Art History journal of the Association of Art Historians Editor Editorial Board Genevieve Warwick, University ofEdinburgh Oriana Baddeley, University ofthe Arts London Deputy Editor Natalie Adamson, University ofSt Andrews Peter Dent, University ofBristol Lucy Bradnock, University ofNottingham Patrizia D i Bello, Birkbeck, University ofLondon Catherine Grant, Goldsmiths, University of London Reviews Editor Michael Hatt, University ofWarwick Gavin Parkinson, Courtauld Institute ofArt Richard Johns, University ofYork Associate Editor Samuel Bibby, Association ofArt Historians Tom Nickson, Courtauld Institute ofArt Amanda Lillie, University ofYork Christine Riding, Royal Museums Greenwich Daniel Rycroft, University ofEast Anglia Michael Squire, King's College London Richard Taws, University College London International Advisory Board Ina Blom, University of Oslo Whitney Davis, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley Finbarr Barry Flood, Institute ofFine Arts, New York University Dario Gamboni, University ofGeneva Maria Gough, Harvard University Etienne Joliet, Universite Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne Sylvia Lavin, University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles Michael Leja, University ofPennsylvania Keith Moxey, Barnard College/Columbia University Patricia Rubin, Institute ofFine Arts, New York University Elizabeth Sears, University ofMichigan Kavita Singh,jawaharlal Nehru University Victor I. Stoichita, University ofFribourg j ohn Wiley & Sons Ltd Christopher S. Wood, New York University Oxford, UK and Boston, USA Wu Hung, University ofChicago ISSNO 141 - 6790 (Print) ISSN 1467- 8365 (Online) • ©Association of Art Historians 2015 Aims and Scope Notes for Contributors Art History is an int e rnatio nal forum for peer-reviewed scho larship and innovative research. Founded in I978, the journal publishes essays, critical reviews, and special issues t hat engage wrth path-breaking new developments and critical debate in cunrent art-historical practice. Art History covers all kinds of art and visual culture across all t ime periods and geographical areas.The journal welcomes contributio ns from the full spectrum of methodological perspectives, and is a forum for a wide range of historical, critical, historiographical and t heoretical forms of writ ing. 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Eligible M H members will be able t o apply for discount subscriptio ns to Art History via t he M H we bsite at www.aah.org.uk For more information and on line membership forms visit www.aah.org.uk o r contact:AAH Membership, 70 Cowcross Street, Clerke nwe ll, London, EC IM 6EJ, UK.Tel.: +44 (0) 207 490 32 1 I. Email: admin@aah.org.uk 'Freedom I do reveal to you': Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe Achim Timmermann Detail from Luttrell psalter, f. 159 v., c. 1320-1340 (plate 13). DOI: 10.1111/1467-83 65.12152 Art History I ISSN 0141-6790 38 I 2 IApril 2015 I pages 324-345 ©Association of Art Historians 2015 'Vryheit do ik ju openbar', 'freedom I do reveal to you' - thus begins the inscription on the heraldic shield of Bremen's mighty Roland, one of the most iconic civic memorials to survive from the entire western Middle Ages (see plate 12). The erection of this prodigious, ten-metre canopied edifice in the first years of the fifteenth century marked the end of a first and highly innovative phase in the construction of urban monuments that celebrated and gave a visual voice to the inexorable rise of Germany's Imperial Free Cities and Hanse towns during the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Potent, eloquent, and self-aware, these tower-shaped embodiments of new civic elites and identities took on what might be called an 'ideal scale', which made them large enough to serve as urban landmarks, but small enough to be unencumbered by the exigencies of structural mechanics, which posed so many often insurmountable challenges in the construction of contemporary large-scale or macro-architecture, in particular the great church spires of the Rhineland, Swabia, and Lower Austria. This essay traces the remarkable story of these monuments from their inception as royal memorials in late thirteenth-century England and France to their later adaptation as grand civic furnishings - fountains, boundary markers, micro-architectural figural memorials - during the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The article concludes by considering these monuments as objects of the late medieval artistic imaginary- the imaginary of manuscript illuminators and panel painters that transformed these memorials into - potentially disconcerting - markers of an unreachable Elsewhere. Before we begin, two terms require brief explanation here. For the most part of this essay I use the term 'monument' to mean an auratic and commemorative urban or suburban architectural furnishing which served as a kind of semi-ontological axis of civic life, as a platform for political proclamations and judicial rituals, and as a central fixed-point around which revolved the annual rhythm of the pageants of guilds, confraternities, and town councillors, and of religious processions bearing the relics oflocal saints and the real-present body of Christ. As civic markers these monuments were first introduced by early and high medieval rulers - bishops, abbots, princes - eager to give visual expression to their achievements and powers of jurisdiction, often by mimicking the most iconic memorials of classical Antiquity. Take, for example, Duke Henry the Guelph's lion monument in Braunschweig (c. 1166), 1 which was modelled on Rome's famous Etruscan Lupa Capitolina, 2 or the Rider on the market square at Magdeburg (c. 1240-50), 3 a sort of high Gothic avatar of the old Roman equestrian statue, exemplified par excellence by the rider figure of 325 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe Marcus Aurelius (c. 165), then thought to depict Constantine the Great.4 Despite their autocratic origins, many of these early urban memorials were later appropriated by the rising burgher class, and then often 'rebranded' to symbolize a later conferral of market rights and the granting of other civic and communal liberties. After their gradual emancipation from their episcopal and aristocratic overlords during the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, many German towns actively embraced and promoted a new type of monument which, at least for the most part, broke with the traditions of the classical past and in their stead publicized its complex agendas through turriform designs of radical modernity. The other term that needs to be defined here is that of 'microarchitecture' (or 'micro-architecture'), which was first coined by Franr;:ois Bucher in 1976 to denote a broad category of Western medieval monuments and artifacts whose design incorporates miniaturized architectural elements, such as spires, cupolas, buttresses, and baldachins.5 In a Western Christian context, microarchitectural forms first rose to prominence in the Carolingian period, and during the following centuries were primarily applied to interior church furnishings, including reliquaries, statue canopies, altar ciboria, altar retables, font ciboria, Easter Sepulchres, choir screens, choir stalls and sedilia, as well as pulpit covers and cupolas. The universal promulgation of the Feast of Corpus Christi in 1264 and again in 1317, which revolutionized the way in which the eucharistic body of Christ was displayed, perceived, imagined, and desired, saw the emergence of new types of microarchitectural objects and edifices, portable monstrances and stationary sacrament houses in particular. Grafted onto all of these structures, microarchitecture could aestheticize certain religious discourses, provide theatrical frameworks for programmes of images and dramatize the performance ofliturgical rituals and (para-) liturgical devotions; on a more profoundly semantic level, microarchitectural motifs were also deployed to evoke specific Biblical buildings or sites, such as the Edenic Fountain of Life or the apocalyptic Heavenly Jerusalem, as well as the Holy Sepulchre of the earthly Jerusalem. Here I focus on microarchitectural structures that existed, functioned and derived their complex meanings in relation to spaces outside the late medieval cathedral or parish church. Nevertheless, scaled halfway between the latter's nascent spires and resplendent eucharistic shrines, the monuments of this essay always maintained a strong link to ecclesiastical architecture and the many liturgical ceremonies performed therein. The rise of the turriform monument in the public sphere was facilitated by many factors - political, social, economic, and artistic though, as I argue here, without the agency of Peter Parler of Gmiind and his circle of highly peripatetic workshop affiliates, its great success as an urban fixture, indeed as a quotidian aspect of civic existence in general, would have been by no means certain. From Lincoln to Aachen, from Royal Memorial to Civic Monument: Beginnings in England, France, and the Rhineland Judging from the documentary and architectural evidence, the first turriform monuments saw the light of day as a series of microarchitectural cenotaphs erected on the order of King Edward I of England in commemoration of his consort Queen Eleanor of Castile, who had died at Harby near Lincoln in 1290. Planned and constructed between 1291 and 1294 by some of the foremost royal architects, including Michael of Canterbury, the first master mason of the great Chapel of St Stephen's in the Palace of Westminster, and costing a staggering £2,000 in total, the twelve so-called Eleanor Crosses not only marked the overnight resting places of the queen's funeral cortege from Lincoln to London, but also delineated what ©Association of Art Historians 2015 326 Achim Timmermann I Eleanor Cross, Hardingstone, begun 1291 . Current height: c. 14 m . Photo: Achim Timmermann. might be called a 'cartography of fragmentation' between the separate burial places of her viscera (Lincoln Cathedral), heart (the Dominican monastery ofBlackfriars in London), and skeleton (Westminster Abbey).6 The extant royal accounts suggest that with growing proximity to London and the queen's tomb in Westminster the memorials increased in size, ornamental splendour and architectural complexity, with the last cross at Charing costing, at more than £700, seven times as much as the average cross outside London. The three crosses that survive, at Geddington and Hardingstone (plate 1), both in Northamptonshire, and at Waltham in Hertfordshire (plate 2), are remarkably different in their individual detailing and geometrical design (the latter being respectively derived from a triangle, an octagon, and a hexagon), which indicates that their architects were given considerable creative leeway. However, all three are tower-shaped structures with multi-storeyed elevations between thirteen and sixteen metres in height that served as vertical stages for the perpetuation of ©Association of Art Historians 2015 327 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe 2 Eleanor Cross, Waltham Cross, 1294. Height: 15 m. Photo: Achim Timmermann. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 Queen Eleanor's memoria, primarily through the repetitious depiction of her heraldry in the gabled socle zone and of her - no doubt highly idealized - portrait in the subsequent baldachin tier. The ornament that encases these mnemonic devices partially replicates the aesthetics of contemporary metalwork and manuscript illumination, though other motifs such as the ogee arch, the 'seaweed foliage' or the freestanding tracery bars that later become hallmarks of English decorated architecture, for instance in the interior elevation of St Stephen's Chapel, occur here for the very first time. From a morphological standpoint the Eleanor Crosses can thus be understood as experimental devices that helped their creators think about - and through - novel types of ornamental repertoires; while from a scalar perspective they functioned as empirical interfaces between the miniaturized arts and macro-architecture. In both respects they anticipated important developments in German microarchitectural design of the later fourteenth century. Whereas the Eleanor Crosses unarguably had a galvanizing impact on the turriform civic monuments at the heart of this essay, brief mention must be made here of another group oflate thirteenth-century memorials that could be visited on the Continental side of the Channel, the so-called Montjoies of St Louis. 7 Regarded by many as prototypical of the Eleanor Crosses themselves, the Montjoies were a series of nine cruciform markers that permanently punctuated the route taken in 1271 to convey the mortal remains of the saintly King Louis IX from Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris to the traditional resting place of the kings of France, the Benedictine Abbey of St Denis. All of the Montjoies were destroyed during the French Revolution, but their former appearance is recorded in two anonymous etchings from the first half of the eighteenth century, now in the Cabinet des Estampes in Paris (BN, Est., Vx 16). Though lacking the multi-storeyed superstructures of the later Eleanor Crosses, the French memorials nevertheless anticipated two of the latter's key features, namely the polygonal ground plan and the canopied and gabled statue tier bearing repetitive portrayals of exemplary kingship. While both the Eleanor Crosses and the Montjoies were erected on royal orders and financed with state funds, the first two such markers surviving or documented in the lands of the former Holy Roman Empire, the so-called High Cross (Hochkreuz) at Godesberg and the 'new fountain in the market' in front of Aachen's town hall, owed their existence respectively to episcopal and municipal initiatives. Godesberg's Hochkreuz still exists today, albeit in a much-restored form, and is currently on display in the vestibule of the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in Bonn (plate 3). 8 Its original location in Godesberg on the left bank of the Rhine, just south of Bonn, is now marked by a modern copy. For much of the later Middle Ages and the early modern period the cross demarcated the southern boundary of the Electorate of Cologne (Kurkoln), one of the most important ecclesiastical principalities in the Empire. The precise circumstances of its creation are unknown, though it is in all likelihood identical with the 'stone cross' ('steinin ... krewcz') that Walram of]iilich, Archbishop and Prince Elector of Cologne (r. 1332-49) is recorded to have put up 'between Achim Timmermann Godesberg and Bonn' ('zwischen Gudesberch und Bonne'),9 just to the west of his castle, the Godesburg, which he modernized during the 1340s.10 A staunch supporter of the later Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV, whom he crowned King of the Romans in Bonn in 1346, Walram had studied in Paris during the 1320s, and thus was probably familiar with the Montjoies ofLouis IX, which may in turn have contributed to awakening his own monument-building ambitions. Extrapolated from a sequence of concentric squares rather than six- or eight-sided polygons, and, 3 High Cross (Hochkreuz), Godesberg, 1340s. Height: 11 m. Photo: Ac him Timmermann. ©Association of Art Historians 20 15 329 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe 4 Clerestory, Cathedral, Cologne, c. 1270-1300. Height of giant pinnacles: c. I0 m. Photo: Robert Bork. ,.,.... ©Association ofArt Historians 2015 save for two telescopic sets of gables-cum-pinnacles, rather plain in design, the high cross lacks the decorative sophistication of its royal predecessors, but at a soaring eleven metres in height would have eclipsed these in overall visual effect and impact. While the Montjoies, as earlier free-standing monuments, could have furnished a putative conceptual prototype, it was the cathedral choir of Cologne, and in particular the giant pinnacles that surmount the vertiginous clerestorey of c. 1270-1300 there (plate 4) that provided the ultimate model for the Hochkreuz.11 Save for a missing socle zone and the absence of statuary the cathedral's clerestorey pinnacles are virtually identical to the cross, which also shares their general proportions and height. Needless to say, when viewed from the ground, they appear dwarfed by the enveloping clusters of massive buttress pinnacles, and given the gigantism of the choir's exterior elevation their true size is not immediately apparent. What the anonymous master of the Hochkreuz effectively did was to isolate one of these giant pinnacles from its initial architectural context and (trans-)plant it into a landscape setting, in which it was transformed before the viewer's level eye into a towering monument - a simple but powerful solution. It is reasonable to assume that the cross was prefabricated in the Cologne cathedral workshop, using an amended design for a clerestorey pinnacle, and then packed into crates and shipped up the Rhine for final assembly in Godesberg. Whereas the Godesberg cross remained in essence a replicable appendage of a large cathedral, the intricate pyramid that surmounted and gave visual emphasis to Aachen's fourteenth-century market fountain was clearly custom-designed for its particular functional and topographical situation.12 Erected in conjunction with the new, magnificent town hall (Rathaus), 13 this nova musa in fora, as it is called in an account book entry of 1334, has since been succeeded by two later structures, the first from 1620, the second from 1735, but a detail from the famous perspectival, engraved map of Aachen, dated 1566, provides us with a reasonably good idea of its former appearance.14 According to the engraving, the fountain had a broad silhouette, with gables, crockets and finials that were echoed by corresponding elements on the north fa<;:ade of the town hall; judging by the known dimensions of the latter, the fountain would have risen to at twelve metres, about the same height as the Godesberg cross. Equally impressive were the fountain's complicated footprint, generated from a decagon or duodecagon, and its double-levelled elevation, which consisted of a two-tiered socle with arcaded niches for statuary and a skeletal superstructure of free-standing buttresses, flyers, and, rising from the centre, a tapering microspire with a cross at its apex. This diaphanous, socalled buttressing pyramid was a new feature on turriform markers and was to set a standard for the most ambitiously designed public monuments for generations to come. We have already briefly looked at the elaborate buttressing that surrounds the choir of Cologne Cathedral, where the complex arrays of buttresses, flyers, and counterbalancing pinnacles perform Achim Timmermann a real structural function, as they conduct and place compressive weight on the thrust vectors from the roof and high vaults and shift them downwards into the ground. On a much smaller edifice such as the Aachen fountain, where a scaleddown buttressing system is used to bracket what is in essence a miniaturized spire cone, features such as flying buttresses and buttress pinnacles have little structural effect. On the other hand, b ecause of their apparent structural irrationality, they add considerable aesthetic interest to the overall design; more importantly, perhaps, they become what may be called rhetorical extensions of the figural programme in the niches below, eye-catching assemblages of hyphens and exclamation marks that enhance and complicate the main 'text' of the fountain's statuary (which, alas, remains unidentifiable on the basis of the engraving). What used to be structural conduits at Cologne are converted here into scopic conduits that attract and entrap the viewer's gaze, guiding it upwards rather than downwards. It stands to reason that visual encounters with Aachen's fountain almost inevitably concluded with a 'taking-in' of the new town hall behind it, the pallatium tota Germania nobilissimum, as Enea Silvia Piccolomini called it in 1435, which came to replace Charlemagne's old and crumbling aula regia between c. 1330 and 1346.15 Like the fountain, the Rathaus provided eloquent testimony to the w ealth and ambitions of Aachen's thriving burgher class and to a new civic identity. But while the town hall functioned primarily through the physical use of its habitable interior space, the fountain, with its dematerializing buttressing pyramid, circumscribed and constructed a space that could only be accessed through the eye and inhabited by the imagination. From Basel to Bremen, from Fountain to Roland: The Parlerian Contribution Broadly resembling both contemporary monstrances and the nascent cathedral spires of the Rhineland (e.g. Strasbourg, Cologne, and Freiburg), 16 and scaled like the earlier Eleanor Crosses somewhere between the two, Aachen's Gothic fountain anticipated the symbiotic relationship between liturgical utensils, street furniture and colossal church towers that became a dominant aspect of art production and architectural design during the second half of the fourteenth century. It was particularly within the artistic ambient of Peter Parler ofGmiind (c. 1333-99) and his circle that the dialogue between various genres of microarchitecture and macroarchitecture was developed, cultivated and promoted. Following a period of apprenticeship at Cologne and Schwabisch Gmiind, Parler was summoned in 1356 by Emperor Charles IV to act as Master of Works at St Vitus Cathedral in Prague, begun in 1344 under Charles' father John of Luxemburg. While stationed in Prague, Parler oversaw the completion of the cathedral's south transept, sacristy, Wenceslas Chapel, and luminous choir, but he soon also began to become involved in numerous other building projects, such as the Charles Bridge over the River Vltava, with its famous Old Town Tower (begun 1373), and, outside Prague, the reconstruction of the choir of St Bartholomew in Kolin (begun 1360).17 Alongside these large-scale edifices, all of which were equipped with n ew and often radically innovative types of vault and tracery configurations, Parler and his growing circle of workshop m embers, apprentices, and associates were producing a steady stream of church furnishings and liturgical vessels (such as tombs, choir stalls, reliquaries, monstrances, and sacrament houses) and a broad range of designs for monuments intended to mark and augment urban and sub-urban spaces, including domestic bay-window oratories (known as oriels or Chorlein), fountains, boundary markers, as w ell as cemetery lanterns. What distinguished these smaller-scale commissions w ere two things in particular: The first was that virtually all were conceived as miniaturized ©Associatio n of Art Historians 20 15 331 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe 5 Sacrament house, St Bartholomew, Kolin, c. 13601378. Height: 7.2 m. Photo: Achim Timmermann. © Association of Art Historia ns 201 5 architectures, with the level of microarchitectural sophistication frequently surpassing anything that had been achieved so far. The second was the fact that certain of their microarchitectural motifs, for instance a particular constellation of gables, buttresses and pinnacles, had a tremendous adaptability across media, scales, and functional contexts. I have shown elsewhere in greater detail how monstrances made from gilded metal and tomb canopies carved from stone could 'masquerade' as cross-sections through basilican choirs, or how the ground plan and significant parts of the elevation of a sacrament house like that of St Bartholomew at Kolin (plate 5; c. 1360-78) were replicated both in the late fourteenth-century oriels of Prague and Nuremberg and in the corner towers for an abortive design drawing (Visierung) likely intended for Prague Cathedral's w est facade (Vienna Academy no. 16821).18 The world that Parler and his steadily increasing number of followers gradually created, not just in Prague, but also much further afield, for instance in Nuremberg, Basel and Vienna, was one in which interiors and exteriors, both religious and secular, were in constant communication with one another; a world of self-similarities across macro-, micro-, and even what might be called nano-scales, in which the cathedral spire was reflected in the market fountain, and the market fountain echoed in the reliquaries and vasa sacra paraded in procession - and vice versa. Such formal oscillations eventually produced a kind of 'crossauratization' between different kinds of monuments and utensils, and between the diverse performances that used them as their props, investing for instance the manifold civic ceremonies performed around a fountain with quasi-liturgical meaning. While Parler was personally responsible for designing sacrament houses, tombs, and choir stalls, among other microarchitectural ensembles, his own involvement in the development of street furniture and turriform public monuments in particular is more difficult to prove. We can certainly assume that he was deeply familiar with the genre well before he came to Prague. While Parler was an apprentice under his father Heinrich in Cologne, for instance, Archbishop Walram ofJiilich (d. 1349) probably ordered the Godesberg Hochkreuz from the cathedral lodge there. A trip to the nearby city of Aachen during this period is also not out of the question, and at least from his early Prague years onwards he would have been intensely aware of the construction of the great Chorhalle at Aachen Cathedral, one of the most prestigious building projects in the Empire, begun in 1355 on the instigation of Gerhard Chorus, the same mayor who had also initiated the erection of the new Rathaus and fountain some twenty years before.19 Moreover, as Paul Crossley has demonstrated, there is compelling evidence to suggest that Peter Parler had spent at least a year or so - probably between c. 1352 and 1356 - in the English West Country, where he would have studied the latest churches of Thomas ofWitney and William Joy, whose cutting-edge vaults in particular were to have a decisive impact on his own Achim Timmermann 6 Fish Market Fountain (Fischmarktbrunnen), Basel, c. 1380. Height: I0.8 m. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. © Associatio n of Art Historians 20 15 radical architectural creations in Prague and elsewhere. 20 If Parler reached the west of England via London, as Crossley seems to intimate, 21 he would have had ample opportunity to investigate and record in drawings at least some of the Eleanor Crosses, especially those of Charing and West Cheap, and possibly Waltham. As polygonal, multi-storeyed, and turriform platforms for figural sculpture and dense, microarchitectural ornament these memorials come particularly close to what are arguably the two most ambitious public monuments of the Parler period, the Schaner Brunnen (Beautiful Fountain) in Nuremberg and the Spinnerin am Kreuz (literally the Spinning Woman by the Cross) in Wiener Neustadt. In the south of the Empire both were preceded by a few years by the so-called Fischmarktbrunnen in the episcopal city of Basel (plate 6), commissioned inc. 1380 to serve the municipal fish market close to the Rhine River. 22 Its praises were sung as early as 1434 by the Italian nuncio to the Council of Basel (1431-48), the Venetian Andrea Gataro, who described the monument as a 'very large fountain with Our Lady and two saints on it, in which the fishermen put their boxes [containing live fish] when it is their market day'.23 As Annie Kaufmann-Hagenbach first pointed out over sixty years ago, the architectural and sculptural detailing strongly suggests that the fountain was produced in the Basel Cathedral workshop, which was then headed by the ageing Johann von Gmiind (possibly an older brother of Peter Parler), who had taken over as the cathedral's Master of the Works after the earthquake of 1356.24 In architectural-geometrical terms, the fountain comprises a duodecagonal water basin and a rather complicated central post or Stock whose visual language changes from tier to tier and whose plan is based on a progression of 6:4:3 (all being divisors of the base figure 12). The cylindrical granite v base with three iron standpipes (supplied with water from a spring on the grounds of the nearby Haus zum Sessel) is thus succeeded by a six-sided intermediate tier with gabled compartments; then follow a square capital and the crowning tier with its statue baldachins and lissome pinnacle, which is generated from a series of rotated triangles. This entire confection is encrusted with tracery, crockets and finials, and provides a kind of proscenium in the round for a rich figural programme of angels, prophets, and saints. The architecture reserves pride of place for the three canopied, threequarter life-size statues already admired by Gataro, depicting the Virgin Mary, John the Evangelist, and - most appropriately here - the Fisherman-Apostle St Peter. While such details only became apparent when the fountain was viewed from up close, a first impression of the edifice from afar was of an extremely slender structure with a slight swelling in the middle, an outline that may have reminded the more liturgically literate beholder of a very elongated type of relic ostensorium that came into fashion during the second half of the fourteenth century. 25 With the fountain dispensing the city's very elixir oflife, this formal allusion appears particularly appropriate. There were of course many ways in which to visually frame and elevate the utilitarian and symbolic 333 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe 7 Beautiful Fountain (Schaner Brunnen), Nuremberg, c. 1385-1396. Height: 19.2 m. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. © Associat ion of Art Historians 20 I5 significance of water; while Johann von Gmund or an associate opted for the dainty silhouette of a portable, turret-shaped reliquary, the designer of the richly polychromed and gilded Schaner Brunnen (plate 7) on the west side of the main market square (Hauptrnarkt) in the Imperial Free City of Nuremberg peppered his stunning creation with a blend of allusions to the architectural stage-management of Mass, both public and private. 26 Notwithstanding its liturgical 'charge', however, the Beautiful Fountain is also a strangely irrational, indeed disorienting, edifice (like its peers at Basel, Aachen and elsewhere), especially on closer inspection, when it dissolves into a glittering collage of differently-sized buttresses, pinnacles, gables, baldachins, and miniaturized ceremonial balconies, from which a myriad of figures (seated, standing, as busts) peers down at the viewer. Nuremberg's towering fountain - at 19.2 metres almost twice as high as that of Basel - was constructed between c. 1385 and 1396, replacing a much smaller and simpler predecessor completed in 1361, 27 a decade after the Hauptrnarkt had first been laid out on the site of the former Jewish quarter and a splendid new church dedicated to Our Lady erected at its eastern end. The new fountain was at once far more visible across the vast, cobblestoned expanse of the square and much exceeded its predecessor in structural and material arrogance, and when the city fathers eventually approved of its execution they unwittingly chose to back what in retrospect constituted the most ambitious and expensive such public monument of Gothic transalpine Europe. Headed by one Master Heinrich Parlier, who was in all likelihood identical with the Prague-trained Heinrich Beheim the Elder, then architect-in-chief of the nearby Sebalduskirche, 28 the enterprise involved a large workforce of masons, sculptors, and painters, as well as blacksmiths for the grilles and carpenters for the scaffolding; additional experts and workmen were required for the hydro-technological aspects of the project.29 In the end, expenditures from the city coffers amounted to 4,500 gulden Rhenish - an enormous sum, even by later fifteenth-century standards, but quite obviously well worth paying. As a turriform structure with gabled tier divisions and a crowning buttressing pyramid the design of the Schaner Brunnen was indebted to the market fountain at Aachen, erected some half-century before. In its individual detailing, the Beautiful Fountain represents, however, a purely Parlerian edifice, and while much of it tallies with the decor of the Parler-inspired east choir of the church of St Sebaldus (a mere stone's throw away from the fountain) ,30 its octagonal ground plan, corner buttress disposition, use ofV-shaped pairs of flyers, and neat gable caesuras are all motifs that recur verbatim in contemporary eucharistic architecture (e.g. the sacrament house of St Bartholomew in Kolin) and in the showy designs for contemporary domestic oriels or Chiirlein (literally 'small choirs').31 While generating a (quasi-)liturgical force field in the middle of the city and at the same time encouraging closer scrutiny of its scalar contradictions and ostentatious architectural ornament, the telescopic, Achim Timmermann 8 Spinner by the Cross (Spinnerin am Kreuz), Wiener Neustadt,c. 1391-1394. Height: 21 m. Photo: W ikimedia Commons. four-tiered pyramid also provided the architectural mise-en-scene for a stupendous cycle of statuary. This was carefully calibrated to highlight Nuremberg's position and role within the grander designs of imperial politics in particular, and the history of the world in general (we can assume that the lost figures of the Aachen fountain functioned along similar lines). Among the forty or so statues viewers could discern the representatives of contemporary political power, embodied by the Seven Electors, or else contemplate the Nine Worthies (which included the figure of Charlemagne) as paragons of just leadership from the past. There were also prophets, perhaps heralds of heavenly justice, and the Seven Liberal Arts, personifying science and learning. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 335 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe In the uplifting grandeur of its design and in the eloquent weight of history with which it is imbued, the Schaner Brunnen represented a most fitting microarchitectural encomium to Nuremberg's rank as a premier Imperial City; even more, animated by the pure and generous waters that perennially gushed forth from its spouts and pipes, this monument literally designated the city which it graced as a Fountain of the Empire. We turn now to a second microarchitectural 'conversation piece', the so-called Spinnerin am Kreuz of c. 1391-1394 (plate 8) in the old Babenberg (later Habsburg) town of Wiener Neustadt in Lower Austria, which eclipses the Schaner Brunnen in height (c. 21 metres), if not in overall visual magnificence. 32 In contrast to the Gothic fountains explored so far, which all stood in medio urbi, the Spinnerin was placed some two kilometres to the north of Wiener Neustadt, where it greeted all travellers approaching the town on the road from Vienna, about sixty kilometres to the north. Although its original function is not recorded - earlier views that regarded the monument as a memorial to the so-called Neuburg Treaty of Separation (1379) can now be discounted33 - we can assume that as with similar such edifices positioned extra muros the Spinnerin performed a variety of roles. Like the Go desberg Hochkreuz it may have served as a boundary marker, and in this capacity could have functioned simultaneously as a toll- and I or escort cross (Zollkreuz, Geleitkreuz); as comparable cases suggest, on important feast days the work may additionally have doubled up as a trajectory cross for theophoric field- and weather processions. To arriving visitors, the towering, yet exquisitely detailed Spinnerin certainly spoke with eloquence of the way in which the town of Wiener Neustadt perceived of itself and liked to be perceived. The initiated viewer able to identify the small heraldic shields in the superstructure would likewise have recognized this marker as the co-donation of two private individuals, Wolfhard von Schwarzensee, mayor of Wiener Neustadt from 1391 to 1392, and Master Michael of Vienna, architect of the Dukes ofHabsburg and creator of this turriform expression of civic and personal self-fashioning. An almost exact contemporary of Peter Parler, Master Michael (c. 1340-c. 1404) is perhaps best known for his brilliant church of St Maria im Gestade in Vienna (begun 1394), with its quirky, 'orientalizing' entrance cupola, though like Parler, whose ceuvre he was well familiar with even prior to the arrival in Vienna of Parler's son Wenzel around 1400, he was also at the forefront of microarchitectural innovation, designing an ever-changing range of buttresses, baldachins, and wayside crosses. 34 Because of the fragmentary archival situation there is no hard proof that Master Michael was involved in the most challenging and prestigious building project of the time, the reconstruction of the Habsburg and city parish church of St Stephen's in Vienna and the planning of its great south tower, but several indicators - among them his position as ducal Baumeister - strongly suggest that he did indeed participate in this grand architectural enterprise. Compelling clues are provided by the Spinnerin itself; as Elisabeth Hassmann has shown, some of the individual formal details such as gabled niches, capitals, and corbels recur verbatim in the later fourteenth-century parts of the Stephanskirche.35 More important in the present context is the fact that the Spinnerin was used as a kind of testing ground for some of the most salient structural and aesthetic features of the great south tower of St Stephen's, planned as early as 1359, but begun in earnest only two decades later. Scholars have thus repeatedly noted that the ground plan for a set of giant pinnacles that w ere to flank the central spire in a late fourteenth-century design of the south tower (Vienna Academy 16 819v) - preserved in a later Visierung of c. 1500 - was replicated in the socle zone of the Spinnerin, here in the form of three radially interlocking squares or cubes.36 At Wiener Neustadt ©Association of Art Historians 2015 Achim Timmermann 9 South tower, Cathedral, Vienna, completed 1433. Height: 137 m. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 this configuration in turn supports three increasingly skeletized storeys staging figures and narratives from the Old Testament and th e Passion, first beneath large projecting canopies, then, in the two upp er tiers, amidst transparent arrays of openwork buttressing. Contrasting with the orderly and precise tier divisions of Nuremberg's Schaner Brunnen, Master Michael's pyram id deliberately blurs and obfuscates these divisions, creating an impression of organ ic growth. The same aesthetic principle, known in German as GeschoBverschJeifung, was later successfully applied to the upper zones (belfry, octagon, spire) of the south tower of St Stephen's (plate 9), completed in 1433, to the effect that this entire vast edifice - at 137 metres, six and a half times the height of Master Michael's cross - 'take[s] on the character of a delicate micro-architectural shrine'. 37 While serving a multiplicity of political and judicial purposes, from the standpoint of architectural practice the Spinnerin, just like the earlier Eleanor Crosses, also functioned as a working laboratory that enabled its author 'to perform sophisticated model experiments' 38 involving different scalar ontologies. Poised halfway between Lilliput and Brobdignag, Meister Michael's magisterial creation helped launch the world of the small and precious into the skyline of Vienna, while simultaneously downsizing the cyclopic to the exp eriential world of humans. Issues of scale could be negotiated through, and affect the character and rhetoric of, late medieval civic monuments in yet other respects. While the urban and suburban landscapes in the south of the Empire increasingly began to be punctuated by tower-shaped fountains and wayside crosses, northern towns had developed their own particular brand of public memorial, which enshrined within a general turriform framework not the exquisite statues of prophets or the Liberal Arts, but a single huge image of Roland, the youthful paladin of Charlemagne and celebrated hero ofRoncesvalles, whose manifold exploits were recounted in the French Chanson de Roland and the German Ro]andslied. For a rather complex set of reasons which to explore is beyond the remit of this study, this legendary ch aracter underwent a remarkable conceptual m akeover during the fourteenth century. In the imagination of numerous urban communities, Roland was no longer just the crusading miles Christianissimus, the most Christian knight, of old; by virtue of his association with Charlemagne, the putative founder of many north German towns, he now came to be regarded as the militant embodiment of a whole range of newly found civic rights, liberties, and privileges. From the mid-fourteenth century onwards, dozens of towns in the northeast of the Empire, particularly in Saxony and along the Baltic littoral, chose to visibly and permanently honour their adopted protector through large-scale mem orials, which were usually placed in the main market square, where next to the often adjacent town hall they were able to develop a particularly potent symbolic agency. 39 I focus now on the famous Roland in the Hanseatic port city of Bremen (plate 10), which was both the first such figure ever executed in stone and, at over ten metres in height, the most monumental of them all.40 The giant statue was erected in 14 04 on the freshly levelled market square, where in tandem with the new Rathaus (begun 337 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fo urtee nth-Century Northern Europe I0 Roland figure, Bremen, 1404. Height: 10.2 m. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. ©Associatio n of Art Historians 2015 1405) 4 1 it created a new gravitational centre of civic life just to the northwest of the old cathedral and episcopal residence. For much of the preceding two centuries, Bremen's burgeoning patriciate had been embroiled in an often violent dispute with the archbishop, culminating in 1366 with the destruction of the old wooden Roland by episcopal troops.42 The citizens eventually emerged victorious from this struggle and more powerful than ever, not only rebuilding their Roland in stone and on a much grander scale, but also endorsing the deliberate falsification of their city's own history in order to maintain and perpetuate their hard-fought rights. Both measures were in fact inextricably connected and masterminded by Bremen's own burgomaster, Johann Hemeling the Younger, who had also assumed the position of the cathedral's Master of the Works. According to the forged documents, members of the citizenry had enthusiastically participated in the First Crusade (they had not), for which services Emperor Heinrich IV, based on earlier legislation established under Charlemagne, had granted Bremen's mayors and magistrates (proconsules et consules) a range ofimportant privileges. These comprised, among others, the rights to wear gold- and fur-trimmed robes (normally reserved for knights) and to equip their statue of Roland with the w eapons and shield bearing the double-headed eagle of the Empire, the Reichsadler. Facing the cathedral and now reconstructed in lithic permanence and triumphant colossalness, the new Roland must have presented a constant eyesore to the disempowered bishop and his chapter. A supersized outdoor cousin of the sculptures of civic fundatores and patron saints that first made their appearance in Germany's cathedrals and parish churches during the early Gothic period,43 this armour-clad guarantor of Bremen's liberties is at once noble and imposing, dashing and full of youth. While his left hand touches the buckle of his fashionable Parlerian belt, the Schwertgiirtel or Dupsing, with his right hand he presents his trusted sword Durendal, which according to the Chanson de Roland was given to him by Charlemagne, who had himself received it from an angel. Rather than being worn for protection, the shield fun ctions here as a purely heraldic device; it is tilted over Roland's heart and appears to be attached to his cuirass. An inscription encircling the shield's Imperial Eagle announces: 'vryheit do ik ju openbar I de Karl und menich vorst vorwar I desser stede ghegheuven hat I es danket gode as my radt' ('Freedom I do reveal to you I Which Charles [i.e. Charlemagne] and many a ruler indeed I Have given to this place I For this I advise you to thank God'). With his coiffed hair and armoured body at attention, and proclaiming Bremen's civic rights in the direction of the cathedral, Roland acts here both as the perpetual envoy and deputy of Charlemagne and as a civic herald sent on his mission by the municipal proconsules et consules. To emphasize and perhaps sacralize him, he is staged, like a scaled-up version of a Gothic jamb figure, within a honourific niche and surmounted by a projecting baldachin with a terminating triad of pinnacles. To an early fifteenth-century south German visitor attuned to the sophisticated microarchitectural culture of his or her home town this baldachin must 3 Achim Timmermann have appeared positively crude; but then again, how can a delicate, gilded fountain figure even compare to this massive carapaced Golem of civic liberty? From Vienna to the Garden of Earthly Delights, from the Gallows to Eden: An Outlook As civic street furnishings, fountains, boundary markers, and figural memorials had a history that, in northern Europe, went back to the early Middle Ages; with the advent and implementation of complex turriform designs during the fourteenth century this history entered into a new and exciting phase. Fountains now became vertical lithifications of justice, munificence, and good governance, while figural markers were transformed into eye-catching embodiments of massive civic egos. With time, these monuments began to loom large both in the streetscapes of the late medieval city and in the mindscapes of their contemporary beholders. Pictorializing and literally making tangible a range of new civic discourses, the fountains and crosses of this contribution functioned as nodes or fulcra around which pivoted people's lives and those rituals that gave these lives their structure and meaning. Just how central to urban existence such monuments were perceived to be can be gleaned from Robert Ricard's famous plan of Bristol (plate 11; 1479; Bristol, City Archives), which depicts the city's turriform market or high cross, begun in 1373 and renovated in 1430, as an omphalic fixture rising from the intersection of the city's four main thoroughfares and dominating the urban skyline, even though in actuality its height of eleven metres was easily surpassed by many of the surrounding buildings, including the town gates and some of the churches shown in the background. 44 On the Continent, and especially in the Holy Roman Empire, the types of turriform designs introduced and refined by Peter Parler and his contemporaries were to have a lasting effect on the development of urban landscapes well into the early decades of the sixteenth century. In the century that saw some of the greatlate Gothic spires nearing or being brought to completion (Vienna: 1433; Strasbourg: 1439; Landshut: c. 1500; Esslingen: 1507) a veritable competition broke out among the smaller towns in the south of the Empire and the Swiss Federation to construct their very own civic miniature spire in the form of a turriform market fountain, Endingen, Rottenburg and Drach, all in Swabia, being chief cases in point. Meanwhile, in the German north, Bremen's formidable Roland statue spawned what might be called a 'Roland race' between the cities of the Hanse, and those of Brandenburg, Anhalt, and Saxony, resulting in the creation of numerous larger and more permanent memorials to the mythical wielder ofDurendal, as at Quedlinburg, Zerbst, and Halberstadt. Despite their proliferation and geographical dissemination, however, none of the turriform monuments constructed during the fifteenth century could match their Parlerian predecessors in size, architectural or iconographical complexity, or in their ability to serve as artistic and semantic intermediaries between differently scaled objects and edifices and their associated (quasi-)liturgical frameworks. There was, perhaps, one exception, a sixteen-metre monument which, rather confusingly, is now also known as the Spinnerin am Kreuz, and which initially stood about eight kilometres south of Vienna, just next to the civic gallows (plate 12).45 This second Spinnerin, commissioned in 1451 by Vienna's magistrate from the Master of the Works at St Stephen's, Hanns Puchspaum and his associate Laurenz Spenning, represented a new type of turriform civic marker unknown during the preceding century- a marker that was calibrated not as an ostentatious object lesson in civic history, but as a theatrical backdrop for the dispensation of criminal ©Associatio n of Art Histo rians 2015 339 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourt eenth-Century Northern Europe 11 Robert Ricard, plan of Bristol, 1479. Bristol: Bristol City A rchives. Photo: Bristol Record Office. punishm ent. This novel genre of microarchitectural street furniture would include chiefly m onstrance-shaped tower pillories, like those of Brno, Wroclaw, and Kasteelbrakel, which staged the m alefactor's social death,46 and so-called poor sinner's crosses (Armsiinderkreuze), such as the new Spinnerin, whose uplifting imagery was intended to provide spiritual edification and visual anaesthesia for the crim inal about to b e executed on the nearby scaffold. As a turriform work of microarchitecture, Puchspaum's Spinnerin refer enced both the scalar worlds of the soaring spire of St Stephen's, which could be seen towering over the distant city,47 ©Association of Art Historians 2015 Achim Timmermann 12 Spinner by the Cross (Spinnerin am Kreuz), Vienna, 1451. Height: 16 m. Photo: Wikimedia Commons. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 and the architecture oflate medieval church furnishings, sacrament houses in particular, with Peter Parler's seminal tabernacle at Kolin (see plate 5; c. 1360- 78) once again furnishing an especially close parallel. Bearing in mind the quasi- or cryptoliturgical character oflate medieval execution rituals and the attendant temporary metamorphosis of the criminal into a Christ-like figure, 48 this formal analogy reveals its deeper meaning. Just like Peter Parler's sacrament house, Vienna's Spinnerin dramatized and choreographed a form of contemporary enactment of the Passion story. But whereas the sacrament house exalted the body's presence and resurrection, the poor sinner's cross glorified, and legitimized, corporeal destruction and physical oblivion. If some turriform monuments signposted designated sites of judicial violence, others on occasion took their viewers to Paradise - and stranger places. Even before their wider introduction into central Europe during the second half of the fourteenth century, tower-shaped memorials appear to have exerted a strong fascination on the contemporary artistic imaginary. Consider, for instance, the left margin of fol. 159v of the English Luttrell Psalter (plate 13; c. 1320-40; British Library MS Add. 42130), in which a dancing atlas figure or strongman has uprooted an Eleanor Cross and balances it on his head. As Michael Camille has pointed out, the illustration responds to the adjacent excerpt from Psalm 88:7- 11, which praises the incomparable strength and power of God.49 In the context of this paper this suddenly airborne cross not only connotes contemporary pieces of small-scale liturgical metalwork carried in procession, but also alludes to the way in which architectural drawings, travelling for instance in the baggage of Peter Parler back to the Continent, helped disseminate architectural ideas across large geographical distances. The world of portable objects is also referenced in another manuscript illumination, ,the famous miniature of earthly Paradise in the Tres Riches Heures of the Duke of Berry (c. 1411- 12/1416; Musee Conde, Chantilly, MS 65, fol. 2Sv), in which the Edenic fons vitae figures as a curious hybrid between a turriform market fountain and a precious product of the goldsmith's shop, perhaps a courtly table fountain (both Johan and Herman de Limbourg, two of the three brothers responsible for the early miniatures in the manuscript, received their initial artistic training as goldsmiths). 50 The entire, ambiguously scaled microarchitecture is used here to organize the unremitting narrative of man's fall, and in the end identifies Paradise as a place of transgression, punishment, and no return. No longer providing refreshment for the first humans, this wondrous golden fountain now points to the site where man received in fact his death sentence - and thus, uncannily, it becomes the first poor sinner's cross. No such associations are immediately apparent in Hieronymus Bosch's rendition of earthly Paradise in the triptych of the Garden of Earthly Delights (c. 1490- 1500; Madrid, Prado), though despite the absence of overt references to the Fall in this image his Fountain of Life is even more disconcerting than that of the 341 Scale, Microarchitecture, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe Limbourg brothers. 51 Rising in the middle of a central pool, a bit like the Gothic high cross in Ricart's map of Bristol (see plate 13), Bosch's fountain is in fact so strange that it almost defies verbal description. Its armature certainly is that of a large-scale, turriform market fountain, here of a later fifteenth-century variety, but its individual elements - socle, central column, gables, pinnacles, and spouts - have undergone a bizarre organic transmogrification, and have turned into oversized buds or acorns sprouting forth thistles, thorny succulents, and other spiky plants. Most disturbing of all is the sheer pink nakedness of the fountain, and the undeniable fact that this thing has some kind of sexuality, which is at once phallic, ovarian, and testicular. As is widely known, the story of Bosch's Garden of Earthly Delights does not end well, and its seeds of destruction come from here, the earthly Paradise. I would argue that 13 Luttrell Psalter, f. 159 v., c. 1320-1340. London: British Library (MS Add. 41130). Photo:© British Library Board. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 Achim Timmermann in the context of the ensuing narrative Bosch's fountain - hydrological fixture, giant weed, and colossal 'reproductive organ' - can indeed be regarded as a monumentum, but in a primarily etymological sense, as a device that warned and reminded (monere) its beholders that not even in Paradise was everything as it seemed. For those who failed to take the hint from this monstrous microarchitectural hermaphrodite, there was always the ominous owl, Bosch's night bird of doom, looking out at the viewer from the base of the fountain, in the exact centre of Eden. If Bremen's soaring Roland and its swaggering turriform brethren promised liberty and independence, Bosch's portentous fountain alluded to a deeper truth - that beneath it all man lived in a perpetual state of self-inflicted bondage, that when faced with the sheer predicament of the conditio humana, vryheit was but a grand illusion. Notes In memory of Phillip Jeffrey Guilbeau (1 958-201 1). 2 3 4 5 6 Replaced in 19 8 0 by a copy; for the original. which is preserved in Dankwarderode Castle, see the essays in Gerd Spies, ed., Der Braunschweiger Lowe, (Braunschweiger Werstiicke, 62), Braunschweig, 1985. The Etruscan origins of the lupa have recently been questioned, but by no means conclusively so. For the lupa, her history and reception, see Maria R. Afiildi, Die romische Wollin: Ein autikes Monument stiirzt von seinem Sockel (Sitzungsberichte der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft an der Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universitat Frankfurt am Main, 49.1), Stuttgart, 2011; and Cristina Mazzoni, She-Wolf: The Story ofa Romau Icon, Cambridge, 2010. For this monument, see esp. Klaus Niehr, 'Der Magdeburger Reiter: Kunstwerk - Mythes - Politisches Denkmal', Mitteldeutsches Jahrbuch fiir Kulturund Geschichte, 10, 2003, 17-45; and Virginia Roehrig Kaufmann, 'The Magdeburg Rider and the law', in Kai Appel and Dorothee Kemper, eds, Kunst im Reich Kaiser Friedrichs II. von Hohenstaufen: Akten des Intemationalen Kolloquiums; Rheinisches Laudesmuseum Bonn, 2. bis 4. Dezember 1994, 2 vols, Bonn, 1996, I, 127-36. The literature on this statue is vast. See now in particular Dale Kinney, 'The horse, the king and the cuckoo: Medieval narrations of the statue ofMarcus Aurelius', Word &Image, 18, 2002, 372- 98; Christof Thoenes, "Sic Romae: "Statuenstiftung" und Marc Aurel (1996)', in Andreas Beyer, ed., Christof Thoenes: Opus incerturn, (Aachener Bibliothek, 3), Munich, 2002, 431-54; see also the essays in Detlev von der Burg and UlrichHommes, eds, Marc Aurel, derReiteraufdemKapitol, Munich, 1999; and Anna Mura Sommella, Claudia Parisi Presicce and Cinisello Balsamo, I1 Marco Aurelio e la sua copia, Rome, 1997. Fran~ois Bucher, 'Micro-architecture as the "idea" of Gothic theory and style', Gesta, 15, 1976, 71-89. On the many forms and meanings of medieval microarchitecture, see more r ecently Achim Timmermann, Real Presence: Sacrament Houses aud the Body of Christ (Architectura Medii Aevi, 4), Turnhout, 2009; the essays in Christine Kratzke and Uwe Albrecht, eds, Mikroarchitektur im Mittelalter; Mikroarchitektur im Mittelalter: Ein gattungsiibergreifendes Phanomen zwischen Realitat und Imagination; BeitrGge der gleichnamigen Tagung im Germauischen Nationalmuseum Niimberg vom 26. bis 29. Oktober 2005, Leipzig, 2008; Peter Kurmann, 'Gigantomanie und Miniatur: Miiglichkeiten gotischer Architektur zwischen GroBbau und Kleinkunst', Kolner Domblatt, 1996, 123-46; Hiltrud WestermannAngerhausen, ed., Schatz aus den Triimmern: Der Silberschrein von Nivelles und die europiiischeHochgotik, exh. cat., Cologne, 1995. For the Eleanor Crosses and their political and artistic context, see now esp. Carsten Dilba, Memaria reginae: Das Memorialprogramm fiir Eleonore von Kastilien (Studien zur Kunstgeschichte, 180), Hildesheim, 2009; but see also Nicola Coldstream, 'The commissioning and design of the Eleanor Crosses', in David Parsons, ed., Eleauor of Castile, 1290- 1990; Essays to Commemorate the 700th Anniversary of Her Death; 28 November J290 (Paul Watkins Medieval Studies, 6), Stamford, 1991, 55- 67; Elizabeth M. Hallam, ' The Eleanor Crosses and royal burial customs', in Parsons, ed., Eleauar af Castile, I290- 1990, 9-21; Pamela Priestland and Neil Priestland, In Memory of Eleauor: The Story af the Eleauor Crosses, ©Association of Art Historians 2015 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Nottingham, 1990; John Zukowsky, 'Montjoies and Eleanor Crosses reconsidered', Gesta, 13, 1974, 39-44. For the Montjoies of St Louis, see esp. Robert Branner, 'The Montjoies of Saint Louis', in Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard and Milton J. Lewine, eds, Essays in the History of Architecture Presented to Rudolf Wittkower on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, London, 1967, 13- 16; cf. also Anne LombardJo~udain, 'Montjoies et Montjoiev dans la pleine Saint-Denis', Paris etlle-de-Frauce, 25, 1974, 141-81; Zukowsky, 'Montjoies and Eleanor Crosses'; Joan Evans, 'A prototype of the Eleanor Crosses', Burlington Magazine, 91, 1949, 96, 98-9. For this monument, which underwent numerous alterations during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see previously: Das Hochkreuz bei Godesberg: Zur Geschichte und Bedeutung eines gotischen Denkmals, exh. cat., Cologne and Bonn, 1983; AdolfBerchem, 'Das Hochkreuz: Ein gotisches Baudenkmal aus dem 14. Jahrhundert', Godesberaer Heimatbliitter, 20, 1982, 37- 63, with older literature. Wilhelm Janssen, Die Regesten der Erzbischofe von Koln im Mittelalter, 5: 1332-1349 (Walram von]iilich), col. 1596. Wilfried Rometsch, Die Geschichte von Bad Godesberg, Wellerswist, 2010, 19. On the choir of Cologne Cathedral, see now Maren Liipnitz, Die Chorobergeschosse des Kolner Domes: Beobachtungen zur mittelalterlichen Bauabfolge und Bautechnik (Forschungen zum Kiilner Dom, 3), Cologne, 2011, 272; Marc Carel Schurr, 'Von Meister Gerhard zu Heinrich Parler: Gedanken zur architektonischen Stellung des Koiner Domchores', KolnerDomblatt, 68, 2003, 107-46; my dating of the clerestoreyfollows Robert Bork, Gotische Tiirme in Mitteleuropa, Petersberg, 2010, 91. On this monument, see in particular Anneliese Rautenberg, MittelalterlicheBrunnen in Deutschland, Freiburg i. Br., 1965, 94-6, with older literature; see also Wolfgang Richter, Aachener Brunnen und Denkmiiler, Aachen, 1981, 80- 1. On which see most recently Judith Ley, 'Das Rathaus der Freien Reichsstadt Aachen: Der Umbau der karolingischen Aula Regia zum gotischen Kriinungspalast', inJahrbuch fiir Hausforschung, 60, 2010, 15973; Georg K. Helg and Jurgen Linden, Vom Kaiserglauz zur Biirgerfreiheit: Das Aachener Rathaus, ein Ort geschichtlicher Erinnerung, Aachen, 2006; ErnstGiinther Grimme, 'Das gotische Rathaus der Stadt Aachen', in Mario Kamp, ed., Kronun9en: Konige in Aachen, Geschichte und Mythos, exh. cat., 2 vols, Mainz, 2000, I, 509- 15. Only parts of the map survive today (Aachen, Stadtbibliothek); see Albert Huyskens, 'Alt-Aachen im Bilde: Verzeichnis van Abbildungen und Planen grapbischer Art mit AusschluB der Privatbauten und photographischer Erzeugnisse', Mitteilungen des Rheinischen Vereins fiir Denkmalpflege undHeimatschutz, 7, 1913, 230-70, at 230-2, n. 1. Grimme, 'Das gotische Rathaus', 513. On fourteenth-century spire design in the Rhineland, see esp. Robert Bork, Great Spires; Skyscrapers of the NewJerusalem (Kiilner Architekturstudien, 76), Cologne, 2003, 110-58; see also Bork, 'Into thin air: France, Germany, and the invention of the openwork spire', ArtBulletin, 85, 2003, 23-53 passim. For Parler's role in the design, supervision, and construction of these buildings, see esp. Marc Carel Schurr, Die Baukunst Peter Par!ers; Der Prager Veitsdom, das Heiligkreuzmiinster in Schwabisch Gmiind und die Barthalamauskirche zu 343 Scale, Microarch itectu re, and the Rise of the Turriform Civic Monument in Fourteenth-Century Northern Europe 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Kolin im Spannungsfeld von Kunst und Geschichte, Stuttgart, 2003, with further literature. Achim Timmermann, 'Two Parlerian sacrament houses and their microarchitectural context', Umfui, 47, 1999, 400-12; for the famous Visierung no. 16821, see now Robert Bork, The Geometry of Creation: Architectural Drawing and the Dynamics of Gothic Design, Farnham, 2O11, 205-18 ; see also Johann Josef Boker, Architektur der Gotik: Bestandskatalog der weltgriiBten Samm.lung an gotischen Baurissen (Legat FranzJiiger) im Kupferstichkabinett der A.kademieder bildenden Kiinste in Wien, Vienna, 2006, 74-8. On Aachen's Ste-Chapellian choir, see now Robert Bork and Norbert NuBbaum, 'Gotischer Baubetrieb am Aachener Miinsterchor', in 'Sie gliinzte wie ein kostbarer Edelstein, wie kristallklarer Jaspis': 600 Jahre Aachener Chorhalle (Schriftenreihe des Karlsvereins-Dombauvereins, 16), Aachen, 2014, 22-42; see also Gisbert Knopp, Die gotische Chorhalle des Aachener Domes und ihre Ausstattung: Baugeschichte, Bauforschung, Sanierung (Arbeitshefte der rheinischen Denkmalpflege, 58), Petersberg, 2002; Ulrike Heckner, 'Die Entwfufe von Magister Enghelbertus fiir das gotische FenstermaBwerk in der Chorhalle des Aachener Miinsters', lnsitu, 1, 2009, 193-204. Paul Crossley, 'Peter Parler and England: A problem revisited', WallrafRichartz-Jahrbuch, 64, 2003, 53-82. Crossley, 'Peter Parler and England', 73-4. The original, much restored fountain (minus its basin) is now on display in Basel's Historisches Museum and has been replaced in situ by a copy. For previous discussions of the fountain, see The Historical Museum Basel: Guide to the Collections, Basel, 1994, 100 no. 142 (entry by Burkard von Roda, whose dating I follow here); Arthur Burger, BrunnengeschichtederStadtBasel, Basel, 1970, 6, 24-30; Rautenberg, Mittelalterliche Brunnen, 97-105, with older bibliography; Annie Kaufmann-Hagenbach, Die Baseler Piascik des fiinfzehnten und friihen sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Baseler Studien zur Kunstgeschichte, 10), Basel, 1952, 16-18. Quoted after The Historical Museum Basel, 100. Kaufmann-Hagenbach, Die Baseler Plastik, 16-18. For comparative examples, see Johann Michael Fritz, Goldschmiedekunst derGotikinMitteleuropa, Munich, 1982, nos 262, 278, 292, 405. The term 'schon prunnen' is first recorded in 1449-1450; Sigmund Meisterlein's Chronicle of the Reichsstadt Nuremberg (1488) calls this structure the 'kostlich prun', 'kostlich' being a rather ambiguous term meaning both 'costly' and 'exquisite'. The current fountain on the Hauptmarkt is a copy of 1897-1902. The sculptures and architectural fragments that have survived from the original monument are on display in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg and in the Skulpturensamrnlung in Berlin. So far, the only modern monographical treatment of the Beautiful Fountain remains the brief study Ludwig Zintl, Der Schone Brunnen in Niimberg und seine Figuren, Nuremberg, 1993; for an excellent study of the fountain's rich figural cycle, see Hubert Herkommer, 'Heilsgeschichtliches Programm und Tugendlehre: Ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte der Stadt Niirnberg am Beispiel des Schonen Brunnens und des Tugendbrunnens', Mitteilungen des Vereins fiir die Geschichte der Stadt Niimberg, 63, 1976, 192-6; still a fundamental resource on the fountain's documentary history is RudolfBergau, Der Schone Brunnen zu Niirnberg: Geschichte und Beschreibung, Berlin, 1871. For a concise description of the monument in English, see Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg, 1300-1550, exh. cat., Munich, 1986, 132 nos 13-14. For a fifteenth-century illustration of the earlier fountain, see Zintl, Der SchoneBrunnen, 16, with fig. For identity and ceuvre of Heinrich Parlier, see Albert Giimbel, 'Meister Heinrich Parlier d. A. und der Schone Brunnen', Jahresbericht des Historischen VereinsfiirMittelfranken, 53, 1906, 49-86; for the architecture, imagery, and patronage of St Sebaldus, see now Gerhard Weiland!, Die Sebalduskirche in Niimberg: Bild und Gesellschaft im Zeitalter der Gotik und Renaissance (Studien zur internationalen Architektur- und Kunstgeschichte, 47), Petersberg, 2007. For the craftsmen that participated in the construction and decoration of the fountain, see Zintl, Der Schone Brunnen, 19-20. On the Parlerian architecture of the choir of St Sebaldus, see esp. Ulrike Seeger, 'Der Ostchor der Niirnberger Pfarrkirche St. Sebald: Popularisierung eines Heiligen', Architectura, 22 , 1992, 35-46. ©Association of Art Historians 2015 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 For a detailed discussion of this kind of microarchitectural crossreferencing, see Timmermann, 'Two Parlerian sacrament houses', 411-12. For a detailed an alysis of the Spinnerin, see esp. Elisabeth Hassmann, Meister Michael: Baumeister der Herzogevon Osterreich, Weimar, 2002, 117-97, with extensive bibliography; older, but still important, discussions of the monument in its wider context include, but are not limited to, Friedrich Dahm and Manfred Koller, Die Wiener Spinnerin am Kreuz, Vienna, 1991, 60-5; Giinter Brucher, Gotische Architektur in Osterreich, Salzburg and Vienna, 1990, 133; Walther Buchowiecki, Die gotischen Kirchen Osterreichs, Vienna, 1952, 28, 153, 167, 257, 427, 435; Rich ard Kurt Donin, 'Meister Michael Knab', in Donin, Zur Kunstgeschichte Osterreichs, Vienna and Insbruck, 1951, 202-8; still an important resource remains Friedrich Carl Boeheim, 'Die Denksaule nebst Wiener Neustadt', Beitriige zur Geschichte der Landeskunde unter der Enns, 1, 1832, 96-168. See the revisionist discussion in Hassmann, Meister Michael, 121-8. See Hassmann, Meister Michael, passim. Hassmann, Meister Michael, 193-7. For the Visierung, see esp. Bork, The Geometry of Creation, 233-9, Architektur derGotik, 69-7 1; see also Bork, Great Spires, 168 and fig. 6-18 (redrawn to show all four tower quadrants). Bork, Great Spires, 202. Bucher, 'Micro-architecture', 72. The phenomenon of the Roland memorials has garnered much recent attention. Important interventions published during the last two decades include Dieter Potschke, ed., vryheit do ik ju openbar... Rolande und Stadtgeschichte, (Harzforschungen, 23), Berlin, 2007; Adriana Kremenjas-Danii'Ci, ed., Rolands europiiische Wege, Dubrovnik, 2006; Dietlinde Miinzel Everling, Rolande: Die europiiischen Rolanddarstellungen und Rolandfiguren, DoBel, 2005; Renate Rossing and Roger Rossing, Rolande in Deutschland, Rostock, 2004; Dieter Potschke, ed., Stadtrecht, Roland und Pranger: Zur Rechtsgeschichte von Halberstadt, Goslar, Bremen und Stiidten der Mark Brandenburg (Harz-Forschungen, 14), Berlin, 2002; Dieter Potschke, Rolande, Kaiser und Recht: Zur Rechtsgeschichte des Harzraums und seiner Umgebung (Harz-Forschungen, 11), Berlin, 1999; Nikolai Popov, Das magische Dreieck: Rolandfiguren im europoischen Raum; Bremen, Riga, Dubrovnik, Oschersleben, 1993; Wolfgang Grape, Roland: Die iiltesten Standbilder als Wegbereiter der Neuzeit, Hiirtgenwald, 1992. For Bremen's Roland, see now the relevant essays in Potschke, ed., vryheit do ik ju openbar; GotthilfHempel and Hans Kluft, eds, Der Roland und die Freiheit, Bremen, 2004; Hans-Jiirgen Paskarbeit and Karl Friedrich, 600 Jahre Bremer Roland (1404-2004), Bremen, 2004; Bernd Ulrich Hucker, 'Der hansestadtische Roland', in Hanse-Stiidte- Biinde: DiesiichsischenStodtezwischenElbeundWeserum 1500, exh. cat., 2 vols, Magdeburg, 1996, 474-94. For Bremen's town hall, see now in particular the contributions in Gotthilf Hempel, Das Rathaus und seine Nachbam: Macht, Pracht, Gott und die Welt am Markt zu Bremen, Bremen, 2005; but see also Michel Putzer, 'Kaiser und Reich am Bremer Rathaus: Bemerkungen zu den bildlichen Darstellungen von Kaiser und Kurfiirsten aus der Sicht der Rechtsgeschichte', BremischesJahrbuch, 76, 1997, 52-82; RolfGramatzki, Das Rathaus in Bremen: Versuch zu seiner Ikonologie, Bremen, 1994, with older literature. For this and the following, see esp. Kristina Domanski and Doerte Friese, 'Roland und Karl der GroBe am Rathaus in Bremen: Legitimation einer stadtischen Oberschicht', in Lieselotte E. SaurmaJensch, Karl der GroBe als vielberufener Vorfahr: Sein Bild in der Kunst der Fiirsten, Kirchen und Stodte, Sigmaringen, 1994, 113-36; for Bremen's old Roland figure, see Konrad Elmshauser, 'Der erste Roland und das erste Rathaus zu Bremen', BremischesJahrbuch, 84, 2005, 9-46. As convincingly argued in Horst Appuhn, 'Reinold, der Roland von Dortmund: Ein kunstgeschichtlicher Versuch iiber die Entstehung der Rolande', in Riidiger Becksmann, UlfDietrich Korn and Johannes Zahlten, eds, Beitroge zur Kunst des Mittelalters: Festschrift fiir Hans Wentzel zum 60. Geburtstag, Berlin, 1975, 1-10. On the symbolic significance ofRicart's map, Keith D. Lilley, City and Cosmos: The Medieval World in Urban Form, London, 2009, 133- 5; for a facsimile edition, see Lucy Toulmin Smith, ed., The Maire of Bristowe is Kalendar, by Robert Ricart, town clerk of Bristol to Edward IV (Camden Society, n. s. 5), London, 1872. For the high cross, which was transplanted in Achim Timmermann 45 46 47 48 49 SO S1 1780 into the neoclassical setting of Henry 'the Magnificent' Hoare's Stourhead Gardens (Wiltshire), where it takes pride of place amongst other architectural spoils and follies to this very day, see M. J. H. Liversidge, The Bristol High Cross, Bristol, 1978; see also Tony Scrase, 'Crosses, conduits and other street furniture in the South West of England', in Marc Boone and Peter Stabel, eds, Shaping Urban Identity in Late Medieval Europe (Studies in Urban Social, Economic & Political History of the Medieval & Early Modern Low Countries), Apeldoorn, 2000, 201-19, at 206-10. For a detailed account of this structure's architecture and history, see Dahm and Koller, Die Wiener Spinnerin am Kreuz, with further bibliography. For the architecture and function oflate medieval (tower) pillories, see Achim Timmermann, 'Wer nicht recht tut I den fore ich vor recht: Wrodaw's Late Gothic Pillory in Contexts', in Agnieszka Sadrei, ed., Transactions of the British Archaeological Association Conference, Krakow 2011, Leeds, 2014. As shown in several mid-nineteenth-century engravings and lithographs of the Spinnerin, reproduced in Dahm and Koller, Die Wiener SpinnerinamKreuz, figs 7-16. On the relationship between passio Christi and the sufferings of the poor sinner, see Achim Timmermann, 'Locus calvariae: Walking and hanging with Christ and the Good Thief, c. 1350-1700', Artibus et Historiae, 58, 2014; Timmermann, 'A very real re-enactment of the Passion: Sacred landscape and capital punishment in sixteenthcentury Swabia', in Denis Ribouillault and Michel Weemans, eds, Paysage sacre: Le paysage comme exegese dans !'Europe de la premiere modernite (Giardini e Paesaggio), Florence, 2011, 349-60. Michael Camille, Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England, London, 1998, 166-8. For the Tres Riches Heures, see Patricia Stirnemann, Les Tris Riches Heures du Due de Berry et l'enluminure en France au debut du XVe siecle, exh. cat., Chantilly, 2004, with extensive bibliography. On the Garden of Earthly Delights, see now the magisterial study by Reindert L. Falkenburg, The Land of Unlikeness: Hieronymus Bosch, 'The Garden of Earthly Delights' (Studies in Netherlandish Art and History, 10), Zwolle, 2011. ©Association ofArt Historians 2015 345