(ISSN: 2141-1468)
NIGER DELTA RESEARCH DIGEST (NDRD)
Journal of the Centre for Niger Delta Studies (Niger Delta
University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State Nigeria)
__________________________________________________
Volume 8, Number 2, December 2014
ETF/NDU/BAYE/ARJ/09/10/02
i
NIGER DELTA RESEARCH DIGESTS (ISSN: 21411468)
Vol. 8 (2) December 2014
Editor-in-Chief: Ibaba Samuel Ibaba
Associate Editors: C.M. Sorgwe, Christine Odi
Editorial Assistants: Sunday Abraye, Odingiowei Kwokwo,
Peace Jack Akhigbe
Editorial Advisory Board: Chris Ikporukpo ( University of
Ibadan, Nigeria); Michael Watts (University of California,
Berkeley, USA); Okechukwu Ukaga (University of
Minnesota, USA); Cyril Obi ( Social Science Research
Council, USA); Augustine Ikelegbe ( University of Benin,
Nigeria) Jennifer Giroux (Center for Security Studies,
Switzerland) and Ambily Etekpe ( Niger Delta University,
Nigeria)
ii
NIGER DELTA RESEARCH DIGEST (ISSN: 2141-1468)
The Niger Delta Research Digest (NDRD) is the CNDS
official journal, published biannually to disseminate multi and
inter-disciplinary research on the Niger Delta. The journal is a
print journal and the views expressed are those of the author
(s) and not the NDRD, its editors or the CNDS. Authours are
entitled to one complimentary copy of any issue where their
article, essay or book review appears. The journal does not
pay honorarium to contributors. Similarly contributors are not
required to any any fee for publication.
Editorial policy and submission guidelines.
The Niger Delta Research Digest (NDRD) publishes
feature articles/papers, essays and book reviews on issues in
development, peace and conflict resolution, environment and
sustainable development, agriculture, language, culture and
history. The focus of the journal is on the Niger Delta and it is
published twice a year.
Articles, essays and book reviews that are submitted for
consideration may not have been published previously and
may not currently be under review for possible publication
elsewhere. Manuscripts undergo a peer review process to
ensure that they are appropriate for publication and of
outstanding quality. Authors are informed whether
submissions have been accepted for publication, require
revision prior to possible publication, or are rejected.
Copyright of contributions appearing in the journal is vested
iii
in the Centre for Niger Delta Studies, Niger Delta University,
Nigeria.
Contribution should be sent in electronic format in MS
Word. Complete details of the author(s), including title,
preferred name and surname, designation, organisation, postal
and electronic mail address are also required. Unsolicited
papers can be submitted any time of the year.
Contribution length and presentation
Different kinds of articles appear in NDRD, including
feature articles, research essays, and book reviews.
(a) A feature article is written by an expert on a certain
topic. The full length of paper should be a minimum
of 5,000 and maximum of 8,000 words, including the
bibliography. It should include an abstract of about
150 words
(b) An essay is an analytic, interpretive, or critical
composition, usually dealing with its subject from a
limited and often personal point of view. The full
length of paper should be a minimum of 5,000 and
maximum of 8,000 words. An abstract of about 150
words should be included.
(c) Book reviews should be a minimum of 800 and
maximum of 1,200 words. A book review must be
accompanied by the following: a cover scan, title of
the book, author(s), publishers, place of publication,
publishing date, ISBN, number of pages, and binding
(paperback or hard cover). Book reviews are limited
to books published within one year.
(d) Feature articles and essays should have five key
words
Reference style
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Latest edition of APA reference style
CONTENTS
Editorial---------------------------------------------------------------Resolving the Niger Delta Conflict: A Critical and
Comparative Analysis of the
Amnesty and Post Amnesty Challenges
Augustine Ikelegbe
Climate Change and the threat of weather-related
disasters in the Niger Delta
Okoli Al Chukwuma
Intimate Partner Violence against men in the Niger Delta:
A Study of Benin City”
Uzono Endurance and Akhuetie Ruth
Drama and the Niger Delta Struggle: A Study of select
Nigerian plays
Christine Odi
Cultural Identity: A Dialectics of Cosmology among select
groups in the Niger Delta
Tam Gordon Azorbo and Ifure Ufford-Azorbo
v
EDITORIAL
This issue of NDRD is made of five papers which focuses on
different subjects in the Niger Delta. The first paper, written
by Augustine Ikelegbe is a reflection on the Niger Delta
Amnesty Programme. Entitled “Resolving the Niger Delta
Conflict: A Critical and Comparative Analysis of the
Amnesty
and Post Amnesty Challenges”, the
paperinterrogates the Amnesty Programme and Disarmament,
Demobilisation and Reintegration ( DDR) in the light of
lessons and insights drawn from the literature and experiences
elsewhere. The paper concluded that the Amnesty Programme
has faltered on the altar of poor planning and organization,
weak and non-inclusive implementation structure and
institutionalization, poor implementation and poor results.
The paper notes that historically and contemporarily, there
exists no cases of insurgency that borders on contests of the
state project and the national question that have been
successfully repressed and suppressed militarily, as there is
always a resurgence. The current Amnesty Programme
realises this truth. It has further indicated that the grievances
and ensuing armed insurgent dimension of the conflict
requires a political resolution. It was obvious that the military
and repressive approach failed to douse, suppress and defeat
the agitation and insurgency. The more effective strategy for
comprehensively addressing the grievances and resistance is
massive development efforts and increased revenues and
vi
resource benefits woven around regional autonomy and
reforms of governance and the current federal practice.
The second paper, “Climate Change and the threat of
weather-related disasters in the Niger Delta”, written by
Okoli Al Chukwuma examines the correlation between
climate change and weather-related disasters in the Niger
Delta. Writing from the standpoint of threat analysis and
relying on secondary sources of data, the paper posits that the
Niger Delta is highly susceptible to climate-change-induced
weather disasters in view of its proximity to the continental
waters which makes it vulnerable to ocean surge, coastal
erosion and flooding. The paper makes a case for a
contingency approach to disaster remediation as the way
forward. This is followed by the piece by Uzono Endurance
and Akhuetie Ruth which investigates the incidence of
intimate partner violence (physical, sexual and emotional)
against men in Benin City. Entitled “Intimate Partner
Violence against men in the Niger Delta: A Study of Benin
City”, the authors, relying on empirical study, concludes that
among the three types of violence investigated, men
experience more of emotional violence. This is followed by
physical and sexual violence. The study concluded by making
recommendations, including the creation of a platform for
abused men to seek solace and legislations to curb violence
against men.
The fourth paper by Christine Odi examines from a literary
perspective, the dramatic enactment of the origin and
progression of the rise of militancy in the Niger Delta region.
Entitled “Drama and the Niger Delta Struggle: A Study of
select Nigerian plays”, the paper reflects on issues relating to
the struggle for resource control, self- determination and
vii
liberation of the people from perceived oppression. With
reference to the plays reviewed, the author remarks that the
fundamentals of the Niger Delta Conflict have not been
addressed, noting that this would most likely lead to the
recurrence of violence. The final paper written by Tam
Gordon Azorbo and Ifure Ufford-Azorbo is entitled “
Cultural Identity: A Dialectics of Cosmology among select
groups in the Niger Delta”, itinterrogates the metal and
bronze casting traditions of the Benin people, the feminine
perception of God by the Ijaw and the marriage customs and
traditions of the Akwa Ibom people . This is with a view to
highlighting the impacts of such pristine cultural practices on
the people‟s world-view and identity. The paper reveals that
cultural identity is an important contributor to the peoples‟
well-being. It also shows that the perceived identity provides
social cohesion, a sense of belonging and acceptance, and
communal stability.
viii
ix
RESOLVING THE NIGER DELTA
CONFLICT: A CRITICAL AND
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE
AMNESTY AND POST AMNESTY
CHALLENGES1
AUGUSTINE IKELEGBE2
Abstract
This paper sought to critically examine the amnesty programme and
DDR in the light of lessons and insights drawn from the literature
and experiences elsewhere. The analysis concluded that the amnesty
programme has faltered on the altar of poor planning and
organization, weak and non-inclusive implementation structure and
institutionalization, poor implementation and poor results.
Key Words: DDR; Amnesty; Conflict Transformation; Niger
Delta; Non- state armed actors
Introduction
1
This paper was first presented at the International conference on
Natural Resources, Security and Development in the Niger Delta,
Organised by the Department of Political Science, Niger Delta
University, March 8-11, 2010, Yenagaoa, Bayelsa State.
2
Professor Ikelegbe is Professor of Political Science at the
Department of Political Science, University of Benin. His email
contact is austineikelegbe@gmail.com
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The Niger Delta is the economic jewel of Nigeria, as it
hosts almost all of Nigeria‟s oil and gas that accounts for over
80% of government revenue, 95% of export receipts and 90%
of foreign exchange earnings (World Bank 2002:1; Imobighe
2004: 101). Yet, it receives only little of these resources, and
the prosperity generated has not touched the lives of the
ordinary citizens in the region. The region is reputed to be one
of the least developed and poorest in the country. The
contradiction between being the bread basket on the one hand
and underdevelopment, deepening poverty and misery on the
other has produced mass discontent, resentment, alienation
and hostility and a generation of angry citizens.
In consequence, the region has been immersed in protests
and struggles against perceived injustice, inequality,
disinheritance, marginalization and neglect. In 1966 and since
1998, these protests became so broad and intense that they
slipped into periodic insurrection and insurgency. The
Nigerian state‟s perception and management of the struggles
has largely militarized the region, turned it into a huge
garrisoned command, and made it the most large scale and
prolonged military operation since the Nigerian civil war.
Intense conflicts between the Nigerian state and the
communities, civil groups, militant movements, that between
the trans-national companies, communities and militant
movements, as well as the conflicts within and between
communities, ethnic groups, socio-cultural/economic groups
and militant movements, cults, and armed bands have turned
the region into a huge melting pot of pervasive violence,
crimes, local wars and insecurity. Nigeria‟s economic
survival, its statehood and nation project are being
consistently threatened just as the security of the citizens of
the region.
In 2009, the federal government quite unusually and
contrary to its securitization of the conflict embarked on an
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
amnesty programme. The amnesty path, process, management
and implementation as it relates to demilitarization,
demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration (DDR) have
generated quite some interests. The paper seeks to critically
examine the amnesty programme and DDR in the light of
lessons and insights drawn from the literature and experiences
elsewhere. The paper begins with an introduction and
conceptual clarifications. Thereafter a background is provided
by examining the grievances, agitation and insurgency in the
region. The government‟s security framework of conflict
management is then examined just as some examination of the
balance of power in the conflict. Furthermore, the paper
concentrates on the amnesty and post amnesty conditions and
challenges as well as the challenges of conflict and post
conflict transitions. Then the paper makes some
recommendations and concludes.
The Niger Delta Conflict: Context, Grievances, Struggles
and Militancy.
When oil exploration began in the Niger Delta area in the
late 1950s, the people expected that it would make a huge
difference to their lives. The massive machines and
technology that they saw indicated that their lives would
change positively. However, after ten, then thirty and then
fifty years, they realized that oil had brought misfortune and
misery. Their natural resource had become a curse.
Their land was taken for exploration, exploitation,
pipelines and platforms. The much that was left were polluted
and degraded by numerous oil spillages. The rivers were
polluted. The land was no longer arable and the rivers had
been deserted by fish colonies. The air was polluted by gas
flares and acid rain was tormenting their house roofs just as
the people had become plagued by numerous diseases. The
people had become under-employed and unemployed.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
While immersed in the negative externalities of oil, there
were no benefits or if there were, too few and trickle. The oil
companies completely ignored and disregarded the
communities and their people. They had to protest to be heard
or for anything to be done. When they protested, massive
repression and abuses were visited on them. At the level of the
government, derivation based fund share of the Federation
Account which was 50% by the early 1960s plummeted to
1.5% by the 1980s. Even within the oil producing states, the
oil producing communities (OPCs) were neglected and
marginalized. The OPCs became angry, disenchanted and
frustrated. Protests became militant and disruptive.
The initial demand in the region was for developmental
attention, because of seeming neglect and difficult terrain. The
demand has persisted because of persisting underdevelopment in spite of trickle, poorly funded, centralized and
poorly performing interventions such as the NNDB,
OMPADEC and NNDC. As the state directed development
demands failed, the communities turned to the TNOCs. This
has become a major source of community-TNOC conflicts
since the 1970s.
The content of demands also became volatile and political
and shifted from mere development to issues of selfdetermination, resource control, federal restructuring to
guarantee regional autonomy and self-development,
environmental remediation and corporate responsibility. A
critical analysis of the demands reveal a shift from
accommodation to direct challenge of the Nigerian state
project and confrontations with the state.
It was within the preceding context that the struggle for
resource control began and gathered momentum. The people
who had been disinherited from resources in their own land,
began to seek more benefits and even control of their own
resources. The struggle was at diverse levels. Now
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
spearheaded by the youth, the people sought to compel
benefits from the oil companies. Second, the people sought
greater benefits from their oil from the federal government.
The demands ranged from 50% to 100% ownership and
control. Third, a reformed and re-structured federal state to
guarantee regional autonomy and resource control was sought.
Fourth, there was a struggle by communities to directly
benefit from the increased derivation funds. This yielded
results in the form of development commissions in Ondo and
Delta States.
There have been four dimensions of the Niger Delta
Struggles. These are: political agitation, communal and ethnic
agitation, civil agitation and militant agitation. The struggle
started as a political agitation, then it became a civil agitation
conducted by community, women, the youth, and cultural and
civil society groupings. The political agitation has emerged
again since 1999. Militant insurgency first occurred in 1966
and has dominated the struggles since 1998.
The militant agitation was a forceful attempt to compel oil
based benefits, redress grievances and seek resource control
and self-determination. It was essentially a rebellion against
state and corporate mis-governance and a determined effort
for reforms. Furthermore, apart from the 1966 Adaka Boro
incidence, the militant agitation was a forceful response to
militarization, repression and state violence in the region. At
the general level, the militant agitation was directed at
compelling the Nigerian State and TNOCs to dialogue or
negotiate on the critical issues in the struggle. More
specifically, it objectives were to cut or destabilize oil
production; to draw international attention to the plight of the
region, and to compel the withdrawal of the TNOCs, to
restrain, checkmate and demoralize the military and
militarization through attacks, or counter or reprisal attacks on
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
security agencies, and compel concessions and benefits from
the Nigerian state and TNCs.
The militancy and insurrection in the region is a classic
case of the primacy of grievances in conflict causality. A
prominent leader of the region put this succinctly in an
interview recently; the boys are fighting for their survival.
They are fighting unemployment, criminal negligence of their
area, the dehumanization of our own people (Newswatch
2008:08:04; 16-26).
Conceptual and Analytical Issues
1. Conflict Resolution: Analysis and Issues
There are critical aspects of conflict management and
resolution such as Conflict Settlement, Post Conflict
Recovery/ Transition and the conflict actors.
The conflict settlement stage refers to the challenges of
securing negotiations, agreements and credible commitment
of actors in conflict to a settlement. This is a critical stage in
determining post conflict stability. There are many issues such
as who negotiated the settlement? Were they the critical actors
and protagonists of violence? Does the settlement have the
support of critical actors? Is the settlement rational in the post
conflict period? It is possible that a settlement that was
rational during the conflict becomes irrational once the
violence stops (Collier & Sambanis 2002:5).
Post Conflict Transition or Recovery. Once a settlement
occurs, the process of post conflict transition begins. This is a
very sensitive process that determines the sustenance of the
settlement and peace or whether there would be a relapse into
hostilities. The transition requires even more commitment and
statesmanship. Transitions involve change and in this case
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
comprehensive changes in terms of structures and
orientations. Structural changes relate to the institutional
forms that have to be put in place to manage and sustain the
provisions of settlement and the requirements of conflict
resolution. Altitudinal changes pertain to perceptions and
orientations that need to be altered so as to promote peace and
co-existence. Malan (2008:141) raises the need for transitional
conception and thinking to be long term, futuristic and to
place in perspective certain issues such as the causes of the
tensions and conflicts, the purpose of the conflicts, required
changes in the conflict causing situation and the goals of the
changes envisaged.
There are certain things to note here. First, it is only when
the causes of the conflict have been reversed and the goals or
purposes of the conflict have been realized that conflict
resolution can be said to have taken place and serious post
conflict transition can be said to be on course. Second, the
level of satisfaction of parties in the post conflict period will
depend on the extent of realization of their goals. Third,
whether parties are satisfied or dissatisfied with the outcomes
of conflict settlement determines the success or otherwise of
conflict resolution and post conflict transitions.
Conflict actors are important not only for conflict
settlements but for roles of creating or generating and
sustaining through cooperation „future socio-economic
transformation and political stability‟ (Malan 2008:133).
Often times, conflict actors are seen as the visible, noise
making, activists and protagonists of violence. But conflict
actors include the ordinary people/communities and their
groupings, the elite and the state officials.
State militaries for example are major actors in conflict
regions with diverse interests and pressures; some
opportunistic, some retaliatory and oppressive and yet some
compromising even with the enemy. In Sierra Leone, the
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
military were government soldiers in the day but dressed up as
rebels in the night, to attack and plunder from civilians, mine
diamonds and even sell arms to rebels. They became known
as sobbels. In Algeria, the military tended sometimes to
cooperate with Islamic extremists because such consolidated
their positions (Keen 2006:3). Thus, militaries and rebels
sometimes share some interests such as the preservation of the
systems of exploitation and opportunities that flourish in
situations of conflict. Therefore, conflict actors have to be
analyzed to determine their strength, support, resources,
interests and goals. These have to be taken into account in the
design of settlements and post conflict transitions.
Peace is a relative state of being, tranquility, wholeness
and harmony. It denotes the absence of threats, fear,
intimidation, brutality and harm. It further denotes the absence
of conflicts, violence, war and the conditions that warrant,
induce and sustain them such as poverty, injustice,
oppression,
repression,
exclusion,
deprivation and
discrimination. The issue of peace raises numerous questions
such as what kind of peace?, whose peace?, in whose
interests? And at what terms? There is negative peace and the
peace of the graveyard. There is peace that is merely an
interregnum and that is not sustainable?
Peace Building is the process of facilitating and strengthening
enduring peace. There are some components such as:
(i)Preventing the recurrence of violence
(ii) Addressing the social conditions that underpin and
cause the conflicts
(iii)Building institutions
resolution and peace
that
enable
sustained
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(iv)Instituting a system of human security.
2. The Justice and Peace Nexus
Justice is vitally linked and inextricably tied to peace. Most
conflicts emanate from unjust systems of governance and
resource management. In conflict situations, infringements of
rights, abuses and atrocities are recurring decimals. There are
perpetrators of abuses and victims of injustice and abuses.
There cannot be peace without the address of these issues and
some elements of punishment, pardon and compensation.
Justice enables the easing of pains, grief and abuses of
victims, the enthronement of new just, fair and equitable order
and the building of a better basis for social harmony and coexistence. Justice can be retributive or restorative.
In retributive justice, perpetrators of crime and abuses are
investigated, tried and punished such as being banned from
public office even if granted amnesty, while victims of abuses
and injustice are compensated or paid reparations. The peace
that retributive justice achieves is what Malan 92006:146)
describes as negative peace. It has been observed that where
retributive justice is sought from rebels, militants and state
militaries, the fear of justice sustains continued belligerence
and violence.
Restorative justice is based on a system of amnesty, pardon
or sometimes punishment through an open Truth and
Reconciliation Commission Process. But the ultimate goal is
reconciliation, social harmony, the restoration of the dignity
and identity of victims, their reintegration to society and the
satisfaction of their needs.
2. Demilitarization, Demobilization and Rehabilitation:
Conceptual and Comparative Notes
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Demilitarization, Demobilization, Rehabilitation and
Resettlement (DDR) process is a process of managing conflict
and post conflict situations. More specifically, DDR involves
demilitarization; a withdrawal, extensive reduction in the size
and scale of deployments, restrictions of operations and
presence or restrictions to specified locations or barracks of
military or non-state militants in a territory; demobilization
where rebels/militants surrender arms and are demobilized;
disarmament which involves the surrender, collection and
sometimes destruction of arms and ammunition of non-state
armed actors. Though disarmament is often measured by the
number of disarmed persons and the quantity of arms
surrendered, its success actually depends on the quantity
surrendered as related to estimated stockpiles and arms
availability, the further access to arms, the nature of arms
inflow and trade, the continued availability of arms and the
possibilities and opportunities for re-armament. Rehabilitation
involves retraining and re-orientation and a process of
reintegration to society through education, technical skills,
employment and empowerment. Rehabilitation has to be
based on extensive data base such as qualifications, skills,
work experiences, career expectations and needs of militants
and rebels. Then there is usually an amnesty that involves a
pardon or reprieve for criminal and treasonable actions that
belligerents may have committed.
DDR is usually within a framework of first ceasefire or
cessation of hostilities. Second, it is within a larger framework
of peace efforts and negotiated resolution of conflict. In fact,
it is preceded by negotiations or clear agreements by parties in
conflict and quite importantly, the state, militias or rebels and
their political movements. Third, DDR is associated with
some gestures and guarantees such as release of detained and
imprisoned soldiers, militants and those on trial. There is
further an administrative structure for the management of
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
DDR that is fairly autonomous and inclusive of stakeholders.
Oftentimes as in Africa, it is backed up with technical support
by international organizations. This provides the needed
capacity and experience as well as credibility for the
management of the delicate process that DDR is.
DDR is a very complex, delicate, sensitive and difficult
process that requires extensive planning and preparations
(Lawrence & Shie 2003), pragmatism, funds and technical
support. It depends vitally on the competence of management,
the neutrality and impartiality of the entire process, the level
of trust, confidence, integrity and transparency that the
process generates and the careful and comprehensive planning
that go into the process. The entire process depends on the
success of its interrelated component parts such as effective
demobilization being dependent on or secured through
effective rehabilitation and reintegration programmes. Yet,
rehabilitation and reintegration have to be founded on a
comprehensive strategy of self and paid employment,
economic opportunities and empowerment, human capital
development and job creation efforts such that there is not
only productive engagements but the incentives for returning
to arms , violence and associated economic opportunism
declines.
Successful DDR requires quite some analyses and the
provision of answers and responses to certain questions and
issues respectively such as: How can arms be controlled such
that militants disarmed are not rearmed? How can militants be
rewarded for giving up violence? What is the computation or
mapping of the benefits and costs of violence to the different
actors and how can this be tilted? Who and what are the
interests with incentives to perpetuate the conflict and how
can they be managed? How can militants and rebels be
permanently demobilized and productively be engaged?
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
There have been major problems with DDR elsewhere and
even in Nigeria. The Rivers State amnesty programme (20042005) faltered at the disarmament and rehabilitation stages.
Even though disarmament involved the surrender of over
3000 arms and compensation payment for them, very little
and old arms were actually surrendered and the militants not
only recouped but were not short of arms in subsequent
hostilities. Even though about 2000 militant youths were to be
trained in a camp set up for the purpose, skills acquired and
rehabilitation were not followed with employment and
economic empowerment. Thus, the militants were not
effectively managed, monitored, controlled and integrated into
society. Though there was a lull of hostility for a short while,
there was full resurgence of militia activities by 2006.
A major problem with rehabilitation in some countries
such as Somalia and Kosovo is small efforts and funding.
Further, it has been found that the „failure to meet
expectations of demobilized combatants jeopardized security
and contributed to high crime rates’ (Keen 2006:16). In
Chechnya, inadequate rehabilitation was a factor in the
turning of thousands of unemployed, heavily armed exfighters either to kidnapping, raiding or to Islamist and
nationalist extremism (ibid). Persisting violence and difficult
security environments usually persists even where DDR has
been fairly successful as in Sierra Leone and Liberia. In the
Democratic Republic of Congo, DDR has at best be tenuous
as militants have periodically slipped back into armed
combats while armed conflicts has resurged several times.
The Nigerian State and the Securitization of the Niger
Delta Crisis
The state has tended to see the militant activists as rascals,
criminals, miscreants, disgruntled elements and terrorists.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
This has underpinned state perception of the conflict as a law
and order crisis that is driven by lawlessness. The recent
search for military assistance to tackle lawlessness and
violence in the region is based on this conception. This is
opposed to the conception that sees the conflict as an
insurgency driven by popular struggle and resistance in favour
of social, environmental and resource rights and justice. The
military regimes saw even the peaceful agitations as security
threats. The Obasanjo Administration military operation in
Odi was in the security threat-military option cast, just as its
set up of the Ogomudia chaired Special Security Committee
on oil producing areas, whose mandate was to look at ways
and means of instituting effective security of oil operations
and installations (cited in Ukwo 2008: 1180).
The federal government, therefore, views the conflict from
a security perspective. The threat to oil production or
disruption is regarded as security breaches just as the militant
operations in the region. Even peaceful protests are viewed as
threats and responded to as such. State policy then has been to
suppress and repress protesters and militants. This emerged
clearly from the early state engagements of peaceful
communal protesters since the 1990s. Apart from Umuechem,
Iko, Ikenyan, Ilaje, Choba and others where mobile police and
military interventions signposted death and destruction, the
first extensive test case of militarization and consequent
brutalities was the Ogoni region. The Ogonis were harassed,
driven into the forest, tortured, raped and brutalized for years
while through divide and rule strategies, her neighbours were
armed, assisted and turned on her.
Since the 1990s, the entire region has been a huge
garrisoned command, with military and police check points,
sandbags, searches and harassment. The military has guarded,
protected and escorted oil installations, TNC personnel and
quarters, and oil vessels and barges since the 1990s. The
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
actions against the militant movements in the region have
been decisive. Helicopters, gun boats and sophisticated
weapons have been used against militias and communities
alleged to harbour them. The military has been in the
communities and waterways, conducting operations and
searching for the militants. This is in spite of the huge military
and security infrastructure in the region, consequent upon the
security-military threat perspective.
The Road to Amnesty: The Military, Militias and the
Balance of Power and Impact in the Conflict
The federal government has sought to decisively deal with
the militias through dislodge and defeat, and detention and
trials of militant leaders. Apart from the extensive military
deployment and presence in the region, the military through
various task forces and operational code names, have engaged
and fought the militias, sometimes through large scale naval,
ground and air attacks on alleged militant bases and
communities allegedly hosting them. But military operations
achieved only limited successes. While some communities
were overrun and seized and occupied oil installations were
retaken, there were also heightened militia attacks and counter
attacks and successes against the oil infrastructure. Besides,
there were cases of militant seizure or occupation, being
retaken by the military, only to be overrun again by militants.
Even in 2009 when Gbaramatu Kingdom was attacked from
the air, land and waters, and occupied by the military, there
was a heavy toll on oil infrastructure which made the victory
pyrrhic.
There has been little success in the control, mitigation and
eradication of militancy and the insurgent militia forces. In
relations to the military-militant movement confrontations,
Edeogu (2008:77) has noted:
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
This on-going tea cup war is
already a decade old, yet none
of the two parties to the conflict
could give a decisive knock- out
blow to its opponent. The
militants who seem to have the
tactical advantage fight classical
guerrilla hit and run battle; the
security forces who are often on
the defensive respond in
conventional
way
using
helicopters, gunships and air
power… the only self-evident
and valid conclusion is that
there is no military solution to
this crises.
Apart from sustained attacks on oil infrastructure, the
greatest manifestation of stalemate and failure is the illegal oil
trade which has thrived in spite of extensive military
operations and presence. The insurgency enabled or provided
an environment for a huge oil theft industry. While military
operations were failing, frequent but temporal truces were
brokered behind the scene, between militants, security
personnel and bunkerers, between militants and state
government officials, and between militants, ethnic leaders
and political and business elites that provided some stability
that protected oil production and derivation avenues or safe
havens for bunkering.
On a balance, the low intensity war was devastating to
Nigeria, the federal government, the transnational oil
companies and even the region. The hostilities almost
grounded upstream operations as installations were frequently
attacked and operations were disrupted. The environment of
operations was made difficult, costly and unsafe. The cost
base of TNOCs substantially escalated. Oil wells had to be
15
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
shut in, pipeline distribution disrupted and production was
well below capacity. At some point, onshore operations in
parts of the country were suspended. By 2008, about 25-40%
of Nigeria‟s oil production was shut in. By early 2009, both
Chevron-Texaco and Total had shut some of their capacity
while Agip announced a force majeure. From a production of
2.5million bpd in 2005, and a production capacity of 3million
bpd, there was decline to between 1.9 and 2.1million bpd in
2008, 900,000 bpd in early 2009 and 1.7million bpd in mid2009. Nigeria‟s position as a leading source of world energy
supply in Africa was lost to Angola.
It was, therefore, a matter of survival and an action to
protect and guarantee oil and gas production, exports and
revenues that the government in 2009 embarked on an
amnesty programme to break the stalemate in hostilities.
The Economy of the Conflict
There has been an extensive and large scale theft of crude
oil since the late 1990s. The estimate of losses is between
10% and 5% of national oil production. It is also estimated
that the nation loses over USD 3.5 billion annually. At the
bottom of the oil theft are syndicates, comprised of powerful
and highly placed persons such as serving and retired military
personnel, top TNOC officials, top government officials and
party bigwigs and financiers, and top traditional rulers and
opinion leaders. There is also connivance within the security
agencies. These syndicates engage in sophisticated bunkering
at large scale commercial levels. Besides the large scale
bunkerers are small operators, some of which are cult and
militia leaders.
The nation has not been able to stop bunkering in spite of
the huge security infrastructure in the region. Seeming
weaknesses have made the agencies less successful in
apprehending bunkerers and their shipments. It is alleged that
16
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
bunkerers pay protection fees to security agencies and that
some security personnel actually escort bunkerers barges and
vessels to the high seas (Vanguard 02:08:2003). This is in
addition to corruption. The disappearance of MT Africa pride
was underpinned by corruption within the security agencies.
The government has lacked the political will to arrest,
prosecute and convict the large-scale bunkerers and have
rather been brutally handling those at the margins.
Bunkering is at the root of several armed gangs, pirates,
cults and militias in terms of funding, arming and
sponsorship. The bunkerers use the militias and gangs to
guard and secure their operations and to cause conflicts that
divert the security agencies and enable safer bunkering.
The Amnesty Programme:
Content, Response and
Challenges
The Amnesty Programme was a bold, realistic and
pragmatic action taken by the federal government. It denoted
a frank assessment and acceptance that some militancy was
driven by grievances which have been genuine because of the
nature of governance and scanty benefits to the region. It
further denoted a bold initiative and promise to reverse the
status of under-development. But it was built on trust on the
President, based on personal promises to militia leaders and
government statements of intentions. It was in a sense, a form
of surrender without losing the low intensity war. It was a
great show of statesmanship by the President, a massive
gamble on the path of government and a big risk based on
trust by the militants. This in essence is the greatest weakness
and vulnerability of the programme. A surrender without
defeat and without negotiated agreements and substantial
efforts at address and resolution of grievances and problems
that root the conflict, is an imposed and fragile peace that is
highly susceptible to pushes beyond the precipice.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The amnesty declaration was preceded with a Presidential
panel on Amnesty and Disarmament of militants in the Niger
Delta. The government was magnanimous to receive major
militant leaders who embraced the amnesty at the Presidential
Villa and some held meetings with the president as part of
efforts to clear doubts, build trust, express demands, make
guarantees and clarify intentions. There is also the
Presidential Amnesty Implementation Committee on the
Niger Delta headed by a chief co-ordinator, Air Vice Marshal
N.O Ararume. The federal government set aside about
N50billion for the programme.
The amnesty is premised on arms surrender and collection,
rehabilitation and reintegration of militants into society. At a
point, however, the amnesty was associated with threats after
its expiry. The JTF threatened to deal with any militant who
persisted in militancy. The message was clear. Accept
amnesty or be smoked out. In other words, political violence
or insurgency was unilaterally declared ended and subsequent
insurgency was to be treated as common criminality (Ezumah
2009:A3).
The Amnesty Programme was well received outside the
Niger Delta region and by the international community. The
European Union pledged E190million towards efforts at
sustainable rehabilitation and reintegration of former
militants.
An immediate fallout of the amnesty was the surrender of
thousands of militants. It is estimated that about 7000
militants accepted amnesty in Rivers State and about 20,000
in the entire region (The Guardian 15: 02/10). There was also
a cessation of hostilities. MEND declared a unilateral
ceasefire in October 2009. Oil and gas production picked up
remarkably. Crude oil production rose up from 1.6m bpd to
about 2million bpd.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The Implementation of the Amnesty Programme: Issues,
Evaluation and Challenges
Most of the militant groups, leaders and members
embraced the amnesty and came out of the camps to surrender
arms and ammunition at arms collection centres. The militias
apart from their leaders are in rehabilitation camps. But the
comprehensiveness and integration of the amnesty programme
is in doubt. The short and long term goals, specific policy
packages, the funding component and exact content of the
amnesty programme are not yet clear.
Obviously, the amnesty‟s DDR was not founded on
adequate preparations and administrative and technical
structures. The Amnesty Programme was not backed by a firm
and organized administration and a detailed programme of
management. The implementation structure is presently hazy
in focus, goals and actions. It is obvious that the commitment
put into enacting and securing the amnesty deal is not been
demonstrated in the rehabilitation phase.
First, the amnesty was not within a framework of
negotiations and peace agreements that should be the prelude
to conflict resolution and peace building. In fact, the Mitee
Committee recommended a DDR within the framework of a
third party driven negotiations with politically driven militias
and civil society and resolutions that address central
grievances and that provides a basis for comprehensive and
enduring conflict management and peace. Second, the process
of DDR and the implementing structure has not been inclusive
in terms of involvements of all parties such as the militias, the
TNOCs, ethnic and regional leaders, civil society leaders and
communities. Thus, the goals, policy, planning, content,
implementation and management have sort of been dictated
rather than negotiated.
There has been a one-sided demilitarization. As it is, the
militias announced and executed a ceasefire, ended hostilities
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
and withdrew from the camps. But the JTF has remained
intact in terms of its size, locations and deployments. The JTF
rather than be downsized and redeployed is to be strengthened
and repositioned to deal with subsisting militancy.
Disarmament has mainly pertained to insurgent militia groups
and has excluded criminal bands and cults. Furthermore,
disarmament has also left out the arms in the stockpiles of
communities, diverse armed bands and cultist groups and
individuals. The sources of arms also remain just as the
funding for arms. For example, the maritime and coastal
waters, ports and jetties are still porous and largely uncontrolled.
It is difficult to identify a concrete integrated and
sustainable programme of rehabilitation and reintegration of
militants. As it exists, the rehabilitation programme has been
poorly planned and executed. Most of the rehabilitation
centres were hurriedly put together and have been badly
located sometimes within state headquarters and major towns.
There are challenges of accommodation, facilities and space.
The Aluu centre in Port Harcourt could only accommodate
about 800 out of an estimated 7000 militants (Ebiri 2010:13).
Shortages of bed spaces, beds and other facilities have made
only few militants to be accommodated. Some centres have
been abandoned or come alive only at month ends when
allowances are paid.
There have been little control,
supervision and rehabilitation programmes and activities in
the centres. As a testimony of poor organization and
disenchantment, most of the rehabilitation centres are empty.
The Aluu centre that could accommodate about 800 persons
has only about 110 militants (Ebiri 2010:13).
There are presently no proper programme of rehabilitation
and reintegration in terms of specific training, skills
development and acquisition, human capital development and
economic empowerment and employment programmes.
20
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Though certain agencies such as National Directorate of
Employment, National Poverty Alleviation Programme and
the Small and Medium Scale Enterprises Development
Programme are supposedly the structures for rehabilitation,
these have not seemed to put up programmes of sustained
work and interests. Besides, the centres have not been
equipped adequately for the kinds of training and skills
development required (Ebiri 2010:13).
The entire amnesty programme has been haphazardly
designed and implemented. It has been plagued by
inadequacies, delays and inaction. There have been
complaints and grievances from militants and the region‟s
leaders and groups. The programme has lacked credibility and
confidence. The programme has lacked experienced and
technically capable personnel to manage it. There is the clear
absence of technical advice and support of international
organizations which would have grown credibility. There
have been allegations of corruption and frittering of funds
meant for rehabilitation. There have been allegations too that
much of the funds set aside for the programme is taken more
by consultants, contractors and administrative fees rather than
actual rehabilitation and subsequent empowerment of
militants (Ebiri 2010: 13).
There have been protests by former militants on the streets
of Port Harcourt, Yenagoa and Benin City over the
administration of the rehabilitation programme especially in
terms of neglect, poor living conditions, poor facilities and
accommodation at the rehabilitation centres, unpaid
maintenance allowances and failing rehabilitation and
integration. Existing organizational deficits have made some
militia leaders to believe that they have been cheated, short
changed and deceived to surrender arms and to believe the
government on rehabilitation and reintegration.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
MEND has described the Amnesty programme as deficient
in that it is not based on dialogue, negotiations of the core
issues of justice and fairness nor on substantive development
efforts. Rather it is based on settlement of few thugs, alms to
the youth and divisive strategies as to benefits between
communities that bear oil facilities and those that bear oil and
its exploration impacts. There are emerging clear signs of
failure of the amnesty programme. MEND has called off its
unilateral ceasefire since 30th January 2010. Hostilities seem
to be on the verge of resurgence. MEND has threatened
renewed attacks on TNOCs and oil servicing companies and
has warned them to halt operations to safeguard their staff and
facilities (Ebiri 2010:13). Since 2010, there have been militia
attacks on Chevron Texaco‟s pipeline in Makaraba-Utonana
in Delta State and Shell‟s crude oil pipeline at Abonemma in
Rivers State.
The Post Amnesty Outlook and the Prospects of
Resolution of the Conflict: Policy, Issues and Challenges
If we take the amnesty as a major milestone in the
resolution of the conflict, then the region is in a transition to
„political stability and socio-economic transformation (Malan
2008:133). A conflict transition programme is not an ad hoc
arrangement, but a well-planned, organized and
institutionalized programme. The present Amnesty and Post
Amnesty programmes are ad hoc and create imminent fears of
failure. Further, an amnesty and consequent DDR is not
tantamount to conflict resolution and do not build and sustain
the peace. Rather, it denotes an environment of cessation of
hostilities and state of readiness to engage further on the path
to peace. Thus, it provides an environment to dialogue and
reach agreements to commence the redress of grievances and
to make, build and sustain peace.
22
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
In the current circumstance, the Amnesty Programme is so
deficient in critical elements that it is difficult to be emphatic
about a Post Amnesty phase. There are emerging fears that the
current phase may only be a temporary phase of conflict
suppression. There are reasons for this. The current
rehabilitation programme and its content are not adequate in
preparations for productive engagements and inducements to
disengage from militancy. There is yet no post amnesty
programme. Even though the absence of a concrete and on
ground post amnesty plan was a major reason why SouthSouth governors threatened to pull out of the Amnesty
Programme in July 2009, such a clear programme is not yet in
place. There is, furthermore, no sustainable development plan
for the region and no clear, specific and integrated
documented commitment to the sustainable development of
the region, apart of course from the Niger Delta Development
Commission‟s Master Plan.
There have been growing misgivings about the intensions
and commitments of the federal government to the
development of the region. Rather than a specific
programmatic package of development backed with funds,
there have only been the award of contracts for execution of
about 44 projects including roads, bridges, hospitals and
portable water at a cost of about N200 billion by the Federal
Executive Council. Otherwise, the development of the region
is still left to the structures and funding of NDDC and the
Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs.
There is also persisting non accommodation of the region‟s
interests in the legislative and policy frameworks and
practices in the oil industry. Even the much touted Petroleum
Industry Bill does not adequately pay attention to community
participation, protection of community welfare and
development programmes, environmental hazards and
compliance and related interests of the communities.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The Amnesty programme has not addressed critical issues
such as the redress of under-development and the address of
the agitation for resource control and regional autonomy. The
need to change the political and socio-economic formation,
comprehensively enough to substantially address the
prevailing inequalities, disadvantages, injustices, devastation
and human insecurity meted against the people and
communities in the region has not been addressed. These are
issues of restoration of social and communal order;
reorientations of attitudes and behaviour; transitional
restorative justice for perpetrators (the military and oil
TNOCs) of violence and victims such as in Gbaramatu,
Odioma, Odi, Kaiama, Ikenyan, Iko, Umuechem, Choba, and
Ogoniland and reparations by the TNOCs for the degradation
and devastation of the environment and the scanty
compensation paid over the years.
Critical Issues in Conflict and Post Conflict Transition
Beyond amnesty, there are issues that have to be addressed to
facilitate transition to peace. These include the following:
1. Incentives for Violence in Post Conflict Transition
The violent segment of conflicts is often conducted by a
minority but with some support of the locals and regions
citizenry. Sometimes, the nonviolent majority are unable to
restrain the stronger protagonists of violence. There is danger
that a minority of the militants may still stick out as
protagonists of violence in the post amnesty period. It is
possible that these few elements benefit from continued
violence and receives least harm from it. Therefore, the issue
of continuing incentives for continued violence has to be
critically examined? What conditions generate new incentives
for violence? What are the incentives?
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
2. The Risks of Further Violent Conflicts
Experience has shown that „the risk of war occurrence is
higher in post conflict societies‟ that the risk of conflict onset
in countries without histories of violent conflicts (Collier&
Sambanis 2002:5). The Amnesty Programme is a landmark
achievement. If it fails, it would mean a resumption of
hostilities. Already, MEND has declared a renewal of actions.
The main problem, however, is that further insurgency would
be a less organized, coherent and principled militia
resurgence. The disbanded groups would re-converge under
new groups which may already be in formation in the
rehabilitation camps. A new phase of militia resurgence
would be less insurgent and more criminalized. Particularly,
there would be balkanized and small groups with disparate
tendencies and actions.
But this time, we should not expect the militants to go back to
the creeks. They would operate from the cities and even
outside the region. They would be less oil based and would
take the country as a wide constituency for diverse extortion
based crimes such as kidnapping. In fact, the failure of the
amnesty would mean the generalization of militia activities
and the beginning of terror attacks. The recent incidences of
kidnapped persons in the Northern parts of Nigeria being
found or released in the Niger Delta is an indication.
3. The Management of Crime and Violence
A major Post Amnesty challenge is that of managing crime
and violence. In several countries such as Guatemala,
experience has shown that crime rates tend to rise sharply
with the advent of peace. The surplus availability of arms,
ammunition, organized criminal syndicates and exmilitants/rebels tend towards an easy explanation. Clean
breaks from theft, smuggling, violence and impunity don‟t fall
25
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
through easily in post conflict situations. Curtailing violence
and crime is going to be a tall order. Already, the incidence of
ex militia in rehabilitation camp criminal excesses indicates
the huge challenge. Given the poor equipment, resources and
poor intelligence capacity of the security agencies, it would be
difficult to place the ex-militias in perspective in the
incidences of crime.
4. The Destruction of the Conflict Economy.
An entire conflict economy based on extensive smuggling of
arms, illegal theft and sale of crude oil and petroleum
products, the compelled appropriation of resources from
TNOCs, oil servicing companies and contractors to TNOCs,
the kidnapping for ransom of oil industry staff and the
cornering of compensation benefits exist. This economy
which is driven by opportunism and greed runs into billions of
dollars and drives outrageous lifestyles and expenditure
profiles. But more importantly, it is a major source of
conflicts, arms and funds for diverse armed groups and
militias. Particularly, bunkering perverted the militants,
criminalized them and turned the conflict into a business. This
illegal economy is also the motivation for inaction and
compromise of security operatives. The continued existence
of this lucrative economy is a sine qua non for continued and
sustained conflicts.
A post conflict transition has to address the conflict economy,
identify those behind it and the profit from the conflict,
eliminate the underground economy and deal with its
protagonists or actors and find alternative productive
economic engagements for those willing to desist from it.
Decisive actions have to be taken to eliminate this illegal
economy and appropriations and divert those engaged in them
to productive engagements.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Issues in the Resolution of the Conflict and Achieving the
Peace
There is danger in the seeming assumption of government that
resolving conflict means eliminating violence and the conflict
actions. Sustainable peace rather has to do with instituting
conditions that transforms the conflict situation and resolve
the conflict. In the case of the Niger Delta conflicts, resolving
the conflict requires more that an amnesty. Certain other
issues have to be addressed.
1. Re-Engineering and Re-Constructing the Amnesty
Programme.
The current amnesty programme and DDR process is deficient
in several respects. There is need for a new management
structure that is fairly autonomous and determined by all the
conflict actors, comprised of all stakeholders and funded by
the federal and state governments, TNOCs and international
organizations. Such multi-stakeholder constituted, funded,
controlled but autonomous agency is a better guarantee of
confidence, respect, integrity, transparency and neutrality.
2. Inclusive Dialogue and Agreements
There is need for broad consultations and dialogue with
critical actors such as communal and ethnic group leaders,
youth leaders, militia group leaders, leaders of active
NGOs/CSOs and businesses and civil/environmental rights
activists in the region. Such consultation with real leaders
should produce agreements that reflect a broad spectrum of
the feelings, interests and demands of the region that should
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
constitute a basic platform for actions on the accelerated
development and peace building.
3. Reconciliations and Relations Re-building
Building peace requires more than arms surrender. There has
to be a process of reconciliation between communities,
factions, militia groups and between traditional leaders, local
elite, youth, women as well as the oil TNCs and communities.
There have to be peace within and between groups in society
that were engaged in conflict. Relations have to be restored
and rebuilt. Even the JTF may need to reconcile with some
communities. The government may need to facilitate this
process by identifying groups that were in conflict and
utilizing NGOs/CSOs as links and actors in peace building.
4. Confidence and Trust Building
In the Niger Delta as elsewhere, the compact between
government and the people has been broken. There have been
so much hopes that were dashed, promises that failed and
expectations that were not met. Government has been like a
circus dance, plenty of talk that were not matched with
actions, funds that were supposedly released that produced
nothing and plenty of motions and actions that didn‟t improve
lives. How can the people trust the federal government to
deliver on a post conflict development of the region?
Government needs to build trust and confidence by delivering
on promises being made now. Government officials need to
be sincere, honest, truthful and demonstrate integrity at this
stage of post conflict transition.
5. De-Militarization and De-Garrisoning of the Region
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Since the early 1990s, the region has been a large garrisoned
command with the largest military deployment since the
Nigerian civil war. Alongside the huge deployments have
been extensive military operations, harassments, human rights
abuses, excessive force and brutalities. Some communities
have been razed down, properties destroyed, some women
have been raped while torture, arrests, detention, extortion and
even plundering have been occurring. There are indications
that the military have been compromised at least in the
underground and illegal oil economies of the region. The
regions‟ citizens have lost confidence in the military and have
merely been held captive. In fact, a major demand of activists,
youth, civil society and the militias has been that the
militarization should stop and the military re-deployed. So
what is JTF still doing that normal security agencies cannot
do? It is time to begin a phased withdrawal and eventual
disbandment of the JTF. Right now, at least in a sense, there
are no more militias and no tea cup and low intensity wars.
6. Demilitarization of Society
The society in the Niger Delta region has been militarized.
There is a huge individual, group, communal and ethnic
arsenal of sophisticated arms and ammunition. There is a
ready resort to violence to resolve even trivial problems. A
culture of impunity, nihilism, machismo and might is right is
pervasive, indicated by such slangs as „nothing de happen‟
and „no shaking‟ particularly among the youth. Furthermore,
there is now the destructive pursuit of personal interests at the
expense of anything or anyone, the disregard for authority and
social and parental control and a growing lack of affective
feelings and absence of guilt. This new militarist order and
culture has to change to more civil attitudes that respect
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
rights, abhor violence, detests abuse and rejects impunity and
lawlessness.
7. Managing the Post Conflict Economy
A post conflict transition is also the time to destroy illegal
conflict economies and build alternative and genuine
businesses and productive activities. Government can utilize
and implement the local content policy in the oil industry to
build a viable regional economy which can engage the
business entrepreneurs and youth of the region. Furthermore,
as was suggested in May 2009, the militias can be integrated
into normal socio-economic life such as engagement in
regulated security roles. They could be incorporated as private
security companies to provide security for oil installations and
pipelines (International Crisis Group 2009).
8. Building Stakes for Peace
A system of stakes has to be constructed for peace to keep armed
groups to accept and sustain peace. As Keen (2006:13) notes, an
important consideration in the transition to peace is ‘to a considerable
extent, in ensuing that some of those benefitting from war are in a
position to benefit to a greater extent from peace’. One way of doing
this is to ensure that individuals and groups that benefitted from the
conflict are in some way made to benefit from the peace time
economy. Beyond these, stakeholder-ship have to be constructed for
the communities and even ex-militants such that peace becomes more
profitable.
9. Managing Conflict Entrepreneurs
There is a certain segment of businessmen who capitalized on the
agitation and conflict in the region. They constructed violence into a
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
commodity for hire, commercialized militancy, and made huge profits
by organizing and deploying violence in favour of political, ethnic and
business patrons and chieftains and against opponents, opposition and
rival claimants. Linked to powerful patrons, these entrepreneurs have
been above the law and have built a culture in which violence pays and
is used to settle scores and contest leadership positions and contracts.
This category of violence entrepreneurs do sometimes parade
themselves as militants but are actually armed bandits and criminals.
The security agencies should break into these criminal networks and
demobilize them.
10. Conflict Transformation
As noted earlier, there cannot be peace except the conditions that
generated the conflict are re-ordered or transformed. Otherwise, some
conflicts may only be prevented and others reduced in intensity. The
deep underlying grievances that underlie the agitation and insurgency
are clearly well-known. Various technical committees have submitted
reports and the Ledun Mitee Technical Committee even studied earlier
reports and made submissions. The Federal Government should put in
place a clear blueprint to address the demands and objectives of the
struggle and begin immediate implementation.
11. Justice and Equity
The injustices and inequity that underlined the conflict have to
be addressed. The people have been disinherited, deprived,
denied, maltreated and abused. There can be no lasting peace
without instituting justice for today and redressing past
wrongs. The federal government and its security agencies and
the oil TNOCs may need to apologize to the region and
rebuild destroyed communities and properties. The oil TNCs
would have to pay reparations for the devastation of the land
and water, the paltry compensation and the exclusion of the
region‟s people in the oil industry.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
12. Accelerated development
Luring militants into peace without tackling the root causes
and underlying grievances of the conflict has proven to be
damaging in some countries such as Mozambique (Renamo)
and Sierra Leone (RUF). Therefore, a critical issue is how to
reverse the process by which diverse groups take up arms, and
successfully persuade others to do so (Keen 2006:15).
In the Niger Delta, the central problem is huge
underdevelopment amidst a huge resource contribution. The
best strategy is a marshall plan of massive and extensive
development. The other major grievance is scanty resource
ploughback and benefits from oil and the oil economy. The
region has struggled for substantial increase in derivation
funds and resource control. The politics of resource
distribution has been such that other regions resist such
increase. The impression has been given that such increase
requires a constitutional amendment which is not true as the
constitution specifies a minimum which means an increase
above 13% requires only enacting a law. More recently, the
federal government is giving the impression that it is offering
a 10% equity to
communities. The details are not yet clear
and it is not yet backed by a law.
Past and existing development interventions such as Niger
Delta Development Board (1961), OMPADEC (1992),
NDDC (2000) and even state agencies like DESOPADEC,
failed or are failing on the alter of top down approach, hijack
by elites, corruption, huge operational costs, elephant projects,
unsustainable projects, abandoned projects and performance
deficits. The big agency development has been a jamboree for
political contractors and has been a museum for elephant,
whitewashed, uncompleted, abandoned and high cost projects
that have had little bearing on the peoples livelihoods. A new
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
form of development that is people centred and participative
and that is different from the previous failed and failing
efforts has to be instituted.
The anchor of this development strategy should be the
people who through extensive participation would now drive
development. The local people affected and concerned should
make the decisions and participate actively in programme
implementation and monitoring. The local people should
address issues that affect them particularly those that affect
their livelihoods. They should be allowed to build confidence,
capacity and production by their involvements in development
programming and efforts.
13. Effective Governance
There are gaps and voids in governance that has to be filled.
Governance is yet to be grounded in the people and their
perceived needs and interests. There are huge voids in
assistance and welfare that numerous associations have risen
to fill and are hijacking the loyalty and identity that ought to
go to the state. Even the militias performed welfare and social
service roles such as scholarships, school fees, medical care
and grants to local entrepreneurs. Thus there were bonds,
reciprocity and solidarity between militias and communities.
As Ibaba (2008:201) notes, militant groups are not just
organizations for personal aggrandizement but benefactors to
some people. The corruption in the region has been awesome.
In spite of perceived needs, the regions citizens in office have
frittered and wasted so much resources. Loyalty and
commitment to the cause has been lacking. There is need for a
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
new regime of accountability and transparency if development
is to be accelerated.
14. Environmental Remediation,
Sustainable Development
Restoration
and
Can there be sustainable development against the backdrop of
degraded natural resources that constitute the basis for the
primary occupations of the region. The issue of remediation
and restoration of degraded land and water can only be a basis
for regenerating the local economies of the region. The
physical basis for sustainable development has to be restored.
The land and water must be replenished and remediated to
make farming and fishing worthwhile. The displaced farmers
and fishermen have to be rehabilitated with capital and
equipment. Whatever development efforts must be made
sustainable in terms of maintenance, independent operations,
regeneration and replication, capacity building and further
production or reproduction.
15. Reconstruction and Rehabilitation
Several parts of the region have been devastated. Schools and
social services have been destroyed, decadent or abandoned.
Properties and whole communities have been destroyed.
Businesses and livelihoods have been dislocated. There is
need, therefore, for reconstruction and rehabilitation of
displaced persons, destroyed properties, devastated
communities and damaged social services and amenities. The
local economies have to be reconstructed and regenerated.
16. Regeneration of the Culture of Work, Production and
Earned Incomes
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The culture of work and productive activities has eroded. In
its place is a culture of laziness, easy funds and lousy
expenditures. There is a plethora of groups and particularly
youth movements and community youth groups that have
become agencies of extortion, compelled extraction, easy
acquisition and unearned distribution of funds. Being youth
and being part of these groups has become an employment in
itself. There are some youth who do not work, but thrive in
being youth, hanging out among youth leaders and engaged in
diverse forms of compulsive appropriation of others earnings.
There is need for a change towards productive activities.
Government should ban youth levies, tolls and extortion on
land, housing development and commercial activities. All
avenues of easy but illegal funds has to be blocked. It is
noteworthy that this unproductive culture is linked to violent
crime and particularly kidnapping.
Conclusion
Perhaps, we should note that historically and
contemporarily, there exists no cases of insurgency that
borders on contests of the state project and the national
question that have been successfully repressed and suppressed
militarily. There is always a resurgence. The current amnesty
does well in realizing this truth. It has further indicated that
the grievances and ensuing armed insurgent dimension of the
conflict requires a political resolution. It was obvious that the
military and repressive approach failed to douse, suppress and
defeat the agitation and insurgency. The more effective
strategy for comprehensively addressing the grievances and
35
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
resistance is massive development efforts and increased
revenues and resource benefits, woven around regional
autonomy and reforms of governance and federal practice.
The Amnesty Programme of President Yar‟Adua brought
hopes of conflict settlement and a post conflict transition
stage. However, after initial successes in terms of militia
acceptance, surrender, disarming and entering into
rehabilitation centres, the programme is currently freezing, in
comatose and stalled. There is now huge disenchantment by
militants and a huge fear of conflict relapse, with the
resurgence of hostilities by MEND that has suspended its
unilateral cease fire.
The Amnesty Programme has faltered on the altar of poor
planning and organization, weak and non-inclusive
implementation structure and institutionalization, poor
implementation and poor results. Political commitment is now
suspect just as actual funding and release of funds. As a result,
supposed conflict settlement phase is faltering and the issue of
a post conflict transition and conflict resolution are now
becoming mere hopes.
The paper raises issues and challenges that should have
been addressed and should be addressed and draws on insights
and lessons of experiences elsewhere to chart a course
towards conflict resolution.
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43
CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE
THREAT OF WEATHER-RELATED
DISASTERS IN THE NIGER DELTA
OKOLI, AL CHUKWUMA3
Abstract
The phenomenon of climate change has been associated with a trend
of weather extremity and volatility across the world. This global
trend has often occasioned dire climato-ecological dynamics that
threaten human security and societal sustainability. This paper seeks
to examine the correlation between climate change and weatherrelated disaster in the Niger Delta from the standpoint of threat
analysis. Relying on secondary sources of data, the paper posits that
the Niger Delta is highly susceptible to climate-change-induced
weather disasters in view of its proximity to the continental waters
which makes it vulnerable to ocean surge, coastal erosion and
flooding. The paper makes a case for a contingency approach to
disaster remediation as the way forward.
Keywords: Climate change; weather volatility; disaster;
weather disaster; Niger Delta; vulnerability; human security.
3
Okoli, Al Chukwuma is a Lecturer with the Department of Political
Science, Federal University Lafia, Lafia, Nigeria. His email contact
is: okochu007@yahoo.com
43
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Introduction
Climate Change is one of the most critical challenges
facing the contemporary world. The palpability of this
challenge has been variously affirmed in contemporary
development and human security literature. According to
Oladipo:
There is now clear scientific
evidence that climate change is
real. It is upon us. Its impacts
will affect everyone on earth in
some way, but the poor are the
most vulnerable. This is because
most of the world‟s poor depend
for their livelihoods directly
upon highly climate sensitive
natural resources (2009:2).
The vulnerability of nations to the impacts of climate
change depends on where they are geographically situated as
well as their coping capacities (Abebimpe, 2011). African is
highly vulnerable to climate change in view of a number of
factors:
Because of its position on the
globe, Africa already has a
warm climate and is exposed to
inconsistency
in
rainfall,
prevalence of poor soil, and
flood plains. Second, most
economies are dependent on
sectors that are susceptible to
climate variations; and third
perhaps most importantly, the
lack of good governance,
widespread
poverty,
poor
45
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
economic
and
social
infrastructure, conflicts, and
limited human, institutional and
financial capacities mean that as
a continent, it is least able to
cope with the effects of climate
change (Bolarinwa, 2009:3).
The vulnerability of Nigeria to the vicissitudes of climate
change is expectedly most endemic on its coastlines and
littoral flanks. The Niger Delta region is amply situated within
this „axis of risk‟. In effect, the Niger Delta has been
described as sitting on the threshold of a “sinking future”
(Agwu, 2009:8). This is in view of its apparent susceptibility
to the possible hazards of climate change. Concerning the risk
of climate change related disasters in this region, Rowell,
Marriot and Stockman (2005:235) curiously alarmed:
If we superimpose the predicted
sea level rise on the gradual
subsiding
Niger
Delta
(subsidence exacerbated by oil
and gas extraction), the net
effect is that within the next two
decades… about 40km wide
strip of the Niger Delta and its
peoples would be submerged
and rendered extinct.
In the light of the contemporary dynamics of climate
change in Nigeria, it is evident that the Niger Delta is
ostensibly at risk of sundry weather-related disasters. It is the
need to understand the nature and implications of this threat
that has informed this study.
Nature, Approach and Structure of the Paper
46
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The paper is an exploratory qualitative discourse on the
relationship between climate change and weather related
disasters in Nigeria with particular reference to the Niger
Delta. In seeking to establish the nexus between the two
variables–climate change and weather-related disasters - the
paper does not intend to prove empirical causality; it rather
seeks to situate a correlation between the variables with a
view to underscoring how the former is associated with the
latter. To this end, the paper draws discursively from extant
literature and perspectives in a bid to make good its purpose.
The thrust of the paper is schematically laid out under a
number of themes and sub-themes designed to address the
concerns of the subject. The remainder of the paper is thus
organised under the following parts: frame of reference
(conceptual issues), theoretical framework, setting of the
study (the Niger Delta), vulnerability of the Niger Delta to
weather-related disasters, Niger Delta and coastal erosion,
Niger Delta and flooding, implications of weather-related
disasters for human security, the way forward (mitigation and
adaption), and conclusion.
Frame of Reference/Conceptual Issues
Three basic concepts constitute the thrust of the subject of
the paper. The concepts are climate change, disaster, and
weather-related disaster(s). For the purpose of shared
contextual understanding, the conception of these concepts
within the purview of the present discourse is articulated in
turn in the sub-sections that follow.
Climate change
Climate change “refers to a change in climate, attributable
directly or indirectly to human activities that alter the
atmospheric composition of the earth” (Igwe, 2009: 2). It is
caused by “the inexorable build-up of green-house gases in
47
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
the earth‟s atmosphere” (Bolarinwa, 2009: 3). In addition to
its human causation, climate change has also been associated
with “natural variability of the universe observed over
comparable time” (Omoyemen, 2009: 2)
A comprehensive conception of climate change has been
provided by Agwu (2009). Corroborating other sources,
Agwu (2009:27) elaborately observes:
Climate change is a synonym for global warning, which is
caused by the emission of greenhouse gases. These emissions
cause environmental distortions like the warming of the
oceans, the rise in sea level, and the fact that average
temperatures in the world today are already higher than they
were at any point in human history. So at the heart of the
climate change problem is the depletion of the ozone layer as
a result of the production and use of fossil fuel, particularly
the emission of carbon dioxide from the burning of coal, oil
and gas.
Technically, climate change results from the depletion of
the ozone layer arising from the greenhouse effect (Agwu,
2009). Hence, climate change is engendered by the increase in
the atmospheric concentration of green-house gases (GHG)
which changes how the atmosphere absorbs and retains
energy (Omoyemen, 2009:2). The greenhouse gases include
carbon-dioxide (mainly from burning fossil fuel like coal, oil
and natural gas), methane and nitrous oxide (due to
agricultural practices and changes in land use), ozone
(generated mostly by the fumes in car exhausts), etc.
(Omoyemen, 2009:2). The essence and mechanics of the
green-house effect has been captured thus:
The sun powers earth‟s climate, radiating energy at very
short wave lengths, predominately in the visible or nearvisible (e.g. ultraviolent) part of the spectrum. About 33% of
the solar energy that reaches the top of earth‟s atmosphere is
reflected directly back to space (albedo). The remaining 67%
48
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
is absorbed by the surface and, to a lesser extent, by the
atmosphere. To balance the absorbed incoming energy, the
earth must, on average, radiate the same amount of energy
back to space. Because the earth is much colder than the sun,
it radiates at much longer wavelengths, primarily in the
infrared part of the spectrum. Much of this thermal radiation
emitted by the land and ocean is absorbed by the atmosphere,
including clouds, and radiated back to earth. This is called the
green-house effect (Oladipo, 2009:3).
It is evident from the foregoing that climate change is a
complex phenomenon. In effect, its nature, origin and
dynamics have been shrouded in scientific mystification. It is
important to note in passing that even in science, there
appears to be no consensus concerning the phenomenology of
climate change. What obtains, in effect, is a widely held
orthodox claim that climate change is caused by the depletion
of the ozone layer as a necessary consequence of the so-called
greenhouse effect.
There are seven theoretical perspectives that contend to
explain the phenomenon of climate change. The first, which is
the most widely acknowledged in the scientific literature, is
the global warning perspective. This perspective holds that
climate change is a consequence of global warming. The
global warming derives from increase in the earth‟s
temperature as a result of increased amount of carbon-dioxide
in the atmosphere (Koestler, 2010). The burning of carbonbased fuels by man in the course of his household, industrial,
social and economic activities has been the principal culprit in
this regard. The rest of the extant perspectives are highlighted
in Table 1 showing hereunder.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Table 1: Theoretical perspectives on climate Change
This holds that there are biological and
Bio-Thermostat
chemical processes that offset the
perspective
increased carbon- dioxide effect; for
instance, the increased uptake of carbondioxide by plants.
Cloud
formation
and
albedo
perspective
This postulates that changes in the
formation and albedo of clouds create a
feedback that cancels and the effects of
increased carbon-dioxide. (Albedo is a
fancy word denoting the ability of clouds
to reflect solar radiation).
Human
forcing
(besides greenhouse
gases) perspective
This espouses that mankind‟s greatest
destructive impact on climate is its
transformation of the Earth‟s surface by
deforestation, irrigation of deserts,
urbanization (building of cities), etc.
Ocean
current
perspective
This contends that global temperature
variation over the past century has been
due to the slowdown of the ocean‟s
“thermohalin” circulation.
Planetary motion
perspective
This states that all the warming in the latter
part of the twentieth century can be
explained by natural gravitational and
magnetic oscillations of the solar system
induced by the earth‟s movement through
space. These oscillations modulate solar
variation which then derives climate
change.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Solar
variability
perspective
This claims that solar variability accounts
for most of all of the recent warming and
will dominate in the 21st Century
regardless of man-made greenhouse gas
emissions.
Source: Koestler (2010), as adapted by the author.
Scholarly inquiries into the phenomenology of climate
change have given rise to three dominant schools of thoughts,
namely the apocalyptic school, the scientific school and the
denialist school. The apocalyptic school attributes the
phenomenon of climate change to some extra-cosmic events
that have been prophesied in the books of religions to
characterise the “end time” (Awake, August, 2008). This
implies that the occurrence of climate change signifies the
advent of the last days‟ as predicated in the religious books
(see for instance the Bible: the Book of Revelation).
The scientific school associates climate change with the
dynamics of global warming. This school holds that the rising
global temperature is as a result of the increase amount of
carbon emission into the atmosphere is responsible for climate
change (Koestler, 2010). Scholars who subscribe to the
scientific school of thought can be sub-divided into two: the
orthodox and the skepticists. The orthodox scholars believe in
the tenacity and finality of the global warming–greenhouse
effect theory while the skepticists hold the claims with
reasoned reservation. The skepticists criticize the orthodox for
failing to establish their claims by way of empirical
verification and causality. It is to be noted that the orthodox
perspective is yet to be conclusively proven (Koestler, 2010).
The denialist school posits that the whole idea of global
warming and climate change is a matter of scientific
permutation and environmentalist propaganda (Awake,
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
August 2008). The position of this school seems to be that the
universe has always changed on a normal course. So
according to them, nothing is unusual about contemporary
trends of climate change. Perhaps, what is unusual is that
science is getting rather conscious and anxious of these trends.
Whether-Related Disasters
Weather-related disasters refer to catastrophic events that
are precipitated by critical weather variability and volatility
ascribed to the dynamics of climate change. The nature and
dimensions of this form of disaster has been underscored by
Igwe (2009:2) where he notes:
Global warming, depending on
the region has been associated
with increase and decrease in
rainfall,
thus
exacerbating
floods, landslides (tsunamis) in
wet regions and droughts in dry
regions of the world; land ice
melting in the cold regions has
had similar consequences, as it
has given rise to thermal
expansion of oceans leading to
flooding. All these manifest in
natural disasters, such as
hurricanes, bush fires, ocean
surges, and landslides….
Properly conceived, weather-related disasters are extreme
weather incidents that threaten human security and societal
sustainability. In Africa, the extreme events have been evident
in the rising incidence of droughts and desertification in
“areas prone to scarcity of water and flooding in heavy
rainfall areas” (Igwe, 2009:3).
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Globally, weather-related disasters have been a major
cause of mass complex emergencies over the years. This form
of catastrophic events have been associated with dire socioeconomic and humanitarian consequences in many parts of
the world. Table 2 showing hereunder highlights the incidence
of weather-related disasters across the world in 2007
alongside the associated humanitarian impacts.
Table 2: Some World’s Weather-related Disasters in 2007
Country/
Incident with Humanitarian Impact
Region
Britain
More than 350,000 people were affected by the
worst flooding in over 60 years. England and
Wales saw the wettest May to July since recordkeeping began in 1976.
West Africa
Floods affected 800,000 people in 14 countries.
Lesotho
High temperatures and drought destroyed crops.
Some 553,000 people may require food aid.
Sudan
Torrential rains left 150,000 people without
shelter, at least 500,000 received aid.
Madagascar
Cyclones and heavy rains lashed the island,
displacing 33,000 people and destroying the
crops of 260,000.
North Korea
An estimated 960,000 were severely hit by
widespread flooding, landslides, and mud slides.
Bangladesh
Flooding affected 8.5 million people and killed
over 3, 0000 as well as 2.5 million farm animals,
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Nearly 1.5 homes were either damaged or
destroyed.
India
Floods affected 30 million people.
Pakistan
Cyclones rains left 377,000 people displaced and
hundreds dead
Bolivia
More than 350,000 were affected by flooding,
and 25,000 were displaced.
Mexico
Regional flooding left at least 500,000 homeless
and affected more than a million.
Dominican
Rep.
Prolonged heavy rainfall caused and landslide
displacing 65,000
United State
Fires across tinder-dry southern California forced
500,000 residents to flee their homes.
Source: Awake (August, 2008:7).
Theoretical Framework
There apparently exists no theory that offers a cause-effect
explication of climate change. This paper proposes the theory
of cosmo-anthropogenic dynamics as its analytical anchorage.
The theory posits that climate change occurs as a result of the
interaction of cosmic and anthropogenic forces, engendering
critical climatic dynamics. The climate dynamics produces
rapid weather variability and volatility that result in extreme
events, often with disastrous consequences (Adebimpe, 2011).
Hence, climate change is understood as a consequence of
dialectical relations between „nature‟ and „culture‟, bringing
about dire impacts and complications on global climate. Thus,
weather-related disasters such as rainstorm, flooding, tsunami,
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
coastal erosion and the like, can be seen as the necessary
outcome of a global climate endangered by natural and
anthropogenic impacts. The nature and mechanics of these
impacts have been highlighted in the „seven theories‟ of
climate change cited in Table 1.
The Setting of the Study: The Niger Delta
The Niger Delta is located in the Atlantic coast of southern
Nigerian where River Niger divided into numerous tributaries
to create a network of creeks and basins interspersed by
ebullient swamps and forests (Uyigne and Agho, 2007;
Osaghae, Ikelegbe, Olarinmoye and Okhonmina, 2007). It is
reputed to be the second largest delta in the world and the
largest wetland in Africa (Uyigue and Agho, 2007).
As currently defined by the Nigerian Government, the
Niger Delta encompasses about 70,000km2 and makes up
7.5% of Nigeria‟s land mass (Okoli, 2013: 67). Historically
and cartographically, the Niger Delta consisted of the
geographical contiguous States of Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers
(Okoli, 2013). But in its current status, the region embodies,
in addition to the aforementioned three States, the littoral
States of Ondo (the riverine areas), Cross River and AkwaIbom, (Osaghae et al, 2007). The Niger Delta is home to over
forty (40) minority ethic and sub-ethnic groups including the
Ijaw, Urhobo Itshekiri, Efik, Ogoni, Ilaje, Kalabari, Ikwere,
Isoko, Ndokwa, etc, (Osaghae et al, 2007, Okoli, 2013).
The Niger Delta has also often been defined geo-politically
as constituting the oil producing states of the South-South and
South East zones of Nigeria. In this regard, it would compose
of the following States: Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, Cross River,
Rivers, Akwa-Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa. The definition of the
Niger Delta in this wise has been discredited as being merely
political, a-historical and non-cartographical (Okoli, 2013).
Compared to the geographical conception, the political
55
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
definition of the Niger Delta is at best artificial and
misleading. This is in view of the fact that it is based on extrageographical considerations that are neither tenable nor
plausible.
Geographically, the Niger Delta has been subdivided into
three blocks, namely Western (or Northern) Niger Delta,
Central Niger Delta, and Eastern Niger Delta. Table 3 below
sheds proper light on these sub divisions.
Table 3: Geographical Sub-divisions of the Niger Delta
Sub-division
Description
Central Niger Delta
This covers the central section
of the coastal South South
Nigeria, encompassing Rivers
and Bayelsa States.
Eastern Niger Delta
This consists of east-Atlantic
axis of the coastal South-South,
including Akwa-Ibom and Cross
River States.
Western (Northern) Niger Delta
This refers to the Western
stretch of the coastal SouthSouth embodying Delta, Edo
and Ondo (riverine part) States.
Source: Adapted from Okoli (2013: 68-69).
The Vulnerability of the Niger Delta to Weather-Related
Disasters
Vulnerability refers to the susceptibility of a population to
the impact of disaster as a result of unmitigated exposure to
56
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
hazards. The Niger Delta region is naturally prone to weatherrelated disasters in view of its peculiar vulnerable physical
geography (Wapmuk, 2009). The region is a typical wetland
comprising about 2,370 square kilometers of rivers and 8,600
square kilometers of stagnant swamp (Uyigue and Agho,
2007). Most of the human population of the Niger Delta lives
on the creeks and coasts of the Atlantic basin, interspersed by
the numerous tributaries of the River Niger (Uyigue and
Agho, 2007). These characteristics have rendered the region
highly vulnerable to extreme weather events such as flooding,
ocean surge and inundation, and coastal erosion. These
incidents often bring about disastrous outcomes.
With particular reference to the phenomenon of sea-level
rise, Onuoha (2008: 1036) alarmed that “in the event of
sudden climate–induced sea-level rise, the risk of the region
(Niger Delta) being entirely submerged by devastating coastal
flooding is most probable, given its naturally subsidence–
prone territory”. More illustratively, Onuoha (2008:1036)
opines:
While a 0.2 metre rise in sea
level
would
lead
to
displacement of about 200
villages in the region, a
projected sea-level rise of more
than 1 metre could flood much
of the Niger Delta and force up
to 80% of the Delta‟s population
to higher ground.
The vulnerability of the Niger Delta to climate-induced
disasters has been acknowledged by the inter-governmental
panel on climate change when it noted that there would be
drastic changes in rainfall patterns in warmer climate; and
coastal regions like the Niger Delta may experience 5–6 %
57
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
increase of rainfall by 2030, leading to frequent, high and
prolonged floods in the region. (Mmom and Aifesehi, 2013:
216). While drastic variability in rainfall patterns appears to
be engendering massive flood disasters in Niger Delta, the
accelerated pace of Annual Sea Level Rise (ASLR) has been
precipitating dramatic ocean surges and coastal inundations
that threaten the sustainability of the region. To underscore
the severity of this trend, it has been projected that:
With ASLR of about 1.0m,
about 75% of the Delta could be
lost. The number of people at
risk, assuming no measure and
development,
would
be
0.9million, 2.10 million and
4.50 million with ASLR of
about 0.2m, 0.5m, and 1.0m
respectively,
resulting
in
massive environmental refugee
(Oladipo, 2009:8).
The vulnerability of the Niger Delta to weather-related
disasters is, therefore, high and alarming. This situation has
been compounded by the untoward activities associated with
oil exploration and exploitation (such as gas flaring, oil spills,
and petroleum pipeline explosion) whose impacts have been
complicating the climatic scenarios in the region (Agwu,
2009; Okoli, 2014b).
Niger Delta and the Threat of Coastal Erosion
Coastal erosion has been one of the critical impacts and
complications of sea level rise in the Niger Delta. This
problem has been escalating in keeping with the trend of
climate change. According to Uyigue and Agho:
58
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
The most important problem
facing the Niger Delta is coastal
erosion. Although the World
Bank has rated coastal erosion
as needing moderate attention in
the region, it is the most
important impact of sea level
rise in the region and should be
given high priority attention….
Settlements in the coastal region
have been lost to the ocean due
to erosion. In some places
especially in Forcados, some oil
wells have been lost to the
ocean due to erosion (2007:para.
8).
The threat of coastal erosion in the Niger Delta is real and
palpable. In a study carried out by Uyigue and Agho (2007), it
was observed that there has been a rising incidence of land
loss and degradation in the Niger Delta. Based on different
scenarios of sea level rise, the study estimated that the region
is liable to lose varying measures of land at various scales of
coastal erosion and inundations (see Table 4).
Table 4: Estimated Land Loss to Coastal Erosion/Inundation
Low Estimate
High Estimate
Sea level
0.2m
0.5m
1.0m
2.0m
0.2m
0.5m
1.0m
2.0m
Land loss in km2
2,846
7,453
15,125
18,398
2,865
7,500
15,332
18,80
3
59
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Source: Uyigue and Agho (2007).
A study carried out by Adegoke, et al (2010) in the Niger
Delta confirmed that the region had recorded massive erosion,
particularly on the coastlines. With particular reference to the
South-Eastern area of the Niger Delta, the study revealed an
appreciable incidence of coastal erosion as reflected in Table
5 showing hereunder.
Table 5: Incidence of Coastal Erosion in Selected Parts of the South-Eastern
Niger Delta
Location
Comments
Erosion
Accretion Total
(Km2)
(Km2)
(Km2)
Santa
Barbara
River
to
San
Bartolomeo River
Mouth
2.858
1.272
4.130
Off
coast
changes
of
0.19km2
and
0.124km2
of
accretion
and
erosion
respectively
observed.
Between
San
Bartolomeo
and
Sombreiro Rivers
1.265
0.107
1.372
The
accretion
was
observed
mainly
around
Sombreiro River
mouth. Erosion
observed along
10.9km
of
coastline
from
San Bartholomeo
River eastwards.
Between
Sombreiro
and
New Calabar and
3.197
3.197
This
is
a
massively eroded
area of the Niger
Delta coastline.
60
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Bonny Rivers
Also
observed
was
about
0.435Km2
of
accretion off the
coast.
Between
New
Calabar
and
Bonny Rivers
1,577
From Bonny River
to Andoni River
0.995
Between Andoni
River and Imo
River
1.18
1.577
This erosion was
observed along a
10.88
km
coastline,
This
portion is the
inner portion of
the
coastline
between
these
rivers.
2.21
3.205
The erosion was
observed
from
the mouth of
Bonny River and
extending
for
6.5km of the
coastline.
Accretion
was
observed along
the
coastline
from the point
where
the
erosion ceased. It
extends
over
17km
of
coastline up to
the mouth of
Andoni River.
1.11
2.29
Erosion
is
prevalent around
the
coastline
nearest
the
mouth of Andoni
river
mouth,
61
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
while accretion
trend is towards
the mouth of the
Imo river.
Imo River Mouth
up to about 3.2 km
eastwards
0.567
0.341
0.908
Source: Adegoke et al (2010: 280).
The impact of coastal erosion on the affected areas of the
Niger Delta has been threatening. The impact includes the
following: Loss of farmland; Loss of household abode;
Depletion of human settlement on the coastline; Exacerbation
of flooding; Population displacement; Loss of material assets
(property and infrastructure); Destruction of ecosystem; Land
degradation; Ocean encroachment (surge and inundation); and
loss of livelihood sources and support.
In view of the foregoing, it is evidence that coastal erosion
is a veritable threat to human security in the Niger Delta. Over
the years, the incidence of coastal erosion has interplayed with
shoreline inundations and flooding to exacerbate
environmental crisis in the Niger Delta. This scenario poses a
serious risk to sustainable human security and development in
the region.
Niger Delta and the Threat of Flooding
Flooding is another critical correlate of the rising sea levels
in the Niger Delta (Bariweni, Tawari, and Abowei, 2012).
Over the years, the recurring flood in Nigeria and the Niger
Delta in particular has posed a serious threat to sustainable
development (Adedegi, Odufuwa ad Adebayo, 2012). In the
fourth quarter of 2012, Nigeria was affected by a widespread
and unprecedented flooding that engulfed a greater part of the
62
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Niger Delta, resulting in massive humanitarian consequences
(Eyers and Obowu, 2013).
The 2012 flood disaster was so historic in view of its huge
destructive impacts and complications. This incident led to
massive population displacement in the Niger Delta, sacking
many households, village and settlements. Table 6 below
shows the relocation destinations of most of the persons
displaced in the course of the flood disaster in the Niger Delta.
Table 6: Relocation Destinations for Victims of 2007 Flood
Disaster
in Niger Delta
Temporary
Percentage of Estimated costs
accommodation
Victims
Hotel Lodging
10%
N4.56
Refugee Camps
50%
N10b
Private homes not affected
by flood
20%
N180M
Migration to safer States
20%
N170M
Source: Pere (2012:2)
Apart from population displacement, the flood disaster
equally occasioned multiple socio-economic and social
malaises that threatened the survival of the affected
communities. In the course of the disaster, roads were
rendered impassable and people were trapped in risky
locations; transport and food-stuff cost hiked astronomically;
public electricity supply was cut off; businesses were shut
down; plantations and farmlands were eroded; numerous
homes and public buildings were submerged; bridges and
63
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
drainage systems collapsed in numbers; cars and other
valuables were washed away; and life was made miserable
(Pere, 2012; Eyers and Obowu, 2013).
The 2012 incident copiously exposed the vulnerability of
the Niger Delta to weather disaster. The expansive scale and
spread of the flood underscores the fear that the Niger Delta
has “a sinking future” (Agwu, 2009:8). Urgent pragmatic
measures are a desideratum to mitigating the region from the
eventuality of more catastrophic flooding.
Implications of Weather-related Disasters for Human
security
Weather-related disasters hold negative implications for
human security in Nigeria. According to Adebimpe:
Nigeria is a disaster prone
country. The disasters which
often result into environmental
emergencies like flooding are
worsened by the degradation of
the country‟s environment and
natural
resource.
Floods,
rainstorms, and droughts affect
households each year in Nigeria
and contribute to endemic
poverty in most parts (2011:97).
Weather-related disasters in Nigeria lead to dire impacts
and outcomes that jeopardize the foundations of human
security in the country. With reference to the Niger Delta
region, such disasters have been associated with the following
set of adverse outcomes: Population displacement and
dislocation of families and settlements; Destruction of
household and agricultural assets; Degradation of land in the
event of coastal erosion; Contamination of fresh water sources
arising from ocean surge.; Death of human beings and
64
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
animals; Loss of livelihood sources and supports; Spread of
public health hazards; Despoliation of ecosystems and ecodiversity; Destruction of public infrastructure; and general
environmental degradation.
The implication of the foregoing is that weather-related
disasters touch on the very fabric of human security. By
jeopardizing people‟s livelihood sources and assets, weatherrelated disasters plunge the affected population into
humanitarian crisis. It also increases the vulnerability of such
population to disease, poverty and other forms of socioeconomic insecurity.
The 2012 flooding, for instance, created a phenomenal
complex emergency scenario that found expression in
multiple humanitarian ripples. This was exemplified in
massive social dislocations, situational destitution, and
internally displaced persons (IDP) crises (Social Action, 2012;
NHSA, 2012; Abam, n.d). The severity of this situation
necessitated huge inter-governmental and international
interventions towards mitigating the devastating impact of the
catastrophic flooding. In effect, the 2012 flooding incident in
Niger Delta clearly demonstrated how hard extreme weather
events can impact human security of a vulnerable population.
Controlling Weather Disasters in Niger Delta: Betwixt
Mitigation and Adaptation
Climate change is a global challenge. Addressing this
challenge is a global concern and imperative. This would
entail a conscious and conscientious effort at mitigation and
adaptation. According to Oladipo:
Stopping climate change is up to
us. Our actions today will
determine the climate of
tomorrow. By choosing to take
action now, we can limit future
damage…. But what can we do?
65
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
In essence, there are two types
of responses. The first involves
reducing
emissions
of
greenhouse gases to slow or stop
the process of climate change.
This is known as mitigation.
The
second,
known
as
adaptation, is learning to cope
with the impacts of climate
change (2009:2).
The reality of weather-related disasters that has engaged
the attention of this paper is a corollary of climate change.
Dealing with such occurrences requires a pragmatic
application of mitigative and adaptive strategies that
efficiently reduces human vulnerability (Ologunorisa, 2009).
Mitigation deals with the causes while adaptation is largely
concerned with the effects (Wapmuk, 2009). Put differently,
while mitigation addresses the pre-incident stage of disaster,
adaptation deals with the aftermath of disaster. Operationally,
the two strategies are functionally related. For instance, “the
more successful „Plan A‟ – which is mitigation is, the less
„Plan B‟, that is adaptation, is required (Wapmuk, 2009:3).
Table 7 details some basic actionable measures that can be
taken in addressing the occurrence of climate-induced weather
calamities in the Niger-Delta.
Table 7: Sundry Strategies for dealing with Weather-related
Disasters
S/n
Mitigation
S/n Adaptation
1
Dredging of major water
fronts
1
Strategic community
alert
2
Reinforcement of coastlines
2
Hazard sensitivity
66
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
3
Conservation of the habitat
3
Community self-help
and solidarity
4
Reduction/eradication of gas
flaring
4
Efficient dispensation
of relief in the event
of an incident
5
Stoppage of sand excavation
and evacuation on the
shorelines
5
Social support for the
displaced and other
victims
6
Institution of early warning
system/mechanism to forewarn eventualities
6
Effective rescue and
rehabilitation
of
affected population
7
Establishment
of relief
camps on the higher lands
7
Timely intervention of
all responders in the
event of an incident
8
Establishment of
management zone
8
Good
community
leadership, etc.
9
Sensitization of the locals to
risks and hazards and coping
tactics
Community
volunteerism
10
Contingency plan for relief
and rescue, etc
Community resilience
11
Risk/Hazard awareness for
early action
Self-defence
coastal
Source: Author
Conclusion
67
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Climate change is a world-wide climato-genetic
problematique that has engaged the attention of scientists,
humanists, environmentalists, and policy makers over the
years. For so long, the origins, causes and mechanics of
climate change were shrouded in scientific permutations and
mystification. Today, the phenomenology of climate change is
universally acknowledged. In this regard, climate change is
widely understood as a consequence of mankind‟s violation of
nature by way of unsustainable ecological practices. It is a
reflection of „nature‟ versus „culture‟ dialectics whose
contradictions are mutually detrimental to the sustainability of
mankind as well as Mother Nature.
Although climate change is global in essence, it affects
nations differently depending on how they are situated both
geo-politically and socio-economically, as well as their
comparative capacities towards mitigating and coping with its
impacts. The Niger Delta is highly vulnerable to climate
change in view of its location on the core coastal corridor of
the country. As we have observed in this paper, this location
of the Niger Delta has made it susceptible to weather
extremities associated with the dynamics of climate change.
This is exemplified in coastal erosion, flooding and ocean
surge, all of which have been traceable to the rising sea level
on the region‟s Atlantic shores and coastlines. Given its
peculiar geographical attributes, therefore, the Niger Delta has
been recognized as prone to weather-related disasters. The
2012 massive flood which threatened to submerge the bulk of
the Niger Delta habitation adumbrated the fact that the region
is sitting on the threshold of a climatic catastrophe. Pragmatic
and proactive measures of mitigation and adaption are crucial
in arresting the impending doom.
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68
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73
INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
AGAINST MEN IN THE NIGER
DELTA: A STUDY OF BENIN CITY
ENDURANCE UZOBO4
&
RUTH E. AKHUETIE5
Abstract
This study investigated the incidence of intimate partner violence
(physical, sexual and emotional) against men in Benin City, Nigeria.
The study adopted the cross-sectional descriptive survey design and
had a sample size of 107 men, while the questionnaire served as the
primary instrument for data collection. Data collected were
subjected to the statistical package for social sciences software
where the simple percentage, tables and chi-square tools were used
to analyse the data collected. Findings from the study revealed that
4
Mr. Endurance Uzobo is a Lecturer with the Department of
Sociology and Anthropology, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce
Island, Bayelsa state, Nigeria. He can be contacted via e-mail at:
enduzobo@yahoo.com
5
Miss Ruth E. Akhuetie is a Lecturer with the Department of
Sociology and Anthropology, University of Benin, Benin City, Edo
State, Nigeria. She can be contacted via e-mail at:
ruthebby@yahoo.com
118
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
among the three types of violence investigated in the study, men
experience more of emotional violence. This is followed by physical
and sexual violence. The study concluded by making
recommendations, including the creation of a platform for abused
men to seek solace and legislations to curb violence against men.
Keywords: Intimate partner violence, Physical violence,
Sexual violence, Emotional violence,
Gender symmetry.
Introduction
Intimate partner violence (IPV) most known by its other
name, domestic violence, is also commonly referred to as
domestic abuse, spousal abuse, battering, family violence, etc.
It is a pattern of behaviour which involves the abuse by one
partner against another in an intimate relationship such as
marriage, cohabitation, dating or within the family (Adebayo,
2014). Most people tend to conceive intimate violence as
involving just physical abuse of partners, however, it goes
beyond that. Writing on the different forms, intimate partners
could assume, Siemieniuk et al (2010) stated that:
Domestic violence can take
many forms including physical
aggression or assault (hitting,
kicking,
biting,
shoving,
restraining, slapping, throwing
objects, battery), or threats
thereof; sexual abuse; emotional
abuse;
controlling
or
domineering;
intimidation;
75
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
stalking; passive/covert abuse
and economic deprivation.
The Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NHDS) in
2013 defined domestic violence as a confrontation between
family or household members that typically involves physical
harm, sexual assault, or fear of physical harm”. In a similar
vein, Krug et al (2002) citing the World Health Organization
defined domestic violence as “ the intentional use of physical
force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another
person, or against a group or community, that either results in
or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death,
psychological harm or deprivation”. Based on the foregoing,
we can boldly state that domestic violence could assume the
following forms physical, sexual, emotional, economic abuse,
coercion, threats, intimidation, isolation, jealousy, and blame
(NDHS, 2013).
Domestic violence against men based on the above
definition could be seen as domestic violence experienced by
men or boys in an intimate relationship such as marriage,
cohabitation, dating or within a family (Wikipedia, 2015).
Unlike women, most men tend to hide and not report cases of
intimate partner violence against them based on the fact that
they will face social stigmatisation regarding their perceived
lack of machismo and other denigrations of their masculinity,
and again because intimate partner violence against men is
less recognized by society than IPV against women (Lupri
and Gramdin, 2004).
Studies carried out globally have revealed that men are
also victims of intimate partner violence. Dekerserdy and
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Schwartz (2005) reported that in every 1000 domestic violent
situations, approximately 40 cases reportedly involve violence
by women against men. In a similar report by Bensley (1998)
in the United States, roughly 300,000 to 400,000 men are said
to have been treated violently by their wives or girlfriends. A
preliminary result from the World Health Organization‟s
multi-country study on men‟s health and domestic violence
also indicated that in some parts of the world, as many as 20%
of men have experienced domestic violence (Claudia et al,
2005).
Whereas intimate partner violence is currently gaining
attention in the developed countries of the world, the situation
still remains almost the same in the developing nations. As a
result, only few studies such as Lanre et al (2014) and
Adebayo (2014) have examined this situation in Osun and
Ekiti States respectively in Nigeria. However, studies
addressing this phenomenon have remained unavailable in the
Niger Delta despite the reality of its prevalence.
It is against this background that this research work seeks
to examine the nature, types and extent of intimate partner
abuse against men in the Niger Delta, using Benin City as a
case study.
Theoretical perspectives
Several theories have attempted to explain the rate of
violence among men and women and the reasons behind this
act. However, for the purpose of this study, the gender
symmetry and violent resistant perspectives have been
adopted. According to the gender symmetry theory, women
are just as likely to resort to violence against a partner as men.
77
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Johnson and Ferraro (2000) tagged this as “common couple
violence” and suggested that the violence in these types of
relationships tend to be less severe, less frequent, and less
likely to escalate. They further added that the common couple
violence involved situations where couples resort to physical
violent behaviour during an argument. Earlier advocates of
this theory derived their arguments from Straus and Gelles
who developed the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS), a self-report
tool designed to measure the frequency of violence between
intimate partners (Straus and Gelles, 1986). In terms of
specialization in violence, Bouffard et al (2008) stated that
this perspective would suggest that since males and females
behave in similar ways, male and female intimate partner
violence offenders should exhibit similar levels of
specialization or versatility in their offending. Thus, there is
the expectation that there is no difference in specialization in
violence by gender.
Despite the wider support that this theory initially received,
some recent studies have severely criticized this theory on
many grounds. Melton and Belknap (2003) criticism was on
the basis that it has the tendency to compound minor acts of
violence with more severe acts. Johnson and Ferraro (2000) in
criticizing this perspective on methodological ground, added
that methodological concerns related to the use of general
population samples, and a general failure to take into account
the qualitative nature of battering. This has been supported by
studies which stated that the frequency of violence use or
battering is completely gendered in nature (Henning and
Feder, 2004; Melton and Belknap, 2003). For instance,
Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al (1995) found out that while the
78
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
majority of couples mandated to domestic violence, treatment
were mutually violent, males engage in more severe physical
violence compared to females. Finally, this theory was
criticized on the ground that the type of violence women
resort to within an abusive intimate relationship are typically
self-defensive in nature, a pattern referred to as violent
resistance.
A second theory which is the violent resistance theory
arose from the criticism against the gender symmetry theory
and provided reasons why a woman might likely engage in
intimate partner violence against men. According to Miller
(2005), one of the advocates of the violent resistance
perspective, women who are often arrested for intimate
partner violence often use violence defensively against
abusive partners. In other words, women engage in intimate
partner violence mainly to defend themselves against partners
who might be violent in nature. Similarly, researches form
several scholars have confirmed the notion that the primary
motivation for the violence that women are reportedly
perpetuating are mainly as self-defence (Henning et al, 2006;
Swan and Snow, 2006)
By implication, according to this theory, women only use
violence to defend themselves and women involvement in
intimate partner violence is not reflective of a more generally
violent or criminal nature. Rather, these women likely
specialize in intimate partner violence, meaning they only use
violence in specific situations. The violent resistance
perspective will, therefore, argue that female perpetrators of
intimate partner violence are more likely to demonstrate
79
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
higher levels of specialization than their male counterparts
(Bouffard et al, 2008).
Methodology
This study was conducted in Benin City precisely focusing
on the Egor Local Government Area of Benin City. The study
made use of the cross sectional descriptive survey to study the
married men within Benin City. The sample size was
determined using fisher‟s formula for populations greater than
10,000 that is N=Z2 pq/d2 where p=0.075; N=107. The multistage sampling method which involves five stages was used as
the sampling technique. First and foremost, the Egor Local
Government Area was divided into four wards of the eleven
wards within the area of study, of which these four wards
were randomly selected from each of these wards; one
enumeration area was randomly selected by the balloting
system based on the listing of the EAs by the National
Population Commission (NPC). From each of the EAs
selected, a street was also randomly selected by the ballot
system from the list of streets located within the EAs. Using
the systematic random sampling technique, alternate houses
were selected depending on the random size proportionately
allocated to the wards. From each house, one man was
purposively selected. This was done to include the men that
possess some of the characteristics considered important to
the researchers.
The instrument used for data collection was mainly the
structured questionnaire with four sections. Section one was
80
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
designed to elicit information about the socio-demographic
characteristics of the respondents. Section two was based on
the experience of physical violence against men. The third
section was based on sexual violence against men, while the
fourth was based on emotional violence experienced by men.
The study lasted for about a month as each study was
conducted for a week in a particular ward. A total of 115
questionnaires were distributed with 8 questionnaires added to
the 107 for the purpose of attrition so as to get the required
sample for the study. However, the 115 were all retrieved as
no case of attrition was recorded.
For the analysis of data, the researchers subjected data
collected from the field with the assistance of two secondary
school leavers to the statistical package for social sciences
(SPSS) where the frequencies measured were generated on
relevant variables, and the chi-square test was also utilized to
test for associations between related variables. Level of
significance was set at 0.05 and the result was presented with
the use of simple frequency tables and cross-tabulated tables
for the outcome measures.
In taking ethical considerations into account, three specific
protections were built into the questionnaire in accordance
with the World Health Organization‟s ethical and safety
recommendations for research on domestic violence. First, the
researchers ensured that only one randomly selected man per
household was administered a questionnaire. Second,
informed consent for the survey was obtained from the
respondents at the beginning before distributing the
questionnaire. Respondents were further read an additional
statement informing them that the subsequent questions could
81
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
be sensitive and reassuring them of the confidentiality of their
responses. Finally, the domestic violence module was
implemented only if privacy could be obtained by
respondents, if not the research skipped the module, and
thanked the respondents at the end of retrieving the
questionnaire.
For the validity and reliability test, a team of experts from
demography and measurement evaluated the content of the
questionnaire and their corrections were incorporated into the
work. The Cronbach Reliability Test was used to test the
reliability level of the study and a figure of 0.77 was obtained
which means that the instrument adequately measured what it
intended to.
Discussion of Findings/Results
From our demographic data analysed in table 1.1, the study
shows that the modal age of respondents was between 41-50
years (43%) followed by those who were between 31-40 years
(41%). Those within 18-22 years and 23-30 constituted 3.7%
and 5.6% respectively while those aged 50 years and above
were 6.5% of our total respondents. Again, majority of our
respondents i.e. 62 (57.9%) were self- employed, 26 of them
(24.1%) were unemployed while 19 of them with a percentage
of 17.8 happened to be civil servants.
Furthermore, with respect to numbers of living children,
about 47.7% of the respondents had between 3-4 children,
29.9% of them had 5 children and above, 20.6% of them had
between 1-2 children while only about 1.9% had no children.
More so, 82 of our respondents with 76.6% claimed to be
older than their wives, 19 of them with 17.8% had little
82
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
difference between their ages and those of their wives, 4 of
them (3.7%) stated that they were the same in age with their
wives, while only 2 of our respondents (1.9%) stated that their
wives were older than them.
Additionally, from the demographic characteristics of our
respondents, it can be observed that in most of the families i.e.
51 (47.7%), the men are mostly the bread winners in their
homes. However, a large number of our respondents 44 of
them (451.1%) have egalitarian families where both the man
and his wife provide for the needs of the family. Still, a
significant number of men i.e. 12 (11.2%) acknowledged the
fact that their wives currently provided for the needs of the
family.
Finally, from the educational analysis of our respondents,
the study showed that, the highest number of respondents i.e.
41 (38.3%) only had primary education, 33 of them with
30.8% have secondary level of education, 22 of them (20.6%)
have no education while, only 11 of them with a percentage of
10.3 have a tertiary education.
Table 1.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
Variables
Frequencie
s
%
Age
Variables
Numbers
Living
Children
Frequencie
s
%
of
18–22
4
3.7
<1
2
1.9
23–30
6
5.6
1–2
22
20.6
83
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
31–40
44
41.1
3–4
51
47.7
41–50
46
43.0
5+
32
29.9
>50
7
6.5
Total
107
100.
0
Total
107
100
Spousal Age
Difference
Husband
older
82
76.6
Educational
Attainment
No education
22
20.6
Husband
same age
4
3.7
Primary
education
41
38.3
Wife older
2
1.9
Secondary
33
30.8
No
much
differences
between age
19
17.8
Tertiary
11
10.3
Total
107
100.
0
Total
107
100.
0
Bread
Winner of
the Family
Husband
51
47.7
Occupation
Civil servant
19
17.8
Wife
12
11.2
Self–employed
62
57.9
Both
44
41.1
Not–employed
26
24.3
Total
107
100.
1
Total
107
100.
84
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
0
Source: SPSS Output Result 2015.
Results for Measuring Domestic Violence against Men
Results from other categories to measure the types and
trends of intimate violence against men in table 1.2 show that
majority of the men with a total number of 72 (67.3%) stated
that their wives had not pushed, thrown something at them, or
grabbed their shirts or trousers, a significant percentage of
them 29% (31 respondents) had experienced this form of
physical violence against them by their wives. Only a meagre
percentage of them (3.7%) were undecided concerning their
response to domestic violence against them. Again, 98
respondents (91.6%) had not witnessed the physical form of
domestic violence involving their wives slapping them. Only
5 of our respondents (4.7%) had witnessed slapping as a form
of physical violence against them by their wives while 4 of
them (3.7%) were undecided. Moreso, whereas majority of
our respondents (92 of them) with a percentage of 86.0% had
not experienced the physical form of violence where their
wives punched, kicked or used weapons on them, 9 of them
with 8.4% had experienced this form of violence from their
wives. 5 of our respondents constituting 5.6% were, however,
undecided. Still, our study revealed that 81 of respondents
(75.7%) have had their wives threaten to attack them one way
or the other with dangerous weapons while 24 of them with a
percentage of 22.4 stated otherwise and 2 of them (1.9%)
remained undecided.
With regards to sexual violence experienced by men, the
study showed that most of the respondents had not
85
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
experienced sexual violence from their wives as 104 of them
with a percentage of 97.2 stated that their wives have never
forced them to have sex with them, though two of our
respondents (1.9%) stated otherwise, while one of them
(0.9%) was undecided. All our respondents also stated that
their wives had not forced them to perform any sexual act
they did not intend to perform.
Furthermore, with respect to emotional violence, our study
revealed that 53 of our respondents (49.5%) have had their
wives say or do things to humiliate them in front of others. 51
of them (47.7%) stated that they had not experienced this
form of violence, while 3 of them (2.8%) were undecided.
Additionally, the study also revealed that 42 of the
respondents (39.3%) had experienced the emotional violence
of their wives insulting them and making them feel bad about
themselves. 57 of them (53.3%) had not experienced this,
while 8 of them (7.5%) were undecided. Finally, 60 of our
respondents with a percentage of 56.1 had experienced the
emotional violence involving continuous nagging about issues
from their wives. 42 of them (39.3%) stated that they had not
had the experience of nagging by their wives while 5 of them
(4.7%) were undecided.
Table 1.2 Intimate Partner Violence Trends against men
Variables
Wife
pushed,
threw something,
grabbed
husband’s shirts
Frequency
%
Variables
Frequency
Wife
forcing
husband
to
perform sexual act
he did not intend
86
%
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
or trousers
to
Yes
31
29.0
Yes
0
0.0
No
72
67.3
No
107
100.0
Undecided
4
3.7
Undecided
0
0.0
Total
107
100.0
Total
107
100.0
Wife
husband
slapped
Wife saying or
doing something
to
humiliate
husbands in front
of others
Yes
5
4.7
Yes
53
49.5
No
98
91.6
No
51
47.7
Undecided
4
3.7
Undecided
3
2.8
Total
107
100.0
Total
107
100.0
Wife
punched,
kicked or used
weapon
on
husband
Wife
insulting
husbands
or
making them feel
bad
about
themselves
Yes
9
8.4
Yes
42
39.3
No
92
86.0
No
57
53.3
Undecided
6
5.6
Undecided
8
7.5
87
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Total
107
100.0
Total
107
100.0
Husbands
experiencing
constant
nagging
from wives
Wife threatened to
attack
husband
with
dangerous
weapons
Yes
81
75.7
Yes
60
56.1
No
24
22.4
No
42
39.3
Undecided
2
1.9
Undecided
5
4.7
Total
107
100.0
Total
107
100.0
Yes
2
1.9
No
104
97.2
Undecided
1
0.9
Total
107
100.0
Wife
forcing
husband to have
sex
Source: SPSS output result.
Hypotheses testing
The hypotheses in this study were tested using the chi-square
test output result from the SPSS. Three hypotheses were
tested in this study. They include;
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
1) There is an association between spousal age
differences and emotional violence experienced by
men.
2) There is a relationship between who acts as the bread
winner of the family and emotional violence
experienced by men.
3) Educational level has a relationship with emotional
violence experienced by men.
For the purpose of testing these hypotheses, they will be
stated in the null hypotheses form.
Hypothesis 1: There is no association between spousal age
differences and emotional violence experienced by men.
Table 1.3 which tends to reveal the association between
spousal age difference and emotional violence showed that
our chi-square value is 10.80 at 6 degree of freedom with a pvalue of 0.095. By implication, the study shows that there is
no association between the two variables i.e. spousal age
differences and emotional violence against men, since our pvalue is more than the expected value of 0.05 which is our
level of acceptance. This means that our null hypothesis
which states that there is no relationship between spousal age
and emotional violence is accepted.
Table 1.3: Contingency table of spousal age differences and
emotional violence against men
Emotional violence against men
Spousal age
differences
Yes
No
Undecided
Total
𝒙𝟐
Df
89
p-value
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Husband
older
50 (61.0%)
30 (36.6%)
2 (2.4%)
82
Husband
same age
1 (25.0%)
2 (50.0%)
1 (25.0%)
4
Wife older
2 (100.0%)
0 (0.0%)
0 (0.0%)
2
No
much
difference
between ages
7 (36.8%)
10 (52.6%)
2 (10.5%)
19
Total
60 (56.1%)
42 (39.3%)
5 (4.7%)
107
10.8
0
6
Source: SPSS chi-square test output result
Hypothesis 2: There is no relationship between who acts as
the breadwinner of the family and
emotional violence
experienced by men.
The chi-square result from the SPSS output in table 1.4 shows
that our result for the relationship between who acts as the
breadwinner of the family and emotional violence
experienced by men has a chi-square of 24.99 at 4 degree of
freedom with a p-value of 0.000. This means that our null
hypothesis is rejected which states that there is a relationship
between the two variables since our p-value is less than the
expected value of 0.05 which is our level of acceptance.
Table 1.4: Contingency table of the breadwinner of the family
and emotional
Violence experienced by men
Emotional violence against men
90
0.095
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Bread
winner of
the family
Yes
No
Undecided
Total
Husband
41
(80.4%)
10
(19.6%)
0(0.0%)
51
Wife
3 (25.0%)
8 (66.7%)
1 (8.3%)
12
Both
16
(36.4%)
24
(54.5%)
4 (9.1%)
44
Total
60
(56.1%)
42
(39.3%)
5 (4.7%)
107
𝒙𝟐
Df
p-value
24.99
4
0.000
Source: SPSS chi-square test output result
Hypothesis 3: Educational level of men does not have a
relationship with emotional violence experienced by men.
In determining the relationship that exists between
educational level of men and the emotional violence
experienced by men, the result of the chi-square computation,
as shown in table 1.5 below is 10.27 at 6 degree of freedom
with a p-value of 0.114. Based on this output, our null
hypothesis which states that there is no relationship between
educational level of men and emotional violence experienced
by them is accepted since our p-value (0.114) is greater than
the expected value of 0.05. By implication, educational level
of men does not determine their likelihood of experiencing
emotional violence.
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
Table 1.5: Contingency table showing the relationship between
educational level of men and emotional violence against men
Emotional violence against men
Educational
level of men
Yes
No
Undecided
Total
No education
16
(72.7%)
5
(22.7%)
1 (4.5%)
22
Primary
education
25
(61.0%)
16
(39.0%)
0 (0.0%)
41
Secondary
education
16
(48.5%)
14
(42.4%)
3 (9.1%)
33
Tertiary
education
3
(27.3%)
7
(63.6%)
1 (9.1%)
11
Total
60
(56.1%)
42
(39.3%)
5 (4.7%)
107
𝒙𝟐
Df
P-value
10.27
6
0.114
Source: SPSS chi-square test output
Conclusion and Recommendations
From our study so far, we can make the following
conclusions. First, a good number of men in our area of study
had witnessed some form of physical intimate partner
violence against them by their partners, though this number is
incomparable to the number of men who had not witnessed
92
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
such violence. The highest physical form of intimate partner
violence men had witnessed from their partners are those of
threatened attack from wife to husband. This is followed by
wives pushing their husbands, throwing something at their
husbands and grabbing husband‟s shirts or trousers.
The study also showed that men in the area generally have
had minimal experiences of sexual intimate partner violence
as more than 95% of men in the study revealed that they had
never been sexually forced by their wives to engage in sexual
activities they are not ready to participate in.
Finally, the greatest form of intimate partner violence
against men as revealed by the study is emotional violence as
most of the respondents had experienced either their wives
saying or doing things to humiliate them in front of others,
insulting or making them feel bad about themselves as well as
constant nagging of their wives.
Based on these key findings, the following
recommendations have been made. First, intimate partner
violence could lead to depression and subsequently
alcoholism amongst men. Therefore, there is a need to create a
platform where abused men can seek solace from as it is done
for domestically abused women. Again, men should also be
encouraged by various non-governmental organizations who
seek to foster gender equality to speak out especially when
they are being physically abused by the women as most men
are likely to feel embarrassed reporting such cases.
Additionally, it is necessary for the men to confide in
friends, family members, relatives, healthcare providers or
counsellors about incidences of abuse as this will help create a
93
NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
platform for awareness as well as subsequent campaign
against intimate partner violence experienced by men.
Also, strong legislations to eradicate any form of intimate
partner violence against men should be formulated as is the
case for women and greater level of advocacy by government
agencies, religious groups and civil rights organizations
should be encouraged to help balance the gender discourse on
intimate partner violence in order to build better relationships
within the family institution in the country.
Finally, gender empowerment advocates should ensure that
there is a balance of power along gender lines to avoid the
concentration of power, rights and gender related policies on
the women to prevent them from misusing such powers to
oppress the men as it was experienced in Kenya.
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97
DRAMA AND THE NIGER DELTA
STRUGGLE: A STUDY OF SELECT
NIGERIAN PLAYS
CHRISTINE ODI6
Abstract
The Niger Delta region has in recent times come under the
searchlights of national and international scrutiny on account of the
gross under-development, environmental degradation and suffering
experienced by the people. The oil exploring and exploiting
activities of multinational oil companies, the seeming complicity of
the central Authorities in ignoring the yearnings of the people have
led to the upsurge of a plethora of youth movements, leading to
youths taking up arms to defend their territorial integrity, demand
for resource control and self- determination. Militant activities of the
youths in the region have severally led to confrontations between the
Niger Delta militants and federal military forces. Against this
background, this essay from a literary perspective, examines the
dramatic enactment of the origin and progression of the rise of
militancy in the region, the struggle for resource control, selfdetermination and liberation of the people from oppressive forces.
Findings reveal that in a crisis situation, the victim(s) will do all in
his (their) power to win in the struggle for survival and development
even if it means resorting to violence. The essay concludes that in
every crisis, dialogue and other non-violent tools of negotiation
6
Dr. Odi Department of Theatre Arts,Faculty of Arts, Niger Delta
University,Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State. She can be contacted
via email at: christineodi67@yahoo.com
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yield more lasting results if resolutions taken in the course of the
negotiations are honoured.
Key Words: Drama, Struggle, Militancy, Patriotism, Niger
Delta.
Introduction
The vision behind any struggle is the expectation that at
the end, victory will be assured and until then the struggle will
continue. In the evolutionary process, every human society
confronts challenges that they struggle to overcome in order
to create their ideal society. The ideal society that every
human society craves is that society which Ogunbiyi (1999)
defines as the one in which:
a people create for themselves
in order to live fearlessly
without experiencing hunger,
misery, cruelty, and coercion of
any sort A people determined to
create the above kind of society
for themselves will of necessity,
have to continually struggle
against forces that seek to
undermine or suppress their
growth or development (17).
The field of drama/theatre is a universal human activity
that emanates from studies and draws its materials from the
human society. Every dramatic creation consequently is
inspired by the people and events that shape the history and
culture of their society. The dramatist, in the words of Asigbo
„is the conscience of his society because he is the one who
faithfully holds up the mirror that reflects his society (2013).
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He is, thus, a vital part of the human society. The dramatists‟
tools for documenting or chronicling the history of a people
are his imagination and creativity, made manifest in the plays
he creates. Over centuries, dramatists have, through their
writings preserved the history and cultures of different
societies as they evolve and become more sophisticated.
This essay is focused on dramatists‟ representation of the
Niger Delta Struggle in their works of art. The Niger Delta
struggle, contrary to popular belief did not originate with the
discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri - a community in the present
day Bayelsa State in 1956. The essay with the use of three
dramatic texts, attempts to chronicle the origins of the struggle
of a people in their bid to create the ideal society for
themselves. Emphasis will, however, be placed more on the
peoples struggle in contemporary times. To achieve the goals
of the essay, three selected play texts are used to X-ray the
development in the contemporary struggle. In pursuit of that
aim, the paper locates Irobi‟s Hangmen also Die (1989) as
the dramatic take-off point of the contemporary Niger Delta
Struggle and Yerima‟s Hard Ground (2005) to represent that
period in the struggle where the activities of the fighters are at
its peak when neither the agitators nor the opposing forces
were willing to shift grounds. Our third play text is Atakpo‟s
Watering the Hard Ground (2008) which culminates at the
point of the initiation of the Amnesty and Post-Amnesty
Programmes of the late President Musa Shehu Yar‟adua‟s
Administration in 2008.
Brief History of the Niger Delta Struggle
Contrary to the 1956-1958 popular take-off point as the
origins of the Niger Delta Struggle (Binebai 2010), the Niger
Delta people did not, in fact, begin their agitations in the mid
twentieth century when crude oil was discovered in the
region. The people‟s struggle can be traced as far back as the
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when able- bodied
young men and women were abducted and cargoed off to
European countries as slaves. The people in those early days
struggled against the trans-atlantic slave traders until it was
abolished in the late nineteenth century. With the abolishment
of slave trade, the people faced another kind of challenge.
They struggled to control their oil palm resources which the
British, during the European industrial revolution, plundered
via the instrument of the Royal Niger Company (Binebai
2010).
The plundering and looting of the human and natural
resources of the region over the years have been variously
chronicled through the vehicle of drama by numerous
Nigerian dramatists. Writers such as Ola Rotimi, Clark, and
Umukoro are only three out of the many dramatists who have
dramatically documented the historical travails of the people
in their evolutionary processes with such works as Nana
Olomu (2001),Trials ofOvonramwen Nogbaisi, Ovonramwen
Nogbaisi (1974), Akasa Youmi (2001), and All for Oil
(2000).These and other dramatists from their various creative
perspectives have immortalized the early struggles of the
Niger Delta people in their bids to survive and assert
themselves.
With the attainment of independence, the discovery and
exportation of crude oil from the Niger Delta region, the
people‟s challenges magnified. The quality of life of the
people degenerated on account of the crude oil exploration
and exploitation activities of multinational oil companies in
the region. In 1966, ten years after the discovery of crude oil
in the region, Isaac Boro and his compatriots took a stand for
the continued survival for the people of the region. He staged
a twelve day revolution in which he declared an independent
Niger Delta Republic. Ambakederemo creatively re-enacted
the Twelve Days Revolution of Isaac Boro in his play (1966).
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
To forestall further uprisings in the region, the central
government promulgated a multitude of laws intent on
cordoning the people off from control of the natural resource
found in the region and to avert their interference with the
operations of the oil companies. Some of the bills passed into
law include: the Petroleum Act of 1969, the National Inland
Waters Authority Decree 13 of 1977, and the Land Use Act of
1978 (Inokoba and Imbua, 2010; Embu, 2011).
With the promulgation of the above laws, and others, there
seemed to be an uneasy calm. Those years of seeming silence
on the part of the people witnessed a speedy yet preventable
deterioration taking place in the region. The oil companies‟
exploring activities impacted negatively on the region and the
people on all spheres of their existence - the religious, social,
economic, cultural, political, and ecology. In the course of
prospecting and exploring crude oil in the region, religious
shrines were desecrated, whole communities up-rooted,
farmlands and rivers destroyed by oil pollution and spillages.
The people lost their homes, communities, sources of
livelihood and environment. The region became toxic and
dangerous for those living there (Inokoba and Imbua 2010).
In the early 1990s, almost three decades after the Isaac
Jasper Adaka Boro uprising, Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa and
other compatriots took up the struggle from the Ogoni area of
the region. His modus operandi was tailored after the nonviolent approach of Mahatma Ghandi. An environmentalist
and human rights advocate,.Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots
stood up to the oppressive forces demanding better living
standards for the people, environmental justice, remediation
of damaged flora and fauna and control of the crude oil
resources (Binebai 46). The activities of Saro-Wiwa and other
activists, have also been dramatically chronicled, an example
is Atakpo‟s Ken Saro Wiwa-N- the Niger Delta Trial (2006).
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
After the execution of Saro-Wiwa and the eight others in
1995, there was an explosion of youth movements in the
region. Youths took to the creeks, acquired lethal weapons of
destructionand engaged in militant activities. In 1998 Ijaw
youths from across the region converged in Kaiama, a town in
the Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area in present
day Bayelsa State to hold a convention at the end of which
they issued a communiqué tagged the Kaiama Declaration.
The declaration demanded resource control, environmental
justice, self-determination and true federalism from the
federal government that will benefit the Niger Delta (Binebai,
2010). As before, oppressive forces descended on the town of
Kaiama, killing and maiming many innocent victims. The
action of the federal government under the Abdulsalami
Abubakar regime, forced Ijaw youths from all over the region
to take to the creeks and wage guerilla warfare against
Nigerian military forces and the multinational oil companies.
The events that followed the military raid on Kaiama gave
birth to years of anarchy, blood-bath and perpetual fear
instilled in the people living in that part of the region.
Collateral damage was high; there were casualties on the part
of the people, the government and the oil companies.
The struggle continued for a decade with the activists
losing men, families and homes. The government was losing
men and revenue accruable from crude oil. The multinational
oil companies too were losing profits from oil exploration and
production.Pipelines installations across the region were
vandalized severally and expatriate workers were continually
kidnapped. The scenario in those years was a theatre of death.
In 2007, another set of politicians took over the mantle of
leadership and by 2008, an olive branch was extended to the
fighters in the region under the guise of Amnesty and PostAmnesty Programmes. The condition for granting theNiger
Delta militants Amnesty was for them to lay down their arms
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in return for amnesty, training and re-habilitation into society.
The programme was lauded and dialogue ensued. Eventually,
the Programme was executed.
Our discourse here concentrates on the mobilization,
organization and activities of militant youths from the late
twentieth century into the twenty-first century as dramatically
represented by Irobi in Hangmen Also Die, Yerima in Hard
Ground and Atakpo in Watering the Hard Ground.
Contextualizing the Select Playtexts
We do what we do because we
know we have no future,
because we know, no matter
what we do, no matter how
much we try, no matter how
high we
aspire, there is
something waiting in the
Atmosphere
to
destroy us” (Hangmen… 38).
The above chorus of the seven convicted murderers in
irobi‟s Hangmen Also Die dictates the pace for this segment
of our discourse. In the lull of activities that was witnessed
between the uprisings of Isaac Boro and Ken Saro-Wiwa, the
Niger Delta region became home to some of the world‟s
poorest people as the region experienced gross neglect,
political and economic deprivation, mindless looting of
revenue generated from the region, joblessness, biochemical
poisoning arising from pollution, brutal military assaults and
extreme poverty (Inokoba and Imbua 102). It is in this
situation that Irobi futuristically locates his Hangmen Also
Die years before youth restiveness and militancy took root in
the region. With Hangmen Also Die, deriving from Achebe‟s
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warning below, Irobi prophesied a time when young men will
take up arms to hit back at the society in order to survive the
harsh realities of their existence. Achebe warned the populace
in his Arrow of God (1964):
And our fathers have told us that
it may even happen to an
unfortunate generation that they
are pushed beyond the end of
things, and their back is broken
and hung over fire when this
happens they may sacrifice their
own blood(quoted in Hangmen
Also Die iii).
Years after Arrow of God was written, Irobi locates his
play in one such setting where seven well educated young
men of the fictitious Izon State driven by hunger, anger,
poverty and frustration were finally „pushed beyond the end
of things‟ by a failed society. For succor, they turn to crime,
taking up arms terrorizing innocent citizens, dispossessing
them of their valuables, creating an atmosphere of trepidation
for the citizenry. The Suicide Squad as the group calls itself is
made up of seven frustrated young Nigerian educated elites:
Waritimi Tamuno alias Mortuary, holds a First Class Degree
in the Management Sciences (Statistics). He has been
unemployed for six years after graduation; Atiemie Waribo
alias Moshe Dayan has a Masters Degree in political Science;
Labomie Allagoa alias Ayatolah Khomeini is a law school
graduate without job for of five years; Tekena Iketubosin alias
Hydrochloric Acid has a Masters Degree in Microbiology;
Konji Amakarama alias Tetanus Tetanus has a Bachelor‟s
Degree in Mechanical Engineering; Fubara Igonikon alias
Accidental Discharge is an ex-policeman with a Masters
Degree in Guidance and Counseling. He was sacked from the
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Police Force for over qualification. The leader of the Squad is
Tarila Iganima alias R.I.P (Rest in Peace). Tarila Iganima
holds a Bachelor‟s Degree in Sociology, a Masters Degree in
Anthropology and a Ph.D in Criminology (Hangmen... 3335).
The squad as earlier stated is constituted by seven educated
frustrated young men who are traumatized by a failing system.
Their sole mission is survival via any means. They are all
graduates of the University of Port Harcourt (24). They are
not disillusioned by what they do. Clear-minded, they claim:
We are no Revolutionaries,
neither are we Guerillas. We are
not even Freedom Fighters
fighting for any such stupid
thing
as
our
nation‟s
independence.
We
are
professional
Burglars,
Degenerates, and small time
thieves graduating into Armed
Robbers, Desperadoes … the
Wretched of the Earth (24).
The fictitious seven young men are traumatized by the
gross neglect of the common man in society, the convoluted
corruption prevalent in high and low places within the society
they find themselves in. Because they have been rejected by
their rulers and the world, they have in turn, rejected their
humanity. In place of their humanity, the seven young men
have put on the skins of predatory beasts ironically preying on
the common people on the streets. These seven young men are
a macro representation of the psychological state of mind of
the average Niger Delta youth in the years after the killing of
the Ogoni eight. They were visionless, directionless, bent only
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on one end - survival through anarchy until they were
challenged by Tamara (64).
Tamara while looking for her son who ran away from
home stumbles upon the members of the Suicide Squad in the
bush. Not intimidated by them, she challenges the seven
young men to give their meaningless lives a purpose by
redirecting their rage and frustration into the struggle (64-5).
With her counsel, Tamara gives to the hopeless young men, a
new hope, a purpose and a cause worthy of fighting for. She
gave them the impetus to re-evaluate their meaningless
existence and the courage to be part of a worthy cause. A
cause for which they will willingly die if need be.
Irobi‟s Hangmen Also Die dramatically re-enacts the
beginning of coordinated youth involvement in the struggle
for the Niger Delta cause. The reawakening of this ethnic
consciousness and patriotism was actualized in 1998 when
youths of the region converged in Kaiama, a town in Bayelsa
State for a Convention that culminated in the birth of the Ijaw
Youth Council (IYC) and the Kaiama Declaration. By 2005
when Yerima wrote Hard Ground, there were multitudes of
coordinated splinter militant groups located within the states
that make up the region. The region in that period had also
become one of the most dangerous places in the world for
anyone to be living in. Militant activities of youths involved
in the struggle, counter military activities of the federal
government and bombardment of communities made the
region an uncompromisingly hard ground. The region had
become a wasteland of suffering, torture, poverty, starvation
and death. According to Nimi:
The school you sent me to was
made up of wasteland and
poverty. Even as a child, you
smell it and you quickly learn
that nothing is free unless you
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ask for it, and when they refuse
to give you, you grab it, and that
is what we are doing. Boy‟s first
growing up fighting for bean
cakes and puff-puff then
gradually we were forced to
grow to become men overnight
asking for our right‟
(Hard
Ground, 11).
The turn of the twenty-first century for the Niger Delta
region was a bleak and dark time. The struggle for selfdetermination, environmental justice, resource control and
development was at its peak. The youth dominated the battle
front. In a scenario of carnage, Nimi a mere eighteen year old
boy in the African context is seen as a leader and followed by
many because he had undergone his military apprenticeship
and has graduated to master the art of guerilla warfare at an
early age. He paints a picture for his family:
There are younger boys and
girls than me in the struggle.
Even when in primary school
you live in pain, and it sounds
right to join the struggle first as
a boy of a group, then as the eye
or a spy. By the time you are
halfway through primary school,
you carry guns for the boys, and
by the time you are eleven, in
these days of automatic guns,
you become an expert. You see
people die every day, either of
hunger or just death, so it means
nothing to you… (12)
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Young and the virile men took to the creeks to sustain the
struggle that had degenerated to the proportions of genocide
of whole communities. Nimi would not have lived to tell the
tale if not for the concerted rescue efforts of his uncle,
Inyingifaa who had paid money to have him removed from
one such genocidal scenes in which he (Nimi) lost eighteen
men to the federal military forces (22).
Crafted in Senecan style, the gory bloodbath unfolding in
the Niger Delta is reported from Nimi‟s parent‟s apartment in
Lagos, a location far removed from the Niger Delta region.
The reportage, however, does not detract from the horrific
picture that was the day to day experiences of the people
living in affected parts of the region. Atakpo‟s Watering the
Hard Ground (2008) relocates the action back in the region
and futuristically shifts the strategy for attaining victory in the
struggle away from violence towards dialogue, a strategy
which Isaac Boro in Watering the Hard Ground advocates:
It was alright in our time to
fight. We did so with the barrel
of the gun what did we find?
That we equally destroyed our
own. No, let them not fight, urge
them to shed no more blood. We
did enough. And we must tell
them that violence and killings
will take them no further (8).
Atakpo‟s characters move beyond the violence, and
bloodbath to discuss the future of the children and ecology of
the region without violence. They agree that while the
children still need to fight on fearlessly, they did not need to
do that with the gun (8). Conscious of that fact, when the
olive branch is extended, the fighters do not scorn the
overture. Series of meetings are held between representatives
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of the central government, the oil companies and the people
(38). Agreements are reached, a truce is called and promises
of development projects that will be directly initiated and
overseen by the members of the communities in the region
(57) are made.
Shift in Leadership Structure of the Struggle
In thepre-colonial and colonial times, people who
championed the cause of the struggle were usually monarchs
who fought for the survival, well-being and autonomy of their
people as exemplified by King Jaja of Opobo, King Koko of
Nembe, Nana Olomu of Ebrohimie and Oba Ovonramwen of
Benin. A paradigm shift was observed when in post- colonial
Nigeria, the ordinary class of people took up the struggle.
These groups of people systematically mobilized, organized
and took up the struggle in groups. Isaac Boro, his
compatriots and followers used brains and brawns in pursuit
of their goals. Ken Saro-Wiwa and his group toed the path of
non-violence, applying their intellect. Agitators of the twentyfirst century have the advantage of youth, brain, brawn and
number to fuel their anger, frustration, deprivation and
hopelessness. Consequently contemporary Niger Delta youths
in a bid to further the struggle, mobilized, organized and
unleashed mayhem.
In the three plays studied, the youths are at the forefront of
the struggle. That phenomenon is an aberration of the
leadership structure of the struggle in earlier times. What was
responsible for the shift in leadership structure? Why were the
elders and traditional rulers relegated to the sidelines in a
cause that their ancestors had championed? A number of
reasons have been advanced for this upturning of nature. One
of the most common reasons advanced is that the people have
lost confidence in the traditional institution. Hitherto, the
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
traditional institution is the highest body of authority in any
African society. It was a revered and honoured institution
reserved for the pristine and honorable men in society. That in
contemporary times is no longer the case. The people no
longer trust their leaders hence the need for a change in
leadership structure.
Loss of confidence and trust in the traditional institution is
a sub theme that runs through almost all the plays about the
Niger Delta region. It is evident in the three plays we are
studying as well. In Hangmen… Chief Isokipiri Erekosima, a
symbol of traditional authority, reverence, credibility and
dignity is given the oil compensation money by the federal
government to ameliorate the negative effect of the oil
spillage in the community. Rather than protecting the wellbeing of his people from oppressive forces by judiciously
sharing the money amongst the citizens of the state, he hijacks
the money to the detriment of the entire populace. Yekini, the
prison‟s official Hangman attempts to explain to the prison‟s
Doctor why he Yekini could not hang the seven young men
convicted for murder:
You see, sometime ago, the
federal government gave the
citizens of this state….the sum
of three million naira as
compensation money for the oil
spillage which has ruined their
farms, their
homes
and
their lives. But the man they
killed, one Chief Isokipri
Erekosima, a Commissioner for
Local
Government
and
chieftaincy. Affairs connived
with his Councilors and Local
Government
Chairmen
to
confiscate the three million
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
naira. The Councilors took one
million….The
Local
Government Chairmen shared
one million. The Commissioner
himself, one million. No single
citizen no matter how wretched
got a single kobo. That was
when the
young
men
stepped in‟ (12-3).
Inyingifaa in Hard Ground laments also:
… the deaths in the camp
worried us all, the tribesmen in
particular. It was as if
the swampy forest could not
hold a secret any longer. The
chiefs could not be trusted. And
too much money was passing
from hand to hand… there was
no trust anywhere, the air of
mistrust was choking…(22).
During a meeting in the Presidency, in Watering the Hard
Ground, Bekeremo Governor of the Izon state suggests that
for there to be any meaningful form of resolution to the crises
in the region, the traditional institution has to be brought back
into the process of conflict resolution even though he
concedes that: „… the people had lost faith in the traditional
institutions because the traditional rulers were not truthful
with their subjects… hence the people did not believe in
them‟ (55).
While the Monarchs in earlier times had preserved the
cultures and traditions of their kingdoms and seen to the
welfare, safety and prosperity of their subjects against
opposing forces, it is the general perception that most
traditional rulers and elders in contemporary Nigerian
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
societies have compromised their authority, reverence,
credibility and dignity for money, to the detriment of their
subjects‟ safety and well-being.
Sacrifices for the Struggle
All who consciously decide to fight for a cause, do so with
the knowledge that every day that passes might be their last.
In the Niger Delta example, most of the people who took up
the struggle eventually paid the ultimate price. In ancient
Benin Kingdom, it was taboo for an Oba to take a step outside
the boundaries of his kingdom. Yet, because Ovonramwen
stood up against the oppressive British forces for desecrating
the kingdom‟s cultures and values, because he fought to
protect his people and the treasures of the kingdom, he was
charged to court, tried, found guilty and exiled to Calabar.
King Koko of Nembe fought against the capitalist exploitation
of British forces in the nineteenth century. He paid dearly for
it. King Jaja of Opobo, for daring to stand up to the European
slave dealers, was exiled to the West Indies. Because he
refused to honour an agreement that would jeopardize the
existence of his people, Nana Olomu‟s kingdom was
bombarded by British military forces (Binebai 2010)
From the time of Isaac Boro to the present, thousands of
lives have been sacrificed for the struggle. Boro mobilized
and organized a group that rose up against the federal
government of Nigeria in 1966 to decry the condition of the
region and living standards of the people. He declared
independence of the region from Nigeria. He demanded
control of the natural resources found in the region. The Boro
group held the federal forces at bay for twelve days before he
was captured. On the twelfth day of the revolution, Boro was
arrested and sentenced to death. Boro‟s revolution in 1966
was a catalyst for the creation of Rivers State in 1967
(Binebai 2010). Ken Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots who rose
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
up in the mid-1990s to also decry the deplorable condition of
the region, the degradation of Ogoni lands, the devastation of
land and peoples‟ lives. Saro-Wiwa and all who stood with
him were arrested, tried and executed in 1995.
The Niger Delta struggle in the twenty-first century has
claimed thousands of patriotic young men and women who
gave their lives to the struggle for proper control of the
resources in the region, self-emancipation and determination,
environmental justice, infrastructural development and better
living conditions of the people.
Conclusion
The closing scenes of Atakpo‟s watering the Hard Ground
are optimistic of positive change in the region as dialogue has
been embraced. These scenes draw a parallel from the Musa
Yar‟adua‟s Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta militants.
A lofty vision but one which five years on, does not seem to
be having the desired impact. The militants embraced the
project, most of them laid down their arms and were
subsequently sent for training locally and abroad. On their
return, they were re-assimilated into society. But generally
speaking, the open warfare may have been suspended,
kidnappings, pipelines vandalism may also be on the decline.
But have the real issues been resolved? Do the people now,
even marginally have any control over the crude oil resource?
Have the decades of degradation in the region been reversed?
Have the laws that dispossessed the people been repealed or
amended to give the people a fairer deal? Is life for the
common man in the streets of the region any better than it was
thirty or fifty years ago? There are so many questions begging
for answers. Until the right answers are found for the above
questions and the right solutions proffered, sheathed swords
may not signify an end to the struggle. Therefore, the drama is
still unraveling and dramatists will continue to creatively
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
document the Niger Delta struggle. And as Usen Usen in
Watering the Hard Ground would say:
„I siddon look‟ (63).
References
Ambakederemo, S (1982). The Twelve Day Revolution.
Umeh Publishers,Benin City, Nigeria.
Asigbo, A. (2013). Fighting from the Trenches: Nigerian
Playwrights and the Task of Nation
Building.
Valid Publishing Co, Awka, Nigeria.
Atakpo, U. (2008). Watering the Hard Ground.
Press, Uyo, Nigeria
Scholars
Binebai, B. (2010). When the Oil Runs Dry. Jebokab Limited,
Yenagoa, Nigeria.
Embu, R (2011). “Drama and the Niger Delta Challenges in
Select Nigerian Plays”. Nigerian Theatre Journal.
Vol.
11 (1), pp.145-157
Inokoba, P & D Imbua. (2010). “Vexation and Militancy in
the
Niger Delta: The Way Forward”. J
Hum Ecol,
29
(2), pp 101-120.
Irobi, E. (1989). Hangmen Also Die.
Equipments Ltd, Enugu, Nigeria.
ABIC Books &
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Ogunbiyi, DO. (1999).Community Development: Principle
and Practice. Opeyemi Ltd, Ijebu
Ode,
Nigeria.
Yerima, A. (2005). Hard Ground. Kraft Books Limited,
Ibadan, Nigeria.
117
CULTURAL IDENTITY: A
DIALECTICS OF COSMOLOGY
AMONG SELECT GROUPS IN THE
NIGER DELTA
TAM GORDON AZORBO 7
&
IFURE UFFORD-AZORBO8
Abstract
Culture consists of all objects and ideas within a society. Each group
has a distinctive culture with its own characteristic ways of
structuring families and promoting standards of rights and wrongs.
A society is the largest form of human groupings which consists
largely of people sharing a common artistic, social and cultural
heritage. A people could preserve their distinctive cultures,
literature, art, and many other means of expression that helps in
establishing their own identity. Although, modern cultural experts
and theorists have investigated cultural identity using cultural
signifiers such as location, gender, race, history, nationality,
language, sexuality, religious beliefs, ethnicity, aesthetics, food, and
7
Dr Tam Azorbo is a lecturer in the Department of Theatre Arts,
Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State. His email
contact is tammyazorbo@gmail.com
8
Dr Ifure Azorbo is a lecturer with the Department of Theatre Arts,
University of Uyo, Uyo. She can be contacted via e-mail at:
mayenix88@yahoo.com
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even ways of dressing, little effort has been devoted to the cultural
identity of the Niger Delta people. This paper thus interrogates the
metal and bronze casting traditions of the Benin people, representing
groups in Western Niger Delta, the feminine perception of God by
the Ijaw people to represent groups from Central Niger Delta and
the marriage customs and traditions of the Akwa Ibom people to
represent cultural practices and identity of groups from Eastern
Niger Delta. This is with a view to highlighting the impact of such
pristine cultural practices on the people‟s world-view and identity.
The paper reveals that cultural identity is an important contributor to
the peoples‟ well-being. It also shows that the perceived identity
provides social cohesion, a sense of belonging and acceptance, and
communal stability.
Key words: Land and People, Art and Culture, Artistic
Identity, Cultural Identity, Niger, Delta.
Introduction
The identity of a people can be established through the arts
and culture. While culture is an organic link between man and
his environment which constitutes an integral part of the lives
of a people, art on the other hand, is man‟s creation that is
intended to serve a particular purpose. The arts and culture are
thus developmental imperatives in the socio-political and
economic realities of the people. This pre-supposes the action
of Umukoro (2002) when he states that the arts and culture are
currently engaged in a three-pronged campaign for sociocultural preservation, religious propaganda and educational
propagation. These 3ps relating to society/culture, religion
and education respectively, constitute the fundamental
responsibilities of the arts and culture.
The arts and culture are unavoidably rooted in a specific
socio-cultural setting. Umukoro (2002) notes further that
whether as literature or as performance – caries the distinctive
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badge of a particular society…which by their very nature, are
dynamic products of a society in a state of flux. While culture
is dynamic and varies from society to society, the arts are a
manifestation of culture.
While culture refers to the customs, practices, languages,
values and world views that define social groups such as those
based on nationality, ethnicity, region or common interests,
art refers to the visible demonstration of culture. The identity
of a people is easily expressed through the arts and culture.
The arts and culture are thus important factors in shaping
identity.Art and cultural identity is the identity or feeling of
belonging to, as part of the self-conception and selfperception to nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, social
class, marriage, ways of building houses, ways of preparing
food, locality, etc. Through this, the identity so perceived and
expressed is characteristic of the individual, members and the
whole group sharing the same culture. Identifying with a
particular culture helps people feel they belong and gives
them a sense of security. An established cultural identity has
also been linked with positive outcomes in the areas of
wealth, health, education and general well-being. It provides
access to social networks which provide support and shared
values and aspirations. Social networks can help to break
down barriers and build a sense of trust between people, a
phenomenon sometimes referred to as social capital.
Human beings are, of course, unique among all the animal
species. This is unarguably so because humans make use of
technologies and other forms of culture as their principal
means of adapting to the natural environment. It is along these
lines that Webb (1991) in making a relation between culture
and environment notes that “the state of nature in which man
finds himself, that is, the physical and organic world to which
human beings have to adapt in order to survive. This natural
environment includes the earth, bodies of water, climatic
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conditions, vegetation, and the various species of animal life
which live on the earth with humankind”. The fact that human
beings depend on culture for their adaptation to the
environment has important consequences for the pattern of
human life in every society. It is in these contexts that the art
and cultural identity of select groups in the Niger Delta have
been interrogated.
The Niger Delta
The Niger Delta is one of the world‟s largest wetlands, and
the largest in Africa as it encompasses over 20,000 square
kilometres of water land. The area is composed of four main
ecological zones namely the coastal barrier islands, mangrove
swamp forests, fresh water swamp forests, and lowland
rainforests. The region has a high biodiversity characteristic
of extensive swamp and forest areas which supports the
abundant flora and fauna, and arable terrain that sustains a
variety of crops, economic trees, animals as well as species of
salt and fresh water fishes.
The high rainfall in the southern part of Nigeria in the
rainy season leads to regular overflow of the low, poorly
drained terrain of the Niger Delta. It has an ecosystem that is
characterized by the ebb and flow of water. However, over the
years, the building of dams along the Niger and Benue Rivers
and their tributaries has significantly reduced sedimentation
and seasonal flooding in the area.
The Land
The term “Niger Delta” has been defined by different
people, groups and organisations in different ways to mean
the same thing. These definitions have been attempted
historically,
cartographically,
geographically,
ethnographically, linguistically and even politically with each
context describing the area from the point of view of
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perception. This arises basically from the problem of
classification and interpretation of the issues therein. Ogbogbo
(2004) gives a pointer to this:
The delineation of the area or
region referred to as the Niger
Delta has remained polemical,
fluid and continued to vacillate,
depending on the circumstance
and intention of the formulator
of the definition. This is because
the area has been defined from
various perspectives, at different
times.
Historically and geographically, the Niger Delta is seen as
that stretch of land from the River Benin in Western Nigeria
to the River Cross in the Eastern part of the Country. And
that, of the about 330 miles which make up Nigeria‟s
coastline, the Niger Delta covers about 270 miles from the
West to the East of the Nigerian coastline that deeps into the
Atlantic Ocean (2004).
Politically and economically, the Niger Delta has been
referred to as comprising nine states namely Ondo, Edo,
Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Imo, Abia, Akwa Ibom and Cross
River states as contained in the Niger Delta Development Bill
which culminated into the establishment of the Niger Delta
Development Commission (NDDC). This assertion is taken
from an economic point of view because oil production is
used as the underlying factor. It is to be recalled that the Oil
Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission
(OMPADEC) established in 1992 metamorphosed into the
NDDC during Obasanjo‟s Administration as President and
Commander –in –Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces. Ekpo
(2004) gives credence to this and elucidates that:
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The
Niger
Delta
–
a
geographical area measuring
about 70,000 square kilometres
– lies in the southern-most part
of Nigeria, stretching from the
Nigeria – Cameroun boundary
in the east to the Ondo – Ogun
states boundary in the west. The
area is bounded in the north by
Enugu, Ebonyi, Anambra, Kogi,
and Ekiti states, with the
Atlantic Coast forming the
general boundary in the south.
The Niger Delta comprises
about 1,600 communities in nine
states namely, Abia, Akwa
Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross river,
Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and
Rivers, with more than 20
million people.
He goes further to explain that “the description, which is
synonymous to oil production in Nigeria, is a modern
perception that has over the years been shaped or sharpened
developmental and administrative convenience”.
From a geographical point of view is the discussion from a
survey carried out by the Niger Delta Environmental Survey
(NDES) Report (1997) as cited by Tamuno (2000) that “the
Niger Delta is that area which, in a triangular form, stretches
from Aboh in the present Delta State, in the North to the
mouth of the Benin River to the West, the Cross River estuary
to the East and to the South, to a point below Akassa and Nun
River estuary”. The description of the region following this
discussion gives us the picture of an area comprised of Edo,
Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom and Cross River States
which shall be used for the purpose of this study.
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The name Niger Delta is derived from the name of the
great River Niger. The headwaters of the Niger River rise
from Sierra Leone, flow northeastwards to the present day
Republic of Mali and then descend southeastwards, cutting
through Niger Republic into northern Nigeria and then run
further South to merge with the Atlantic Ocean at the southern
fringe of Nigeria.
Within the Nigerian territory, the River Niger flows south
eastwards and runs through the rain forest belt of southern
Nigeria. The Niger River cuts across seven states within the
Nigerian Federation. Amongst these are Niger, Kogi, Kebbi,
Anambra, Delta, Rivers, and Bayelsa States. At about 120
miles to the southern fringes of Nigeria, the Niger splinters
into several rivers and streams, turning the bulk of the area
into a huge evergreen mangrove swamp. It is these
crisscrossing of water ways which derive their source from
the Niger River that has given that area its deltaic features as
well as part of its name (Ogbogbo, 2004).
The People
In view of the above definitions and makeup of the region
as comprised of about six states, it is to be expected that the
Niger Delta presents us with a miscellany of peoples. It is
estimated that about 30 million people of more than 40 ethnic
groups, speaking some 250 dialects live in the Niger Delta.
They speak a wide range of languages and dialects. The
largest of these groups are the Ijaw, who collectively form
Nigeria‟s fourth largest ethnic group but are themselves
divided, as a consequence of the territory which they inhabit,
and as a result of the fact that they are politically divided into
different states of the Federation. Tamuno (2000) notes
further that this is a deliberate attempt by the government to
continue to marginalize the people as a status-quo of the
colonial administration. According to him:
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That the division of the
Southern Protectorate into East
and West in 1939 by the British
marked the beginning of the
balkanization of the hitherto
territorially contiguous and
culturally homogeneous Ijaw
people into political and
administrative units, much to
our advantage. The trend is
continuing in the balkanization
of the Ijaws into six states Ondo, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa,
Rivers and Akwa Ibom States,
mostly as minorities who suffer
socio-political,
economic,
cultural
and
psychological
deprivations.
They are estimated to be approximately eight million people
and largely living in the riverine areas of Edo, Delta, Bayelsa,
Rivers, Akwa Ibom and Ondo States, as well as in Port
Harcourt, Warri, Ughelli and other towns on dry land. Their
livelihood is primarily based on fishing and farming.
Other ethnic groups on dry land in Rivers State include the
Ogoni, numbering about 500,000 (themselves divided
between four separate dialect groups); several groups
speaking languages related to Igbo. These include the Etche,
Ndoni, Ikwerre and a number of communities speaking
dialects falling into a Central Delta language group; the
Andoni, who speak a Lower Cross dialect, and others. In
Delta State are found the Itsekiri (whose language is related to
Yoruba), the Urhobo, Isoko (in the Edo language group
centered in Benin), and others. In the Cross River valley
towards the Cameroun border, now Akwa Ibom and Cross
River States, live the Efik, on the coast; the Ibibio, Annang,
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Oron; and further north, a large number of ethnic groups,
some of whose languages are spoken by no more than a few
thousands of people. Although, Abasiattai (1987), agrees with
Talbot (1967) that the Semi-Bantu, with Ibibio, Boki, Ekoi
and Ekuri are the major groups of the Cross River Valley. The
Annang, Efik, Oron and Ibeno are accordingly identified as
sub-cultures and dialects of the Ibibios. In addition, there are a
large number of Igbo immigrants into the Niger Delta area,
especially to the British-created towns of Port Harcourt, Warri
and Calabar as a result of trade and other commercial
activities.
Artistic Identity
Art is seen as the domain in which man articulates his
being. It also articulates concrete spiritual attitude-containing
elements of feeling and cognition of a subject towards the
objective content that it represented (Hofstadter, 1986). A
people‟s arts are a representation of their imaginations,
feelings, well-being and existence. Art like culture is dynamic
and so changes its form with time and era. Works of arts are
to a large extent, representation of reality. They express the
feelings of the artist‟s inner state. The artist who is thus the
creative medium illustrates things in the external world, or
says things about the society in which the art and artist
emanate. Art is, therefore, a manifestation of culture. Langer
(1953) agrees with the above assertion and confirms that, “a
work of art is often a spontaneous expression of feeling, i.e., a
symptom of the artist‟s state of mind…Moreover, it may be
said to “express,” in another sense, the life of the society from
which it stems, namely to indicate customs, dress, behaviour,
and to reflect confusion or decorum, violence or peace”.
African art in the African world view performs a crucial
role in the propagation of African culture. It identifies with
other aspects of the African life thus portraying Africanness in
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its form and content. Enwonwu (1977) in analyzing the
function of African art says, “The role of art in African
society is an important one for all who are concerned with the
advancement of African culture, African thought and African
personality.
The sure way to project the traditional African heritage for
unique forms is to carry out studies and transform their
internal dynamics, develop transformational modes and
models for enhanced traditional practices. The Niger Delta
people manifest their existence through the fine, industrial and
performing arts in their natural environments. These arts
include folktale, music, drama, oral tradition, dance, pottery,
carving, sculpturing, fish trap/fishnet making, boat building,
et cetera. The Akwa Ibom and Cross River people in spirit and
practice of their heritage identify the concepts and elements of
the Ekpo masquerade and recreate it for purposes meaningful
and suitable to their societal and artistic milieu. Nzewi in
projecting the importance of the Ekpo masquerade observes
that “the message of a theatre presentation monitors and
articulates the collective sensibilities, ethos and aspirations of
the audience…generally sensitive to their socio-political
environment and tackles topical issues” (1986).
The concept of Ekpo is social regeneration through the
artistic media of myth and mystical entertainment and satiric
chants. That is, the Ekpo theme is performed as a drama of
mythical and psychological conflicts. The story in all its
ramifications is largely subsumed in cultural and artistic
symbols such as music, mime, visual, as well as dance arts.
The plot structure is unfolded with the use of dialogue. There
is also a participating audience who witness, applaud and
approves in the course of the presentation. Ekpo masquerade
performance is a commemoration and reaffirmation of
rational and communal obligations. In the performance,
initiated human aides who serve as acolytes of eka (mother) in
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the spirit realm provide musical directions and
accompaniments; spirit characters dance, dramatize and
celebrate. Mythology is harnessed for effective social
engineering and cleansing of society through the agency of art
(Nzewi, 1986).
Numerous art forms exist among the people of the Niger
Delta. One of such important art forms is the sculpture
tradition which is clearly manifest as a historical, artistic and
cultural identity of the Benin people in the present day Edo
State. The metal and bronze casting art of the Benin people
dates back to 1400 A.D. and Oba Ogunta, the sixth king of the
empire is credited with having encouraged the art. The art
flourished until about 1879 when the British Punitive
Expedition raided the ancient kingdom and carted away
several hundreds of art works in various media (wood, bronze
and metal).
Historically, the art of Benin is linked with that of Ile-Ife,
the ancestral home of the Yoruba. It is believed that an artist
called Igueghae was sent from Ife to Benin to teach the people
the art of metal casting (Egharevba, 1968). Casting in Benin at
that time was the prerogative of the guild of casters known as
Iguneronmwon. It was an art which was closely guarded and
endorsed by the monarchy. It was strictly for the glorification
and beautification of the kings and royalty. Stylisation,
Idealism and Symbolism were major characteristics of the art
(Layiwola, 2002). Benin sculptures are historical
documentation of weapons, costume, ceremonial, social and
ritual paraphernalia. The art is usually categorized in two but
closely related forms designated as court and folk. The folk
art is executed in wood and does not stand the test of time
while the court is carried out in metal, brass, bronze or ivory
which are expensive but durable.
Art could also be abstractive thus subjecting man‟s
intellect to decipher meanings and connotations. Okonofua
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(2001) using the Benin metal and bronze arts adds that these
arts were created for obvious social or religious functions yet
aesthetic perception was dominant…could be appreciated for
the beauty and aesthetic qualities which they represent to our
senses.
Cultural Identity
The people of the Niger Delta are like other Nigerians
highly diverse culturally, though there are similarities in
historical experiences and cultural affinities. It is in this regard
Alagoa 1972; Horton 1962, cited by Okaba (1999) notes that,
“there exists in the Niger Delta, a well co-ordinated network
of cultural exchanges running south and north though the
region”. Historical differences in their political behaviour
have been imposed by their peculiar riverine geography in
which isolated settlements on the little available dry land,
surrounded by mazes of meandering creeks, fostered small
ancient city-states and kingdoms like Bonny, Brass, Akassa,
Nembe, Oron, Calabar, Bassan, Warri, Okrika, Opobo, Itsekiri
and Urhobo. The differences are also as a result of states
creation by colonial and federal governments under the guise
of political and administrative convenience. Anderson and
Peek (1976) in support of this note that:
For centuries, peoples with
diverse cultural traditions have
lived in the Delta side-by-side,
sharing
an
environment
dominated by water and subject
to floods, tides, and tropical
downpour. Because resources
vary from one part of the region
to another, people have long
used the rivers as avenues of
commerce; and some later
served as middlemen in the
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oversea trade. Most groups
maintained their own languages,
but the cultural exchanges that
accompanied
economic
transactions often generated
comparable customs and art
forms.
The diversity in the culture of the people is reflected in
their music and food, dances, distinct modes of dressing,
marriages, festivals, matters of kinship and inheritance,
politics, trade and economy, mechanisms of socialization,
recreation and general ways of life. And because of the waters
that surround many of the communities in the region, a lot of
their economic, social and even cultural activities are linked
with water. For instance, festivals are usually staged on water
in canoes, bigger boats and barges; a feature that is
synonymous with the people. They further observe that “Delta
residents have responded to their world by incorporating their
unique environment in their celebrations, even to the extent of
performing in canoes on the water”.
The way humans beings express, demonstrate, or
symbolize their feelings is usually conditioned by the state of
mind, level of consciousness, physical condition, mental
alertness, level of morality, geographical and social condition
which are all cultural variables. Culture thus influences
religious beliefs and convictions. For example, in the Urhobo
and Isoko societies within the Niger Delta, the question of
destiny or predestination is an individual affair. The
individual declares what his destiny in life should be. This is
as a result of the egalitarian nature of such societies whereby
everybody seems to maintain equal rights and opportunities.
In these cultures, man is an individual entity and at the same
time part of the collective entity or whole community, so does
not subscribe to the notion of a Supreme Being imposing his
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will on mankind. The way a people see religion and concept
of the super-sensible world is influenced by the cultural norms
within the societal structure. In such societies, the Supreme
Being is regarded as just one of the spiritual beings: though
believed to be first among equals. Again, in a matrilineal
society where the mother has more claim on the child, the
Supreme Being is regarded as Mother. Where pottery
dominates people‟s occupation, especially when such an
occupation is mostly done by women who are also seen as
bread-winners. God is given names which reflect “Her” as the
Mother who moulded the earth and all creatures therein. In
Ijaw societies in the Niger Delta, God is called Teme-arau or
Tamuno meaning the woman or mother who created the
world; and Owoyengi, meaning the mother who provides all
our human needs. The Ijaw is a matrilineal society and
women did most of the pottery works and were traditionally
Bread- winners in olden times (Nabofa, 1991). In some
dialects, the Supreme Being is also called Oyin or Oin, our
mother.
Another culture that needs elaboration because of its
complexities is the marriage ceremonies of Akwa Ibom
people of the Niger Delta. Marriage institution is as old as
man and among the Ibibio people it is accepted as permanent
bond between families. Each family took care to study the
other family and know its background. Many questions are
raised, including that of good character, wealth, past history
on health and public image of members of that family.
Arrangements for marriage were under the control of both
parents which involves several stages. The first step was for
the family of the groom to visit the parents of the bride to
propose the marriage. If the proposal was accepted, a date
would be fixed for introduction (mbip). The ceremonies for
mbip were usually not elaborate as only family members and
close friends of both families took part and normally at the
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home of the bride‟s parents. The groom‟s family presented
drinks, yams, goat, loin cloth, fish, tobacco, etc. On the other
hand, the bride‟s family prepared enough food (pounded yam
with different types of soup, sliced yam), and provided drinks.
After this comes the fattening/tutelage stage (usin mboppo).
In most cases, usin mboppo takes place between mbip and
the marriage ceremony (ndo) proper. The practice of usin
mboppo was meant to groom the bride to be ready for married
life. It was the period of formal and informal education for the
young lady. During this period, the girl would be fattened to
enhance her health and looks and in some cases (as it was in
olden time) be circumcised. On the day the girl would leave
the fattening room (usio mboppo), a big ceremony was
arranged featuring traditional dances and plays. It was a
complete ceremony for the family and the community at large.
Both parents would offer sacrifices and thanksgiving to the
gods of the land for blessings received. Usio mboppo,
therefore, means outing ceremony which led to the main
marriage ceremony (ndo).
Before the actual day of the marriage ceremony, the
husband-to-be would be given a list of items to be bought,
which among others, include drinks (assorted), tobacco, goat,
yams, dresses for parents and bride, walking stick, etc. These
are in addition to monies for the bride price and other things,
and entertainment. On the actual day when the groom arrived
with his entourage, custom demands that he gave drinks and
money that was meant for people who have kept the
compound clean. Recently, youths have introduced a gift of
football/jerseys in addition to drinks. Women have also
introduced gift items and money, at the entrance to the house.
On the arrival of the groom and family, the parents of the
bride would serve food that included virtually all local
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delicacies indicating that the wife-to-be was capable of
preparing all types of food. This is called UdiaIbenge.
Once the groom and people had eaten, the marriage
ceremony progressed unto a climax which included payment
of bride price and other agreed fees; the search for the bride
(which again involved some money required for
transportation of the bride to the venue); entertainment of
guest, friends and visitors; presentation of cooking utensils to
the bride by her family as well as presentation of live goat,
stock fish and tubers of yam to the bride and groom to take
home and entertain their visitors. It was usual for the
merriment to go into the night especially if there was plentiful
supply of food and drinks (Esema, 2002). The bride‟s family
apart from sending forth their daughter with gift items for the
kitchen also takes the responsibility of providing for her
bedroom (if they are well to do). This is so because it is
believed that good food and a comfortable bedroom is the key
to a man‟s heart.
At the event of death of any of the wife‟s parents, the
husband would present a list of items to the family as
contained in the marriage list (for the father or mother as the
case may be) indicating that he remains their in-law. The
people are very ceremonial in their way of life which is
evident in their dances, modes of dressing and choice of
colours. Nwamuo (2005) while describing the culture of the
people of Cross River State (who share the same culture with
the people of Akwa Ibom State) throws more light on this.
According to him:
The immense culture of the
Cross River State is reflected. In
every sphere of the people‟s
lives, be it in their modes of
dressing,
their
highly
inflexionary and tonal language,
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NDRD 8 (2), DECEMBER 2014
their polyrhymic dance, the
Ekpe Cult, the Mbopo Festival,
The
Abang
dance,
the
Ekpiriakata masquerade, the
Ekombi dance or initiation
ceremonies.
Even
funeral
ceremonies attract so much
grace, colour and fanfare that a
visitor can easily be amazed at
the lavish embroidery and
detailed, intricate but carefullywoven and decorated attire of a
people blessed with cultural
elegance.
Conclusion
A people‟s cultural heritage encompasses their world of
arts, songs, dances, fashion, hairstyles, behaviour of
individuals to their neighbours, their communal efforts and
humanism. When properly harnessed, it is a reflection of the
historical, political and economic heritage. Culture relates to
the development of the individual person, the development of
the group or class of persons and the development or
improvement of the society as a whole. The culture of the
individual is dependent upon the culture of a group or class,
and that the culture of the group or class is dependent on the
culture of the whole society to which the individual and group
belongs. Culture provides a rational framework for the
solution of social problems which becomes an essential
mechanism for management of ethnic or racial conflicts.
Culture provides the agenda for identity within social or
ethnic groups. Using our case studies, it is evident that the
metal and wood casting traditions of the Benin people have
greatly identified the people in that order. Within the Niger
Delta, any mention of furniture, beads and staff for the royalty
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easily brings to mind, the Benin people. This is same with the
Ijaw people. When asked of where they come from, would
always mention two places (the father‟s town or local
government or state as the case may be, as well as that of the
mother‟s). Tracing of descent is matrilineal as the Creator is
believed to be a woman who has created the universe and
nurtures it. This is also true of the marriages customs and
traditions of the Akwa Ibom people whose women are
believed to be excellent when it comes to taking care of their
husbands
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