume). The investigated area contains both blocked shafts and open-pit mines; while the former were noted already by the Aravah Expedition (e.g., Conrad and Rothenberg 1980: 21) the latter were first identified by the current project. The “typical” surface disruption of shallow open pit mines might seem, to the untrained eye, to be a result of natural processes, and thus the ancient mines can easily be overlooked (Fig. 3.27). Only based on previous identification of such mines at Timna (Areas A, C and G of the Aravah Expedition, Rothenberg 2005) and recently in Faynan (Ben-Yosef, Levy and Najjar 2009) that we were able to confidently identify “Merkavot 1” as an ancient mining field even prior to excavations. The new research at the Merkavot mining fields focused on the following questions: Absolute Chronology As ancient mines typically lack dateable material culture of any sort, the problem of dating ancient mining activities prevails in world-wide mining archaeology (e.g., Stollner 2014: 151). Many ancient 15 The exact nature of the metal tools used to dig the mines is not clear and is currently based on the marks these tools left on the walls of shafts and galleries. The copper “picks” found by the Aravah Expedition (e.g., Hauptmann and Horowitz 1980: 84) might be spear buts (for parallels from the Roman period, see e.g., Stiebel and Magness 2007: Plate 29; Stiebel 2013: Plate 13.1), thus their connection to mining activity is questionable. 52 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.26: Aerial photograph of “plates”—blocked mining (and prospection) shafts—in the area of “Merkavot 3” (note the wadi on the right, which cut through blocked shafts); thousands of such features were recorded on the perimeter of the Timna Valley. Fig. 3.27: An overview of “Merkavot 1,” an open-pit mining field in the alluvial terraces of a small tributary of Nahal Timna. The wavy surface is the result of intense mining activity that was aimed at culling the copper nodules from the gravel. 53 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.28: A mining gallery dug with stone tools (above the hand) crossed by a later gallery dug with metal tools (below the hand); in the photograph, the late Professor Hagai Ron during a field trip, 2012. mines, including those of Timna, were dated by indirect observations (such as the date of nearby habitation or production sites) and/or by technological development schemes, usually assuming unilinear advancement. In order to address this issue and following the success in dating placer mines in Faynan (Ben-Yosef 2010), we applied optically stimulated luminescence dating (OSL) to establish at least a firm terminus ante quem for the mining activity. Technology and Organization of Production The CTV Project’s survey and excavations aimed at adding additional insights on previous observations of the Aravah Expedition concerning mining technologies and the social aspects of mining activities, including organization of production and economic considerations (cf. Stollner 2003; Stollner 2014). Post-abandonment Processes The CTV Project aimed at further examination of the sediments in the blocked shafts in order to understand the filling process (natural vs. anthropogenic, etc.), and at better understanding erosional processes that affected the current exposure of mines and underground galleries (cf. Hauptmann and Horowitz 1980; Shlomi et al. 2015). The following provides a brief description of the surveyed and excavated sites, as well as some preliminary results (Smitheram 2016). MERKAVOT 1 – OPEN PIT (PLACER) MINES The mining field of Merkavot 1 is located in a small valley in one of the upper tributaries of Nahal Timna. Two excavation squares were dug into the alluvial terrace, one of which (Square B) spanned all the way 54 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults to the sandstone of the Shehoret Formation below the terrace (Fig. 3.29). The excavations demonstrated that the entire terrace was intensely mined and that the original pits were naturally filled by thin layers of aeolian and colluvial sediments (resulting in a much flatter landscape). The excavations yielded very few copper ore fragments, indicating that the gravel in its current state is a mining waste; for systematic exploitation of the terrace and avoiding missing any potential area, mined materials from the active pit were thrown into an older pit nearby. Thus, in cases where the fine quartz grains had enough exposure to light while being moved during the mining process, the material from the gravel could potentially provide OSL ages that represent the date of the mining activities. In addition to the gravel, the entire section of fine sediments was sampled for OSL dating (Fig. 3.29). While the natural fill gave excellent ages that correspond to their stratigraphy, the ages from the gravel were more problematic. The OSL dates from Merkavot 1 (Square A) confirmed Rothenberg’s early dating and provide the first analytic evidence of mining activity in Timna during the fifth millennium BCE. However, they also demonstrate that the area was mined during more than one period, including the late second millennium BCE—contra to Rothenberg’s assertion that pit mining was not practiced when more advanced mining technologies were available. MERKAVOT 2 AND 3—SHAFT AND GALLERY MINES Merkavot 2 is a mining field of blocked shafts located on the ridge directly to the west of the petroglyphs site of the same name (Figs. 3.1, 3.30). The blocked shafts and many associated small stone-built features (including standing stones [massebot]) were mapped and documented during the 2013 and 2014 field seasons of the CTV Project. One of these blocked shafts was excavated (Figs. 3.31–3.33), and was found to be a mine of Type B (above). The OSL ages demonstrate that this mine was active during the first half of the fourth millennium BCE at the latest, thus placing it in the Early Bronze Age or Chalcolithic period— in accordance with the chronology suggested by Rothenberg for this type of mine. The OSL ages also demonstrate that the upper part of the fill (above the layer of mud, Fig. 3.33) is a natural accumulation of Fig. 3.29: Excavations at Merkavot 1, Area B; the wadi terrace sits stratigraphically and topographically below the ore-bearing sandstones of the Amir/Avrona boundary and on top of the red sandstone of the Shehoret Formation (visible in the photograph). The dashed line delineates the surface at the time the mine was abandoned; the thin layers on top of the dashed line are naturally accumulated aeolian (and colluvial) sediments. Also indicated are sample locations for optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating and pollen analysis. 55 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.30: Map of “Merkavot 2” mining field; note the many small stone-built features mapped by the CTV Project’s 2015 survey near the blocked shafts (field supervisor: C. Smitheram). Fig. 3.31: Merkavot 2, Shaft 2, before excavations. 56 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults Fig. 3.32: Excavating Shaft 2 in Merkavot 2 mining field (photograph by Sagi Bornstein). fine aeolian and colluvial sediments. However, it seems that most of the fill of this shaft, as well as the other blocked shafts in this mining field and probably everywhere in the Timna Valley, was anthropogenic. We suggest a rather prosaic reason for this observation, namely that the “blocking” was a consequence of a systematic prospection survey of all the areas in the valley that bore potential for underground copper veins. As in “Merkavot 1,” efforts were invested here as well to avoid missing any potential copper; thus not only waste from an active mine was dumped into a nearby shaft, but also the design of shaft digging was such that waste would not randomly accumulate as dump piles on the surface and hinder prospection beneath the dump locations. Moreover, it seems that the shafts were systematically dug from the lower to higher (topographically) areas, with progress towards the cliffs, where the ore bearing layer is deeper and thus deeper shafts are required.16 The anthropogenic filling interpretation is also supported by a few shafts that are found empty (including Shaft 11 in Merkavot 2, Fig. 3.30), although their setting is similar to other nearby (and blocked) shafts. These empty shafts (some more than 40 m deep), among other observations, are the basis for our reconstruction of systematic prospection from lower to higher, as they are always located in the higher areas, closest to the cliffs (and representing the final shaft(s) in a designated mining field). The Merkavot 2 mining field also provides insights on geomorphological processes, including rates of erosion and formation of wadi channels. Previous research has demonstrated an exceptionally high rate of erosion in the Timna Valley during the last 6000 years (4 m per millennium, and up to 30 m; Shlomi et al. 2015). This high rate was attributed to the mining activity itself, as the disrupted surface and the dense web of shafts and underground galleries accelerated erosional processes and provided conditions for wadi channels to cut deep into the sandstones (ibid.; Hauptmann and Horowitz 1980). In Merkavot 2, it is evident that at the time of the mining activity the copper bearing sandstone could have been reached only by shafts from above, and that the landscape was much flatter, with none of the wadis cutting through the sandstones.17 The OSL dates from Merkavot 2 and the average level of the wadi channels today indicate 16 The sedimentary sequence in Timna slightly dips towards the valley’s perimeter, thus the layers are deeper the farther they are from Mount Timna (in addition to higher topography). 17 An underground gallery is visible near the visitor’s center at the parking lot of the Merkavot Site. This gallery, located beneath the shafts of Merkavot 2, was entirely underground when it was originally dug; the gallery was exposed by rapid erosional processes that created deep wadi channels that cut through the sandstone. 57 erez Ben-yosef that during the last 6000 years the latter deepened about 15 m. Moreover, the chariot petroglyphs provide an additional time constraint on the erosional processes, as they are engraved into sandstones exposed only after the wadi channel has deepened. Based on their location and their accepted date (Late Bronze Age; Yekutieli 2016), it seems that the rate of erosion between 6000 and 3300 years before the present was slower than the average rate for the last 3000 years. A similar geomorphological process is clearly evident in the Merkavot 3 mining field, where a series of blocked shafts are cut by a deep wadi channel (Fig. 3.26), although here we do not have absolute dates to constrain rates. As part of the CTV Project, a team from the department of geophysics at Tel Aviv University (supervised by N. Wechsler) carried out a geophysical survey (seismic diffraction) in Merkavot 2 and 3 in order to detect underground galleries (Fig. 3.34). The predominant aim of the survey was to demonstrate feasibility; in turn, the method may provide a potent tool for mapping underground mining systems, as a basis for insights on technology and scale (in particular evaluating the ratio of prospection vs. mining shafts). While at Merkavot 2 no anomalies were detected (possibly a consequence of the sloping Fig. 3.33: Merkavot 2, Shaft 2, at the end of the 2014 excavations; a thick layer of mud at the bottom probably indicates the surface at the time of abandonment. Fig. 3.34: Geophysical survey for detecting underground galleries in the area of Merkavot 2 (2014, cf. Fig. 30); the survey was conducted by the Department of Geophysics, Tel Aviv University (M. Reshef and N. Wechsler). 58 chaPter 3: t he central t imna Valley Project: r esearch Design anD Preliminary r esults landscape rather than a real absence of galleries), at Merkavot 3 a gallery was detected at a depth of 7 m. However, additional research should be carried out, including field verification, in order to establish this method as a reliable tool for mapping the underground mines of Timna. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The first phase of the CTV Project focused on the main smelting sites in the Timna Valley. Following the recent revision in the chronology of these sites (Ben-Yosef et al. 2012), the results of the current project further demonstrate that the peak in copper production in the valley occurred during the 10th century BCE (Ben-Yosef 2016), similar to the situation at Faynan, the northern counterpart of Timna (Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014). The multiple research avenues taken by the CTV Project provide new insights on all aspects of the chaîne opératoire of copper production during the ca. five centuries of substantial activities in the valley at the turn of the first millennium BCE (late Late Bronze Age and early Iron Age, ~1300–800 BCE). These include new observations on technological developments and innovations, from mining of ore and flux to smelting, refining and casting of copper ingots, as well as various related activities necessary for sustaining production on the scale evident at the mining and smelting sites. Given the logistically-challenging location of Timna deep in the desert and far from an agricultural hinterland, the latter had to involve major investment, in particular in tasks such as the constant provision of water and food (for the people, the industry [e.g., manufacturing of technological ceramic] and the livestock and draught animals). The nearest water source is more than 15 km away at the Yotvata (Ghadian) oasis (Peters, Ben-Yosef and Tauxe, this volume), and food had to be transported from a much greater distance. In light of the archaeological evidence discussed above, it is not surprising that the main smelting and mining sites in Timna were attributed until recently to an empire (namely, the Egyptian New Kingdom). This was not only the view of Rothenberg and the Aravah Expedition (above); many other scholars accepted this research paradigm and even recognized mechanisms of “imperial control” in the archaeological evidence (Yekutieli and Cohen-Sason 2010). As the new chronological framework did not change the nature of evidence, the local society that operated the mines during the Iron Age has to be viewed as complex and centralized, despite its nomadic background (Ben-Yosef 2016). Moreover, the diachronic investigations of the CTV Project (within the transitional period between the Late Bronze and Iron Ages) resulted in strong evidence for continuity—in technology and most probably in the society that operated the mines. This society consolidated into an independent political entity during the early Iron Age (probably early Edom; see Ben-Yosef et al. 2010; Levy, Najjar and Ben-Yosef 2014) and was capable of organizing production on an even greater scale than under Egyptian control. However, it seems that the earlier “Egyptian phase” was fundamental to the formation of the new political entity, supporting the establishment of political institutions and facilitating early state formation processes. Further assessment of the new data against contemporaneous evidence from Faynan and beyond, as well as broader contextualization within the culture history of the southern Levant and copper production technologies world-wide are beyond the scope of the current paper, which aims primarily at outlining the research design of the first phase of the CTV Project. The next phase of the CTV Project aims to investigate Timna and its vicinity in other periods (cf. Rothenberg 1999a), continuing to follow in Rothenberg’s footsteps in exploring the ancient history of human exploitation of one of the most important natural resources in antiquity. As a tribute to Rothenberg’s pioneering work, the CTV Project has adopted as its symbol a (rather abstract) petroglyph of a ridden camel from Slaves’ Hill, echoing the symbol of the Aravah Expedition (suckling camel, Fig. 3.35). 59 erez Ben-yosef Fig. 3.35: Ancient petroglyphs of camels: (a) a suckling camel near Kibbutz Samar, the symbol of the Aravah Expedition (photo courtesy of U. Avner); (b) a ridden camel (?) engraved in the “High Place,” Site 34. The petroglyph was adopted as the symbol of the CTV Project. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks are due to the people who make the CTV Project happen: students and volunteers, the project’s staff (Willie Ondricek, Ilana Peters, Vanessa Workman, Mark Cavanagh, Omri Yagel, Craig Smitheram, Yitzhak Vassal, Duaa Abu Salah, Vanessa Linares and Aaron Greener), and the people of Timna Park and its manager Hagit Gal. In addition, materials published here benefited from the advice of various experts whom I wish to thank, including Lidar Sapir-Hen, Dafna Langgut, Omri Lernau, Yuval Goren, Yuval Sapir, Ehud Weiss, Shirly Ben-Dor Evian, Mario A.S. Martin, Michael Beyth, Assaf Kleiman, Sabine Metzer Kleiman, Orit Shamir, Naama Sukenik, Lisa Tauxe, Ron Shaar, Amotz Agnon, Assaf Holzer and Yigal Erel. Lastly I would like to thank Yoram Heimi and Tali Erickson-Gini of the Israel Antiquities Authority, and Oded Lipschits for their help with facilitating the field seasons. 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