Министерство науки и высшего образования Российской Федерации Федеральное государственное бюджетное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Арктический государственный институт культуры и искусств» Кафедра искусствоведения Кафедра библиотечно-информационной деятельности и гуманитарных дисциплин MUSICAL CULTURE AND ART OF THE ARCTIC PEOPLES Хрестоматия Учебное пособие по дисциплине «Иностранный язык» для студентов и аспирантов направлений подготовки 53.03.06 Музыкознание и музыкально-прикладное искусство 51.03.02 Народная художественная культура 50.06.01 Искусствоведение 51.06.01 Культурология Якутск 2018 1 УДК 811.111:78:008(98)(075.8) ББК 81.2 Англ-92 Я73 М 879 Издание проекта Министерства науки и высшего образования Российской Федерации по поддержке общественно-значимых мероприятий «Формирование научно-образовательного пространства на базе лаборатории по сохранению культурного музыкального наследия России и Арктики» Авторы: О.Э. Добжанская, В.Е. Дьяконова, З.И. Иванова-Унарова, Т.И. Игнатьева, Л.И. Кардашевская, Ю.И. Шейкин Составители: Л.Р. Алексеева, к.п.н., В.Е. Дьяконова, к.иск. Рецензенты: В.С. Никифорова, к.иск., доцент Т.А. Попова, к.п.н., преподаватель Рекомендовано к печати Учебно-методическим советом АГИКИ М 879 Musical Culture and Art of the Arctic Peoples = Музыкальная культура и искусство народов Арктики: хрестоматия: учебное пособие по дисциплине «Иностранный язык» для студентов и аспирантов направлений подготовки: 53.03.06 Музыкознание и музыкально-прикладное искусство, 51.03.02 Народная художественная культура, 50.06.01 Искусствоведение, 51.06.01. Культурология / М-во науки и высш. обр. РФ, ФГБОУ ВО «Аркт. гос. ин-т», каф. искусствоведения. – Якутск: ИЦ АГИКИ, 2018. – 148 с.: нот., илл. Настоящая хрестоматия составлена на материалах научных конференций и энциклопедических словарей преподавателей кафедры искусствоведения АГИКИ и предназначена для студентов и аспирантов образовательных учреждений культуры и искусств. © Коллектив авторов, 2018 © Арктический государственный институт культуры и искусств, 2018 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS От составителей 5 Статьи на английском языке SHEYKIN Y.I. Siberian peoples: Traditional vocal music 7 Siberian peoples: Shamanistic rituals 14 Siberian peoples: Traditional dance 18 Siberian peoples: Traditional instruments 20 Traditional music of Siberia: 20th-c. development 25 DOBZHANSKAYA O.E. The opposition of the ritual and non-ritual folklore music styles as a reflection of the idea of spatial organisation 30 Song genres in the musical folklore of nganasans 43 DYAKONOVA V.E. About the Yakut shamanic tambourine 50 Yakut vargan – khomus: tradition and innovation 53 The myth legendary phonoinstrument tabyk in traditional and modern musical culture of Sakha 60 The studying of yakut musical instruments on the basis of linguistic and ethnographic data from «the Yakut dictionary» by E. Pekarskiy 65 About the origin of the names of fonoinstruments of Yakuts and technology of their manufacturing 68 KARDASHEVSKAYA L.I. Deer as the central image of traditional musical culture of the Evenkis 71 IVANOV-UNAROV V.KH., IVANOVA Z.I. The legacy of the Jesup expedition and the revitalization of the traditional culture of the north-east Siberia peoples 72 IVANOVA-UNAROVA Z.I. Yakut Shamanism 86 The legacy of ancestors and mythologemes in the works of Arctic artists 92 Ethnocultural traditions in the art of the Arctic north and Sakha Republic (Yakutia) 103 ODE SESILIA, IGNATIEVA T.I. Oral traditions of the Yukaghirs storytelling (spoken) 112 3 Статьи на немецком языке DOBZHANSKAYA O.E. Die Geschichte der music ethnologischen Forschungen bei den samojedischen Völkern 116 Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas(1942–2002). Erforscher von sprache, folklore und ethnologie der samojedischen völker 123 Статьи на французском языке DYAKONOVA V.E. Les instruments acoustiques dans l’épopée héroïque sakha Olonkho KARDACHEVSKAYA L.I. Chansons de mariage des Evenkis Глоссарий англо-русский Глоссарий немецко-русский Глоссарий французско-русский AUTHORS OF ARTICLES 4 133 137 141 145 145 147 ОТ СОСТАВИТЕЛЕЙ Настоящая хрестоматия составлена на материалах научных конференций и статей в энциклопедических словарях преподавателей кафедры искусствоведения АГИКИ в качестве учебного пособия по дисциплине «Иностранный язык» и предназначена для студентов и аспирантов образовательных учреждений культуры и искусств по направлениям подготовки: 53.03.06 Музыкознание и музыкально-прикладное искусство, 51.03.02 Народная художественная культура, 50.06.01 Искусствоведение, 51.06.01 Культурология. Хрестоматия предназначена для развития навыков чтения на иностранном языке. Овладение навыками чтения с различной степенью полноты и точности понимания (просмотровое, ознакомительное, изучающее чтение) является основным видом иноязычной речевой деятельности при изучении иностранного языка в неязыковом вузе. Умение читать, понимать и извлекать необходимую информацию считается базовым как для усвоения языкового материала, так и для развития речевых умений, в частности, говорения, так как дает читающему возможность обдумать и подготовить во внутренней речи свою ответную реакцию на содержание прочитанного текста. Структурные и содержательные особенности текста могут служить основой для собственных речевых произведений. Чтение профессионально направленных текстов дает возможность усвоить, закрепить и расширить свой активный лексический терминологический словарь. Кроме того, чтение является наиболее простым, надёжным и доступным средством погружения в иноязычную среду. Чтение и понимание литературы на иностранном языке – процесс сложный, кропотливый, требующий обучения чтению и анализу текста. Важную роль при решении данной проблемы играет отбор учебного материала, отвечающего профессиональным потребностям и интересам студентов. Данная хрестоматия составлена на материале научных статей таких ведущих ученых в области искусствоведения как Юрий Ильич Шейкин, Оксана Эдуардовна Добжанская, Зинаида Ивановна Иванова-Унарова, преподавателей кафедры искусствоведения Арктического государственного института культуры и искусств Татьяны Иннокентьевны Игнатьевой, Варвары Егоровны Дьяконовой, Лии Ивановны Кардашевской, а также профессора Амстердамского университета Сесилии Оде. Хрестоматия состоит из трех разделов: текстов на английском, 5 немецком и французском языках и содержит ноты и иллюстрации. Тексты знакомят читателя с уникальной музыкальной и художественной культурой народов Арктики. Хрестоматия ставит своей целью развить умения читать, понимать, извлекать информацию, переводить, изучить терминологическую лексику, а также расширить кругозор в области культуры и искусства народов Арктики. Хрестоматия предназначена для студентов и аспирантов выше указанных направлений подготовки вуза культуры и искусств, но также может представлять интерес и для широкого круга читателей – всех тех, кто изучает иностранный язык и интересуется уникальной культурой арктических народов. Желаем успеха! 6 СТАТЬИ НА АНГЛИЙСКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ SIBERIAN PEOPLES: TRADITIONAL VOCAL MUSIC1 Yuri Sheykin Siberian peoples. Siberia is a vast area of subarctic and arctic zones in Russian northern Asia. It is usually defined as bordering the Ural mountains in the west, the Central Asian steppes and Inner Asian mountains in the south and reaching the Pacific and Arctic Oceans in the east and north. Siberian indigenous peoples traditionally hunt, fish or breed cattle. Including the Siberian Tatars and the northern indigenous minorities of China and Mongolia their population is around two million, of which speakers of native languages comprise roughly 1-2 million. Great changes in their traditional socio-economic and cultural sysnems have occurred, especially during the 20th century. Fig.10. Indigenous peoples of Siberia. I. The ob-ugrians: mansis and khantys. 1 The new Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Second edition. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Executive Editor John Tyrrel.Volume 22. Russian Federation, SII to Scotland. P. 17-20. 7 II northern samoyeds: the tundra nenets, forest nenets (nyeshang), tundra (somatu) and forest (bai) enets and nganasans. (the singing styles of the various sami groups in kola peninsula (in Russia) and Scandinavia (in Finland, Norway and Sweden) are not dealt with here because of the entry definition, but they belong to the indigenous peoples of the vast Siberian /Arctic area.) III selkup samoyeds and the yeniseian peoples: the northern, central and southern selkups and the kureys, Imbats and sym kets. IV the siberian tatars: the tobols, barabas, chulyms, eushtin (bukhara and chaty) tatars. V the southern altais: the altai-kizhis and telengits. VI the northern altais: the kumandins, chelkins and tubas. VII the kuznetsk turks: the mrassus, kondoma shors and teleuts. VII the khakass (including the abakan and minusinsk tatar: the kyzyls, kachas, sagays, koybals and beltirs). VIII the sayan turkic peoples: the uyrankhais, tofas and tuvans. IX the buryats: the western, central and eastern buryats. X the northern turkic peoples: the sakhas (yakuts) of lena, vilyui and the north-east; the reindeer-herding sakhas and the dolgans. XI the northern tungus peoples: the evenki groups in the areas of the yenisei, Baikal, Lena and Amur (orochon), and the evens. XII amur tungus peoples: the udes, the nanais (of the amur and ussur regions), the orochs, ulchas, negidals and oroks. XIII the nivkhs of the amur-sakhalin region. XIV the north-east siberian peoples: the forest (odul), tundra (wadul) and “chuvan” yukagirs, the kovran and tigil itelmens, the coastal inland and alyutor koryaks, the kereks, chukchis and the yupighyts (yuits) (= inuit groups in naukan, chaplin and sirenik (inuit)). Fig.10 illustrates the ethnic groups and their localities. Several ethnonyms encompass local sub-groups, between which languages or dialects may be incomprehensible. Mostly this classification conforms to the boundaries of the major Siberian language groups: the Uralic Sámi, Samoyed and Ob-Ugrian languages; and the Turkic (Tatar, Altai and Khakass), Mongol (Buryat) and Tungus languages. Others are either remnants of small language groups or isolated languages, for example those of the Ket, Yuhagir, Itelmen, Nivkh, Chukchi-Koryak and Yupik-Aleut languages. Musical characteristics and influences. The music of indigenous Siberians is predominantly vocal. Sound imitations, signals and melodies in various songs, shamanistic and dance genres are important in the vocal domain. Characteristic features include: a system of intonation based on timbres, where pitch is of secondary importance (e.g.inhalation-exhala- 8 tion throat singing, whirling and rotating aerophones); lyrical, ritual and epic melodies based on single-timbre voice production; and the use of large intervallic leaps. Characteristic of melodies of Arctic nomads and hunters, such as the Nenetses, Nganasans, Yuhagir and Chukchis, are pitch sets that tend to change and expand during performance. Musical instruments are marginal and often used as non tonal sound or signal instruments. Where instruments are more important, they influence vocal ranges and define rhythm (e.g. celebration songs and shaman’s songs accompanied by drum, wood log, pendant rattles). When flutes, trumpets, zithers, lutes or harps are used they affect tonal and modal norms, especially during shamanistic rituals, dear ceremonies and the epic performance. Monоdic singing with an instrumental accompaniment is a tradition of the Ob-Ugrians, Altai and Sayan Turks, Khakasses and Buryats. The music cultures of southern Siberia that border and have a long history of contact with China, Central Asia and Russia, have adopted traditions of musical conceptualization from these adjoining cultures, along with their own fixed systems of intonation. Cultural influences, such as the practices of Buddhism, Islam or Christianity, have been adopted by some of the Siberian groups as well as musical instruments and melodies. The latter can be seen in the stanza form of songs, in the concept of initial and final tones in pentatonic systems (the Tuvans, Buryats and the peoples of Amur) and the metricization and in change towards the Western major-minor tonality in the traditional melodies of the Altai Turks, Evenkis, Sakhas and Itelmens. (ii) Vocal music Sound imitations and signals. Each Siberian group uses sounds that imitate, embody and interact with sounds of the natural world. A collection of onomatopoeic ‘titular’ signals represent the voices of animals and birds important to the group’s culture of 9 intonation (e.g. the cuckoo, owl and ptarmigan; ех.17a). In addition there are luring, decoy and imitative sound signals addressed to various animals during hunting and cattle breeding, and exclamations used for controlling animals during the hunt and herding (ex.17b, c). Buryats, Tuvans and Altai Turks perform melodies while feeding the new-born animals and during milking (ex, 17d). Sounds used as lullabies occur among the Nganasans (n’uo l’anteri), Evenkis (kumakan began), Koryaks (karwel’u) and Chukchis (kïnil’etkin grep;ex,17e). Songs of childhood are composed for an individual child. These are found among the Odul Yukagirs (shiishii),C hukchis(chakchechang), Koryaks (cakhcichang), Kereks (t’akyit’an) and Nenetses (ngatsyekï syo, nyukubts; ex.17f). Song.Vocal forms display great variation. Some local traditions have improvised melodies, the texts of which consist predominantly of vocables. In others there may be some semantic text in the songs, but they remain subordinate to the song’s timbral and melodic features. These can be found in the individual songs of the Northern Sami of Scandinavia, the Ob-Ugrians (sow, sowe, sake), 10 Samoyed-speaking peoples (syo, shyo, say), southern Altai Turks and Teleuts (küü), northern Altai Turks (tabïsh), Khakasses and Shors (kög), Sayan Turks and Buryats (ayalga), northern Tunguses (haan, hagaawun, og, ogen),Udes (dzaga), Nivkhs (yu, au) and Chukchi-Koryak and Yupik-Aleut peoples (angadel’il, khodilakht, angalek, tipeyngen, kïmni). These songs are one of the fundamentals of the Arctic music cultures, comparable to the singer’s personal name as a means of self-identification (ex. 18a). Improvisatory songs that have more fixed melody may have texts that are metrically unfixed and alterable. However, as with the improvised melodies discussed above, they can conform to their own laws of metricization, although these are not verbalized, as for example among the Nenetses and the Khantys. Sometimes these songs have meaning as family songs, comparable to the individual songs above. These are found among the Ob-Ugrians (erïkh, erey, ar, are, arekh), northern Samoyedic peoples (khïnabts, kïnawsh, bare, belï), Selkup Samoyeds and Yenisei Kets (ïngïma, il’ir), northern Tunguses (iken, ike), Amur Tunguses (iekhe, dzarin, ike, yaya, ikheian, hege), Nivkhs (lu, lund) and the Chukchi-Koryak and YupikAleut peoples (yakhtel, chakales repnun, qul’iqul’, grep, uglyutkun, uglyut, kogyak; see ex. 18b.) The versified songs have an invariable metric structure for both the melody and text, and also fixed and verbalized principles for regulating the relationship between them. Improvisation in these songs is governed by fairly strict rules and concerns only the themes. These songs predominate among the southern Altai Turks (qozhong), Siberian Tatars (ïr, iyr), northern Turks (ïraya), Tofas (ïr) and Sakhas (ïrïa). A distinction is made between rhythmic ‘short-song’ songs with verses and metrically free and melismatic ‘long-songs’ among Buryats (uta duun/bogoni duun, ‘long-song/short-song’),Tuvans (ïr/qozhamïq), Teleuts (sarïn/tandïr), Khakasses, northern Altai Turks and Shors (sarïn/takhpakb; see ex.18c). Allegorical songs with verses are found among the Nganasans (keyngeyrsya; ex18d), Nivkhs (walhlu, alhtund) and Mansis (ulilap). They form a distinct genre with particular melodies, and a system of allegorical poetic expression with specific principles governing the relationship between text and melodies. In other songs the musical structure may be cumulative and dynamically expanding, and the textual themes may have distinct melodic ex- 11 pressions. These occur, for instance, among the Sakhas (ех.18е), Yuits (il’agan), Ulchas (haund’ari) and Evenkis (dawlaawun, kochindz’a). The epic songs of the northern Samoyeds (yarabts, shoipyalsh, d’öre, d’urïmï) lie between these songs and epic poetry. Overtone-singing is an extraordinary vocal technique in which overtones are produced by a single singer using the chest or oral cavities to create resonances that form a two- or three-voiced texture (ex.18f). It occurs with many variations among the Tuvans (khömey, sïgït, ezengileer, kargïraa and borbangnadïr), Altai Turks (karkïraa), Sakhas (khabarga), and among Mongols adjacent to South of Siberia. Usually, when occur- 12 ring during a song, the text and overtone passages form separate sections. Overtone-singing has connections with ritual practices and epic poetry. (c) Epics. The term ‘epic’ is used here to refer to the performance of myths, legends or tales in sung, recited or prose form, sometimes with instrumental passages. Epic songs may be grouped according to three melodic types. One type of epic uses melodies of lyric songs differing only in the length of the narrative. Among the Nivkhs they are called ngïzit and ngastund or tïlgu and tïlgund; among the Evenkis ugun, hugun and ulgur; among Kets as’kit, as’ket and askeht; and among Selkups kööl’tyma (ех.19a). A second type uses various forms of melodic recitation. They are known among the western Buryats as uliger, among the northern Samoyedic peoples as syudbabts, shotpyalsh, syudobichu and sitabi; and among the Ob-Ugrians as ternïng erïgh and taming ar (ех.19b). Here the melodic types are usually identified and associated with the name of the main character of the tale. A third type of epic performance is recited with a special vocal tone, related to overtone-singing, that sets it apart from the usual singing or speaking voice. This type is called tool by the Tuvans, performed with a vocal style known as algani (ex.19c); kai shördzhök by the Chelkans; kay chörcbök by the Teleuts; and tuul’ khäälakh by the Altai Urianghais of West Mongolia. Epics performed with using this special vocal tone are accompanied by a two-string plucked lute (topshuur) among the southern Altai Turks, the Teleuts and among the west Mongolian Altai Urianghais. In epic narratives with sung passages the text, which emphasizes the metre (sometimes using a free speech form of narration), is interrupted by the singing in the personae of the tale’s characters. These passages may be recited, sung or performed with special intonation (ex.19d). Epic recitatives may be myths, as among the Yukagirs, Chukchi-Koryak and Yupik-Aleut peoples (chul’dzhil, karawal, amngel’, l’ïmngïl’ and unipgan) and Buryats (ontokhon), or as tales as among the Buryats (ontokhon), Sakhas (kepsen), Yenisei and Baykal Evenkis (nimngakan), Evens (nimkan, tangran) and the Amur tunguses (nimangku, ningman, imga, nimapu, ningma and telutigma; ех.19е). Epics in song form that represent the heroes by their specific melodies and motifs (usually introductory or refrain motifs) occur among the Sakhas where they are called olongkho (ex.19f). They are known among the Dolgans as olongko; among the Orochon Evenkis as nimngakan; among the hunting, mountain and continental Evenkis as nimkan, and among the central Buryats as uliger. Epics performed using special vocal techniques by which the epic heroes are identified and which are performed to the accompaniment of 13 a plucked box zither (chatkhan) are found among the Khakasses (кthai nïmakh; ex.l9g); and to the accompaniment of a plucked lute (cherchen komus) among the Shors (kai nabak). SIBERIAN PEOPLES: SHAMANISTIC RITUALS2 Ritual 2 The new Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Second edition.Edited by Stanley Sadie. Executive Editor John Tyrrel.Volume 22. Russian Federation, SII to Scotland. P. 20-25. 14 Shamanistic rituals. These have their own specific forms of music and song and are performed by a male or a female shaman at séances for healing or divination through communication with spirits. Although shamanistic practices vary substantially according to local traditions, the shamanistic music of Siberia has several common features. Invocations are addressed by the shaman to specific spirits. Each ethnic group has its own terms for these songs. They are known by the Ob-Ugrians as kayne erïkh, s’artï kho ar and t’ertï qo arekh; by northern Samoyedis peoples as sambadabts, tadibe bare and ngetethet’ie beliby Selkup Samoyeds and the Kets as s’umpt’a and qut; by southern Altai Turks as kamdar kay and kamdar qozhong (ex.20a); by northern Altai Turks as kamdar sarïn aptelekh; by Kuznetsk Turks as kamdar sarïn chalbar; by Khakasses as tostartchanï, alqanï, chapqanï, khamdïkh and kibelesi; by Sayan Turks as hamïrï, ayahanïr, khamnaashkïn and khamalganïr; by Buryats as boheldon, shepshelge and durdalga; by northern Turks as kïrï, kïrar and kuturar; by northern Tunguses as eriwun, yayawun, dzariwka and n’aya; Amur Tunguses as yaya, yeyi, epili and leusu; and by Chukchi-Koryak and Yupik-Aleut peoples as yaltïn’al yakhtel, alman yakhtel, wolmomal, chailangi yuoieng yakhte, kmali chineh, angangyan, yarakolet and kanïmsut. When the shaman enters an altered state of consciousness, sometimes referred to as ecstatic trance, the voices of his or her helping spirits are produced as well as various types of vocal expressions. These may include interjections, grunts, words, vocables and slight tonal and rhythmic inflections relevant to the shaman’s emotional state (ex.20b). The ritual performance often involves use of percussive devices such as the frame drum and rattles, and sometimes psychotropic drugs, such as the smoke of ledum (marsh tea) or heather, a drug made from fly-agaric or alcohol. Special songs involving the use of psychotropic drugs occur among the Khantys (kuchum ar, kut’ arekh, pongl’at kbo ar and pangkel’ta ko arekb); forest Nenets (wipi kinawsh); Nganasans (hoangkutuo bali); Evens (hogben); Udes (haunde); Nivkhs (handud’ and khaydat); Odul Yukagirs (yummul yakhte, yemorodoloand shanpaydie yakbtale); Nymylan Koryaks (yurh’ain’ek, lal’quliqil andiw’isi quliqul); Chukchis (wapaqen grep); and Sakhas (menerier). (See exx .20c-d.). During a shamanistic séance, the shaman’s assistant (known as teltanggoda, tetagude or tuoptusi among northern Samoyeds, quqïltïmpïl 15 qup among Selkups and beledzert, belnedz or belemtige kuturuksut among northern Turks) may also sing imitatory or responsorial songs. While the shaman’s words are important in as they are believed to be the words of the spirits, they are dangerous to human ears and thus an assistant is needed to repeat them. In some places, however, audience members may participate in the performance (ex.20e). Among the Buryats (where it is known as böölööshen) and Itelmens, heterophonic singing between the shaman and those participating in the séance occurs (ex.20f). A drum introduction to the shaman’s ritual, in which those participating take part in turn, is found among the Amur Tunguses (gongoyni, gong-gong and takun-tau), Chukchi-Koryak and YupikAleut peoples (ex.20g). The bear ceremony Bear ceremony traditions comprise an important syncretic ritual for some Siberian peoples in the taiga zone. The ceremony is a symbolic representation of the totemic belief of the bear as the original ancestor of the ‘tribe’ or ethnic group. As a ritual complex, lasting many days, it includes an integral cycle of music. Such traditions are found in two regions of Siberia; the Amur-Sakhalin region (among the Nivkhs, Orochs, Ulchas and Negidals) and among the Ob-Ugrian peoples (Khantys and Mansis). The music of the bear ceremony in the Amur-Sakhalin region is performed only by women. Tunes played on a musical log (ex.2la) continuously accompany the performance of myths and rituals, as well as private and public festival and domestic feasting phases of the ceremony (tug’s pïznd, tungu, tunkure and tungkere). Ritual melodies are played when the bear is released from his cage, as he is led around the settlement, during the killing and cutting-up of the carcass and the making of sacrificial offerings. Music accompanies recitations of myths, including those describing the marriage of a woman and a bear, the fate of their children and the significance of the raven and the owl (ex.21 b). Festival melodies accompany sporting contests and domestic feasts. Women’s dances, using branches, bundles of twigs and rattles, are also performed during the feast (ex.21c). 16 The music of the Ob-Ugrian bear ceremony is performed principally by men. There are more than 300 obligatory songs, between which interludes are played on the lyre (zither variants of this instrument also exist), harp and lute (ех.21d). The genre system is made up of seven cycles of songs. Invocation songs are performed at the start of each day in order 17 to ‘arouse’ the bear’s understanding of the ceremony. Among the Mansis such songs are called kholi erïkh and among the Khantys atïn ar and a’lkhem arekh (ex.21e). Songs for the supreme gods that have a heterophonic texture, although performed monophonically, may be recited in melodic or declamatory tones, and tell of the creation of the world and the gods. Among the Mansis they are known as kastil erïkh and among Khantys as kayoyang ar and lhangïltep (ex.21f). Songs for the earthly gods are more melodic with a complex allegoric and poetic style, known by the Mansis as yalpïngm moyt erïkh and the Khantys as po yaktu ar, w’on ar, mishar and wont Ihunq lhangïlhtep (ex.21g). Re-enactment songs with non-religious subject matter, for which the singer wears a mask and special costume, are performed by both the Mansis (tulïglap) and Khantys (Ihungulhtuptii and lhangïlhtep; ex.21h). Dance-songs or dances of the spirits alternate with these re-enactment songs. These are accompanied by instruments playing songs and tunes, called pupïgh yikw by the Mansis and lungh yaktï and lunq yeqta by the Khantys (ex.21i). During the last day of the ceremony, specific songs known as w’on ar (Mansis) and iymeng lhangïlhtep (Khantys) are performed (ex.21j). The final performances of the bear ceremony involve sleep-inducing song, which comprise a eulogy and ritual farewell to both the bear and the ceremony. This is called uy ulilap among the Mansis and ul’tï ar and olte lhangïlhtep among the Khantys (ex.21k). SIBERIAN PEOPLES: TRADITIONAL DANCE3 Dance music is predominantly vocal and involves either sounds produced with a special “throat singing” technique or round dance-songs and melodies. “Throat singing” is unique to the peoples of eastern Siberia. It is a mixture of rasping, grunting sounds, produced both by inhalation and exhalation, and tonal sounds in singing voice. It can be performed alone or in a group; group performances may consist of a “canon-like” sound mixture. 3 The new Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Second edition. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Executive Editor John Tyrrel.Volume 22. Russian Federation, SII to Scotland.P. 25. 18 Various throat-singing styles accompany individual dances, round-dances and games. Melodized shouts are heard at the end of a song couplet as a refrain. They are heard in both women’s and men’s song-dances among Itelmens who know them as khekhmïkels and khemkh-ekudzen (ex.22a). Signal melodies accompany men’s and I women’s round-dances among Odul Yukagirs (longdol and tunmun hontol; ex.22b), Kolyma 19 Chukchis and Wadul Yukagirs (pilcheyngen), Evens (nörgen, nürgenek and nergene) and reindeer herding Sakhas (chömchöököidüür). Sounds imitating the voice of the bear in the ritual round-dance are known by Nganasans (b’etïrs’a and ngarka kuntï; ex.22c) and Enetses (khukhoy). Sound games accompany physical exercise and role games among the Nanays (adzikachin, aqolachin and erieken), Udes and Orochs (hakaku; ex.22d), Buryats (khurïn nadan), Evenkis (engtevkekel) and Ulchas (khahï). Sound expressions symbolizing, for example, sexuality or the voices of animals, and for the processing of fur hides, are performed only by women among the Chukchis (pilcheyngen), the Koryaks (k’arg’ayngetïk, kïkaretken, kukalya’ayngan and q’ameq’isitiqing), the Kereks (pilgayngan) and the Yuits (saiag’ak’ut and pisaynga) (ex.22e). Songs accompanying round-dances or round dance-songs are part of seasonal ‘tribal’ offerings and family celebrations. Heterophonic swaying songs are performed by the participants of a round-dance with joined hands. They are known among the Buryats as naygar and ner’elge and among the southern Altai Turks as kiireley (ex.22f).Antiphonal songs performed by two groups accompany round- and line-dances among the Kuznetsk and northern Altai Turks who call them tabïr (ex.22g). Responsorial songs with solo introduction and choral repetition are known among the Sakhas (ohuokhay) and Evenkis (osokay; ex.22h). Responsorial songs with a variable solo part followed by an invariable choral refrain are known among western Buryats (yokhor and osoo), Evenkis (yekherie, gesuger and deweyde), Evens (dzakhuria), Dolgans and reindeer-herding Sakhas (kheyro; ex.22i). Responsorial melodic shouts, consisting of twoor three- syllable solo shouts with group answers are known among the Evens, Evenkis, Negidals and Oroks (hedze, hodzo and edza) (ex.22j). SIBERIAN PEOPLES: TRADITIONAL INSTRUMENTS4 Idiophones Rattles are the most representative idiophone. Pastoral rattles are worn on the horns and around the necks of herd animals. Rattles are also found on a child’s cradle, a woman’s apron and as part of a burial edifice. The equipment of a shaman includes pendants and percussive decorations on both the costume and the drum. 4 The new Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Second edition. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Executive Editor John Tyrrel.Volume 22. Russian Federation, SII to Scotland. P.26-27. 20 Fig.11. (a) Plucked reed; (b) plucked chip-trident; (c) plucked branch-angle; (d) idioglottic lamellar jew`s harp; (e) heteroglottic jew`s harp. 21 Jew’s harps are found among all ethnic groups (except the Samoyeds, Wadul Yukagirs and Yuits). Siberian jew’s harps are of five types: those made of simple reeds, trident reeds, branch angles or consisting of idioglottic lamellae and heteroglottic frames (fig. 11). Fig.12. (a) Suspended-log oercussion; (b) wooden slit-drums.. Of the idiophones found in east Siberia, the most important is the suspended log used during the bear ceremony among the Nivkhs (zas t’as, zas tihr, chachand and t’at’at’khas) and the Amur Tunguses (odzapu, udzadzinki, udzadzupu and tumkewun). A structural variant is found among the Sakhas in the form of a slit-drum (dzhälärkäi küpsüür) (fig.12). The shoulder blade of a reindeer is used as a friction idiophone after inserting into it a rotatable stick. It is used as both a sound imitator and instrument among the Wadul Yukagirs (pidzensaburka amon) and the Indigirka Evens and Kolyma (idiki amunen). 1. Aerophones 1. The most widely distributed aerophones have string buzzers spun between the hands or bull-roarers rotating on a longer string. These instruments vary in function from a child’s toy to a sacral instrument. The Itelmens and the Karagin Koryaks organize a seasonal pan-’tribal’ festival around such an instrument (fig. 13). Other aerophones include the whistling arrow, the whistling and slapping whip, sound instruments played by the wind (among the Sakhas) and birch-bark whistles with a single or double leaf. Among the aerophones with an air channel, special mention should be made of the single-reed quill whistles, fifes made from small reeds and 22 open flutes with an internal slit and finger-holes. Trumpets are also found. The Siberian Tatars, southern and northern Altai Turks, Khakasses, Sayan, Kuznetsk and northern Turks, Buryats and northern and Amur Tunguses use a conical birch- bark trumpet and a thin, cylindrical trumpet (abïrga or bïrgïamong the Altai Turks) made out of hollowed-out wood (fig.14) for enticing the reindeer. A unique variant is a long trumpet made from the stem of a hollow grass (Emilia flammaea) known as kiungki and kinguliachikchi among the Udes and k’al’ni and kïla pews among the Nivkhs. On this instrument the sound is produced not by blowing but by sucking. Trumpet-shaped mirlitons are used by the Itelmens who call them kowon and kalkham, the Koryaks who call them g’eynetkuchg’ïn and Nivkhs who call them kal’ni and ikwp’ewrsh. The leaf mirliton is used by the Khantys, Odul Yukagirs and Tuvans. 1. Membranophones 2. The most characteristic membranophone is the frame-drum used by shamans. This may be classified into eight regional types: the Tatar type (tüngür); Altain type (chazim tüngür, kanïm tüür, mars tüür, düngür and khese); Sayan-Yeniseian type (dünkür, nunga, pïngïr, koyem, khas, fas and ungtuwun)\ north Siberian type (ungtuwun, nimngangku, düngür,pyenzyer, peddi and khendir); Ob-Ugrian type (koyp, kuyup, pyenzyer and pyenshal); Amur type (ungtu, ungtukhu, ungchukhï, untsukhu, untuwun, dali and k’as); Kamchatkan type (yayar, yarar, ul’pa yaay, yerkeye, yalgil 23 and ungtun); and Chukotkan type (sayak, saquyak and yarar; fig.15). Peoples of the Amur and Sakhalin regions use a framed rattle tambourine with a fish-skin membrane as an accompaniment to women’s dances during the bear ceremony. During Buddhist rituals various drums are used by the Buryats and Tuvans. Siberian Tatars use the kettledrums of Inner Asia. A unique membranophone is the large frame-mounted drum made from the entire hide of a sacrificed horse, held by an angular support or stretched over a square frame. This is found among Sakhas who call it a tabïk,Buryats (zükhelï), Teleuts (baydara)and Khakasses (tayïgh). 1. Chordophones 2. The musical bow has an almost overall distribution in the region. Among the Samoyedic peoples, Yukagirs and Yuits it is used instead of the jew’s harp, while among the Ob-Ugrians, Selkups, Kets, northern and Amur Tunguses, Chukchi-Koryak, Yupik-Aleuts and the Kamchatkan peoples it is known as the women’s jew’s harp. Among the northern and southern Altai Turks, Kuznetsk Turks, Sayan Turks and Khakasses it is used by shamans for divination. Varieties of bowed lutes are also found: the spike fiddle of the Tuvans, Buryats, Sakhas, Amur-Tunguses, Nivkhs and Chukotkan-KamFig.16. One-string bowed lute carved from single block of wood; (b) bowed lute with sep- chatkan peoples; a bowed lute made from a single arate body and fingerboard. piece of wood among the Ob-Ugrians, Selkups, Kets, Siberian Tatars, southern Altai Turks, Khakasses, Sayan Turks, Buryats, Sakhas, Evenkis, Nanays, Chukchis, Yuits and Itelmens (fig.16a). A box-shaped bowed lute with the neck and resonator made from separate pieces of wood is found among the Ob- Ugrians, Selkups, Kets, Siberian Tatars, southern Altai Turks, Khakasses, Sayan Turks, Buryats, Sakhas and Evenkis (fig.16b). The most complex chordophones are played in southern and west- 24 ern Siberia: the plucked box lute among the Khantys, Selkups, Siberian Tatars, southern and northern Altai Turks, Kuznetsk Turks, Khakasses, Sayan Turks, if Buryats and Sakhas; the oblong hollowed-out five string lyre (zither variants also exist) among the Ob-Ugrians and Selkups; the oblong seven-string box zither with movable bridges among the Khakasses (where it is known as the chatkhan), Sayan Turks, southern Altai Turks, Siberian Tatars and Buryats. A unique chordophone is the angle harp of the Ob-Ugrians, known as the tarïg-sïp-yiw, torop-yukh, tor-saplyukh, taren-sapt-yuk, taregh-ogher-yuk and toorïgh-oup-yukh, and the pyngkyr among the Selkups. Research Information on the music of Siberian peoples came first from travellers in the 17th century, and then particularly from Russian ethnographers at the turn of the 19th century: V.G. Bogoraz-Tan and V.I. Iokhel’son who worked with peoples of north-eastern Siberia; S.M. Shirokogorov with the Tungus peoples; L.Ya. Shternberg with the Nivkhs; F.Ya. Kon with the Turkic peoples of central Siberia; and A.A. Dunin-Gorkavich with the peoples of the Ob’ region. The most wide-ranging collections of field materials were made by the Russian ethnomusicologist Igor’ Bogdanov, beginning in the 1950s and published as recordings between the 1970s and 90s. Since the 1980s researchers from Novosibirsk conservatory have carried out extensive fieldwork with various Siberian peoples, especially in central and eastern Siberia. TRADITIONAL MUSIC OF SIBERIA: 20TH C. DEVELOPMENT5 During the 20th century, beginning in the Soviet period, urban music infrastructures (such as the conservatory and music school system) have strengthened Siberian contacts with Western music. This has resulted in Siberian professional practitioners of Western music (e.g. in the works of the Nenets composer Semyon Nyaruy) and the appropriation of local traditions into the Western system of ‘folkloristic’ music. Opera and ballet companies have been established in the Buryat and Sakha republics, musical theatres in the republics of Altai, Khakassia and Tuva, and music and dance ensembles in the regions of the Koryaks (‘Mengo’), Chukchis (‘Ergüron’), Khantys and Mansis (‘Misne’) and Evenkis (‘Osiktakan’). In Buryatia, Sakha, Khakassia and Tuva, technologies associated with contemporary Western composition have become significant. There are about 1000 primary music schools, more than 30 music colleges and four higher music institutions (in Novosibirsk, Krasnoyarsk, Yakutsk and Vladivostok) in Siberia. 5 The new Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Second edition. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Executive Editor JohnTyrrel.Volume 22. Russian Federation, SII to Scotland. P.27. 25 During the 1990s, with the popularization of overtone- singing, musical fusions and neo-shamanism, some Tuvan artists and groups, e.g. Sainkho Namchylak, Kongar-ool Ondar, Huun-huur-tu, Yat-Kha and Shu-De, and Sakha artists and groups such as Stepanida Borisova, AyTal, Serge, Cholbon and Choroon, have gained international success. bibliography 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. V.N. Steshenko-Kuftina: ‘Elementï muzika’lnoy kul’turï paleoaziatov i tungusov’ [Elements of musical culture of the Palaeo-asiatic and Tungus peoples], Etnografiya, iii (1930), 81-108 Z.V. Evald, V. Kosovanov and S. Abayantsev: ‘Muzïka i muzikal’nïye instrumentï” [Music and musical instruments], Sibirskaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya [Siberian Soviet encyclopedia], iii (Moscow, Leningrad and Novosibirsk, 1930), 577-96 A.O. Väisänen: Wogulische und Ostjakische Melodien (Helsinki, 1937) A.O. Väisänen: Untersuchungen iiber die ob-ugrischen Melodien (Helsinki, 1939) А. А. Кеnеl:Muzïkal’noye tvorchestvo khakasov [The musical traditions of the Khakas] (Abakan, 1955) P. Collaer: ‘Chants et airs des peuples de l’extreme Nord’, Ethnomusicologie II: Wegimont 1956 H.Ya. Narva and V.V. Portugalov, eds.: Pesni narodov Severa [Songs of the people of the North] (Magadan, 1960) S.A. Kondrat’yev: Yakutskaya narodnaya pesnya [Yakut folksong] (Moscow, 1963) S. Dugarov: Buryatskiye narodnïye pesni [Folksongs of the Buryats] (UlanUde, 1964-80) G.A. Grigoryan, ed.: Pesni Severa [Songs of the North] (Yakutsk, 1964) Z.N. Kupriyanova: Epicheskiye pesni nentsev, ed. Ye.M. Meletinsky (Moscow, 1965) A.O. Väisänen: Samojedische Melodien (Helsinki, 1965) A.M. Ayzenshtadt: ‘Muzïkal’nïy fol’klor narodov NizhnegoPriamur’ya’ [The musical folklore of the peoples of the Lower Amur region], Muzïkal’nïy fol’klor narodov Severa i Sibiri [The musical folklore of the peoples of the North and Siberia], ed. A.M. Ayzenshtadt, H.Ya. Narva and V.V. Portugalov (Moscow, 1966), 3-94 V.A. Litkin: Novaya zhizhn’ - novïye pesni [New life - new songs] (Magadan, 1970) É.Ye. Aleyseyev: Problemï formirovaniya lada (na materiale yakutskoy narodonoy pesni) [Problems with the emergence of the mode (in relation to Yakut folksong material] (Moscow, 1976) I.A. Brodsky: ‘K izucheniyu muziki narodov Severa RSFSR’[Towards study of the music of the northern peoples of the Soviet Russian Federation], Traditsionnoye i sovremennoye narodnoye muzïkal’noye [Traditional and modern folk art], ed. B.B. Yefimenkova (Moscow, 1976), 244-57 A.K. Stoyanov: Tofalarskiye narodnïye pesni: materialï fotklornïkh eksped- 26 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. itsiy 1975-76 gg. [Tofalar folksongs: material from folklore expeditions of 1975-76], ed. V.I. Rassadin (Irkutsk, 1980) A.M. Ayzenshtadt: ‘U ketov i sel’kupov’ [Among the Ket and Selkup], Muzïka Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka [The music of Siberia and the Far East], ed. I. Romashchuk (Moscow, 1982), 172-204 M. Krivoshapko: Muzïkal’naya kul’tura yakutskogo naroda [The musical culture of the people of Yakutia] (Yakutsk, 1982) T.D. Bulgakova and S.N. Onenko, eds.: Nanayskiye napevï [Nanay melodies] (Khabarovsk, 1983) I.A. Brodsky: ‘Khantiskaya i mansiyskava muzïka’ [The music of the Khantys and Mansis], Muzïkal’naya entsklopediya, v (Moscow, 1984), 1025-8 H. Silvet: ‘O khantïyskom muzïkal’nom instrumente torop-yukh’ [On a Khanty musical instrument, torop-yukh], Iskusstvo i fol’klor narodov zapadnoy Sibiri [Art and folklore of the peoples of western Siberia], ed. N.V. Lukina (Tomsk, 1984) T.D. Bulgakova: ‘Epili: shamanskiy zhanr muzïkal’nogo nanayskogo fol’klora’ [Epili: a shamanistic genre in the musical folklore of the Nanays], Artes populares, xiv (Budapest, 1985) L.P. Nenyang: Nenetskiye pesni [Songs of the Nenets], ed. L.Maslennikov (Krasnoyarsk, 1985) N.I. Golovnyova, ed.: Muzïkal’noye tvorchestvo narodov Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka (sb. nauchnïkh trudov) [The musical traditions of the peoples of Siberia and the Far East (collection of scientific articles)] (Novosibirsk, 1986) V.A. Rizhkov, ed.: Ken’aketoy: repertuarnïy sbornik koryakskikh i itel’menskikh napevov [Ken’aketoy: a repertory collection of Koryak and Itelmen melodies] (Palana, 1987) P.N. Starkov and N.S. Tolbonova, eds.: Pesni olen’yego kraya [Songs of the reindeer country] (Yakutsk, 1987) Ye.A. Alekseyenko: Muzïkal’nïye instrumentï narodov severa Zapadnoy Sibiri [The musical instruments of the people of the north of Western Siberia] (Leningrad, 1988) Yu.I. Sheykin, ed.: Muzïkal’naya etnografiya Severnoy Azii (sb. nauchnïkh trudov)[The musical ethnography of Northern Asia (collection of scientific articles)] (Novosibirsk, 1988) V.F. Khokholkov, ed.: Kompozitor Andrey Viktorovich Anokhin: skazaniye ob Altaye [The composer Andrey Viktorovich Anokhin: a tale about Altai] (Gorno-Altaysk, 1989) A. Brodsky: ‘Muzïka narodov Severa, Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka SSSR’ [The music of the peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the USSR], Muzïkal’nïy entsiklopedicheskiy slovar’ [Encyclopedic dictionary of music], ed. Yu.V. Keldi’sh (Moscow, 1990), 372-3 T. Ojamaa: Nganasan improvisatory chants (Tallinn, 1990) Yu.I. Sheykin, ed.: Instrumental’naya muzïka Yugrï [Instrumental music of the Yugra] (Novosibirsk, 1990) T.I. Ignat’yeva and Yu.I. Sheykin: Obraztsi muzïkal’nogo fol’klora verkhnekolïmskikh уukagirov [Examples of the musical folklore of the Upper Kolima Yukagir] (Yakutsk, 1993) N.N. Nikolayeva: Epos olonkho i yakutskaya opera [The Olonkho folk epic 27 and Yakut opera] (Yakutsk, 1993) 36. О.É. Dobzhanskaya: ‘Muzïka v shamanskom obryade nganasanov (na primere ritualov Tubyaku Kostyorkina)’ [Music in the shamanistic rituals among the Nganasans (based on the rituals of Tubyaku Kosryorkin)], Taymïrskiy etnolingvisticheskiy sbornik [The Taymïr ethno-linguistic miscellany], i (Moscow, 1994), 147-71 37. A.M. Ayzenshtadt: Pesennaya kul’tura evenkov [The song culture of the Evenkis] (Krasnoyarsk, 1995) [Songs of Nganasan people] О.É. Dobzhanskaya: Pesni nganasan, ed. A.N. Nemtushkin (Krasnoyarsk, 1995) 38. S.N. Nyaruy and Yu. Yunkerov: Prazdnik tundrï: sbornik pesen [Celebration of the tundra: a collection of songs] (Moscow, 1995-7) 39. K. Lazar: A keleti hantik vokalis nepzeneje [Vocal folk music of the eastern Khantys] (Budapest, 1996) 40. N.A. Mamcheva: Nivkhskaya muzïka kak obrazets rannefol’klornoy monodii [The music of the Nivkhs as an example of pre-folkloric monody] (Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, 1996) 41. Yu.I. Sheykin: Muzïkal’naya kul’tura narodov Severnoy Azii [The musical culture of the peoples of northern Asia] (Yakutsk, 1996) 42. J. Niemi: The Nenets Songs: a Structural Analysis of Text and Melody (Tampere, 1998) Recordings 43. Tifa ayalgalar [Tuvan melodies], Melodiya D 030773 4 (1969) 44. Tuvinskiye pesni i instrumentalnïe naigrïshi (Tuvan songs and instrumental pieces], Melodiya D 030639 70 (1970) 45. Iz yakutskogo muzïkal’nogo fol’klora [From Yakut musical folklore], Melodiya D 030639 40(1971) 46. Muzïka narodov Dal’nego Vostoka SSSR [Music of the peoples of the Far East of the Soviet Union], Melodiya D 033187 8 (1973) 47. Chukotskaya i eskimosskaya muzïka [The music of the Chukchi and the Eskimo], Melodiya D 035505 6 (1974) 48. Yakutskiye pesni v ispol’nenii Ustina Nokhsorova [Yakut songs performed by Ustin Nokhsorov], Melodiya M30 39765 6 (1977) 49. Muzïka narodnostey Chukotki [Music of the peoples of the Chukchi Peninsula], Melodiya M30 43075 6 (1981) 50. Nganasanskaya muzïka [The music of the Nganasans], Melodiya S3017651 005(1981) 51. Khantïyskiye pesni [Songs of the Khantys], Melodiya S30 10877 8 (1980) 52. Tuvinskiy fol’klor, Melodiya S60 1493742(1981) 53. Saamskiye pesni [Sami songs], Melodiya S32 17419 000 (1983) 54. Samodeyatel’noye iskusstvo narodnostey Severa [The amateur art of the northern native peoples], Melodiya S90 19759 007 (1983) 55. Altai baatirlar-kay [Heroes of the Altai-Kay], Melodiya S90 21979 007(1985) 56. Voyage en URSS - Anthologie de la musique instrumentale et vocale des peuples de I’URSS, 10: Siberie / extreme orient/extreme nord / Instrumental music of the peoples of Siberia and of the Far East and North of the Soviet Union, Le chant du monde LDX 74010/ Melodiya S90 23261 2 004 28 57. Musiques de la toundra et de la tayga: URSS: Bouriates, Yakoutes et Toungouses, Maison des Cultures du Monde MCM 160 004 (1987) 58. Narodnaya muzïka saamov SSSR [Folk music of the Sami of the USSR], Melodiya S90 25923 000 (1987) 59. Pod polyarnoy zvezdoy: traditsionnïy i sovremennïy nenetskiy i pechorskiy fol’klor [Under the Pole Star: the traditional and modern Nenets and Pechoran folklore (i.e. songs of the Western Nenets and some Komi and Russian songs)], Melodiya M90 48949 008 (1988) 60. Syoyntey Yamal - pevuchiy Yamal [Songs of the Yamal Nenets],Melodiya S90 27639 003 (1988) 61. Muzïka severnugo siyaniya [Music of the Northern Lights], MelodiyaS90 30129 001 11990) 62. Siumte-ugri rahvastelaule: Saami rahvalaule [Finno-Ugric folksongs: Lapp folksongs). Forte Studio SP02-003 (1992) 63. Tabïk: sovremennaya muzïka naroda Sakha [Tabïk: modern music of the Sakha people], FeeLee FL 3018/019(1993) 64. Chant chamaniques et narratifs de I’arctique Siherien: Nganasan,BUDA CD 92564-2 (1995) 65. Cuke. Even. Jukaghir: Kolyma: Chants de nature et d’animaux,BUDA CD 92566-2 11995) 66. Korjak: Kamtchatka: tambours de danse de I’extreme-orient Siberien, 67. HUDA CD 92598-2 (1995) Sakha: Yakoutie: epopees et improvisations, BUDA CD 92565-2 (1ЧЧ51 68. Chants epiques et diphoniquesL Asie Centrale, Siberie, CD W 260067(1996) 69. Nanaj.Oroc.Udege. Ulc: chants chamaniques et quotidiens du bassin de l’Amour, BUDA CD 92671-2 (1996) 70. Musiques de la toundra et de la tayga: Bouriates, Yakoutes, Nenets, Toungouses et Nganasan, CD W 260019 (1997) 71. Sivkh L’jfTa: Sakhaline: Musique vocale et instrumentale, BUDA CI) 92721-2 (1998) 29 THE OPPOSITION OF THE RITUAL AND NON-RITUAL FOLKLORE MUSIC STYLES AS A REFLECTION OF THE IDEA OF SPATIAL ORGANISATION6 Oksana Dobzhanskaya Abstract. The article depicts the interrelations between the musical thinking and spatial benchmarks in the culture of the Nganasans, an aboriginal people of the Arctic. The study of the shamanic rituals is done from the music theory prospective, the author distinguishes typical signs of musical style inherent in the ritual and non-ritual genre. The available data on the functioning of the genres and the related set of persuasions are interpreted in the light of the music theory data by identifying the correlations between the spatial benchmarks and the genres of the musical folklore (the vertical line is representing shamanic rite, while horizontal – the epic). The research has been undertaken on the basis of the field materials of 1980-2000. Keywords: Nganasans, peoples of the Arctic, musical folklore, epic, shamanic rite, World Tree. Introduction to the problem By the late 20th – early 21st century, a large number of scientific works have emerged that were dedicated to the study of the cultural landscapes of the world’s indigenous peoples (Krupnik, Mason, Horton 2004; Buggey 2004). Those are not just ethnological studies of the beliefs and certain rituals related to the realization of the geographical environment, an example of this can be a very interesting collection of articles under the title “Rivers and Peoples of Siberia.” (RiPS 2007). Original studies concerning the essence of the problem are of special importance for our topic: How are human thinking processes expressed in culture as they seek to organize the surrounding world and find their place in it? Here, in the first place, one needs to take into consideration the work of a linguist K. Basso “Western Apache language and culture” (Basso 1990), T. Ingold, a cultural antropologist “The perception of the environment” (Ingold 2000), “Metaphysics of the North” by N. Terebikhin, a culturolo6 Статья издана в английской версии журнала «Культура и искусствоАрктики»: № 1. – Июнь. – 2015. – С. 60-65. English proofreader: DudkinaAnastasia, PhD, Saint Petersburg StateUniversity 30 gist (Terebikhin 2004) and other researchers. Reflecting basic philosophical concepts in the folklore of indigenous peoples has been the subject of a study by K. Lukin “Living space and the former island of Kolguev in everyday life, memories and narratives of the Nenets people” (Lukin 2011) and the one by K.Young, “Taleworlds and Storyrealm. The Phenomenology of Narrative” (Young 1987). Established in 2014, the laboratory of complex geo-cultural studies of Arctic has made the study of the ontological models of the perceiving the Arctic (the term by D.N. Zamyatin) one of its tasks. The methodological position of D.N. Zamyatin, according to which the “mythological and ritual worlds are ready verbal texts models of perception” was very close to the author of this article. We think that ethnomusicology may also make contribution to the study of these problems by examining the available music and folklore texts as a kind of “world view” of a particular people, identifying hidden codes in their cultural space. Data for the study The material for this article is the folk music of one of the small peoples groups of the Arctic, the Nganasans. The focus is on music and folk heritage of Tubyaku Dyuhodovicha Kosterkin (1921-1989, village of Ust Avam), a famous storyteller and shaman. The author had the pleasure to work both with Tubyaku Kosterkin (during the 1989 musical ethnographic expedition) personally and the collections of recorded folk music performed by him. The Nganasans are the nation numbering a little more than 800 people living in the Taimyr Peninsula, which territory is located in a natural area of tundra beyond the Arctic Circle. The way of life and culture of Nganasans, the hunters on wild reindeer are determined by the natural features of the Arctic (winter period of 9 months with blizzards and severe frosts, short hot summer, polar night and polar day, deer as a principal food source). The language of Nganasans belongs to the Samoyed group of the Uralic language family (in addition to the Nganasan, that group includes Nenets, Enets and Selkup languages). According to the research by L.P. Khlobystin and Y.B. Simchenko, the Nganasans are the heirs to the culture of ancient hunters on wild deer that came to the North of Asia from the South-East in a 5-4 millennia B.C. (Khlobystin 1998; Simchenko 1976). According to ethnographers B.O. Dolgikh and J.B. Simchenko, a folklorist K.I. Labanauskas, the shaping of Nganasan ethnic groups was affected by the Tungusses and ancient Samoyeds, who came to the Taimyr Peninsula from the South-West at the end of the 1st 31 millennium B.C. (Dolgikh 1952; Simchenko 1982; Labanauskas 2004). The archaic way of life of nomadic hunters on wild reindeer that was predicted by the extreme conditions of the Arctic has for a long time been preserved in the culture of ancient Nganasan traditions (Grachev, 1983). By the end of the twentieth century, the central position in the intangible culture of the Nganasans has been occupied by two musical folklore phenomena: epics and shamanistic rituals. The crucial value of these phenomena have been associated with the specific features of the functioning of unwritten culture of those peoples. In the absence of writing, the value of the epic tales putting together the sacral, mythological, historical and cultural heritage of the nation is hard to overestimate. Shamanic rituals as the centre of spiritual life and the tool of harmonization of relations between the humans and the sacred world, play an important role in a kind of philosophical and psychological functioning of the society. In relation with above-mentioned central part of that genres in the culture of Nganasans, they deserve detailed investigation. Let us consider those effects. The musical style of the Nganasan shamanic rite Nganasan shamanism attracted the attention of travelers and scholars from the 18th century. It happened that one of the most investigated branch by ethnographers has become the Western (Avam) Nganasans Ngamtusuo, “the Generous Ones”, the family of shamans (the Russian family name for them was the Kosterkins). There are publications containing rich data by the ethnographers A.A. Popov, G.N. Grachev. Y.B. Simchenko, J.-L. Lambert and N. Pluzhnikov about shamanistic beliefs, rituals and accessories by Dyuhodie Ngamtusuo, his children Demnime, Tubyaku, Nobobtie, and grandson Dyulsymyaku. The publications of texts describing the shamanic rituals of Tubyaku-Kosterkin have been issued by N.T. Kosterkina and E.A. Helimskiy, Y.B.Simchenko, with music of the shamanic rituals explored by O.E. Dobzhanskaya. There are movies and videos of shamanic rituals (L. Meri, A. Lintrop, Fedorov et al.). With the support of numerous research papers documenting the shamanic tradition of the Ngamtusuo family, the author identified typological features of musical structure of Nganasans shamanic rituals described in detail in a special paper (Dobzhanskaya2002). At the same time, the characteristic elements of musical language are not only related to their functionality and semantics in the rite, but also to the „feedback“: namely, understanding of the fact that shamanic ritual ceremonial function determines a certain structure of the expressive means. Let us consider the 32 sequence of complexes of musical means of expression in a shamanistic ritual.Texture is an important feature of ritual genres. Since the rite is performed collectively (in the ritual along with the shaman there are assistant sing-along people present), polyphony as a result of the collective performance marks the ritual genres.The ritual is dominated by responsory singing (after each melodic line sang by the shaman it should be repeated by the the helpers).The use of the responsory composition technique in shamanic rituals can be explained by several factors. Firstly, using this method the continuity of the song is achieved (which, according to the Nganasan beliefs, helps the shaman to fly and carries him to the world of ghosts). Secondly, the responsory answer of the shaman assistants gives the time needed for improvisation of a new text line.The responsory that shapes ensemble singing into a form of a solo shaman part with a refrain (answer) of the assistants repeating the line that sounded in the shaman part includes discordant chorus during the refrain. This discordant chorus (heterophony) may be perceived by ear as unstructured sound “cloud” with spontaneous “emission” of individual voices and music segments. In general, the responsory singing technique in shamanic ritual is common among the peoples of the North and is typical for this region; it is fixed in the culture of Samoyed peoples, Evenkis and Dolgans (Dobzhanskaya 2008a, Mazin 1984; Steshenko-Kuftin 1930). Signal intoning is an essential component of a shamanic ritual sound. Onomatopoeia with voices of zoomorphic ghosts-helpers sounding from the mouth of the shaman is evidence that those ghosts are present in the rite. The shaman masterfully imitates the voices of ghosts - animals (deer, bear, saund of birds (geese, swans, loons, eagles) and in that respect the Nganasan shamanism is in the line with the general traditions of Siberian shamanism (Shatila 1976: 159-160; Khomich 1981; Mazin, 1984). Besides onomatopoeic signals, in shamanic ritual are also present the ones that help to control the animal herds. Shaman consider himself a shepherd of the flock of ghosts as in real life a reindeer herder drives his herd of deers. The core stylistic feature of the begining of Nganasan rite songs is pastoral signal - syllables Khoi-hou-houk are obligatory for the song of a shamanic assistant (phonographic materials of the ritual by Tubyaku Kosterkin, 1989). Signal intoning in a shamanistic ritual has an important ritual function, passing voices of shaman‘s spirit helpers and thereby signaling their appearance (remember that no other manifestations of spirit helpers, except the sound does not exist). The types of intonation represented in the shamanic ritual, cover the entire range of intonation features of the music folklore: vocal (connected to the singing tradition), voice, intermediate (vocal and 33 speech-based one associated with the epics and fantastic narrative), instrumental and signal ones. In shamanism, all five types of intonation exist simultaneously, superimposed against each other: here the singing to the accompaniment of ritual instrument (tambourine, etc..) interspersed with recitative episodes and prosaic dialogue, coexists with a developed system of onomatopoeic signals representing zoomorphic helper spirits. Musical composition reflects the story of shamanic rite ritual embodying the journey of the shaman into supernatural worlds and his communication with the gods and it is built on the same principles as were described by E.S. Novik as story units like “Start of a standoff,” “Mediation” and “Elimination of shortage” (Novick 1984). The subject completeness and symmetry of the rite structure were found by the author in the analysis of the Nganasan rites by Tubyaku Kosterkin and his relatives (Dobzhanskaya 2002: 15-17, 27-28, 39-40). Single story units are embodied in the major musical forms with a continuous structure. The melodic basis of musical parts are shamanic ghosts melodies, a kind of theme songs assigned to certain characters of the shamanic story. The melodies of shamanic spirits are the only melodic material of the rite, they are repeated many times in the parts by both assistants and the shaman, being varied and modified. The existence of own melody with each helper spirit is described T.D. Bulgakova in the Nanay shamanism. Apparently, this property is versatile and can be defined as a typological feature musical organization shamanic ritual. Large musical episodes shamanic rituals are polimelodical: they are based on a few tunes without interruption consecutive (such as, for example, the initial sections of the shaman rites and monologues). The sequence of tones in these episodes is dependent on the order of appearance of helper spirit, while the length of the sections is determined by the duration of the ritual situation. The musical dramaturgy that fastens together in one shamanistic rite major musical forms (polimelodicheskie episodes), consists in the alternation of dynamic waves by means of a regular increase and decrease of emotional stress. Metric organization of shamanistic tunes For a long time in the philological literature there was a viewpoint that in relation to the Samodey poetry is not possible to speak about a cadence, poetic foot and rhyme (Hajdu 1964). Continuing the research of the underlying forms of language developed by Ju. Janhunen (Janhunen 1986), E.A. Khelimskiy revealed regular patterns of syllabic versification underlying archaic and new folklore. Many examples prove the presence 34 of metric opposition of a 8/6-syllable line, corresponding with the opposite of sacred and secular in traditional Nenets and Nganasan versification. “Metric scheme with isosyllabic lines containing eight vocalic “moras” (syllables) each, with stressed odd syllables and caesura after the fourth “mora” is standard for the shamanic chants. This scheme oppose them not only to everyday speech with lack of metric organization, but also to the poetry of other genres (epic, lyrical, personal and allegorical song) dominated by a six-syllable meter (six-“mora”) “(Kosterkina, Helimski 1994: 25). The author of the present article analyzed the texts of shamanistic rituals by Tubyaku-Kosterkina and identified parts with different types of metrics: 1) isosyllabic 8-sylllable metric (usually a sacred text rich in ritual verbal formulas to for the shaman to communicate with the gods); 2) heterosyllabic poetic organization (less ritualized text for the communication of the shaman with the participants present at the rite). Usage of the 8-syllable poetic organization in the shamanistic texts is a must not only for poetry of the Samoyed peoples. Finnish musicologist T. Leisio writes about the mandatory role of such metric model for the shamanic songs of Finnish-Baltic and Siberian peoples, and as an example brings the “Kalevala meter” which is found in the Finnish and Estonian texts associated with the mythology and shamanistic knowledge (Leisio 2001: 90). Rhythmic organization is subject to the principles of shamanic songs syllabic structure (one syllable – one note). Those tunes are built on an invariant rhythmic formula reflecting the metrical scheme of verse in the four-meter trochaic line with caesura after the first two meters. It is necessary to clarify that such a strict adherence to a particular rhythmic patterns are found only in the melodies of the central episode of shamanic ritual. The isorythmic organization of the melodies is predetermined by the isosyllabic text in the melodies of the helper ghosts where there are no intra-syllabic chants at all. Perhaps this form of clear pronouncing of musical text is based on the magic spell function of the ceremonial section. The main type of pitch organization in the shamanic melodies are contrastregister melodic organization stemming from the signal type of intonation (which is the basis of melodic intonation). In pure form, like melodics based on a juxtaposition of polarized timbre registers, is represented by the initial songs of ceremonies by Tubyaku and Demnime (Dobzhanskaya 2002: 94, 144-148) Timber organization of the shamanic chants has specific related to the usage of marked voices: that includes voices of onomatopoeia to zoomorphic ghosts – helpers and “sound mask” of the voice of the shaman. Specific timbers, like the “growling” coloring of the voice (strong compression of the throat 35 cavity while singing, for example, as performed by Tubyaku, brother of Demnime) and “timbre clusters” that serve to disguise the voice of the shaman and are caused by the ritual function of shamanic chants. Ritual function, determining the music style Analysis of musical style of Nganasan shaman rite showed the presence of stable features characterizing the language system of ritual music (they are clearly shown in the summary table at the end of this article). It is significant that all main stylistic characteristics of shamanic singing are caused by ritual function of the music but not inherently musical. In this regard it is possible to make the conclusion, that the musical language of shamanic ritual that was formed in close connection with the ritual practices, has a rigid ritual purpose. The semiotic figures of ceremonial musical language strictly comply with ritual functions, due to which this language is a taboo and never used outside ritual. Now the question is: What semantic role does the strict system of musical-expressive means of Nganasan shamanic ritual have? Ritual music and sound system creates a special sound space (creating a kind of a “sound cloud” consisting of polyphonic singing, drum sounds, cries and onomatopoeia). This spatial extension of the music, as well as philosophical understanding of shamanic songs as “soaring up” “lifting the shaman”, allows us to speak about the phenomenon of the vertical development of the spiritual reality embodied in music. Indeed, the musical language is submitted to this phenomenon: its means are intended to imitate, to show the flight of a shaman (the constant increasing of the tone while singing is the most striking evidence of a gradual ascent in the space). Thus, by means of music a special effect is achieved: the melody of the song thickens being reinforced by many voices, rises in pitch and ... carries the shaman into the different reality. We can make the conclusion that the shamanic music has a spiritual power and can connect the supernatural and real world, can be understood as an audio analogue of the World Tree. The philosophical concept of the World Tree as vertical axis connecting the Earth (Middle World) with Upper and Lower Worlds – is the main informative message that is encoded in the sound of the shamanic rite. Let’s now consider the music and the plot specifics of epic genres and try to identify the philosophical concept encrypted in the sound epics. 36 Nganasan epics Epic narrative includes two forms marked by national names: sitaby, a “fairy tale” and dyurymy, “true story, a story”. This opposition of the national terms reflects the specific content of the sitaby (epic tales, appeals to the sacred past of ethnic group and dyurymy (historical and mythological legends, the events which are within the historical memory of the people). In Nganasan folklore those genres are separated by two types of intonation, moreover, the composition sitaby is determined by alternation of speech (prose) and song (poetry) episodes: “The texts of the sitaby have a mixed form of song and prose (singing alternates with the speech), while dyurymy is only a figurative narrative ... According to a figurative expression of the artists: dyurymyhÿotə myəδity – “always go on foot,” while sitaby, sometimes, insyuzÿtÿ – “driven by a team”. That is, the transition to the melodic part is associated with a ride on reindeer” (Kosterkina 2002: 499). This statement reveals immanent connection between movement and sound that is inherent of Nganasan thinking (Dobzhanskaya 2008a: 88-89). Musical style of the epic genres Tales are performed in solo, unaccompanied by any instrument. In 1986, an outstanding Nganasan narrator Tubyaku Kosterkin while working with the researchers and musicologists, gave a figurative definition to the specific way of performing the epic: “Every sitaby goes its own way” (issung to its own melody). That means that the legend is attached by a special melody that serves as melodic “marker” of the plot and is persistently retained in the transfering by different performers. Epic tales are single-tuned and the catalogue of epic stories composes the musical encyclopedia of epic melodies (Dobzhanskaya, Grigorovskiy1994: 50). The melodics of the sitaby is recitative, while rhythmic organization of the melodies reflects the syllabic structure of the text. The sitaby are intoned in a vocal and speech manner, flexibly combining singing and speech (vocal melody or recitative becomes purely verbal recitation of the text, and vice versa).The sitaby and dyurymy are extensive narrative where the story of the plot usually continued for several nights in a row. It was necessary to narrator to have a great memory of the epics, extraordinary acting ability, to be emotional, with an expressive facial mimics and gestures. The sitaby is usually accompanied by the pantomime of the narrator, depicting the characters’ actions. Interested participants vividly 37 responded to the events of the story; in audience was someone to ask questions, interrupting the narrator with comments and this person expressed his surprise to what is happening. Without such partner the tale, representing a kind of a dialogue with the audience, could not have taken place (Ojamaa 1989: 123). A special feature of the epic story-telling is the presence of the assistant, tuoptusi (or tuoptugusi), emotionally reacting to the content of the story. The name and function make the role of tuoptugusi similar in shamanistic rites and sitaby, which is noted by G.N.Grachev: “... it is desirable the listeners (of the epic tales - OD) constantly say ditto, respond vocally to the sharp plot points, etc., as if they did ... in short form what the shaman’s tuoptugusi does” (Grachev, 1984: 92). As an example, let us consider the text of the epic tales of the “Seu Melyangana” epic by Tubyaku-Kosterkin. The recording of the “Seu Melyangana” legend has been carried out by his daughter the folklorist Nadezhda Tubyakovna Kosterkina (1958-2006). The text of the tale was glossed and published by V.Y. Gusev (Gusev, 2005) along with other texts Nganasan. Sitaby “Seu Melyangana” The “Seu Melyangana “ (Blinking Eye sitaby (another name for this epic story is “Syunazy Naniku” “The youngest of the Syunazye family”) is one of the favorite epic stories of Tubyaku-Kosterkin. Linguists say that the plot is borrowed from the legend of the Nenets people. It tells about the heroic courtship Syunazy Naniku (essentially, that match making is kidnapping the bride and heroic warrior battles between clans of Syunazy and Nguirye. N.T. Kosterkina attributes this epic story to the class of heroic sitaby in which “... are the main themes of heroic courtship (obtaining a wife), the characters trying strength against one another and blood vengeance.” (Kosterkina 2002: 504). The plot of the tale is devoted to the theme of the heroic courtship and power struggle between different families. Let us briefly retell the plot of the legend. The hero Syunazy Naniku is characterized as a warrior of enormous strength and power, “two of his shoulders like a thick log, two fathoms,” “two of his muscles going straight from two broad shoulders thick as the neck of a seven-year-deer”. He’s acting boldly and defiantly abducting the girl named Ngabtyu Basa Ny from the Nguirye family, “woman with metal ornaments in her hair,” which “radiates her beauty on earth for the entire length of argish stretch.” Brothers of the kidnapped girl - Seu Melyangana (son of Nguirye), Ngiede Bazatuo (son of Dyusirie and Iniaku Samu “Granny Hat” (son of Huaa Chenda) obey Syunazy Naniku and agree to be his workers - the she- 38 pherds in his herd. While working as shepherds, they suffer famine and deprivation, however, still fulfill all the orders of the master. In the end, having served all the allotted time, they get wives of the Syunazye family and reindeer sleds as a reward, and return back home. In addition, Seoul Melyangana, instead of his broken weapon gets from his older brother named Syunazye Dengini Sunda a twisted bow, a precious ancestral weapon. Due to the large volume (1537 lines and elaborated plot, the “Seu Melyangana” legend is an encyclopedia of Nganasan epic heroes’ images. Imaginative means in characteristics of heroes, used in the story, have been described by the author in a special article ( Dobzhanskaya 2008b: 48-50). The epic chant of “Seu Melyangana” displays it belonging to the Nenets tunes. Attention should be paid in the first place, to a wide octave range of the melody and multy-step scale drawn on the first row of the music period in the key of the original sample (it should be noted that a wide range and lyricism are not specific for Nganasan epic melodies; those musical language means indicate its origin from the Nenets Tunes). Secondly, the structure of the melody is based on stable melodic and rhythmic formulas that are not exhausted by local initial and final sing-alongs, marking the beginning and end of the song line. Thirdly, the specific strophic form of the tune (AB) with contrasting the tonal centers spaced with a minor third gives the feeling of a certain tonal melodic organization. The value of the sitaby epic genre for illiterate peoples of the polar tundra is hard to overestimate. The author agrees with the opinion of Nadezhda Tubyakovna Kosterkina who considered sitaby as a center of culture and a kind of encyclopedia of historical and geographical knowledge, public relations, ethical and aesthetic guidelines for Nganasans. For the topic of this article it is important to emphasize the following: the long term unfolding of the epic plot, detailed disclosure of images of the main characters and dramatic turmoil of the struggle between heroes are expressed in sitaby music by fairly one-dimensional musical expression: we see an endless repetition and variation of the same monophonic melody of the storyteller. You can draw an analogy with treeless tundra landscape, which is monotonous for an ignorant person. However, for the hunter or herder this landscape is filled with information and is sufficient. Likewise the Nganasan epic plot sparingly embodied in musical tools is interesting and perfect for the inhabitants of the tundra. The horizontal world of the Nganasan sitaby unfolding over time musically and stylistically embodied by a monophonic vocal melody unaccompanied by an instrument can be compared with the linear Nganasan ornaments (the most common type of ornamentation on clothing), in which the figure countless 39 times repeats the same motif. Such horizontal line of the epic tune similar to the linear ornamentation is quite clearly expressed by musical means: a leisurely melodic unfolding in a natural storyteller voice register, repeating sing-alongs and speech insertions explaining individual scenes of the tale. Devoid of sharp differences and contrast development, the melody line is consistent with the horizontally oriented plane of tundra, a place where the epic heroes of the Middle World live. Apparently, the philosophical concept of the epic storytelling identified by us with the help of the musical and expressive means – orientation on the horizontal plane of the earth – is associated with the specifics of the ethnic interpretation of history and mythology. Findings In conclusion of the article we would like to demonstrate the opposittion of the musical language and structure of musical means of expression in a shamanistic ritual and epic genres of the Nganasan, as a manifestation of different mechanisms of the cognition of the reality. bibliography 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Buggey 2004 – Buggey, Susan. An Approach to Aboriginal Cultural Landscapes in Canada Northern ethnographic landscapes: perspectives from circumpolar nations / Igor Krupnik, Rachel Mason, and Tonia W. Horton, editors. Published by the Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C., 2004. P. 17- 44. Basso 1990 – Basso, Keith H. Western Apache language and culture: essays on linguistic anthropology. The University of Arizona Press, 1990. 198 p. Graheva 1983 – G.N. Gracheva, Traditional Philosophy of the Taymyr Hunters (based on the materials from the Nganasans of the 19th and 20th century) / G.N. Gracheva, L., Nauka, Leningrad Branch, 1983,173 pgs Gracheva 1984 – G.N. Gracheva. To Ethnocultural Relations of the Nganasans / G.N. Gracheva // Ethnocultural Contacts of the Siberian Peoples. – L., 1984. – pp. 84-98. Gusev 2005 — Seu Melyangana: the Body of the Nganasan Folklore Texts [Electronic Resource] / V.Yu. Gusev. 2005. Access mode: http://www.ilingran.ru/gusev/Nganasan/ texts/index.php Dobzhanskaya 1994 – O.E. Dobzhanskaya, S.V. Grigorovskikh. Musical Portraits of the Nganasan Epic Tales (the experience of the comparison of melodic versions) // Oral Epics: Problems of History, Theory and Storytelling. Proceedings of the Third International Conference in Memory of A.B. Lord . – Yakutsk, 1994. – pp. 50-52. Dobzhanskaya 1995 – The songs of the Nganasan / Compilation and musical editing by O.E. Dobzhanskaya. – Krasnoyarsk: Book Publishers, 1995. – 80 pgs. 40 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Dobzhanskaya 2002 – O.E. Dobzhanskaya. The Khotare Song. Nganasan Shamanic Rite: an Attempt of Ethnomusicology Study. – Saint Petersburg: Drofa Publishers, 2002. – 224 pages with music spore and illlustrations Dobzhanskaya 2008a – O.E. Dobzhanskaya. Shamanic Music of the Samoyed Nations of the Krasnoyarsk Region. – Norilsk: Apex, 2008. – 272 pages with music score and illustrations. Dobzhanskaya 2008b – O.E. Dobzhanskaya. Musical and Poetic Characteristic of the Character in the Nagansan Epic Tale of Syau Melyangana // Traditional culture (a scientific anthology). – 2008 #4. – pp. 44-50. Dolgikh 1952 – B.O. Dolgikh The Origin of the Nganasans // Proceedings of the Russian Academy of Science Institute of Ethnography named after Miklukho Maklay. – L.: Russian Academy of Science Publishers, 1952. – vol. 18. – pp. 5-87. Dolgikh 1976 — B.O. Dolgikh Mythological tales and Historical Epics of the Nganasan. – M.: Main Publisher of the Oriental Literature, 1976. – 341 pgs. Ingold 2000 — Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment. Essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill. First published 2000 by Routledge. 464 p.Kosterkina 2002 – N.T. Kosterkina. The Nganasan Narrative Folklore // Languages of the World. Typology Urals Studies. In Memory of T. Zhdanova. Articles and Memoirs. / Compiled by V.A. Plungyan, A.Yu. Urmanicheva.– М.: “Indrik,” 2002. – pp. 498-511.Kosterkina, Khelimskiy 1994 – N.T. Kosterkina, E.A.Khelimskiy. Small Rituals by the Big Shaman. First Rite. Second Rite // Taymyr Ethnolinguistic Collection. – М,1994. – Issue. 1. – pp. 17-107. Krupnik, Mason, Horton 2004 – Northern ethnographic landscapes: perspectives from circumpolar nations / Igor Krupnik, Rachel Mason, and Tonia W. Horton, editors. Published by the Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C., 2004. 416 p.Labanauskas 2004 — K.I. Labanauskas. The Origin of the Nganasan People. Saint Petersburg: branch of the Prosvestcheniye Publishers, 2004. Leisio 2001 – Leisi T. On the Octosyllabic Metric Pattern and Shamanism in Eurasia / T. Leisi // Shamanhood:Symbolizm and Epic, ed. J.Pentik jnen. – Budapest: Akad miaiKiad , 2001. – P. 89-134. Lukin 2011 – Lukin, Karina. El m n ja entisyyden maisemat [Spaces of the Life and the Past. Kolguyev Island in Everyday Life, Memories and Narration of the Nenets People]. Doctoral dissertation. Helsinki, Suomalaisen Kirjallisuunden Seura, 2011. (In Finnish). Mazin 1984 – A.I. Mazin. Traditional Beliefs and Rites of the Orochon Evenks (late 19th – early 20th century) / editorin-chief A.P. Derevyanko –Novosibirsk: Science, 1984. – 201 pgs. Novik 1984 – E.S. Novik. Rite and Folklore in the SiberianShamanism: an Attempt of Structure Comparison. – M.: Science, 1984. – 304 pgs. Ojamaa 1989 — Ojamaa T. About the situation in Nganasanfolklore // Folk Music Today. Abstracts for International Conference. — Tallinn, 1989. — P. 123. RiPS 2007 – Rivers and People of Siberia: Collection of Scientific Articles / editor-in-chief L.R. Pavlinskaya. SaintPetersburg: Nauka Publishers, 2007. 281 pgs. Simchenko 1976 – Yu. B. Simchenko. Culture of North Eurasia Deer Hunters. Ethnographic Reconstruction. – M.: Nauka, 1976. – 311 pgs. 41 17. Simchenko 1982 — Yu.B. Simchenko. Nganasans // Epic History of the Peoples of the North /editor-in-chief I.S.Gurvich – M.: Nauka, 1982. — pp. 81-99. 18. Simchenko 1996 – Yu. B. Simchenko. Traditional Beliefs of the Nganasans / Yu. B. Simchenko. — M.: RAS Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology Publishers, 1996. – part 2. – 208 pgs. 19. Steshenko-Kuftina 1930 – V. Steshenko-Kuftina. Components of the Musical Culture of Paleoasian Peoples and the Tungus // Ethnography. – 1930. – issue 3. – pp.81-108. 20. Terebikhin 2004 — N.M. Terebikhin. Metaphysics of theaNorth. Arkhangelsk: Pomor University, 2004. 21. Khlobystin 1998 — L.P. Khlobystin. Anscient History of the Taymyr Arctic Circle Regions and the Isssues of Shaping of North Eurasia Cultures / edited by V.V. Pitulko 22. Shumkin. – Saint Petersburg: Dmitriy Bulanin Publishers, 1998. – 340 pgs. 23. Khomich 1981 – L.V.Khomich. Shamans of the Nenets People // Problems of the History of the Community Consciousness of the Siberian Aborigines. – L., 1981. – pp. 5-41. 24. Shatilov 1976 — M.B. Shatilov. Drama Art of the VakhOstyaks // From the History of the Shamanism. – Tomsk,1976. – pp. 155-165. 25. Sheykin 1986 — Yu.I. Sheykin, V.M. Tsekhanskiy, V.V. Mazepus. Intonation Culture of an Ethnic Group (an attempt of systemic consideration) // Culture of Nordic Ethnic Groups: Traditions and Modernity. – Novosibirsk, 1986. – pp. 235-247. 26. Young 1987 — Young, Katarine Galloway. Taleworlds and Storyrealm. The Phenomenology of Narrative. Hingham, Lancaster, Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers Group, 1987. 27. Janhunen 1986 — Janhunen J. Glottal stop in Nenets // Memories de la Societe Finno-Ougrienne. – Vol. 196. – Helsinki, 1986. – P. 89-167. 28. Janhunen 1992 — J. Janhunen. Cuckoo Bird Mother. To the Problems of the Origin of the Nenets Fairy Tale // Folklore and Ethnography of the Peoples of the North. – Saint Petersburg: Obrazovaniye Publishers, 1992. – pp. 3643. 42 SONG GENRES IN THE MUSICAL FOLKLORE OF NGANASANS7 Oksana Dobzhanskaya, Valentin Gusev, Maria Brykina Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts Instute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences Moscow State University, University of Hamburg Abstract: In this article personal and allegorical songs of Nganasans, are cultural rarities vanishing nowadays, are analyzed from both musicological and linguistic points of view. We show that oligo-hazmatonic scale is typical for all Nganasan songs, and discuss a variety of language techniques used to maintain the six-syllable verse structure of the songs. 1. Nganasan Musical Culture The Nganasans are a very small Uralic folk (about 800 people) living in the arctic tundra of Taimyr Peninsula in the Northern part of the Eurasia continent. They are mainly hunters and fishermen. Nowadays Nganasans have almost lost their traditional nomadic culture due to the extinction of all the domestic reindeers which had formed the basis of their material culture. This loss was inevitably followed by the loss of the spiritual culture as well, including the folklore tradition. Today only few living Nganasans had learnt the skill of performing traditional folklore genres in real life, opposed to those who already learnt the folklore from performances detached from the traditional life style. Only in 1980-s Nganasan musical culture became an object of interest of ethnomusicologists from Russia and Estonia, though anthropologists have been working with Nganasans since long ago. In 1982 Igor Brodsky 7 “Song Genres in the Musical Folklore of Nganasans” by O. Dobzhanskaya, V.Gusev, M. Brykina («Песенные жанры в музыкальном фольклоре нганасан», статья написана в соавторстве О. Добжанской, В. Гусевым и М. Брыкиной) // Материалы 9-й интердисциплинарной музыковедческой конференции в Берлине (декабрь 2014) // The 9th Conference on Interdisciplinary Musicology – CIM 14. Proceedings Edited by Timour Klouche & Eduardo R. Miranda. – Printed in Berlin, Germany, 2014. – P. 392-394. 43 published a phonograph record together with a descriptive musicological article and transcriptions of the tracks [1]. Triinu Ojamaa described Nganasan ritual and non-ritual musical instruments [2], and analyzed a special vocal technique (glissando) of Nganasan singing [3]. Yuri Sheykin in his research examined Nganasan music in comparison to other musical cultures of the native Siberian folks and found their typological similarity and differences [4]. Oksana Dobzhanskaya studied the music of Nganasan shaman ritual [5], and published several articles on general characteristics of Nganasan music and on different genres of musical folklore [6]. Since 1990s a lot of Nganasan folklore texts were also recorded by anthropologists and linguists (N. Kosterkina, E. Helimsky, K. Labanauskas, B. Wagner-Nagy, V. Gusev M. Brykina and others), and now there exists already a large corpus of Nganasan folklore, though only few of the records have been published by now. In this paper, based on numerous field materials gathered in 19902000-s by the authors in the villages Ust-Avam and Volochanka where Nganasans live nowadays, we give a general characteristic of Nganasan songs and analyze some examples from various genres. We provide both musicological and linguistic analyses, since the music organizes the structure of the songs’ texts, while linguistic data show how far the Nganasan are ready to go in adapting their language to make their songs sound well. The Nganasan songs are divided into two groups: 1) kajngejrsja (a singing allegoric dialogue, a singing competition), and 2) baly (song proper). All kinds of songs are performed without any instruments. Singing is also part of Nganasan shamanistic rituals and epic tales, called sitaby, but in those two cases singing fragments are not conceptualized as independent songs. For the description of pitch organization and modal structures of Nganasan melodies we use the following concepts developed by ethnomusicologists to describe the music of primitive communities: oligotonic scale, term introduced by K. Kvitka (2-3-tone modal patterns with small distances between the tones and gradual or circular melodic movement) [7]; 44 hazmatonic scale, term introduced by W. Wiora (modal system based on wide intervals between the melody tones, where the distance between the scale tones is equal to or greater than fourth) [8]; oligo-hazmatonic scale, term introduced by Ju. Sheykin (modal synthesis of oligotonic and hazmatonic scales) [4]. All three scales mentioned above are typical for Nganasan songs. The rhythmical basis of the songs (both baly and kajngejrsja) is the six-syllable verse structure, with plug-in non-semantic syllables. Such metrical scheme is typical for all Samoyedic folks (Nenets, Enets, Selkup) [9]. We will examine the two genres through analyzing two songs performed by Ekaterina Subobteevna Kosterkina (1940–2009) (Image 1). Her repertoire included not only songs, but also historical legends. As a child she has completed 5 years of schooling. She gave birth to and raised 10 children. 2. Examples of Songs The songs called baly have the following versions: ngonana balyma ‘a personal song’, hoangkutuo baly “a drunk person’s song”, njuo baly “a child song”. Each Nganasan person has his/ her own melody for singing. Let us consider one example of a balysong: The Song about Avam girls and a boy from Khatanga. (1.1) Kunitut’atɨtɨ Kuni (name) goes Image 1. Ekaterina Subobteevna (1.2) AvamaɁad’a. Kosterkina to Avam (village). (1.3) Kanə... How many... (1.4) Kanə taakümti So many reindeer teams (1.5) kut’iri͡alɨtɨtɨ. he drives. (1.6) Avamuntu kobtu͡aj, The girls from Avam, (1.7) kobtu͡aj n’erɨhi͡aŋhɨ. the girls he chases. 45 (1.8) KojkiɁ magititü. (He is) from the land of idols (Khatanga region). Image 2.Baly-song.Recorded in 2005, Ust-Avam village. This song is about a boy from Khatanga, who had made a long way (ca. 400 km) to Ust-Avam in order to find himself a girl-friend among the famous Avam girls. In this song there is one word which does not belong to everyday language (kut’iri͡ alɨtɨtɨ in (1.5)), and one repetition of a word (1.6-1.7). Such minor changes keep a baly-song quite understandable even for an unprepared listener. The melody structure of this song is single-lined. The beginning of each melodic line is marked by characteristic melodic turn: descending fifth (Quinte) leap to the lowest tone of the melody (d), which is accompanied by long sounding and voice vibration. The further development of the melody in the middle register proceeds through the gradual and circu- 46 lar melodic movement to the main tone (a). Hazmatonic (which marks the beginning of the melodic line) and oligotonic (the continuation of the melodic line) are connected in this melody and form an oligo-hazmatonic scale. The singing allegoric dialogues kajngejrsja or (kajngarjuo ‘singing to each other’) are a unique and much more complex genre of Nganasan folklore. Its specific nature determines the use of encryption in plot, on lexical-morphological and syllabic-phonetic levels of the text structure. The musical composition of kajngejrsja is also defined by the function of the genre of improvised singing dialogue. The question and the answer in the allegoric dialogue are sung with different melodies since they are performed on behalf of different speakers. The number of parts in kajngejrsja can vary from 2 (minimum) up to 8 (known maximum). In mature age, along with learning the secret language of kajngejrsja, the young person Image 3. Kajngejrsja-song. Recorded in 2005, Ust-Avam. 47 also creates his/her own tune of allegoric songs on which (s)he improvises subsequently the text of the allegory (but the tune of kajngejrsja should not coincide with the personal song melody). Not only the semantics of the whole kajngejrsja is allegoric and not easy, if not impossible, to understand for an unprepared listener, but also the language used in these songs differs from the commonly used. More often than in baly-songs special terms are used to designate people or actions. In order to maintain the verse structure not only epenthetic asemantic syllables or repetitions of single words are used, but also the endings of words may be replicated on other words, even if they belong to different parts of speech. Let us consider one example of a kajngejrsja-song: (2.1) ðəj d’alɨ(əj). (ending) day (2.2) T’irəðəj d’alɨ(əj) Cloudy day, (2.3) müməŋkəiɁ. Suarunə, calm down. My friend’s (2.4) Sɨraŋk suarunə my white friend’s (2.5) ləlɨəiɁ hu͡aləlɨɁ shouldn’t get hurt, (2.6) n’oŋhu hu͡aləlɨɁ. the top (of his head) shouldn’t get hurt. (2.7) ləlɨəiɁ (ending) (2.8) Ŋamtə nir kümaamə My knife with a bone handle (2.9) ŋɨtəɁ s’elturɨtɨ. can still cut. This particular kajngejrsja would not be understood unless one is already familiar with its content (although more understandable texts exist). Here is an interpretation which the performer gives to the meaning of the whole song: “A girl is speaking to a young man, who is for a long time looking forward to establish relationships with her. She tells him that he is doing it in vain as his hammer (i.e. his head) is too blunt in comparison to her sharp knife, which can cut very well. Her sharp knife is her sharp tongue, and the young man can’t persuade her to go with him with his blunt instruments.” 48 3. The examples of specific linguistic phenomena in this song are the following: • words used only in kajngejrsja: t’irəðə (2.1), müməŋkəiɁ (2.3); • changing the words’ phonetic shape while still keeping them recognizable: suar instead of s’üar (2.3-2.4); • repetition of words to maintain the verse structure (2.1-2.2, 2.32.4, 2.3-2.4); • repetition of affixes to maintain the verse structure (2.1, 2.5, 2.7). 4. All these changes make it difficult to understand even the structure and the original semantics of the text, let alone its complex meaning. 5. The tune of this kajngejrsja is based on 2-tones melodic formula f-g (or f-as). But each melodic line starts with a characteristic melodic turn: descending wide-size melodic interval with range near an octave or more. Such wide descending intervals mark, as we have already seen it in baly-song, the beginning of each melodic line. The range of the descending jump can vary within a song: from octave to nona (None) and tenth (Dezime). Modal organization of this tune is also oligo-hazmatonic: the gradual principle of pitch organization is combined with an abrupt one. 3. Conclusion Nganasan songs are very rich and interesting in comparison to the songs of neighboring folks. In particular, the unique genre of allegorical songs exists only in Nganasan culture. Although metaphorical statements are of high value in the speech tradition of neighboring folks as well, this idea was never translated into songs. Unfortunately, as mentioned above, presently Nganasans hardly ever practice the kajngejrsja genre, considering it as a cultural relict. As for the baly song genre, only the older generation people know and rarely perform such songs, since their contemporary life lacks traditional situations for singing (the only remaining ones are sewing leather clothes and repairing fishing nets). Still further examples of song genres may be found in a book by Oksana Dobzhanskaja [10], which contains 50 Nganasan songs recorded from famous traditional singers (Tubiaku Kosterkin, Valentina Kosterkina, Ekaterina Kosterkina, Djulsymiaku Kosterkin, Salira Porbin, Neljutasi Porbina, Numumuo Turdagin, Nina Chunanchar, Syku Yarotskaya, Faina Yarotskaya, Denchude Mirnykh) with translations into Russian and musical transcriptions. References 1. I.A. Brodsky: Nganasanskaya muzyka [Nganasan music]. Melodiya, Moscow, 1982. (in Russ.) 2. T. Ojamaa: The Nganasan sound instrumentary. Estonian Academy of Sciences, Tallin, 1990. 49 3. Т. Ojamaa: Glissando nganassaani muusikas. Morfoloogiline, süntaktiline ja semantiline tasand. Universitatis Tartuensis, Tartu, 2000. (in Estonian) 4. Ju. I. Sheykin: Istoriya muzykal’noi kul’tury narodov Sibiri: Sravnitel’no-istoricheskoe issledovanie [History of musical culture of Siberian native people: a comparative study]. Vostochnaya literatura Publ., Moscow, 2002. (in Russ.) 5. O. E. Dobzhanskaya: Pesnya Khotare. Shamanski obryad nganasan: opyt etnomuzykovedcheskogo issledovaniya [Khotare’s song. Nganasan shaman ritual: ethnomusicology research]. Drofa Publ., Sankt-Peterburg, 2002. (in Russ.) 6. O. E. Dobzhanskaya: Nganasany. Muzyka [Nganasans. Music] In I. N. Gemujev, V. I. Molodin, Z. P. Sokolova (eds): Narody Zapadnoj Sibiri: Khanty. Mansi. Selkupy. Nentsy. Entsy. Nganasany. Kety, pages 621-626. Nauka, Moscow, 2005. (in Russ.) 7. K. V. Kvitka: Pervobytnye zvukoryady [Early music scales]. Izbrannyje trudy [Selected works], vol. 1. Moscow, 1971. (In Russ.) 8. W. Wiora: Alter als die Pentatonik. In Studia Memoriae Belae Bartok Sacra, pages. 185-208. Budapest, 1956. (in Germ.) 9. J. Niemi: The Nenets songs: A structural analysis of text and melody. University of Tampere, Tampere, 1998. 10. O. E. Dobzhanskaya (ed.): Pevtsy i pesni avamskoi tundry [Singers and songs of Avam river tundra]. APEKS Publ., Norilsk, 2014. (in Russ.) ABOUT THE YAKUT SHAMANIC TAMBOURINE Varvara Dyakonova The first information about the Yakut shamanic tambourine appeared in the works of Russian political exiles, ethnographers and folklorists in VIII-XIX centuries - Y. Lindenau8, R. Maak9, I. Khudyakov10, E. Pekarsky11, V. Seroshevsky12 and others. In modern organology there 8 The participant of the Second Kamchatka expedition in 1733 – 1743 (from dispatch). 9 The participant of expedition in 1842-1845, organized by the Academy of Sciences on the North and East of Siberia (from dispatch). 10 The researcher of material and spiritual culture of the Russians, Evenkis and Yakuts occupying the Verkhoyansk district. He was in Yakutia in 1866-1875 as a political exile. 11 The linguist, ethnographer, folklorist, author of three-lingual «The Dictionary of the Yakut language». In 1889 received the residence permit in Yakutsk. Was married the Yakut. In 1905 returned to St. Petersburg. 12 Arrived in 1880 and was living in Yakutia for 12 years. 50 are some great researches of shamanic tambourine of Siberian peoples. Among them the most famous are the works of E. Prokofieva, Y. Sheikin, E. Novic, O. Dobzhanskaya and others. The Yakut shamanic tambourine dungure has oval form. The membrane is made from cow skin. In the works of these ethnographers and folklorists it is mentioned that it was made of skin of one year calf or three years bull or the skin of «two-grass cow» (two year old cow). Dungure has wooden or iron cross kind handle (biaryk). Iron bells (kyahaan), small toys (aaryk), iron and bone rattles and copper suspension brackets are fixed to the framework of tambourine at its inner side. The framework of tambourine is made from larch, «growing sloped to the east» [StepanovAndreev 1993, 311]. At the external part of the framework (keel) are usually attached two, five, nine, eleven horns – hillock (buuttaach muos) or simply horn that serve as additional resonators. Quantity of the horns depended on force of shaman. According to the information of the ethnographer A. Popov «below of tambourine was hang the skin of ermine on which the shaman spits pus sucked out of a patient’s wound» [Stepanov-Andreev 1993, 63]. The pound stick (bulaayakh) of the tambourine was made of the bent piece of a tree, from a core of larch or from horns of the elk or deer. The curved beaten part of a pound stick was fitted by a piece of animal skin with wool outside, veal skin, the leather (skin) of mare-horse, leather of forward legs of young bull or skin of a deer kid, two years old deer or leather of its legs. The handle was sometimes cut out in a shape of a head of an animal («the wolf head» bere mayiite) or spirit of Keeleeny (the spirit assistant of shaman). On the back side of some pound sticks there were paintings of animals or birds. The tambourine itself symbolically represents rider animals (horse), on which during ritual actions shaman travels to other worlds, and pound stick was considered as a lash of shaman. Most early models of dungure you can find in American Museum of Natural History. They were collected by a political exile V. Iohelson in 1897-1902 during Jesup North Pacific Expedition. The tambourines from Yakut collection were taken by him in Boturusskiy region (now Tchurapchinskiy region) and from northern Yakuts in Kolymskiy region [Ivanova-Unarova 2011, 232, 234, 237]. The construction of Yakut tambourine we shall consider on the example tambourine of udagan (female-shaman; ВКМ КП-3617, photo V. Diakonova), which is kept in Viluyskiy region historical museum after Starovatov. The instrument was found in place «Mastakh». The ex- 51 act date of finding of the instrument is unknown. The tambourine has the egg-like form, its size is 48,04 х 30,5 centimeters. The wooden framework is 8,4 centimeters. The membrane is made from worked up leather (skin) and is tensed to the framework by streak of a cow. At the external side of the framework are made 21 wooden resonating hillocks. Iron kind handle of the cross form is fixed to the framework at two ends by iron staples, and at other two ends by leather belts. Iron rings and other details are fixed to the staples inside the framework. From archival and literature sources and texts on shaminic ritual actions it is known that before usage the tambourine undergoes the ritual of “revival” [Stepanov-Andreev 1993, 245-311]. Before the ritual actions the tambourine was usally dried at the fire [Popov 1936, 8]. Obviously shaman thus “regulates” appropriate height of tone of a membrane. The important role at ritual action is played by intonational-acoustic accompaniment, which is submitted by singing of shaman, imitating the voices of birds and animals, «playing» of tambourine and ringing of iron bells kyahaan, sewed on coat kumu. At playing tambourine the special meaning has the power (loudness of dynamics), the kind of a pound stick and also ways of making sounds by blowing on different parts of the instrument. So, during the «cleaning ritual» shaman blows tambourine in light way (piano), gradually increases force of sound (mezzo piano) till «middle force of striking». At exiling of malicious spirit (bochsuruyuu) of illness shaman strongly strikes in tambourine (forte). At the addressing to spirit of fire Arkhaneheke he strikes in tambourine with smaller force» [Popov 1936, 8]. It is also important to note that all tambourines differ from each other. In the process of my factological work with tambourines (more than 20) I have not found two identical tambourines. All tambourines have their own characteristic features that directly depend on individuality of the owner of the instrument – Shaman. References: 1. The Siberian collection in American museum of natural history / The Na- 52 tional Committee of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) for UNESCO, American Museum of Natural History, New York; [The author – composer prof. Z. Ivaniva-Unarova]. – Yakutsk: Offset, 2011. – 252 p. 2. A. Popov. Revival of tambourine // The Yakut folklore. The texts and translations A. Popov. Literary processing Е. Tager, general edition of М. Sergeev. – Moscow: Soviet writer, 1936. – P. 243-251. 3. N. Stepanov. V. Andreev-Khakhaa. Short-term, but rough ritual action // Shaman. The ritual actions. Editor V. Illarionov. – Yakutsk, 1993. – P. 8-34. 4. E.M. von Hornbostel and Curt Sachs. Systematic of musical instruments // The national musical instruments and music of instruments. The collection of clauses and materials. Part 1. – Moscow: Soviet composer, 1987. – P. 229-261. VARGAN – KHOMUS: TRADITION AND INNOVATION13 Varvara Dyakonova One of the most studied, widespread and used in the practice of modern musicmaking instruments of Sakha (Yakuts) is the Yakut vargan (jew’s-harp) – khomus. Traditional Yakut metal vargan called khomus. It is an individual heteroglot idiophone (121.221) [Hornbostel-Sachs 1987 243] horse shoe-shaped tongue is attached to the middle of the frame. The purpose of this article - to study the history of the reserch, traditional and modern existence, as well as manufacturing of Yakut vargan – khomus. The first information about the Yakut khomus appeared in the XIX century in the works of Russian and Polish political exiles and researchers Nikolay Shchukin, Ivan Khudyakov, Alexander Middendorf, Richard Maak, Vatslav Seroshevsky, Vasiliy Troschansky, Eduard Pekarsky and others. They point to the deep historical roots of this instrument. AccordТекст доклада, представленного на ORGANOLOGICAL CONGRESS «Creativity in musical instruments, sound and music making». 4th International Scientific Meeting for Sound and Musical Instrument Studies. Тавира-Альгавре – Португалия, 18-20 декабря 2015 г. http://www.animusic-portugal.org. Издается впервые. 13 53 ing to their works it can be stated the following: 1) at those days, the Yakuts had been using three varieties of vargan – a wooden, bone and metal ones, but preference was given to metal khomus; 2) researchers note typological similarity (affinity) of khomus instruments of the peoples of Siberia, Russia and the Turkic world, which could be caused by a similar cultural and historical factors in the development of instruments. In the first half of the XX century khomus became the object of study by professional musicians. Yakut composers Mark Zhirkov, Grant Grigoryan, ethnomusicologists Eduard Alekseev, Galina Alekseeva, Yury Sheykin and others, were engaged in the studies of yakut vargan. Researchers often treat khomus as child and female instrument. According to tradition it was mostly played by women (this tradition is observed in other cultures - in Ukraine, Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, Tajikistan, also by Tuvinians, Selkup, Khanty and Mansi). Performers articulating speech utterances and changing the position of mouth and tongue, tried to convey known melodies. Without exaggeration, we can say that khomus became a symbol of the musical culture of the Yakuts. The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) positions itself as one of the major centers of manufacturing and playing vargan in the world. Love of ancient Sakha (Yakuts) to khomus can be explained not only by ease of manufacturing of fonoinstrument and mastering techniques of playing it, but also by the fact of the protective function of khomus sound. According to ancient beliefs ,”Evil spirits “Abahy” did not like the sounds of khomus...... were trying to imitate sound, but soon turning around and angrily walking away” [Popov, 265]. Playing music on the harp served as a means of communication. In the old days boys and girls had the custom of gathering together in summer and played khomus [Tchakhov, 39], with the help of khomus women talked about events happening in their lives, young boys and girls expressed each other innermost thoughts [Tchakhov, 51]. From the written stories of the informants of the ancient Sakha (Yakuts) there also existed “ikki tyllaakh” (with two tongues) khomus, which is not preserved now. This musical instrument takes a special place in the Yakut culture for 54 the following reasons: - Probably khomus was retained from the prehistoric time of the Sakha people (Yakuts) and was experienced during all the stages of their ethnic history; - Khomus was a means of encrypted (and therefore sacred) communication and it was preserved in the culture of the Sakha due to this role: through playing khomus women shared their innermost thoughts, confessed in their feelings as the open expression was not accustomed in the traditional system of interpersonal relations; - Metal from which khomus was manufactured refered to the type of material which was very appreciated by Sakha (Yakuts), because culture of blacksmith and metallurgy belonged to the sphere of sacred activities. Nowadays in Yakutia khomus has developed first of all as a concert instrument. New conditions for the existence of the instrument require new sound quality – it should be much stronger. In this regard the technology of instrument production is being constantly improved. Ethnomusicologist Yury Sheykin explains the revival of khomus in Yakutia in the XX-XXI centuries due to the special interest of the people of Sakha. He writes that “it is expressed in a wonderful interconnection of capabilities of archaical sonorism to the perception of the modern listener associated with sound manifestations of electronic sound” [Sheykin 2002, 130]. The authors of a new kind of Yakut metal khomus with a ring are masters Alexander Tchakhov and Semen Gogolev-Amynnyky Uus. In the period from 1957 to 1961 being a student of Yakutsk musical college, Tchakhov under the supervision of the composer and teacher Grant Grigorian was engaged in experiments of strengthening khomus sonority. He invented a variety of box-resonators horns to khomus. As a result, in the second half of 1960s Alexander Tchakhov developed a sketch of khomus with a ring and a skillful blacksmith Semen Gogolev-Amynnyky Uus made the first sample of this khomus. Khomus with a ring structure represents a traditional one-tongue metal vargan, to the circular rim of which an additional metal ring is attached serving a holder. 55 According to the yakut khomusists-improviser Ivan Alekseev: “Some people are wrong, saying that the ring improves the sound of khomus. In fact, the ring gives the instrument more beautiful aesthetic appearance“ [Alekseev 1988, 4]. In the systematics of Hornbostel and Sachs “bihilehteeh khomus” as traditional khomus belongs to the category of plucked idiophones index – 121.221 individual heteroglot guimbardes. One of the first Yakut masters of khomus production which have become known abroad is Nikolay Burtsev. The master is known as an experimenter. Since 1966 he has worked much on improving the technology of khomus. Burtsev created a new pattern khomus with the support, as well as one of the first reconstructed traditional “ikki tyllaakh” (with two tongue) khomus. Construction of khomus with the support represents somewhat different from the traditional Yakut metal vargan. The main difference is that the tongue of khomus extends from a circular disk, which is attached to the horseshoe-shaped corps on three sides. Herewith “for sound reinforcement the master significantly increased the corps of the instrument leaving the adoption of the “traditional” magnitude of the plate tongue” [Alekseev 1978]. According to khomusists-virtuosos Ivan Alekseev, Rimma Zhirkova khomuses made by Nikolay Burtsev have both beautiful aesthetic appearance and nice, loud sound.Subsequently khomus with a support began to be produced by such masters as Gavril Komissarov, Alexander Uarov and others [Catalog 2011]. It should be noted that no changes were made affecting the organological characteristics of the instrument. At the border of the XIX-XX centuries there were also khomuses with two tongues (ikki tyllaak khomus). According to the expert of the Yakut antiquity Sergey Zverev-Kyyl Uola the corp of such khomus was made of copper and iron tongue 56 [Tchakhov 2012, 11]. Between tongues the intermediate pillar was located, which together with the frame was “integrally fused iron” [Tchakhov 2012, 11]. According to information of the khomusist Ivan Alexeev due to the presence of two tongues the corp of the instrument is rather wide that considerably complicates the playing technique. For sound extraction the khomus should not “be held between the teeth but fit to lips of a performer” [Alekseev 1988]. Based on the data of the second half of the XX century masters - experimenters Nikolay Burtsev, Ivan Zakharov - Kylyady Uus manufactured the khomuses with two tongues. Fonoinstrument consists of an iron frame in the shape of a horseshoe to which two tongues are attached. Currently techniques of playing two tongues khomus have not been well developed yet. Although, playing two tongues khomus is practiced by some performers, it still has rather limited distribution. Samples of “ikki tyllaak” khomus, stored in the fund of Khomus museum of peoples of the world in Yakutsk, are made by masters Ivan Zakharov-Kylyady Uus, Peter Borisov, and here you can see three tongues khomus made by Vasiliy Chirikov. In the systematics of Hornbostel and Sachs was not detected relevant “ikki tyllaakh” (with two tongues) khomus index. However, the digital indexing of systematics allows the further development of this classification. Thus, we propose to classify “ikki tyllaakh” khomus as a double heteroglot guimbardes with index 121.221 [Hornbostel-Sachs 1987, 243]. The famous master of khomus, hereditary blacksmith who represents the “Seventh knee professional artisans” Ivan Zakharov-Kylyady Uus is the author of another modern Yakut mouth harp – khomus with centering [Utkin 1994, 152]. Khomus with centering is a set of 2, 3 and 4 khomuses interconnected with metal rivet. Instead of the traditional forging Ivan Zakharov-Kylyady Uus uses casting technology, besides brass and iron new materials are applied including silver, nickel silver [Zhirkova 2005, 16-17]. The aim of the master was to manufacture a high-quality khomus with perfect tone and aesthetic appearance. Zakharov’s instruments have differences in proportionality of 57 form, decorative trim. The master uses special techniques which are common for jeweler enterprising (for instance, stamping on metal). Besides khomus with centering the master has created another kind of metal Yakut vargan: the khomus with a register. The greatest achievement of the master is organization of the master-school workshop for teaching and training young people the Yakut khomus production. Now at master’s homeland in Vilyuisk city there is the Museum House named after Ivan Zakharov - Kylyady Uus where the collection of khomuses made by master and his disciples is presented. In the museum among the exhibits one can see a set of khomuses with centering consisting of three instruments. According to systematics of Hornbostel and Sachs khomus with centering belongs to a class of plucked string idiophones with index 121.222 – sets of heteroglot guimbardes [Hornbostel-Sachs 1987, 243]. In The Museum of khomus of peoples of the world are exhibited several sets of tempered khomuses made for new demands of musical practice due to European musical culture. A set of khomuses made by Yakov Prokopiev, a master from Yakutsk which consists of seven different sizes khomuses, which form the basic tones of the diatonic scale. The second set is made by a master from Megino-Kangalassky district of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) Dmitriy Popov and it consists of twelve khomuses of different sizes, each of which is the setting of 12 tones chromatic sound system: с-cis-d-dis-e-f-fis-g-gis-a-ais-h. The khomuses do not form a set of instruments of a new species and in fact it is a set of the same construction instruments differing in height tone. Therefore, it is impossible and purposeless to classify a set as a single instrument in the systematics of Hornbostel and Sachs. 58 According to the systematics of Hornbostel and Sachs each khomus, represented in the set, belongs to a class of plucked idiophones with index 121.221 – individual heteroglot guimbardes (tongue is attached to the frame) [Hornbostel-Sachs 1987, 243]. After analysis of the existing modern varieties of khomus the following conclusions can be drawn: 1) in search of rich, varied sound timbre required for concert practice, the masters actively worked to improve the instrument; 2) new varieties of khomus have abundant performing opportunities and found their place in the performing practice: khomus with ring, khomus with the support, khomus with centering, as well as sets of tempered khomuses; 3) in the absence of wide practice of music performing with two tongues khomus methods of playing it are not developed yet. Today masters are continueing experiments by changing the thickness and shape of the tongue and the technology of its fastening. They gradually began to revive blacksmith mysteries of khomus making combining them with individual technologies. Now in the Republic of Sakha there are about 100 masters of khomus. References: 1. Alekseev I. Bastaky hardy = The first steps // Kyym. December 24. Yakutsk, 1978. 2. Alekseev I. Varieties Yakut khomus // Belem Buol. Yakutsk, 1988. 3. Zhirkova R. Khomus tardyytyn uerege = The teaching of the playing khomus. Yakutsk, 2005. 4. Popov A. Materials on the history of religion of the Yakuts former Vilyui. Moscow, 1949. 5. Khomus of sakha. The album directory. Comp.: I. Alekseev, N. Shishigin, N. Vasilieva. Yakutsk, 2011. 6. Utkin K. Masters of khomus - media metallurgical culture of Yakutia. Yakutsk, 1994. 7. Hornbostel E., Sachs K. Systematics of musical instruments // Folk musical instruments and instrumental music. Collection of articles and materials in two 59 parts. Part One / B. Matsievski. Moscow, 1987. 8. Tchakhov A. The Sound of music of the ancestors of the Yakuts.Yakutsk, 2012. 9. Sheykin Y. The history of musical culture of the peoples of Siberia: A comparative historical research. Moscow, 2002. THE MYTH LEGENDARY PHONOINSTRUMENT TABYK IN TRADITIONAL AND MODERN MUSICAL CULTURE OF SAKHA14 Varvara Dyakonova In former times in Sakha there was a ritual fonoinstrument – “tabyk”. Its existence suggests folk terminology, legends and heroic epic. “Tabyk” represents a simple stretching the skins of large ungulate.According to ethnomusicologist Yu. Sheykin, such stretching is “an archaic primogenitor of percussion instrument” [Sheykin 2002, 69]. The word “tabyk” comes from the ancient Turkic word “tapyg” that means: 1) service; 2) service, worship ... formed from the verb “tap” – to serve, to worship. Mongolian “tavig” means: 1) the victim, sacrifice, 2) service (in the temple) [Antonov 1971, 133]. The Yakut word “tabyk” has a common root with the word “taby” – beat, strike from above ... hitting with a sharp edge of hooves [Pekarsky 1959, 2513]. Consequently, “tabyk” is a subject from which you can retrieve sounds similar to the sound of horse hooves when you beat it. One of the earliest images of the altar is a picture from the book of the Russian naturalist, traveler R. Maak: “altar consisted of two larch trees with the severed tops to which a transverse crossbar was attached. At the felled ends of the larch trees two wood birds (depicting loons) were digged in, on the crossbar a deer skin was hung [Maak 1994, 150]. The picture, given in the book, shows that a deer skin was removed with a skull and feet. The similar altars with the whole skin of an animal with a skull and feet, impaled on a long pole, were installed in the past by the Turks of the Western Siberia. For example, “set Teleuts sacrifice on the platform between two poles in a sitting position” [Radlov 1989, 190], and 14 The myth legendary phonoinstrument tabyk in traditional and modern musical culture of Sakha. Текст доклада, преставленного на Organological congress «Times and Challenges». The 5th International Scientific Meeting for Sound 60 the Altai sacrifice canoe “to reinforce the poles ... so that all four legs hang down” [Ibid, 376]. The earliest description of the Yakut tabyk was made by a well-known linguist, ethnographer and folklorist of the XIX century Eduard Pekarsky: “tabyk” – dried stuffed of sacrificial horse [Pekarsky 1959, 2513]. In the XX-th century the researchers of the Sakha traditional culture Georgiy Ergis, Sesen Bolo, Mark Zhirkov, Ioakim Izbekov, Ekaterina Romanova, Yury Sheykin and others pointed out that the term “tabyk” is used in the sakha language in several meanings: 1) to refer to the rite which was accomplished during the holiday “Ytyk-Ysyakh” in honor of the Upper World spirits [Romanova 1994, 126]; 2) to determine the ritual membranophones [Ergis 1945, 51; Izbekov 1962, 153; Bolo 1994, 204; Romanova 1994, 134; Sheykin 2002, 69]. Ritual membranophones, in turn, are recorded in two constructive variations: 1) animal skin thrown across a tree trunk [Maak 1994, 150] or “a stuffed horse” [Ergis 1945, 51] and 2) stretch of dressed leather of animal [Ergis 1945, 51; Bolo 1994, 204; Romanova 1994, 126; Sheykin 2002, 69]. The image of “tabyk” as an animal skin stretching on the wooden frame is presented in the study of E. Romanova “The Yakutian holiday “Ysyakh”: Origin and Representation”. According to the researcher “the object of “tabyk” as if symbolizes the “program of life” of a boy. Throughout a boy’s life his tabyk sounds only three times: at his birth three beats that symbolize three souls of a man = “us-kut”, at his wedding - seven beats: a male (three beats) and a female (four beats) and at the beginning and after his death - nine beats – that symbolize disconnection of the soul (“iye-kut”) and its departure to “the ninth heaven” [Romanova 1994, 126-134]. In many traditional cultures of the peoples of Siberia sound of membranophones is often attributed to special importance and meaning of the ritual. The people of Sakha also gave a special magic value to “tabyk” sounding. According to the description of Eduard Pekarsky, people “made a stuffed leather horse of piebald color, asked nine (or seven) shamans to send it to the spirits as a sacrifice, and then stretched dried skin and beat it - in turn loud sounds rolled out over the tops of trees (effigy of tabyk can be found on high mounds, on mountain ledge)” [Pekarsky 1959, 2513]. According to Yury Sheykin “a blow to the skin of the sacrificial animal originally meant appeal to its spirit” [Sheykin 2002, 69]. and Musical Instrument Studies (Томар, Португалия, 28-31 октября 2016, in Absentia). Издается впервые. 61 However, sound capabilities of “tabyk” were used not only for ritual purposes. For example, “tabyk” was used as an accompanying instrument for the ritual dance - “homuhunnaah yunkyuyu” during the summer holiday “kumystaah Ysyakh” and at the Yakut wedding – “uruu” [Izbekov 2009, 72]. As a signal instrument sounds of tabyk could be used on haymaking – kuuley [ib., 72] and before the beginning of a tribal war [Sheykin 2002, 69]. More recently (in the XX-th century) tabyk sounds could be used for intimidating thieves who stole cattle [Bolo 1994, 204]. In the works of researchers of the traditional culture of the Yakuts are marked several varieties of “tabyk”: 1) “keltegey tabyk” – “a huge tambourine of the first shaman Aan Үsey Gor”, “stretching from three to four dressed bull leather”; 2) “kyyray tabyk” – “loud talking tambourine” or “rattle high sky’’made “of the 12 black leathers cattle”; 3) “keiy tabyk” – “abundant tambourine” made “of 9 skins”; 4) “lekey tabyk” – “a massive tambourine’’ made “of 7 skins”; 5) “Kere tabyk” – “white tambourine” made “of 3 skins” and 6) “Hobo tabyk” – “ringing tambourine” made “of one skin” [Pekarsky 1959, 2513; Bolo 1994, 204; Zhirkov 1981, 76; Romanova 1994, 133; Sheykin 1996, 93]. Now we are going to describe the differences between these types of tabyk according to their size and sound characteristics. As you know, the horse in the Sakha people is a sacred animal. That is why it was not accident that each type of tabyk directly depended on the quality of a particular animal skin that was used for the altar. This is prooved by the names of the ethnic varieties of fonoinstruments given above. The choice of color of the horse depended on the spirit, which this sacrifice was intended to. To understand the differences between types of “tabyk” listed below it is necessary to analyze the relevant terms and definitions, preserved in the Yakut language: 1) Keltegey tabyk. The word “keltegey” has the Central Asian origin and it is translated as “curve; lame, rickety” [Pekarsky 1959, 1022]. Pekarsky transfers tabyk as dried stuffed of sacrificial horse... pinto color [Pekarsky 1959, 2513]. The pinto color according to Vladimir Dal’s dictionary means “pinto or montley color, bicolor, spotted; with white spots on the dark leather, mentioning horses with big white spots”, mentioning two side’s bride’s horse [Dal 2002, 25]. 2) Kiiray tabyk. Pekarsky translates kiiray as “the sky edge” [Pekarsky 1959, 1406]. The root of the word kiiray also means “to knock aloud, to rattle with somebody” [Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language 2008, V-426]. Besides this verb kiiray is used for sound characteristic 62 “to spread or to extend far away, widely” (about a song or a thing) [Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language 2008, V-426], and it may also characterize a sound. In this way, the name of the fonoinstrument “kiiray tabyk” points to its powerful acoustic features, that are rattling and reverberating sounds, which spread far away; 3) Keiy tabyk. Keiy originates from the Turkic word “rich, plentiful, many of something, in a large number” [Pekarsky 1959, 1129] or “special, exclusive, very” (it strengthens the value feature)” [Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language 2007, IV-228]. Thus, the word could be used for the instrument with a middle size; 4) Lekey tabyk. The noun lekey means the mature male elk [Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language 2009, VI-129]. Perhaps, this tabyk was made of elk’s leather. But it is not excluded that this term of the instrument could be used for the verb “to be tall and large, stand out with impressive sight” [Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language 2009, VI-129]. Due to this meaning this membranophone is of a large size; 5) Kere tabyk. Pekarsky’s dictionary mentions “Kere [from the Turkic word pinto (the horse breed)] as a horse suit; white or whitish color” [Pekarsky 1959, 1040]. In our opinion this type of membranophone was made of a leather of a white horse; 6) Hobo tabyk. In the name of this type of tabyk the musical characteristic of the instrument is reflected. As Pekarsky describes “hobo is an inflated metallic ball; … a bell” [Pekarsky 1959, 3427]. Perhaps this type of phonoinstrument could be decorated with little bells or presented itself as “a ringing tambourine” [Sheykin 1996, 93]. Thus, we can assume that the 2nd and the 6th types of tabyk (kiiray tabyk – a loud tambourine, hobo tabyk – a ringing tambourine) have essential characteristics for musicology because they point to differentiated musical sounds. Other types are related to size, material and color of the instrument. The modern tabyk was reconstructed due to folklore researchers’ description and is used in the Yakut traditional instruments’ orchestras, now it looks as animal’s leather streched on a large quadrangle P-form frame. The author of the article offers to classify the Yakut modern tabyk to taxonomy by Kurt Zacks and Erich fon Hornbostel as one sided framed drum without grip with 211.311 index [Hornbostel-Sachs 1987, 246]. Basing on numerous ethnographic, folklore, linguistic and ethnomusicological data we can do some conclusions. Tabyk is a percussion membranophone with a large size. It is made of a large animal’s leather (f.e. of a horse, an ox, rare of an elk). For sound extraction 63 a phonoinstrument is stroken with a big mallet. Tabyk has various types depending on a horse color (in accordance with the ayii diety whom the animal was being sacrificed to) and on the number of spreaded skins. According to some scholars, the number of skins used for making a ritual phonoinstrument could be the mark of the financial state and social level of the family establishing the tabyk. In modern musical practice tabyk is used as an orchestra instrument. It presence in the orchestra is a symbol of the Yakut traditional culture. Due to innovation processes in musical culture of the Sakha people this percussion membranophone – tabyk which former was used only in ritual practice, now is presented in the Yakut musical instrument’s orchestras. But the function of tabyk in modern traditional orchestra is rather symbolic than practical and it is external decoration (tabyk duplicates the drum function). Because acoustical opportunities of the phonoinstrument are not yet shown and completely researched, tabyk has not acquired the unique “voice” and sound. Nevertheless, the ritual practice of using this phonoinstrument, fixed by researchers, shows the certain sound and construction capabilities of tabyk. In front of modern researchers and masters in manufacturing musical instruments stays the task of identifying adequate sound characteristics of the most mystic and ancient Yakut ritual instrument. For reconstruction of tabyk, which has “unique voice”, it is necessary to solve a number of problems. Firstly, it is necessary to find out tanning animal leather. Secondly, to reveal the possible instrument size, to identify the technique of membrane tension and to research the influence of this membrane tension on nature of the sound. For manufacturing of this instrument it is needed a teamwork of masters, researchers in the fields of ethnography, folklore, musicology and musicians. It should be also noted that this ancient instrument is a symbol of the International ethno rock festival “Tabyk”, which is being regularly held in Yakutia. References: 1. Antonov N. Materials on the historical vocabulary of the Yakut language. Yakutsk 1971. 2. Bolo S. The past of the Yakuts till arrival of the Russians to the Lena. Yakutsk 1994. 3. Big explanatory dictionary of the Yakut language. P.IV; P.V; P.VI. Novosibirsk 2007, 2008, 2009. 4. Dal V. Explanatory dictionary of the living Great Russian language. 4 vols. vol.3. Moscow 2002. 5. ZhirkovМ. Yakut folk music. Yakutsk 1981. 64 6. Izbekov U.Our ancient music // Hotugu sulus, №3. Yakutsk 1962. 7. Izbekov U.The ancient Yakut music // Tcholbon, №12. Yakutsk 2009. 8. Maak R. The Vilyui Okrug. Moscow 1994. 9. Pekarsky E. Dictionary of the Yakut language. Moscow 1959. 10. Radlov V. From Siberia. Diary pages. Moscow 1989. 11. Romanova E. The Yakut holiday Ysyakh. Novosibirsk 1994. 12. Hornbostel E., Sachs K. Systematics of musical instruments // Folk musical instruments musical instruments and instrumental music. Collection of articles and materials in two parts. Part One / B. Matsievski. Moscow, 1987. 13. Sheykin Y. The history of musical culture of the peoples of Siberia: A comparative historical research. Moscow, 2002. 14. Sheykin Y. Musical culture of the peoples of North Asia. Yakutsk 1996. 15. Ergis G. Satellite Yakut folklorist. Yakutsk 1945. THE STUDYING OF YAKUT MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS ON THE BASIS OF LINGUISTIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA FROM “THE YAKUT DICTIONARY” BY E. PEKARSKY15 Varvara Dyakonova Abstract: The article deals with the origin and methods of making Yakut phonoinstruments on the basis of studying ethnographic, linguistic, musicological data of the XIX-XX centuries. On the basis of analysis of linguistic data taken from the dictionary of E. Pekarsky concerning the Yakut instruments, the denominations of the verbs tyrkynyyr, tirdirghiir, chyychygynyyr, kupsuur that originate from sound extracting are educed and described. Keywords: the yakut-sakha people, musical instruments, phonoinstruments, national terminology, onomatopoeic words. To the middle of the ХХ century the Yakut musical instruments were described in the works of travellers, researchers of geography and nature of Siberia, political exiles (XVIII – XIX centuries), ethnographers, religious scholars and folklorists (ХХ of century) and only in the second half of the ХХ century the articles on musicological studies were published. The first intelligences about the Yakut musical instruments appeared in the XVIII – XIX centuries in works of travelers and political exiles Y. Lindenau, N. Tshukin, А. Middendorf, V. Seroshevsky, I. Khudiakov, E. Мааk, E. Pekarsky and others. 15 The studying of Yakut musical instruments on the basis of linguistic and ethnographic data from "the Yakut dictionary" by E. Pekarskiy // 9th Conference on Interdisciplinary Musicology – CIM 14. Proceedings. Edited by Timour Klouche & Eduardo R. Miranda. – Printed in Berlin, Germany, 2014. – P.395-396. 65 Large interest for us represents the “Dictionary of Yakut language” composed by the Russian linguist, ethnographer and specialist in folklore E. Pekarsky. In 1881 E. Pekarsky was accused in the murder of a police agent N. Reinschtein and was sentenced to 15 years exile in the Yakutian area. Afterwards his hard labour was replaced by exile to the settlement in the remote places of Siberia with privation of all rights and state. In 18941896 he also took part in the complex expedition headed by I. Sibiryakov. Three-volume “Dictionary” is the main work of E. Pekarsky, the researcher worked on it for almost 45 years. It consists of about 38000 words and is considered the treasure of language. The special value for organology (and not only) presents the fact that all the names of the musical instruments mentioned in the dictionary get for the first time an exact phonetic record, their etymology, variants of pronunciation, parallels in relative languages are specified. Some information is given about the functions of this or that instrument, technology of making it, the rites related to the instrument and other great facts. In “Dictionary” the detailed descriptions are given of shamanic tambourine dungur (дүңүр), bow chordophone of kyryympa (кырыымпа), shock instrument, reminding stretched on framework the hide of animal of tabyk (табык), pendants of aaryk (аарык), pendants on the shamanistic attributes of kyahaan (кыаhаан), round hollow small bell of khobo (хобо), pyramidal bluebell of chuoraan (чуораан), vargan of khomus (хомус) et al. We will pay attention to a few phonoinstruments, denominations of which originate from emulating a sound, extracted from these instruments. Child’s sound plaything of tyrkynyyr (тыркыныыр) is a thin hair filament. One end of the cordages is winded on a thumb, and other end is picked up by teeth. The denomination of this phonoinstrument originated from onomatopoeia of tyrk “тырк” [3, III -2957]. The sound is extracted by touching a formed string by a finger, “moving a finger along a filament a person can get the change of sound. Depending on the thickness of the hair filament the height of sound changes” [4, 40]. According to ethnomusicologist Y. Sheykin: “Playing a sounding tendon is especially individual form of music. It is distinguished by the only fact – how a performer heard a sound (through resonant teeth)” [5, 117]. A musical bow of tirdirghiir (тирдиргиир) – child’s sound toy. It is made of a dry thin wooden stick (willow, larch, birch, juniper), to both ends of the bow a string is attached. Strain of a bow-string is made of a horse hair. Extraction of a sound is made by “retaining in hand a bow in the middle by finger and thumb, taking a thread, drawing it aside and 66 releasing by jerk. An original short sound is thus uttered: tirr… tirr “ (тирр-р... тир-рр) [4, 41]. The denomination of instrument originated from tirdirghet” тирдиргэт – to make noise, look like the sound of tirt (тирт)” [3, III - 2681]. It is interesting that the Yakut composer М. Zhirkov names “tendon or thread, one of the ends of which is taken in a mouth, and another – in a hand”, or “string of hunting bow” the “prototype of string instruments” [2, 64]. The denomination of phonoinstrument chyychygynyyr (чыычыгыныыр) is formed of an onomatopoeical word chyychygyraa “чыычыгыраа”, designating a falset sound “to twitter, to whistle” [3, III - 3734]. This squeaker was made of birch barks and two bars from a tree: between forming a crack bars a birch-bark tongue was fastened. The squeaker could be used as child’s sound toy [4, 41]. It can be used in our time in musically-imitational sonor practice. The “prototype” of this phonoinstrument is a grass, pinched between lips or two thumbs and on which a person blows [2, 64]. Kypsuur (кюпсюр) is a common denomination of the Yakut shock instruments. The name of this group of phonoinstruments results from the word “kup (кюп) that as a sound from an impact by a fist” [3, II - 1324]. In old time in Sakha people kupsuurs were known as idiophones and only in ХХth century kupsuurs – idiophones were reconstructed into kupsuurs - membranophones. Description of kupsuur is given by a specialist in folklore S. Bolo: “In old time the Yakuts found an enormous hollow larch, purged it from a bark and set by a wide side upwards. It was struck by a wooden stick during evening or morning frosts (colds). The Yakuts treated this instrument with great regard” [1, 204-205]. In traditional culture kupsuur executed a few ritual functions: 1) a musical instrument for accompaniment of ritual dance on a holiday and 2) the alarm instrument used on wedding-uruu (уруу) (at meeting of a fiancee) and on funerals (as the wires of the soul of a man going after the death to another world) [There]. Presently kupsuur is used as an orchestral instrument. Thus, as it was mentioned above, it is used as a membranophone. Modern orchestral kupsuurs membranophones are made of wood of cylindrical form and have a few varieties. Small and large kupsuurs exist and also one- and two-sided kupsuurs. Small and large kupsuurs differentiate by their size. One-sided membranophone, in its turn, has two varieties – one-sided open (a lower cavity is open) and one-sided closed kupsuurs (a lower cavity is closed, but one shock surface – overhead). Two-sided kupsuur has both sides covered by a leather membrane. The sound is extracted by impacts at both 67 leather surfaces. Now sound plays of tyrkynyyr, tirdirghiir, chyychygynyyr (тыркыныыр, тирдиргиир and чыычыгыныыр) are not used in concerto practice. Nevertheless, they represent large interest for researchers and masters - manufacturers of musical instruments as prototypes of wood wind and string instruments. References 1. Bolo S. The past of the Yakuts till arrival of the Russians to the Lena / On legends of the Yakuts of the former Yakut district. – Yakutsk, 1994. 2. Zhirkov М. Yakut folk music. – Yakutsk, 1981. 3. Pekarsky E. Dictionary of Yakut language. – М., 1959. 4. Тellie-Ivanov С. Traditional Sakha child’s musical toys // The Musical instruments of people of Siberia: problem of study, reconstruction and performance. Abstracts collection of the regional science and practice conference. – Yakutsk, 2005. 5. Sheykin Y. History of musical culture of peoples of Siberia. – М., 2002. ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE NAMES OF YAKUT FONOINSTRUMENTS AND TECHNOLOGY OF THEIR MANUFACTURING Varvara Dyakonova Abstract: This article deals with the origin and manufacturing processes of the Yakut musical instruments based on the analysis of ethnographic, linguistic, musicological details of XIX-XX centuries. Based on the analysis of the terms found in Yakut origin of the names of such instruments as tyrkynyyr, tirdirgiir, kupsuur. Keywords: the musical instruments of Sakha, fonoinstruments, tyrkynyyr, tirdirgiir, tchyytchygynyyr, kupsuur. The Yakuts (self designation - Sakha) – the indigenous population of Yakutia numbered to 478,085 [www.perepis-2010.ru]. According to the inhabited territories the Yakuts are divided into four main groups: Amginskii-Lena, Vilyui, Olekma and Northern [Yakuts (Sakha) 2012, 20]. In the ethnogenesis of the Sakha people Tungus population of Siberian taiga (F. Vasiliev), the Turkic-Mongolian tribes, who lived in Siberia in the X-XIII centuries and assimilated local population participated (G. Miller, Y. Lindenau, N. Ostolopov, G. Ksenofontov, A. Okladnikov). In the first quarter of the XVII century began the colonization of the Lensky region of Yakutia by the Russian centralized state [Yakuts (Sakha) 2012, 88]. The main traditional occupations of the Sakha people were horse breed- 68 ing, cattle breeding, reindeer herding in the North, and fishing. Until the mid-twentieth century the Yakut musical instruments were described by the travelers, researchers of geography and nature of Siberia, political exiles (XVIII-XIX centuries), anthropologists, theologians and specialists in folklore (the XX century) and only in the second half of the XX century they became a subject of musicological studies. The first information about the Yakut musical instruments appeared in the XVIII-XIX century works of travelers and political exiles Y. Lindenau, N. Shchukin, A. Middendorf, R. Maak, V. Seroshevsky, I. Khudyakov, E. Pekarsky and others. “The Dictionary of the Yakut language” composed E. Pekarsky is of great interest for us. It contains specific information about musical instruments of the Yakuts. In the second half of the nineteenth century the Russian linguist, ethnographer, folklorist E. Pekarsky (1858-1934) was in exile in the 1st Igidey of Boturussky ulus. In 1889 he received a residence permit in Yakutsk. In 1894-1896 Pekarsky took part in the Yakutsk expedition headed by Sibiryakov. It should be noted that all the names of musical instruments mentioned in the dictionary received for the first time the exact phonetic writing. Attention was paid to several instruments which names were derived from onomatopoeia of the extracted sounds. Child’s sound toy of tyrkynyyr (тыркыныыр) is a thin hair filament. One end of it is wound on a thumb and the other end is clamped with teeth. The denomination of this phonoinstrument originated from onomatopoeia of tyrk “тырк” [Pekarsky 1959, 2957]. The sound is extracted by touching a string by a finger, “moving a finger along a filament a person can get the change of sound. Depending on the thickness of the hair filament the height of sound changes” [Tellier-Ivanov 2005, 40]. A composer M. Zhirkov calls it one of «the prototypes of string instruments» [Zhirkov 1981, 64]. According to ethnomusicologyst Y. Sheykin «playing this instrument is purely individual form of music making. It is distinguished only by the fact how the performer hears the sound (through resonant teeth)» [Sheykin 2002, 117]. Musical bow tirdirgiir is child’s sound toy. It is made of dry thin wooden sticks (willow tree, larch, birch, juniper) to both ends of which the string made of horsehair is tied. When sound extracting “hand is holding the bow in the middle, the index finger and the thumb grip the string, pull it to the side and suddenly release. Then the instrument produced a kind of short sound: «tirr-rr»” [Tellier-Ivanov 2005, 41]. The name of the instrument came from the word «tirdirget - to make a noise like the sound tirth» [Pekarsky 1959, 2681]. M. Zhirkov called «a hunting bow» «the 69 prototype of string instruments» [Zhirkov 1981, 64]. The name of the instrument tchyytchygynyyr originated from onomatopoeic words denoting falsetto cry sound - «twitter, to whistle». This squeaker was made of birch bark and two bars of wood: in the gap between the bars a birch tongue was fixed. Tweeter could be used as a child’s sound toy [Tellier-Ivanov 2005, 41] and as semolina. Nowadays it can be used in musical simulation in sonorant practice. The prototype for this instrument is a grass stretched between the lips or two large fingers, on which a person blows [Zhirkov 1981, 64]. Kupsuur is the general name of the Yakut percussion instruments. The name of this group of instruments comes from «kup – the sound from the fist» [Pekarsky 1959, 1324]. In the old days in the Sakha people were known kupsuurs as idiophones and only in the XX century kupsuurs-idiophones were reconstructed in kupsuurs-membranophones and now are known as such. Description of kupsuur is given by folklorist S. Bolo: «In the old days the Yakuts found a huge hollow larch, cleaned it from bark and established it by its wide side up. It was beaten with a wooden stick during the evening or morning frosts (colds). The instrument is treated with great respect» [Bolo 1994, 204-205]. In the traditional culture kupsuur performed some ritual functions: 1) musical instrument to accompany ritual dance at the feast, and 2) signal instrument used at the wedding-uruu (when meeting a bride) and at the funeral (as wires of a human soul going after death to another world) [Bolo 1994, 204-205]. In the dictionary are also given detailed descriptions of shamanic tambourine dungur, a bow chordophone kyrympa, percussion instrument of tabyk, pendants aaryk, pendants on shamanic attributes kyahaan, round hollow bell khobo, pyramidal bell tchuoraan, Jew’s harp khomus and other instruments. Thus, information given by E. Pekarsky in the dictionary is valuable for musicology as ethnographic and linguistic sources. References: 1. Bolo S. Past of the Yakuts before the arrival to the Russians to the Lena / legend of the Yakuts of the former Yakut district. – Yakutsk, 1994. – 352 p. 2. Zhirkov M. Yakut folk music. – Yakutsk, 1981. – 120 p. 3. Pekarsky E. Dictionary of the Yakut language. – M., 1959. 4. Tellier-Ivanov S. Traditional Sakha children musical toys // Musical instruments of the peoples of Siberia : problems of study, reconstruction and performance. Abstracts of the regional scientific-practical conference. – Yakutsk, 2005. – P.40-42. 5. Sheykin Y. History of musical culture of the peoples of Siberia: a comparative historical study. – M., 2002. – 718 p. 6. Yakuts (Sakha). – M., 2012. – 600 p. 7. www.perepis-2010.ru 70 DEER AS THE CENTRAL IMAGE OF TRADITIONAL MUSICAL CULTURE OF THE EVENKIS Liya Kardashevskaya Keywords: the Evenkis, reindeer breeding, onomatopoeia, signal intoning, background instrument, song. The Evenkis are one of the most ancient nomadic ethnic group of the Central and Eastern Siberia and belong to the Tungus-Manchurians language group. About 40 thousand of Evenkis live in Russia, as well as in North- Eastern China and several thousands in Mongolia. The big contribution to studying the Evenkis musical folklore was made by such scientists as E. Shirokogorova, V. Steshenko-Kuftina, S. Magid, Z. Evald, B. Dobrovolsky, A. Aizenshtadt, Yu. Sheykin. One of main business of the Evenkis is reindeer breeding. Reindeer-breeding onomatopoeia and signals which are necessary for the reindeer breeder for herd control belong to the most ancient layer of the Evenkis musical folklore. It is possible to find out unusual ways of sound emission, to reveal the melody line with large or small leaps. The special role in the Evenkis culture is played by background instruments which are connected with the cult of deer and reindeer breeding. They include kangalde [Sheykin, 2002, P. 40], yavikta [ERD, 1958, P. 573], bugdingni [by ERD,1958, P. 64]. Orevun pipe - “deer pipe” takes the important place in the Evenkis culture. The unique way of sound production is made by air stream retraction [Sheykin, 2002, P. 172]. The Evenkis devote songs to the deer where they tell about its beauty, feet swiftness and endurance. Such songs are usually sung on behalf of a reindeer-breeding driver or a shepherd. We see that the deer image in musical folklore of Evenks is presented in onomatopoeia, various background instruments and songs. References: 1. Sheykin Yu.I. Istoriya musical’noy kultury narodov Sibiri. – M.: Vost Lit., 2002. 2. Evenkiysko-russkiy slovar’. Sost. G. M. Vasilevich. - M, 1958. 71 THE LEGACY OF THE JESUP EXPEDITION AND THE REVITALIZATION OF THE TRADITIONAL CULTURE OF THE NORTH-EAST SIBERIA PEOPLES16 Vladimir Kh. Ivanov-Unarov, Zinaida I. Ivanova How we got to know the Siberian collection of the Jesup Expedition Of the fact, that the Jesup Expedition had worked in the Russian North and East, we knew from the materials, published in special journals at the beginning of the century. Unfortunately, during the soviet period of our history, this expedition was forgotten for ideological causes. It happened so also because of the fact that Vladimir Jochelson, a leader of the Siberian team, sent in the middle of the 1920s by the Russian Academy of Sciences to complete a monograph about the Yukagir to the United States, did not return. To the middle of the 1980s, the scope of the Jesup expedition, its Siberian collection and the fate of the latter remained unknown. During the years of the Soviet rule, a thought of leaving Yakutsk for New-York to study the collection was equal to a thought of flying to the Moon. But the great changes, occured in Russia, turned over also our everyday life. On February 3, 1991, the US Ambassodor in Russia Mr. Jack Mathlock and his wife Mrs. Rebecca Mathlock stayed two days in Yakutsk on their way to Khabarovsk. They arrived as not officials but as guests of the “Sakha Omuk” (“Sakha Nation”) Society which was established beforehand. As far as the guests were interested in the culture and arts of the Siberian peoples, they visited the Union of Artists in their very first day in Yakutsk. We, as art historians, organized quickly an exhibition, introduced our guests to artists. When we started to talk, we asked Mr. Mathlock where the collection was kept then. He promised to inquire of his son, an ethnologist, and to inform us. The Ambassodor’s wife Mrs. Rebecca Mathlock suggested an idea that we might visit New-York and see everything ourselves. Thus a glimpse of the thought came to us for the first time that the impossible previously things might be possible. Afterwards we met Dr. Marjory Balzer from the Georgetown University Совместный с Ивановым-Унаровым В.Х. доклад на Международной конференции, посвященной 100-летию Джезуповской экспедиции в октябре 1998 г. в г. Нью-Йорк. Напечатано в сборнике статей «Constructing Culture Then and Now: celebrating Franz Boas and the Jesup North Pacific Expedition” - Washington, DC, 2003. – p. 336-347. 16 72 who studied the culture of the Sakha people. She helped us to relize our appeared unrelizable desires. In 1992 a few of citizens of Russia might go on a relatively long-term mission to foreign countries. But we were lucky: we received a grant from the Soros Foundation for travel and two-month stay in New York. So, in November-December of 1992 we managed to work efficiently in the archives of the American Museum of Natural History. The Museum surprised us by its openness. Dr. Laurel Kendall , curator of the Asian Department, did her best for we could work with all materials including not only a collection but also archives, photo-documents. We were allowed not only to photograph but also to make copies from documents in the archives. This may be understood only by a person who worked in museums and archives of Russia. Siberian team of the Jesup Expedition As it is well known, the major aim of the Jesup Expedition, led by Franz Boas, was: to determine the origin of American Indians and the ways of their arrival in the New World. Together with a major aim, Boas set up the concrete goals. He intended to involve Russian scientists who would agree to participate in a work of an expedition with the aim of studying the interrelations between indigenous peoples of North America and the Siberian North-East. Director of the Museum of Anthropoly and Ethnography of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Academician V.V.Radlov recommended Vladimir Jochelson and Vladimir Bogoraz, as highly-skilled specialists and experts, as excellent experts for the regions to be studied, to Boas. Radlov recommended Bertoldt Laufer, a well-known specialist for East Asia, to investigate the Far Eastern part of Russia where the Nivkhi, the Nanai, the Evenki lived. Vladimir Ivanovich Jochelson (1855-1937) and Vladimir Germanovich Bogoraz (1865-1936) were political exiles, sent to Yakutia for their active participation in revolutionary movement. During an exile, they started to carry out a research work. Instead of a revolutionary idea of “going people”, they became highly interested in investigations for local peoples’ languages and culture. In 1894 D.Klementz, a leader of the East-Siberian Department of the Emperor’s Geographic Society, involved them in a work of the Yakutian (Sibiryakov’s) expedition which was organized by the means of I.M.Sibiryakov, an owner of gold-mines in Russia. As told by Klementz, Bogoraz went to Chukotka where he collected a material about the Chukchi and the Eskimo. Jochelson spent more than two years (1895-1897) among the Yukagir. He travelled together with these people, he studied two Yukagir languages, compiled a dictionary of 73 9000 words, wrote 150 texts1 (1). There is a field diary of Jochelson in the archives of the AMNH. It is dated to 1897 when he lived among the Verkhnya Kolyma Yukagir. The small copy-book, named “Travel notes No.3”, in a small hand-writing in Russian, which is hardly readible, contains a valuable information. We published a small passage from the diary in the Sakha journal “Ilin” (“The East”). Besides the Yukagir, Jochelson was interested in the Sakha people. He was close to many representatives of the Sakha intelligentsia, he spoke Sakha language. Here one should note that, as certified by researchers for Yakutia in the 19th and in the early 20th century, the Sakha language was a major spoken language even for a Russian population. (2) In autumn of 1898 Jochelson received a letter from Boas where the author proposed to conclude a contract for 3 years at a salary of 100 dollars per a month and at a reimbursement of 4000 dollars for a field work. From that time Jochelson and Boas started to correspond actively with each other. From that correspondence we may see how their interrelations and a field work developed (3). According to the conditions of contract, all scientific results, collections, diaries were to be an ownership of the American museum. The Russian scientists were told to carry out a comprehensive research for the Koryak and the Chukchi, namely to carry out anthropometric measurements, to take mould-masks, to collect artefacts, phonographical records, to study language and folklore and afterwards to write monographs about the Chukchi and the Koryak. Concerning the Yukagir, they were told only to collect artefacts (4). During the Jesup expedition, Vladimir Jochelson succeeded to persuade Frans Boas and apparently Jesup himself to study the more number of Siberian peoples and to study else the Yukagir, the Lamut (Even), the Sakha (Yakut) besides the Chukchi and the Koryak. In August of 1899 Jochelson and Bogoraz met in St. Petersburg and made up a plan of joint field works. Jochelson wrote of it in his letter of October 30 to Boas. They planned to start their work in autumn in Gizhigi, to stay there about a half a year among the Koryak. Then Jochelson was to go to the Yukagir, Bogoraz was to go to the Eskimo in the coast of the Arctic Ocean and the Bering strait. But Boas disapproved of the idea of working jointly. Henceforth they worked separately. In March of 1900 Jochelson received a letter from Jesup himself. Jesup wrote that Jochelson was responsible for all Siberian part of the expedition. He wrote also of a sum of Jochelson’s salary (6). In August of that year Jochelson and his wife Dina Brodskaya came 74 to Gizhiga in Kamchatka to study the Koryak. In July the Bogoraz family came to the Chukchi who lived in the mouth of the Anadyr River. Hence a heroic epic of the Jesup Expedition’s Siberian group started and lasted to 1902. They compiled a large collection of artefacts of the Chukchi, the Koryak as well as of the Yukagir, the Lamut (Even) and the Sakha (Yakut). There are 6400 exhibits in the American Museum of Natural History in New York. Jochelson wrote that they collected 917 of Sakha, 300 of Yukagir and more than 5000 of Koryak, Even and Chukchi artefacts as well as hundreds of photographs, phonographic records and another research material which all were included into the Museum’s exhibition. On the basis of a field work, they wrote the monographs about the Chukchi and the Koryak as well as the monographs about the Yukagir and the Sakha (Yakut). Siberian collection of the Jesup Expedition Once the collected by Jochelson and Bogoraz materials were of a scientific interest for the researchers for these peoples and were an exotica for Europeans and Americans. For the indigenous peoples themselves, these were usual events of everyday life and festive occasion. Now, after a hundred years, in connection with the radical changes, occured for this time, the Siberian collection has been of a particular importance and, first of all, for the indigenous peoples themselves. The Sakha collection. There are 878 items of Sakha articles in the museum’s catalogue. These are not only the works of folk art but the domestic utensils, models, toys and etc. The museum has a lot of decorated clothes, silver decorations, carved wooden articles, old ornamented ceramic articles, horse utensils. The museum has the pieces of mammoth ivory (the works of art) and the museum considers that these are of a Russian origin. By the way, there is a box of mammoth ivory. It is almost a copy of the box of 1799, kept in the State Historical Museum in Moscow. These boxes differ only by some details of a topic on their walls. We think that these boxes were made by Sakha masters. We may even suppose an author of the box - Leontiy Popov. Though the Sakhamade mammoth-ivory works of the 18th century were a copy of the works by the masters from the Russian North, but already then the Sakha masters found their own peculiar features, especially in technique, ornaments and topic. In general, the items of the Sakha collection are very typical and easily recognisible. At first glance these items almost do not differ from analogous works, kept in other museums. This is one more confirmation 75 of the fact that the traditions of folk art are strong. But at the same time, because of the variations typical for folk works, one may say that every item is unique. The AMNH has some unique items which are absent in the museums of Russia. The museum of New York has a variety of the woman’s coats for winter, spring, autumn wear. The museum has in all 32 coats and fur coats. 6 of them are a “khotoidookh son” (“eagle coat”) which type of it is absent in the Yakutian museums. Our masters are very interested in this type of a coat. But they do not see this type and create their own variant of it by hearsay. For example, in 1992 A.E.Sivtseva sewed a “khotoidookh son” for the “Kudai Bakhsi” exhibition. She created at the back of coat a complete picture of an eagle: its head, beak and wings. The American museum has coats from northern Yakutia: from Srednekolymsk and Verkhoyansk. These coats are most likely of the second half of the 19th century. Therefore, without doubt, these are an old type of the Sakha “saginyakh” (fur coat (with fur on both sides)), mentioned by literary critics, in particular, by well-known Sakha historian Sehen Bolo. Jochelson took these coats from the northern Sakha and he named them a “kibitiilaakh son”. Obviously, people themselves called so. Its English translation is: an “inset coat”. Eagle is known as a sacred bird for many peoples including for the Sakha and northern Indians. One is not to pronounce this word. Alexei Kulakovskiy, a founder of Sakha literature and a researcher of folklore, wrote that the Sakha people did not dare to pronounce the word “khotoi” (in English, “eagle”), that they called it “toion” i.e. “master”. Thus the word “khotoi” is forgotten even in some settlements. Even the term “kibitiilaakh son” itself reflects a technique of sewing of such a coat i.e. the technique of “kibitan tigii” (i.e. sewing by inserting). As a whole, a cut of these coats is the same as one of an unfastened coat, without a collar or with a small round collar: it is an influence of northerners. But, as distinct from the northern unfastened coats, the Sakha coats are tied up by leather laces along their full length, but not at a collar. Their length ranges from 140 cm to 156 cm, their width is 110 - 125 cm. All the coats are sewed from a various material. For example, there is the coat sewed from a dear fur of lynx (70/8525). The coat has a slit at its back that is typical for Sakha coats and fur coats. But all other “eagle coats” have no slit, but have an ornamented fur stripe, an imitation of a slit. This reminds more of a northern type of the caftan. At its back the coat has the inset of a dark brown fur of otter which reminds of the stretched wings of an eagle. The other coats are made of, the dark brown fur of Siberian marmot, the 76 skin of white reindeer, the skins of calf and foal. At their back all the coats have an inset of a darker fur which reminds of the stretched wings of an eagle. Hence is the name of a coat: “khotoidookh son” (“eagle coat”). The stylized image of an eagle had the meaning of an amulet. There is a rare exhibit: “belepchi”. It was taken by Jochelson in Churapchi (one of central districts of Yakutia) (70/8826). One should note that Jochelson took a majority of his exhibits in Churapchi. He was right to think that this district kept best of all the Sakha old traditions (He writes about it to Boas in his letter of ...). “Belepchi” is a clothes which is not worn now. The Sakha men wore “belepchi” over trousers as a heater and as a smart detail of a costume. There is only one such “belepchi” in the Yakutsk museum of local lore, history and economy which was found in a man’s burial of the late 17th - the early 18th centuries. Sakha ethnographer F.Zykov draws a parallel between a man’s “belepchi” of the Sakha and a woman’s “belebshi” of the Buryat, the Kirghiz and the Kazakh. At the same time a “beldemchi” is mentioned as a clothes for fighting in the Kirghiz epos “Manas”. Jesup’s “belepchi” is valuable by the fact that, during a period of Jochelson, people wore this type of “belepchi” as distinct from its archaic analogue from the burial. There are also the unique “tapes for a bride’s room”. These are two leather tapes. The length of each is 4 m, the width is 2 cm. The tapes have an embroideryof beads and round metallic plates and have a fringe of “rovduga” at their ends. At present nobody remembers what these tapes were used for. There are the silver engraved decorations in the collection of the AMNH. These decorations are well-preserved and they need to be described in detail. The unique items of the Sakha collection include the articles of wood and birch-bark as well as a full covering of a summer birch-bark “uraha”. In his letter to Boas, Jochelson proposed to construct an “uraha” in a yard of the American museum, making use of an exact model which he had taken for the Sakha collection. If this proposal of Jochelson was realized, there would be the only in the world real unmodernized Sakha “uraha”. The Lamut (Even) collection. There are 481 artefacts in the Even (Lamut) catalogue of the AMNH. This material was collected by Mrs. Bogoraz mainly in the settlement of Markovo. She visited this settlement several times during a period from autumn of 1990 to April of 1901. At that time her husband Vladimir Bogoraz and a Cossack and a guide travelled from the island of St. Lawrence to Kamchatka to meet the Chukchi and the Koryak. Besides, there are some Even exhibits, included into the Koryak col- 77 lection of Jochelson. Jochelson came to the reindeer Koryak in the Taygonos peninsula and he met the Tungus (Even). He writes of it to Boas in his letter of July 4 (August 3), 1901 from Kushka: “We also made a very successful trip by sea in two boats to the mouth of the Najachan (Nayakhan) river, where we found a Tungus camp of tents. It was a great opportunity for ethnographic work, unfortunately I couldn’t stay along ... The ethnological collection is now 1440 artefacts (includes 173 from the Tungus).” We have made a description of Jochelson’s collection of Even clothing. It is typical for the reindeer Even by its cutting as well as by its decor though in a style of ornament one can see a Koryak influence. The Yukagir collection consists of 342 artefacts. The collection is unique by the fact that it includes practically all the variety of clothing and household goods of this minority people, endangered of disappearing. This was understood well by Jochelson when he was writing the monograph “The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus” as a monument to the disappearing nation. Already when he worked in Sibiryakov’s expedition he wrote:”In several tens of years the Yukagir language may disappear, and the tribe as such one will stop existing, partly died out, partly dissolved in other tribes” (V. Jochelson. Materiali po izucheni’u ‘ukagirskogo ‘azika i fol’klora, sobrannie v Kolimskom okruge.Spb., 1990, s. XV) (“Materials in studying the Yukagir language and folklore, collected in the Kolyma Okrug. St.Petersburg, 1900, p.XV). In our opinion, more valuable are the Yukagir birch-bark articles: the maps and letters which are engraved in a birch-bark as well as the animal patterns. The Koryak collection of Jochelson and Bogoraz is rich in materials. The Chukchi collection of them is just a little pooper. It was very difficult to collect these materials because of the climate and the absence of roads and the mentality of peoples. For example, Bogoraz almost died of influenza on his way to the Chukchi. He hardly survived. Though the Koryak were very friendly to Jochelson, they saw to it that the traditions be not disturbed. Meanwhile Jochelson’s collection has shaman tambourines as well as a funeral clothes which the Koryak showed to nobody. He took them in the settlement of Kamenskoe in Kamchatka. Here one is to say that Jochelson was likely to be a charming person and to be able to gain people’s favour, to persuade them. An evidence of it is the fact from his life: when he came to the Sakha settlement of Churapchi in early May when the ice of the Lena River did not begin to break yet, the local people gave him an “uraha” (a birch-bark summer house) and held a feast of 78 “ihiakh” which was usually held in June before haymaking. While working among the peoples of the Amur basin, Bertold Laufer compiled a collection of the Ussuriysk Evenki who lived mainly along the Amgun River, a tributary of the Amur River. There are 85 artefacts in the museum’s catalogue. The peoples of the Siberian North-East after a hundred years In spite of the fact that the opening up of the Arctic had begun long ago by the European civilization, its tempo was relatively low before the beginning of the 20th century. Thus the peoples, inhabited this area, had time to adapt themselves to that tempo and to keep their original cultures, traditional activities, beliefs, customs and rituals, clothes and utensils, apllied art, though some destructive moments in the life of these peoples already took place at that time. But the social shocks and the intensive opening up of the Far North natural resources in the 21st century have done an irreparable damage to the northern ethnoses in every respect. The traditional culture of the peoples of the Russian Arctic is in a crisis now because of a majority of various factors. Thus the Soviet rule proclaimed the line of “transmitting the northern peoples from a patrimonial and clan system to socialism, while bypassing the stage of capitalism”. In reality this line was: to ignore the peculiarities of way of life and culture of these peoles. As a result, their life-style, formed during millennia, well adapted to the Arctic extreme conditions, was rapidly destroyed. Some peoples have lost many sides of their ethnic culture. The extremely small numbered peoples such as the Yukagir have been endangered to assimilate completely and disappear. From the 1930s the authorities began to change the whole lifestyle and economies (cancellation of an ownership, formation of “kolkhoz” and “sovkhoz”, forcible transition to a settled life, “poselkovanie” (building of settlements and moving of people to settlements). At the same time the authorities bagan to forbid and pursue the traditional beliefs, customs, rituals as obsolete, archaic and even wild ones. First of all, the spiritual culture of the peoples of the North was damaged as a result of it. The eurocentric theory of an evolutional development of culture was widespread in the Soviet Union. According to this theory, when the professional art and literature appears, the folklore and the traditional folk art become an atavism and should disappear gradually. This was considered to be a natural process of the progressive development of people and their culture. Unfortunately, this stereotype turned out to be very firm, and many scientists continue to adhere to it nowadays. The supporters of this theory advised folk masters to replace a traditional ornament by a modern soviet emblems. They 79 greeted the so called author’s “creative” approach to an artistic designing of articles. They required the folk art to have some elements of novelty and modernity. The vulgar materialist approach to a folk art touched only an exterior designing of the articles, ignoring completely their content, which was developed during centuries. As is well known, every work of a folk master, every motif and composition of an ornament has a certain symbolic sense. Here is the tasteful essence of the folk art. True already in the 18th century the semantics of ornament’s motifs was forgotten, but nevertheless the masters continueed to do by intuition in the same way as their forbears did. In this way people gave across the generations the traditional arts and the image-bearing thinking; and the art, polished during centuries, continueed to keep its perfection. In the 20th century the wide use of manufactered goods replaced to a considerable extent the use of a traditional clothing, household utensils. Thus the development of a traditional folk art met serious obstacles. During the centuries, the indigenous people passed the skills to their children, by showing it in a practice. Unfortunately, this method of theirs was disrupted as result as the result of the following factors: change of their life-style, opening of boarding schools, which tore off children from their own environment and from their parents. As a result of such an interruption in passing the traditions, some folk arts faded, others were deformed artificially. Furthermore in the conditions when the traditions ceased to be passed on, the folk art was damaged by an information explosion. As a result of it, the alien elements (materials, technologies, ornamental motifs), which eroded from the inside a traditional culture, were entered mechanically into the decorative art. This is clearly seen on the culture of the Even and the Evenki. The Yukagir are still endangered to disappear entirely as a nation. The Berezovka Even who are a small oasis of national language and of traditional culture are of a particular interest. The Berezovka Even lived separately from other people to the middle of the 1950s until they were found by security services and until they were involved into a social life of Yakutia. In distinction to other Even, the Berezovka Even preserved their language and traditional culture. Having visited Berezovka in the late 1980s, one of the authors of this article (Vladimir Kh. Ivanov) was to talk with elderly women of the settlement through an interpreter since they could speak neither Russian nor Sakha. Here is the substantial difference of theirs from other indigenous Northern peoples of Yakutia who prefer to speak Russian and/or Sakha than their own native language. One may see the people’s present-day attitude to their language and 80 culture in the questionnaire materials, carried out in March of 1997 by the other author (Z.I. Ivanova). In the two northern districts (Srednya Kolyma and Nizhnya Kolyma) a questionnaire was filled in by 7 adults, who considered themselves a folk master, and by 53 pupils of 8-10 classes. In the settlement of Berezovka the elderly women speak Even but already they can speak Russian and Sakha a little bit. They lead a settled way of life and they bring up their children in a family. They consider that they inherited the traditions of sewing and decor from an older generation. But not all of them try to teach children their profession; considering it obsolete. The 13- and 14-year-old Even children talk in Russian at school and speak Even at home. Only one girl of the eight questionnaired children learns a national sewing from her grandmother. The Berezovka Even are lucky to preserve their traditional decorative and applied art as so as they lived separately. But, unfortunately, the masters have begun to use too much decor in their works in order to be an innovator and in order to please spectators in exhibitions who are delighted with a plenty of beads and bright colours. During a period of Jochelson, the tundra Yukagir were an indigenous population in the Nizhnya Kolyma district. There are 25 schoolchildren (who are 13-15 years old) now in such old settlements as Chersky, Andryushkino, Kolymskoe. Only 4 of them consider themselves Yukagir. But two of them have Russian fathers. They cannot speak their native language, they speak Russian. All children’s attitude to the traditional culture of handicraft is negative. Nevertheless, from the second half of the 1980s, the ethnic self-consciousness of many peoples of Russia, including the minority peoples of the North, is rapidly increasing. They have realized that it is urgent to restore their own disappearing culture. The movement for restoration and preservation of ethnic culture is headed by the intellectuals who themselves are representatives of the indigenous Northern peoples. Under a general tendency of crisis processes, the tempos, the scales, the methods and the factors of the disruption of cultures, depending on the numbers and the historical destinies of various ethnoses, were different. Thus the Sakha (Yakut) people who made up a majority of the population of Yakutia to the 1960s and who obtained at the beginning of the 1930s an autonomy though in a cut off form has preserved to a greater extent their native language and some peculiarities of their lifestyle. Compared with other indigenous peoples of Yakutia, the Sakha people has achieved good results in the restoration of traditional culture now. They have restored the popular folk feast of “ihiakh”. The feast of “ihiakh” 81 shows all the sides of people’s life: songs, dances, national games, clothing, feast kitchen utensils, decorations, national cooking. In this connection the proper kinds of art also begin to be restored. Nevertheless, the traditional folk art of the Sakha needs to be treated carefully in order not to become a festival attribute. The life is a proof of the fact that the centuries-old folk traditions were preserved in a consciousness of a people. It seemed that shamanism was taken off from a life of these indigenous peoples. But in recent years the shamans, indigenous representatives, have appeared in Yakutia. The psychic-healers, who perform activities of former shamans, have appeared too. Moreover, it turned out that the Evenki of southern Yakutia who live separately from other peoples have some acting shamans who never ceased performing their functions of defender, foreteller and healer. Now there are the Association of Traditional Medicine, headed by contemporary Sakha shaman Vladimir Kondakov, and the Centre of Traditional Medicine. This Centre involves doctors who have medical education as well as who have the use of folk methods of treatment. In the early 1980s already the researchers of Sakha folklore said that the Sakha people’s traditions of story-telling died down. By that time there were only some individual representatives of an older generation who were able to tell stories, by improvising. But in recent years, as a consequence of the hightened interest to a folklore and of the increase of ethnic self-consciousness, the hidden possibilities of an ethnos awoke suddenly from a people’s memory. Young men and even children, talented to perform traditional folk epic tales, have appeared. There have been many persons who perform diverse, almost forgotten rites. The performance of these rites require a great skill of improvising. But there are many obstacles to preserving and restoring ethnic cultures of the indigenous Northern peoples. Equally with the objective complications, connected with a general socio-economic crisis in Russia, there are also the difficulties, connected with an interruption in passing the folk traditions. So, people try to restore a folk decorative art but they meet the difficulties connected with the fact that the present-day masters do not know their own ancient traditions. In 1996 we participated in the seminar of Northern folk masters in Srednekolymsk and we saw there that people were very interested in studying the traditions of their forebears. It turned out that many people did not know a technique and a technology of treating fur and leather, of sewing and ornamenting national costume, that they often used eclectically the casual ornamental motifs. They saw with a great interest the slides of the works of folk masters from the Jesup 82 Expedition’s collection. Today Yakutia works a lot to restore and preserve the culture of local indigenous peoples. The focus of the work is: to develop a singing and dancing folklore and all the professional arts. There is a program of president which supports talented children. Our children perform throughout the world, winning diplomas and prizes. According to the decree of President Mikhail Nikolaev, the so called Academy of Spirituality, the only one of its kind, was established in 1997. A membership of this Academy involves some professional artists, writers, actors, composers and even bishop of the Orthodox Church, Father German. But a membership of this Academy involves nobody of representatives from traditional folk culture, nobody of representatives from national religion. There are the centres of applied art which involve folk masters from various districts of Yakutia. The conferences of Yakutian religion are held. But these have no material support and formal recognition. But, thank God, nobody forbids these events. The importance of the Siberian collection of the Jesup Expedition now At present the Siberian collection of artefacts of the Jesup Expedition is an invaluable material for a traditional decorative art of the peoples of the Russian North. These peoples suffered most of all from a civilization of the 20th century and they lost a majority of the culture of their forebears. We told many times about a collection of the AMNH through mass media, we met with folk masters. At these meetings we have been convinced that people, bearers of “Jesup culture”, need to see the collection. Abovementioned master Anastasia Sivtseva, whose works were taken by the AMNH, was sad to know during our meeting that her conception of an “eagle coat” was incorrect and that she had sewed it in a wrong way. Other master Anna Nikolaeva sewed a coat “buuktaakh son”, according to a cut and an ornament from a xerograph of the photo “Jakut woman in feast dress 70/7314 and 7318 (1818-1819)”. She sewed also a nice birchbark vessel like “Birch bark 70/8862” (xerograph of photo 116918). When staging the Sakha national opera “N’urgun Bootur”, the main dramatis personae were dressed in a national costume which was designed by artist Lena Gogoleva. She made use of cuts of coats and ornaments from the xerographs of photo and from the illustrations which we had made from some exhibits of the AMNH. Unfortunately, because of a shortage of high-quality slides and photo, we could not advertise widely the Yukagir and Even artefacts. One may hope that the fundamental monographs by Bogoraz and Jochelson about the Chukchi, the Yukagir and the Koryak, published in 83 the series “Works of the Jesup Expedition”, will be open also to a Russian-speaking population. The monographs “The Chukchi” by Bogoraz and “The Koryak” by Jochelson have been already published, though in an incomplete size. In 1996 we received an order from the Institute of Problems of the Minority Peoples of the North to translate the monograph “The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus” by Jochelson. We translated this work owing to the MacArthur Foundation. But to publish this work is still problematic. This is a unique, one and only up to now fundamental work which shows various aspects of the Yukagir ethnography, social life, family life, spiritual and material culture. This work is especially valuable by the fact that Jochelson wrote it on the basis of his own practice: he had lived 4 years among the Yukagir when many traditions and the language were still alive. Jochelson was first to compile a Yukagir alphabet. A preface to the book, translated by us, was written by Yukagir philologist and poet Gavril Kurilov. Illustrations from the original were made by his brother, artist Nikolai Kurilov. They are the well-known and authoritative persons among the contemporary Yukagir. They consider themselves descendants of Somon shaman whom Jochelson called Shomonov (Shamanov) according to a Russian transcription. Unfortunately, Jochelson was incorrect in attributing some artefacts because there was a large interruption between the periods of collecting materials (1898-1901) and of writing a monograph (1926) by him. These mistaken attributions were used and became a basis for making the conclusions about the peculiarities of Yukagir ornament in the monograph by S.V. Ivanov “Ornament narodov Sibiri kak istoricheskii istochnik” (“Ornament of the peoples of Siberia as a historical source”). Then these mistaken attributions were included into the recently published book by L. Zhukova “Odezhda yukagirov” (“Yukagir clothing”). While translating, we kept in full the original text of Jochelson, and we placed the appropriate food-notes and corrections into the part “Comment”. The Institute of Problems of the Minority Peoples of the North (Siberian Department of the Russian Federation Academy of Sciences) worked out the international project “Circumpolar Culture of the Peoples of the Arctic and North. Monuments of Culture of the Peoples of the Arctic”. The aim of this project is: to create the bases for an encyclopaedia for each of indigenous peoples of the North and Arctic; to reconstruct an entire picture of an original culture of circumpolar peoples, their contribution into the civilization common to all mankind. The value of the richest material, collected by the Jesup expedition, is now in the fact that this material is a classical heritage of the traditional 84 culture of the Sakha, the Koryak, the Chukchi, the Even, the Evenki and the Yukagir and that this material may be a great contribution towards creating this project. On the other hand we would like to publish in Yakutsk a special edition of catalogues where we would comment exhibits and place their photographs. The American museum would give a great help in it, by promoting high-quality slides to us. We also would like to see in Yakutsk the excellent exhibition of photographs “Shadows on stone” which the museum showed at the opening of the conference, devoted to the 100th anniversary of Jesup Expedition. People of Yakutia are interested in this exhibition. The conference, devoted to the national feast of “Ihiakh”, was held in winter of 1998 in Yakutsk. At this conference we showed a photograph of the opening ceremony of “Ihiakh”, which had been made by Jochelson in early May of 1902 in the settlement of Churapchi. The photograph was kindly given to us by Tomas Muller. The photograph became of great interest as it was made a 100 year ago when “ihiakh” was an event to be celebrated in a natural way but not a yearly festival of rites made up. The “Ilin” (“The East”) magazine published in its periodical issue our photograph ... Notes Acknowledgements. Taking an opportunity, we extend our thanks to the Soros Foundation for giving a grant for studying the collection of the Jesup Expedition, to Prof. Laurel Kendall, who provided us with an opportunity of working in the museum’s collection and archives, to Tomas Muller, Ann Rite-Parsons employees of the museum, to Nina Y. Ruth, director of the AMNH library, to Tomas Byion, research officer, to Belinda K.Kay, head of AMNH archives. Only thanks to their help, we managed to make a complete description and illustrations of the museum’s Siberian collection, to work in a library, to familiarize ourselves with archives- and photo-documents during two months of our visit. Our special thanks to professors of the Georgetown University Majory and Harley Balzer: the warmth of their hearts we felt during all the time of our visit in the US. We extend our thanks also to the MacArthur Foundation which forwarded a grant to the Institute of Problems of the Minority Peoples of the North to translate the book by Jochelson “The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus”. 85 YAKUT SHAMANISM17 Zinaida Ivanova-Unarova Shamanism, as part of the traditional culture of Northern peoples, has common roots based on the beliefs of the peoples about the surrounding world, about the ability of shamans to influence the negative phenomena in nature and the life of the people. Animism and belief in gods and nature populated by spirits were the foundation of the northern peoples’ worldview. Only a shaman had the ability to visit all three worlds of the Universe, to fight dark forces in order to save people from diseases and other misfortunes. By talking to spirits and gods he acted as a protector and representative of his clan. The people were connected to the Universe through shamans. There is a popular legend among the Yakuts about Chachygyr Taas Oiuun shaman who, on orders from great ruler Kudangsa, chipped off a piece of the Polar Star to save the people from harsh cold. Shamanism has a specifically defined system that includes preordained birth, shamanic illness, and initiation into shamanism through physical trials and spiritual education. A person who had a hereditary gift could become a shaman. The future shaman can already be recognised in a newborn child. A person could feel the call of the spirits and his own willingness to become a shaman, but for that a complete reconstruction of his psyche and a mysterious “education school” were required. The activities of a shaman required not only knowledge of human psychology, but also good memory, eloquence, poetic and musical talent. Along with the shaman, complex functions are performed by protector spirits and helper spirits in the form of animals and birds. Among the shaman spirits a special place is taken by a spirit called “mother-animal” by the Yakuts, a kind of a shaman’s double. According to beliefs of northern peoples the mother-animal of powerful shamans has a form of a stallion, reindeer, elk, black bear, eagle, or bull. In shamanism the significance of clothing and ritual attributes – drum, drum stick, and rug for sitting – was great. The shaman dress included cosmological symbols: its upper or right half was connected to the Upper World, while the lower or left half was connected to the Lower World. Iron pendants and reindeer hide fringe symbolised shaman’s helper spirits and protected him from evil forces. Pendants or bands on a shaman’s dress depicted the bones of a human or animal (bird) skeletons. The symДоклад был представлен на Международной конференции по шаманизму в августе 2001 г. в г. Вильянди (Эстония). Издается впервые. 17 86 bolic depiction of shaman’s bones on the dress was meant to protect from unfriendly spirits. The same symbols were present on drums. The ancient symbolism reflects the understanding of a drum as of an animal. The Yukaghir, the Even, and the Evenk compared drums with a riding reindeer for the imaginary travels of a shaman into the other worlds. Among the Yakut drums were considered to be mystic shaman horses with the stick serving as a lash. The beliefs about “shaman tree” are also connected to drums. According to beliefs of many peoples the spirits told a shaman how to recognise and where to find a tree from which he should make the sides of his drum. A full shaman’s dress set included a coat, pants, footwear, gloves, hat, and a band with holes for eyes. Researchers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries wrote that it was rare to find a complete set of shaman’s clothing, in most cases some parts of it were missing. Usually the gloves and pants were absent, as well as hats among the Yakut. In some cases shaman’s clothing was represented only by a breast plate, or eye band, or forehead band and belt, or a short cloak. If necessary, a shaman could perform rituals in women’s clothing. One of the main reasons for the absence of the full set is Christianisation of the Yakut as missionaries forbade shamanistic activities, took away their clothing, attributes, and drums. Later on the Soviet state started a campaign to eradicate shamanism. However, the time has shown that no one managed to fully eradicate the spiritual and moral values of the ancient culture of many peoples of the world. The shaman garments of different peoples of the North have common features that take on the shapes of birds or animals. The bottom of a caftan or a coat frequently resembled a bird’s tail. Fringe on sleeves, metal pendants on shoulders, sleeves and back symbolised bird feathers. Footwear of an Evenk shaman imitates a bird’s foot. Bird symbolism is found in shaman clothing of the Yakut, the Evenk, the Even, the Yukaghir, and other peoples in the form of metal pendants depicting diver birds, gulls, and ducks. Reindeer, elk, or Siberian stag skin coats, as well as embroidery or metal stripes on footwear and gloves recreated the shape of an animal and its legs. Real reindeer or elk antlers were sewn on shaman hat from reindeer or elk skin; later on leather and iron antlers appeared. The symbolism of shaman attributes is a reflection of special world view that helps a shaman to enter a sacred space where it is possible to speak with spirits and move through worlds. After the death of a shaman most of the Siberian peoples left his clothes near his burial place. But usually clothes were inherited by shamans from one generation to the next. Despite general similarities shaman’s attire among the different peo- 87 ples has its differences. In the American Museum of Natural History we have described eight shaman dresses, including three Yakut, two Yukaghir, and three Tungus. Jochelson acquired two dresses in Yakutsk region near Yakutsk, one of them in Meginsky Ulus (70/8673), and the other in Boturussky Ulus (70/8861). The third Yakut shaman’s attire was acquired in Rodchevo settlement near Verkhnekolymsk (70/8529). One of the Yukaghir dresses (70/8440) was bought by Jochelson after long persuasion from shaman Egor Shamanov from Alazeysk Tundra. The shaman didn’t want to sell the dress he received from the former shaman, but the village elder convinced him to. Later Jochelson learned that the shaman suffered and cried a lot, believing that he lost his power. This fact shows how harsh was the life of the Yukaghir that they were forces into selling the most sacred things. Another dress (70/8335) was acquired from a tundra Yukaghir Ivan Tretyakov in Menakhtakh settlement (W. Jochelson, 1926, pp. 170-176) . The mutual influence of the Northern Yakut and the Yukaghir can be seen on the example of shaman dresses from the Museum collection. For example, the garments of a Yakut shaman from Verkhnekolymsk (70/8529). The style of the caftan is unusual: the lower part is not sewn to the upper one but is buckled; sleeves are not whole but are made from long pieces of reindeer hide. Usually Yakut shamans wore coats directly on body, but this dress was worn by the Kolyma shaman on top of everyday clothing. In the front at the left side a breastplate is attached with tassels decorated with beads. In the middle of the back there is a long stripe with tassels running down from neck to tail depicting a spine tonogos. The tail at the back ends in an iron arrow with iron pendants at the sides. The main feature of the caftan is the absence of metal pendants. Instead, there is a variety of fringe and tassels from reindeer hide with beads and copper tubules sewn on at the ends of tassels. The head piece consists of a rim with long fringe sewn on that covers the face almost completely. Short footwear is also finished with fringe. The absence of metal pendants and presence of a breastplate and a head piece in the form of a rim with fringe point to the influence of Yukaghir shaman clothing. More typical for the Yakut shaman attire is kumu coat (70/9237) sewn from calf skin with the fur facing inwards. Numerous iron and copper pendants on the back, above the scapulae, across the back help the shaman during his travels to other worlds and protect him. Iron lancet shaped plates chilliriit symbolise feathers of shamanistic bird-spirits. Copper bells khobo kyyhan and hollow conical tubules kondoy kyyhan are meant to help against evil spirits. A large upper disk with a hole on the back 88 oybon kuhenge symbolises an ice hole where the shaman dives to get to the Lower World, another disk kun kuhenge, a sun disk, lights up the shaman’s path, and the third disk without a hole iy kuhenge helps the shaman to rise to the Upper World. An iron chain tehiin at the back attached to rings is the harness that is held by the shaman’s assistant kuturuksut so that the spirits do not drag his body away while his soul is travelling in other worlds. Long fringe under the sleeves and hem “turns” into bird wings. Absence of headwear is typical for a Yakut shaman. Researchers point out that often during a ritual a shaman would wear women’s headwear. A Yukaghir shaman was considered to be a clan’s ancestor. In the language of the Odul, i.e. Verkhnekolymsk Yukaghir, shamans are called alma. The Vadul, or the tundra Nizhnekolymsk Yukaghir call them volme or yerkeye. The cult of an ancestor-shaman was developed among all groups of the Yukaghir. Jochelson in his The Yukaghir and Yukaghirized Tungus writes that in the past the relatives of a deceased shaman separated his body from the bones, dried them up, and preserved in special containers as amulets. Especially worshipped were the dried shaman skulls, covered with special masks with holes for eyes and mouth, put on top of a wooden “body” clothed in double coats and two hats, one for winter, and one for summer. Such a figure was called hoyle and put in the front corner of a house of an elder son, who would have been privy to the secrets of shamanism while his father still lived (W. Jochelson, 1926, p. 162-169). The most typical attire is an attire of a tundra shaman volmen maghil (70/8440) that consists of a coat, an apron, and a headdress. Loose caftan from soft skin of a year old reindeer symbolises a skin of a bird with the help of which a shaman can fly. In contrast to a Yakut shaman’s attire this one has no metal elements except two disks on the back that symbolise shamanic sun and moon. The influence of a Yakut shaman’s attire can also be seen in another Yukaghir coat (70/8336) with numerous metal pendants. There are iron plates sewn on the shoulders, sleeves and sides, with disks for the Sun and the Moon sewn on in the middle of the back. Under the collar at the back there is a plate with a hole symbolising shamanic stars. A bent piece of iron is attached to it, within which an iron pin is turning, to which a long belt is attached. The belt is the harness that is held by a shaman’s assistant during a ritual. Iron tubules and plates on the back are called “back iron” by the Yukaghirs, and seven iron plates on the sides and three on the sleeves are called “side bones”. The apron of this attire (70/8335) sewn from reindeer hide also has numerous iron pendants, each one of which has a symbolic meaning. Headdresses are the most significant items of a shaman’s attire among 89 the peoples of Siberian North. It was thought that they store a substantial amount of shaman’s power that was necessary for his communication with the other world. Their decoration was very important, using coloured elk hair embroidery, stripes of coloured fur all along the headdress’ circumference, and weaved straps. A shaman can appear in other worlds in the form of a reindeer or elk, and to facilitate this leather or iron antlers were attached to the top of his hat, and people’s faces, the “souls of the dead”, were sewn on using sinew threads around the crown of the head. All parts and details of a headdress have a symbolic meaning. Embroidered stripes sewn in a circle symbolise the sky dome where a shaman travels in the form of a reindeer or another animal. Long thick fringe from reindeer hide, leather straps and tubules of coloured fur threaded on reindeer hide strings, and fur tassels cover the face of a Yukaghir or Tungus shaman. Fringe is meant to hide the eyes of a shaman during a ritual when his helper-spirits enter him, as evil spirits may be among them that are a danger to other people. If a person looks into a shaman’s eye, the spirits can drag him to other worlds. After the ritual is over the shaman releases them by tossing the hat away. Khudyakov describes the end of a shamanic ritual in Moma of Verkhoyansk region: “When [the shaman] is finishing the ritual, he swings his head in such a way that the hat falls off: it is caught by the others”, and by doing this he releases all the spirits from himself (Khudyakov, 2002, p. 96). The AMNH collection has three full sets of shamanic clothing, the so called attire of a Tungus shaman. We should remember that the aims of Jesup Expedition did not include gathering of materials on the Evenk culture. Only Berthold Laufer, working in Sakhalin and the basin of the River Amur, gathered a small collection of the Amur Evenk clothing specific to that region. On the shore of Okhotsk Sea Jochelson acquired a shaman dress (70/5163-5167) from, as he writes, “the Tungus that live in close contact with the Koryak and have never met the Yakut.” Therefore a Tungus shaman’s attire could be influenced by the Koryak, and not the Yakut or the Yukaghir. This is one of the most complete sets of a shaman’s attire and includes a coat, an apron, a headdress, footwear, and gloves. Two other Tungus shaman coats (70/5772 and 70/5620) were acquired by V.Bogoras in Markovo settlement at the basin of the River Anadyr. The word “Tungus” used to describe these garments raises some questions. Usually Tungus denoted the Evenk, but the Okhotsk Tungus are the Even (Lamut) who are the indigenous inhabitants of Okhotsk Sea coast and Anadyr. In the Museum catalogue and in Jochelson’s list these garments are called Tungus. Probably there was no difference between the clothes 90 of Evenk and Even shamans. In Tungus shaman clothes a great deal of attention was paid to anthropomorphic figures. On coats, aprons, and headdresses schematic human figures were sewn on using sinew threads, or leather and cloth in appliqué technique. These figures mostly depicted shaman spirits in motion: walking, holding hands, dancing, or running. Human figures are also embroidered on reindeer skin gloves. Fingers of right hand glove have claws and tassels from reindeer leg hair. On two fingers schematic figures of humans are embroidered using sinew threads, and on the back a half-circle with a cross-shaped ornament is embroidered using reindeer hair with a fur edging. The glove with claws symbolises a shamanic spirit of a bear. The left glove has a normal appearance and is only decorated with an ornament within a half-circle with the image of dancing people on both sides of the cross-shaped ornament. Similar difference between left and right parts can also be seen in footwear, the leather on top of which is coloured in different colours. The clothes and garments of shamans acquired by the participants of Jesup Expedition are valuable in that they originally were not museum or archaeological exhibits. Jochelson and Bogoras witnessed the actual rituals of the Yakut, Yukaghir, Tungus, Koryak, and Chukchi shamans. It is known that in the beginning of the 20th century the Yukaghir officially adopted Christianity while simultaneously preserving their beliefs in shamans. In conditions where the religious remnants of shamanism were rooted out first by the Church and then the Soviet state, the shamans were very tolerant towards Christianity. However, the world outlook of shamanism turned out to be more resilient and is now an object of study of not only the traditional culture and arts of the peoples, but also of physics, psychology, genetics, medicine, and other modern sciences. References 1. Аlekseyev N.A.Traditsionnye religioznye verovaniya yakutov v XIX – nachale XX veka. – Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1975. 2. Jochelson W. The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus // The Jesup North Pacific Expedition. – Leiden / N.Y., 1926 - Vol.9: Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. – pp. 164-195 3. KhudyakovI.A.Kratkoe opisanie Verchoyanskogo 0kruga М., 91 THE LEGACY OF ANCESTORS AND MYTHOLOGEMES IN THE WORKS OF ARCTIC ARTISTS18 Zinaida Ivanova-Unarova The desire of the native people of the Arctic regions to learn more about the roots of their national cultures continues to grow. The way of life of nomadic cattle herders, reindeer herders, continental hunters and sea hunters that was forming for centuries has defined their present day material and spiritual culture. Traditional elements of everyday culture, rites, clothing and adornments, carefully restored by folk artisans, as well as languages, are the indicators of a specific ethnos. For artists, one of the most interesting and engaging means of learning about the world and specific character of ethnic cultures is mythology. In the summer of 1993, the City of Yakutsk hosted the Art Arctica International Exhibition, which, for the first time, gathered artists and representatives of the native peoples of the Russian Arctic, Alaska, Canada, Norway, and Finland. After a century long isolation behind the “iron curtain”, we have finally learned how much there is in common in the worldview of different peoples and how different are the various artistic schools. Indeed, all modern artists were not self-taught, but studied in art schools and academies of various countries. It is then that I met Abraham Ruben, an Inuit sculptor from Canada, who graduated from the Native Art Centre of University of Alaska, Fairbanks, having studied under a well-known sculptor Ronald Senungetuk. At that exhibition Ruben showed a bronze work “Shaman Braiding Sedna’s Hair”, created on the basis of a popular myth among the Inuit about the terrible goddess of the sea. Sedna, thrown overboard by her father for disobedience, after he has cut her fingers off, can summon storms, tempests, and sink boats. She allows only shamans to braid her hair that symbolize her strength and power. The work was created in a calm, realistic manner. Twenty years later, I met Ruben again at his personal exhibition, dedicated to the opening of the 18th International Conference on Life and Culture of the Inuit, held in October 2012 in Washington, DC. The style of his works changed noticeably, filled with emotions, philosophical thoughts, and symbolism of mythological images. Speaking at the conference the artist talked Доклад был представлен на международной конференции «Адаптация общества и человека в Арктических регионах в условиях изменения климата и глобализации» 25-26 ноября 2014 г. Опубликовано в журнале «Новый мир Арктики». – Якутск: СВФУ, 2015. – С.63-68. 18 92 about the roots of his works and expressed his outlook on life and nature. Abraham Anghik Ruben was born in a small Canadian settlement of Inuvik. His father is a hunter and mother is an artisan, a storyteller, keeper of ancient traditions. “My childhood was connected with the land, – Ruben said, – We hunted, roamed, travelled on dog sleds up until the 1960s. Travelling across the country defined the rhythm of life. History, tradition and faith mixed together.” Researching the works of scholars on the ethnogenesis of his people Ruben noticed the assimilated differing ethical components in the combined culture of the Canadian Inuit, as well as the similarities of mythologies of Scandinavia and North America. Historical accounts confirm the fact that at the beginning of the 11th century the boats of Norwegian Vikings reached the shores of North America, where they founded the Canadian city of Newfoundland. For the next three centuries, the Vikings lived in close contact with the local population. The phantasy of the sculptor, influenced by the mythological stories of the Inuit and the Vikings, did not result in plastic illustrations. Many-figure compositions from bronze, Brazilian soapstone, and walrus tusk with various inlays, created based on Scandinavian and Inuit mythology, are filled with internal energy that is almost mystic. Ruben widely uses the complex language of symbolism. The god of war and keeper of wisdom Odin has a magical ability to change into fish, animals, and birds. The sculptor depicts him wearing armour and horned helmet (fig. 1). The horns in Scandinavian mythology symbolize male warrior spirit and the high status of a chieftain, while among the Inuit and the Sakha the horns are a symbol of power and fertility. The frequent image of a Bear is considered among the Scandinavian people to be one of the incarnations of Odin, while among the Native people of North America a bear is a symbol of strength and renewal after a winter hibernation. One of Ruben’s most loved characters is Raven, a cult hero in the whole Arctic. The Raven was also popular among the Vikings: two brother ravens Huginn and Muninn were helpers of the god Odin, who, having flown all over the world would sit on the shoulders of the god, telling him the world news. They also symbolized such traits as intelligence and memory (fig. 2).Created in the spirit of ethno-modernism, the characters of Scandinavian, Inuit, and Eskimo mythology, the depictions of shamans and cult folk deities open before the modern viewer the image of the ancient culture of the Arctic world, affirming its uniqueness in the era of swift globalization that touched upon the spheres of culture and art everywhere. 93 There are similarities in the way of life and the formation of creative style of the Inuit Ruben from Canada and the Yukaghir Nikolay Kurilov from the Kolyma tundra of Northern Yakutia. The roots of his works are similarly based on the deep traditions of his ancestors. The ancient Yukaghir people left a rich legacy for their progeny in the form of unique works of oral and music folklore, arts and crafts, ornamental culture and artistic craftwork. A special place is taken by pic1. Аbraham Ruben. Odin – the god of vikings. Steatite tographic drawings on birch bark that has no analogues among the other people. We can call them pictographic writing as they were used as means of communication among the nomads of tundra. The Yukaghir would carve straight lines or, sometimes, dotted lines on a cleared piece of 2. Аbraham Ruben. The Raven. Steatite. birch bark. The carved places are clearly visible against a light background when the lower darker layer of birch bark shows through. Three types of Yukaghir pictographic works are known: love letters, area maps, and story drawings on birch bark. The so-called 94 “love letters” with symbolic signs were first published by S. Shargorodsky, cited later by S. Ivanov (1954, P. 527-528) and W. Jochelson (2005, P. 622-623). These unique letters were mostly lost at the end of the 19th century, while their copies, preserved in Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography in Saint Petersburg were published many times in various publications. One love letter written on a piece of birch bark was preserved in the American Museum of Natural History (70/8488, fig. 3). It is the original of a well-known letter written to Jochelson by two girls after his departure from Yasachnoye. The letter is displayed on a stand under a glass in the Early Writing of Peoples of the World Section and had been translated by Jochelson himself. Near the original, there is an artistic translation of the letter by the Museum for its visitors. The gist of the letter is that a man, an “important person”, which is meant to be Jochelson himself, leaves home, departs. The thoughts of the two girls are directed at him, but they were too shy to speak to him, especially because other young men loved and kept them. From their letter Jochelson learned that “the failed expectations about my feelings were quite satisfies by the happier relations with my Cossack and my interpreter” (Jochelson, 2005, pp. 112. 621). The originals of other birch bark drawings are represented in AMNH by accurate area maps that would be made by hunters before a long trip. The most widespread type of ancient Yukaghir graphical art is story drawings. While studying the materials of the Siberian Collection of Jesup’s North Pacific Expedition at AMNH in New York, collected by Jochelson, we have discovered 5 area maps and 13 story drawings on birch bark, of which 7 drawings were never published before. The following is the examination of some of them. In most cases, birch bark writings tell about everyday life in camps, hunting, and long trips. Outline drawings, drawn in profile and from a high point of view, use short lines to precisely illustrate the time of year, hunting and fishing places, everyday chores, various events, and even consequences of wars. For example, hunters chasing wild reindeer on skis wear snow glasses. Seeing this, the viewer comes to conclusion about the time of the year when the sun shines brightly over tundra. Another drawing is remarkable as it shows the emotional relations of people (70/8484, fig. 4). It shows fishermen returning home. On a barely visible outline of a river there are two boats, each one of them carrying a single person. They row hard towards the shore. An empty boat is already moored to the land in front of them. A man that was on that boat is coming with open hands to a woman, sitting on the shore, who is also happy to see him. Other drawing depicts various and even strange events that happened in tundra (70/8486). The drawing 95 was not carved strong enough and is barely visible. At the top, a Sakha saddled horse with a saddlecloth is running away from a person. One can see that the time of the year is when geese cannot fly, visible from a depiction of a man with a stick chasing two moulted and non-flying geese. Nearby, a tragic story is unfolding. Near a falling tent a sword is lying on the ground, further away there is a sewing woman looking down, holding her work on her knees. Judging by the inverted image and the shape of the item on her knees, the woman is sewing burial clothes for her husband. Lower in the drawing that same item has a clearer shape of a person lying in a coffin. The item is depicted as if entering a rectangular construction that looks like an open-air burial in the form of a raised platform on two pillars. Combining the above, a following story unfolds: the man died in battle, shown by the sword on the ground, his tent has become empty: it has tilted but not fallen down as his wife is still there. Possibly, there is a connection between the dead man and the image of a Sakha horse running away and a man chasing it. The Yukaghir were a warlike people and often clashed with the Sakha, the Tungus and the Koryaks (fig. 5). 3. Love letter. 70_8488 _2. The pictographic drawings show the early appearance of graphic art among the Yukaghir, which is masterfully developed at present by a professional artist Nikolay Kurilov. Just like the Inuit Abraham Ruben, the Yukaghir artist was born in tundra and roamed it with his parents, hereditary reindeer herders and fishermen, until his 18th birthday. He, like Ruben, grew up listening to folk fairy tales, songs and legends, told by his mother Anna, to whom the artist later dedicated a book “Tales of my mother”. After graduation from Krasnoyarsk Art School, he had good skills at academic drawing, etching, lithography and watercolour draw- 96 4. 70_8484. Meeting. Fishermen. 5. 70_8486. Death ing; however, he decided to dedicate himself to applique from black and white and colour paper. When Kurilov was creating his first appliques from paper, he did not yet know about the graphic legacy of his ancestors, but his outline pictures, the expression of movement of people and 97 animals give rise to certain associations. Drawing profiles of people and animals, the artist skilfully conveys their appearance, shows their character, as well as story moments (fig. 6). On the other hand, the roots of Kurilov’s works are in the traditions of Northern peoples, who created festive clothing from pieces of fur and hide, using the infinite variety of geometric ornament with its most complex simplicity. Using scissors, the artist cuts from paper the characteristic outlines of different figures and lines as thin as a human hair. In time, he started to frequently use the symbolism of a form – circles and spirals. Circle is taken as a metaphor of tundra, while spiral is considered to symbolize the flow of time, the cyclical rhythm of seasons. From spiral the artist organically moves on to abstract compositions (fig. 7). One cannot help but notice the incredible similarity in the manner of execution of black and white linear graphics of Canadian Inuit of Quebec and Cape Dorset and appliques of Kurilov, and even the outline drawings of the ancient Yukaghir. In their drawings, the illusory 3D space is based on laws of linear and inverted perspective. The terms linear and inverted perspective were used by A.V. Bakushinsky (1. P. 27-28) and B.V. Raushenbach (4.P. 52-58; 94-98) in relation to Old Russian icon painting and the picture art of the Middle Ages. As for the graphic artists of the Arctic, representatives of various nationalities and cultures, who have grown up in similar landscape and climatic conditions, one can see the common ethnocultural worldview in their works. What characterizes them is the leading role of silhouettes and lines, “cosmic” view of space, flatness of surfaces, preciseness of rhythm, and subdued emotionality. The adherence to principles of flatness has a historical basis on the ethnic traditions of learning about the surrounding environment, like an original semantic code. A person starts to learn about the world from the moment of birth, and, in time, a complete picture of the surrounding environment forms in his mind. Before his eyes is the vast expanse of tundra that merges with the sky. This leads to works with high horizon and panoramic views. If lines, outlines, and the play of black and white are the instruments of choice for graphic artists, the colour is the leading choice for painters. Yuri Spiridonov, a Dolgan by birth, heads the organization of the Union of Sakha Artists. He was also born in tundra, in a small tent on the shores of the Laptev Sea. He graduated from the Art Faculty of the Institute of the People of the North in Saint Petersburg. The Russian academic school of painting has influenced the realistic manner of his works. Nevertheless, he is steadfast in the choice of his themes: North and tundra – these are his native elements. As the artist himself says: “North is the state of my 98 6. N. Kurilov. Beautiful tents. Paper, color application. 7. N. Kurilov. The Dance of Shaman. Paper, color application. soul”. The nature of the Arctic, depicted in Spiridonov’s paintings, creates a feeling of closeness to the faraway cosmos. His paintings are notable by the faraway horizon of the tundra that continues on to the endless blue 99 8. Yuri Spiridonov. Master of the Moma Mountains. Canvas, oil. 9. N. Kurilov. The Dance of Shaman. Paper, color application. 100 sky, his heroes are the reindeer, fishermen and reindeer herders. In the painting “Master of the Moma Mountains”, the artist conveys the absolute unity of man and nature. The ethnic type of an Even, radiating kindness and calm confidence, and his clothing with amazingly beautiful national adornments are so natural against the panorama of snowy mountains and forests, that it is very difficult to imagine this person in any other setting (fig. 8). When Spiridonov turns to mythological and historical stories, his classically built works change to conditional-abstract mannered works. The painting “Full moon” is built on decorative rhythms of colours and lines. The motives of a round moon, rounded silhouettes of a woman and a Sakha tethering post serge remind of the eternity of the circle of life and the national symbols of happiness (fig. 9). One of the ancient components of the Sakha culture is jewellery. At present, a new direction in the character of jewellery art is opened by jeweller-sculptor Alexander Manzhuriev. He was born in a small Sakha Town of Vilyuisk in a family, where the interest in art and folk culture was at the forefront of life values. His mother is a culture specialist, and father is an actor, melodist, master khomus maker, joiner and jeweller. Manzhuriev graduated from East-Siberian State Academy of Culture and Arts in the City of Ulan-Ude (Buryatia). His works can be classified as small sculpture plastic art rather than a traditional Sakha jewellery art. Manzhuriev works with expensive materials, including gold, silver, mahogany, mammoth tusk, precious stones. In bronze works he uses patinating for strengthening the decorative effect. Use of elements of Sakha myths, fairy tales, proverbs, and legends gives his works a unique ethnic character. His images convey the sacral meaning of shamanism, religion of Tengriism, folk tales and beliefs. From the historic past of the Sakha he is attracted to the warriors of the era of wars kyrgys yiete wearing chainmail armour and helms, holding bows, arrows and other war items. One of the most loved figures of the artist is a horse. According to Sakha beliefs horses are the original ancestors of humans as the first human was born from the Horse deity Aiyy Djesegey. The artist depicts the horse in free flight (“Elements”), or creates only different parts of it and its harness details (head, hoofs, saddle). Characters of Manzhuriev are grotesque and amusing, each detail of a work has a symbolic meaning. “Shaman”, surrounded by animal totems and emeget sacral figure of a man gets a new mysterious meaning with each turning (fig. 10). On the one hand, his shape resembles a bird with a sharp beak, and on the other, he transforms into a ram with strongly curved horns. Memories of children’s national games related to hunting led to the creation of “A beauty on a bull” silver 101 figurine that follows the shape of a hare jaw, where the “teeth” of the hare became female adornments with emeralds (fig. 11). We have looked at the works of Arctic artists from two continents, Asia and America: an Inuit sculptor, a Yukaghir graphic artist, a Dolgan painter, and a Sakha jeweller. All of them belong to the generation of modern artists united by the new reading of mythological stories and ancient tales and a desire to find in them the historical roots of their people and the love for their land. The creative style of each one of them is unique, yet with a subtle commonality of images. At the same time on can see the ethnocultural worldview of 10. Alexander Manzhuriev. Shaman. the authors, representatives of difBronze. ferent nationalities and cultures, which is typical for the modern art of ethno-modernism. Expression and grotesqueness of images, sacral character of symbolic language, and folk archetypes elevate the works of ethno-modernism artists to a whole new level of modern art. Millennium long culture of the Circumpolar World, be it mythological images and stories, pictographic writings or cliff drawings, all of this combines to enrich the modern art of the Arctic, which organically weaves into the system of global picture of 11. Alexander Manzhuriev. universal order. A beauty on a bull. 102 Bibliography 1. Bakushinsky A.V. Linear perspective in art and visual perception of real space / A.V. Bakushinsky. Research and articles. Collection of works. – Moscow: Soviet Artist, 1981. – 350 p. 2. Ivanov S.V. Materials on the visual art of the people of Siberia of the 19th-early 20th centuries (Story drawings and other types of pictures on flat surfaces). Moscow-Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR Publishing House, 1954. – 838 p. 3. Jochelson W.I. The Yukaghir and Yukaghirized Tungus. Translated from English by Ivanova V.Kh. and Ivanova-Unarova Z.I. Novosibirsk: Science, 2005. – 675 p. (Monuments of ethnic culture of the indigenous small numbered people of the North, Siberia, and the Far East; vol. 5). 4. Raushenbach B.V. Spatial constructs in painting. – Moscow: Science, 1980 – 288 p. P. 52-58; 94-98. ETHNOCULTURAL TRADITIONS OF SAKHA ART19 Zinaida Ivanova-Unarova The ethnic aspects of national art became especially relevant in the republics of the former Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s, when Mikhail Gorbachev established the direction of perestroika for the material and spiritual life of the country. Before that, the criteria for judging Soviet art had been the familiar slogan “national in form and international in content.” Emphasis was also on the beneficial influence of Russian art [on non-Russians]. Of course it is impossible to refute the role of Russian culture and the Russian Orthodox Church on the professional-level art of the national republics within Russia. In the nineteenth century churches were often adorned by Sakha [Yakut] artists. Especially well known among them was the art of Innokentii Sivtsev Mytyiyki. Painting and Graphics The first artists, I. Popov and M. Nosov, set the foundations of Yakut painting. They had early education in St. Petersburg (1903–1910) in a complex atmosphere of struggles over ideological platforms and direction. These [debates] made their first stamp on Yakut art of the 1920s–1940s. Thinking about the roles of Popov and Nosov, one confronts a paradox: while ethnically Russian they identified themselves as representatives of Yakut culture. They became members of the scientific-research society “Sakha Keskilé” (1925–30), and were active participants in the cultural 19 Опубликовано в журнале Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia. Art, Identity and Ethnicity: Republics of Kalmykia, Buryatia, Altai, and Sakha (Yakutia). London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015, Vol.54 No 3. – p.87-98. 103 life of the republic. Speaking fluent Russian and Yakut languages, they collected artifacts, as well as oral folklore – Yakut folktales and legends. Their art led them to study of ancient monuments, and this fascination with antiquities was fueled by the results of scientific geographic and ethnographic studies of the end of the nineteenth – early twentieth centuries. The complex Siberiakov Expedition of the Russian Geographical Society was the biggest of these, as well as the American based Jesup North Pacific Expedition. The turning of artists to historical-ethnographic themes was linked to a desire to give art national qualities. This entailed a kind of ethnographic documentation. Focus on realism, on the study of folklore, and on national culture followed. The painting “Shaman” by Popov, and the “Yakut still life” by Nosov, have become recognized today as classic Yakut painting of the early era. (Compare Potapov 1979, Potapov, I.A. Pervye khudozhniki Sovetskoi Yakutii. Yakutsk: Yakutskoe izd., 1979). The desire to communicate art with national qualities has continued among artists of successor generations, ethnic Sakha, who use folklore and mythological themes. In addition, in [Soviet] conditions of [Communist] Party control, the use of mythological forms gave artists a chance to avoid strict naturalist reality, and single-message topics. The social function of art in the former Soviet national regions was fulfilled through demands of “people and party” focus, the art of “socialist realism.” By turning to folklore, and to ethnography, artists were able to provide the first stages in the growth of a representational art that provided the basis for the future of a national school of painting. In addition, a nationally specific art cannot be squeezed only into specific themes and topics, even if some are characteristic of a given ethnos. The mentality of a people, the nature-oriented social-psychological specifics of an ethnos, are formed precisely in the process of its historical development, defined through principles of artistic viewpoints and the resonance of art with an ethnic group. Ethnic psychology of the Sakha and Sakha national character, has been shaped in turn by natural-climatic conditions resulting in a monumental style for oral and representational visual creativity. Huge colorful expanses (winter white, summer blue and green), wide meadows (alasy), and unending taiga distances have shaped the monumental thinking and perceptions of Sakha. Restrained nature, peaceful contemplation, the transcendence of suffering, the straining toward harmony between humans and nature, and the love for traditional village and rural life – these are typical in the creativity of Yakut (Sakha) artists. Such characteristic national qualities as careful attention to minute 104 detail, well-aimed juxtapositions, and elaborated oral virtuosity is familiar to all from childhood, for example through the epic tradition called olonkho. This in turn made its mark on the special creative art of the older generation – for example the graphic artists Ellei (Sivtsev), Valerian Vasil’ev, Seksei (Parnikov), and the painters Afanasii Osipov, Timofei Stepanov, Isai Kapitonov. Those from the northern regions of Yakutia [today’s Sakha Republic], growing up in the tundra, were also carriers of their ethnic backgrounds, and had their own characteristic creativity – for example the Yukagir artist Kurilov, and the Dolgan artist Spiridonov discussed above. An artist born and raised in the North sees the surrounding world differently from those who see this world as outsiders. The tundra in the [Sakha] graphics of Afanasy Munkhalov (“My North”) or in the art of Maria Rakhleeva (“Northern Motifs”) is rendered somehow from afar, as if the artist is trying to communicate philosophically. Of course, every artist, not determined by nationality, has individual creative markers, but in general, something less tangible also seems to be coming from within. And this is the relationship of individuals with their ethnic specialness. One of the most important factors in the influence of art on viewers is its emotional impact. In the character of Northern Peoples – Even, Evenki, Chukchi and Yukagir – some seemingly “southern” characteristics of greater emotionality and temperament are evident. Their grace of movement, lively dance rhythm, accompanied by enthusiastic cries, is sharply different from the Yakut (Sakha) okhuokhai chant dancing. It is precisely this special rhythmic and emotional quality that forms the basis of an artistic style for the peoples of the Arctic. If we examine a general tendency for modern Yakut (Sakha) art, then we see a growth on the basis of Russian academic tradition. This requires formal art education, with a direction of realism depictions and professional techniques mastery. Young artists of the 1990s generation went into more subjective depiction of their consciousness, their fantasies combined with various cultural associations. (Compare Ivanova-Unarova 2000 Ivanova-Unarova, Zinaida Liki Shamana Yakutsk: Bichik, 2000). In their art, they went toward the ‘modern’ but without contradicting the ethnic lens in their worldview. They indeed widened and deepened it. Conceptualism as a new understanding of space became a new principle of myth creation. In step with a greater exposure to European culture, they addressed their own roots, their ancient religion, and their folklore – without dissolving it into their diverse morass of youth art of Russia [Rossiia]. The newest generation gives itself the task of creating art on the basis 105 of traditional and material ‘pagan’ culture of the Sakha people. In the exhibit “Art-navigation” organized by women artists, they broadcast the banner: “We want to live in harmony with Nature. There is so much negative in life, it is better to give people hope. For that reason, we look at the world through narrowed / blinkered eyes.” They are afraid to open their eyes too wide, to see the darkness in the world around them. For too long, art served the ideology of “building communism.” That scares artists in the process of attaining the “post-modern.” They don’t expect of themselves advocacy of any dictatorial or propagandistic goals. They have worked out for themselves an artistic language, alien to realism, closer to symbolism. The sources for this are populist roots, nationalist worldview, and folklore. Their depictions include petroglyph cliff drawings, mythology and fantasy, without seeming to be archaic. On the contrary, it feels fresh, coming from the perceptions of contemporary persons. Compositions may include not obviously connected elements, and their sum seems decorative. The graphic series of Tuiaara Shaposhnikova has a mixed technique that feels painterly (see Figure 1). They may have beautiful coloring with soft grey-brown tones, or half-tones, or, in contrast, sharp colors with a fluid effect that places contrasting colors over a sharp silhouette. The turn of artists to folkloric traditions earlier was developed Figure 1. Diva. Tuiaara Shaposhnikova. 106 through the names and subjects of print-making (for example: “The Hunter;” “The Path of [Ancestor-Progenitor] Ellei”). But afterward, it became more amorphous and abstract (for example: “Suprematist Composition;” “Artifact;” “The Momentary and the Eternal”). Yet these too had their deep subconscious production in the spiritual culture of the Sakha people. Myth creation is not necessarily tied to the subject matter of the heroic epics, olonkho, and the ancestral religious-mythical worldview. It can be actively using the conditional language of symbols, in painting and in graphics, such as in the art of Mikhail Starostin. The artist uses an approach of naiveté, primitive art that comes out of his own special, penetrating dynamism. The mythogemes of Starostin have a sharpness, secretiveness, energetic movement and expression, to some extent decorative yet somewhat humorous, somewhat paradoxical. Metaphorical ideas of life-time experiences on this earth, probing and redemption, hope and despair, are explored in Starostin’s “The Nomads,” “The Travelers,” “Sacred Simplicity,” “Jumping across Sleds.” (see Figure 2). He explores various styles: abstractionism, expressionism, and primitivism. At the same time, a national mentality permeates, not only through the faces of his personages, but also through the movement of Figure 2. Jumping across Sleds. Mikhail Starostin. 107 their bodies and their gestures. Most important, his choices of unexpected situations reveal folk wisdom. Dependent on the personal qualities and creative temperaments of each artist, the art of and for new times reveals a wide variation and style. Modern Yakut (Sakha) painting exemplifies a cross-cultural effort that combines Russian and world art, including diverse directions – from traditional realism to ethnomodern, transformed through the national worldview and culture of the Sakha people. Ethnomodern Qualities in Yakut (Sakha) Jewelry Arts Yakut jewelry artistry was formed in early eras of the history of the Sakha people, born in the foundry of ironsmiths. Developed over hundreds of years, in time it acquired a stable canon, with traditional forms, composition, and ornamental-decorative principles. Within these was a system of signs that conveyed ethnic cultural historical information and had a sacred function. This tradition, with its established unbreakable canon distinguishable in Yakut (Sakha) silvermaking, is celebratory, monumental with a soft shine. Distinct from neighboring Turkic language-speaking peoples, the Yakut masters did not use colored gems. Or various colored beads or larger bead strands were only used for decorative purposes. By the nineteenth century until our day, the tradition of Yakut (Sakha) jewelry mastery emerged from museum collections into a wider pattern of life-style enhancing consumption. What is so compelling about this tradition? Is it some sort of perennial stability or life-confirming form in the realm of folk creativity? The quesFigure 3. Aal Lukh Mas [World Tree]. tion of the nature of traLena Gogoleva. 108 dition has constantly confronted artists, and stimulated polemics among specialists. The core of the issue is that tradition supports folk art, but professional decorative art strives to innovate. It is long overdue to differentiate various directions for jewelry arts, diversely analyzing the work of folk masters, and the creativity of professional artist-jewelers. Folk masters produce traditional silverworks with attention to the forms of ornamental handmade engraving composition. Their products are expensive, and yet still retain a sense of mass production. In the early 1990s, an innovation tendency in jewelry emerged, based on an increase in the circle of practicing artists. The bone carver Yuri Khandy was first to turn to the decorative tradition of Arctic peoples’ carving. He used an outlined carving technique that had not been part of the Yakut traditional arts. Contemporary artists are now going in new directions that have a base in not only the ethnic specificity of the Sakha, but also correlate to historically culturally close national traditions, including Arctic, Turkic, and Scythian. Leaders of this direction are Lena Gogoleva, main artist-muralist of the Sakha Theatre, as well as Alexander Manzhur’ev [also Manzhuryev], jeweler and master of small sculpture. They have different creative signatures, but are united in their interest in folklore, in Yakut legends and myths. Lena Gogoleva has accumulated a large collection of her own originally designed luxurious decorative art. The theme of the collection is “Eurasia,” based on real events, legends and myths celebration the ancient history of our people. Horses, as depicted in cliff drawings, and the phenomenal warrior Chingis Khan are rendered romantically, compellingly, with talent. The necklace “Golden Horse” from that collection is made of silver with applied gold, with diamonds across it. Each detail requires attention, and its images are not repeated. In the necklace “Aal Lukh Mas” [World Tree] from the collection “Legends: The Three Worlds of the Universe,” the artist uses unusual techniques by combining white gold and black gold, encrusted with black diamonds. From the tree extend branches reaching to the Upper World. The darker lower branches extend as roots to the Lower World. On the branches of the three worlds hang appropriately symbolic signs (see Figure 3). The innovative sculptor-jeweler Aleksander Manzhur’ev was born in the town of Viliuisk in a family where an interest in art and folk culture was at the forefront of life values. His mother is a culture studies scholar, his father an actor, a melodist, a master Jaw harp [khomus] maker, a cabinetmaker, and a jeweler. Manzhur’ev received an art education at the East Siberian State Academy of Culture and Arts in Ulan-Ude (Buriatia). His works are small sculptures rather than traditional Yakut jewelry. Man- 109 zhur’ev works with gold, silver, mahogany, mammoth tusk, and sometimes encrusted precious stones. With bronze, he uses patina to intensify the decorative effect. Drawing upon myths, tales, proverbs, and legends has given Manzhur’ev’s works an inimitable ethnic character. His images carry the sacral meaning of shamanism, the religion of Tengrism, and folk tales and beliefs. From the historical past of the Sakha (Yakut), he is attracted to the warriors of the era of the “kyrgys uiete” [nomadic Kyrgyz state], arrayed in chain mail and helmets, with bows, arrows, and other military attributes. A favorite image is the horse, according to Yakut belief the original ancestor of humans, as the first human was born of the Horse Aiyy-Dzhehegei [Benevolent Spirit Dzhehegei]. The artist sometimes depicts the horse in free flight (Stikhiia [The Elements]), or shows individual motifs of a horse and harness (the head, hoofs, saddle) in his compositions. Manzhur’ev’s heroes can be grotesque and amusing; every element has a symbolic meaning. Shaman, surrounded by totems of beasts and an emeget [sacral figure], reveals a new hidden meaning with every turn (see Figure 10 in the previous article). From one side, the figure resembles a bird with a sharp beak; from another angle, it turns into a ram with sharply bent horns. Memories of children’s national games associated with the hunt led to the creation of the silver figurine of Krasavitsa na byke [The Beauty on the Bull], that repeats the form of a hare’s jaw, while the hare’s “teeth” have been turned into a woman’s adornments with emeralds (see Figure 11 in the previous article). Different motifs of horses with their accoutrements (on the head, hooves, saddle) exemplify many of Figure 4. Bride’s Earrings. Aleksander Manzhur’ev. 110 Manzhur’ev’s jewelry-like compositions. One piece in silver is “Kiuliumen (Gadfly).” On a pebble sits a warrior in armor. The stone plays the role of his horse, as if he’s mounted, with his booted feet extended as if into stirrups. The warrior is equipped with a bow and arrows, numbering 7, a sacred number in Yakut numerology. The arrows are held in a quill, and a circular shield protects his spine. This rough warrior is gazing with delight and tenderness at a golden gadfly with huge wings, executed in silver filigree. Another example is the asymmetric pair of earrings called “Bride,” where the accent is on the upper part of an earring in the shape of a tall headdress, of the type uraa in an oval egg form. One of the earrings represents the bride’s face, covered with an ann’akh – an old-style veil worn by girls to shield their faces from the groom and his father. The other earring has a bride with a visible face, already legally a wife. The earrings are done in silver, amethyst and blue topaz (see Figure 4). In sum, contemporary Yakut decorative art, as seen in jewelry, should be interpreted as an ethnocultural system. It is decorative designer art that derives from a professional base. But its roots are in folk tradition, and ethnic consciousness. The art exemplifies the contemporary style of ‘ethnomodern.’ Conclusions. The recent generation of modern artists are united by a new reading of mythological narratives and ancient tales, a desire to find in them the historical roots of their people, and love for their land. The creative signature of each one is distinguished by an inimitable yet elusively similar stylization of images. At the same time, the ethnocultural worldview of the artists — representatives of different nationalities and cultures — comes through. This is typical of the modern art of the “ethnomodern.” The images’ expressiveness and occasional grotesqueness, the sacred symbolic language, and folk patterned motifs take the creations of these ethnomodernist artists to a new level of modern art. 111 ORAL TRADITIONS OF THE YUKAGHIRS STORYTELLING (SPOKEN)20 Sesilia Ode Tatyana Ignatieva — sung improvisations: — personal improvisations, — folktales, — dances, — shamanic rituals, — onomatopoeic imitations of animals and birds songs, — folksongs, — modern songs Tundra vs Forest Yukaghir singing Forest (Odul): — assimilation with Russian culture — almost normal singing — personal improvisations not preserved extinct: — speaking gradually switches to an intermediate stage between speaking and singing in folktales and other narratives — throat wheezing on an inhalation and exhalation in circular dances Tundra (Wadul): — archaic, unique musical folklore — songs with «recitatives» — personal improvisations still used not extinct: — an intermediate stage between speaking and singing in songs and other narratives Personal improvisations sung by the author or by somebody who remembers that author — praising songs about people — remarkable events — memory songs — songs about animals, nature Characteristics of Wadul traditional singing — Realizing intervals of frequently a fourth (fie semitones) from a 20 Традиционное пение Юкагиров (из выступления в амстердамском университете 13 декабря 2013 г.). Материал из сборника статей «Музыкальная Вселенная Юрия Шейкина» (2017). 112 low tone as reference level, but other intervals also occur — Onomatopoeic imitating of animals and birds (the Odul also have these imitations) — Reiterating epenthetic meaningless soungs, frequently used in shamanic singing Note that the rhythm and intervals in this type of singingdo not reflct rhythm and intonation observed in normal speech. Tonic structure of melodies — In the tonic structure of Wadul singing, archaic forms are present of oligotonics (small ambitus), — chasmatonics (large ambitus) — or a mixture of oligo-chasmatonic tonic norms Most frequent: melodies of three and four tone steps with a third or fourth interval. Larger intervals are rare. Defining the intermediate stage: Recitative? Intoning? — In musical terms, a recitative is a spoken fragment within a song or aria with the rhythm of normal speech — Intoning is a way of speaking in a kind of singing voice that resembles chanting (not to be confused with the linguistic term «intonating»: speech melody — realizing pitch movements while speaking) — What intoning in Wadul songs will follow — The specifi intermediate stage between speaking and singing in Yukaghir songs and narratives is neither performing a recitative nor intoning — There is no appropriate term yet for the intermediate stage 113 Some notes on speaking and singing — In speaking, formant frequencies define vowels and consonants — In professional singing, for each sung note, all voice parameters must be controlled independently and the so-called singer’s formant must be maintained — Professional, trained singers achieve the singer’s formant — What is the singer’s formant? Formants measured in Wadul traditional singing and speaking Waveform and formants of a fragment of traditional singing:Anna Yegorovna about her two sons Vanya and Ilya playing at lake Olyóra, recorded in 2004 by Odé. Formants 3-4-5 do not cluster. Waveform and formants of a short fragment of normal speech from a story about an event on the tundra told by Anna Yegorovna, recorded in 2004 by Odé. Wadul traditional singers are not trained and do not achieve the singer’s formant If the intermediate stage is not a recitative, not intoning, and not classical or normal singing, then how to define the intermediate stage between speaking and singing and in what notation can we represent this stage? Traditional singing inserted in Wadul folkloristic narratives, personal stories and songs: the unique intermediate stage — Roughly speaking, in musical terms, intonation is the artistic sound 114 expression of thoughts, meanings, feelings, emotions in a social-historical context — In classical singing, intonation has fixed intervals and a fixed rhythm, timbre, temporal organization etc. according to a specifi score — In archaic, folkloristic singing like in Wadul improvisations, intonation is free and dynamic — An intermediate stage between speaking and singing can be described as rhythmic intoning — Intoning in this defiition must be understood as an utterance pronounced without a fixed rhythmic organization Some examples of rhythms in Wadul singing — The song patterns of the Wadul are distinguished by the type of rhythmic organization. — The songs can be divided into tertiary units (with a relation of short and long units 1:3) — and binary units (1:2). — The rhythmic organization often corresponds with the structure of the composition of the song. — The rhythms are usually realized according to a specifi formal type, but in songs with a dynamic structure with recitative parts, any rhythmic principle is realized in various ways and more spontaneously. — Usually, words in a recitative of such parts of the song are pronounced on a low reference level, in a free rhythm and in a relatively fast tempo. — In what sense the pronounced text is being said or sung may vary in the different songs. — In songs with a fixed formal structure a syllabic way of singing prevails. 6. — In songs with recitative fragments, ornamental singing within the syllable occurs. 115 СТАТЬИ НА НЕМЕЦКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ DIE GESCHICHTE DER MUSIKETHNOLOGISCHEN FORSCHUNGEN BEI DEN SAMOJEDISCHEN VÖLKERN21 Oksana Dobžanskaja (Dudinka) Abstract. Die musikalische Kultur der samojedischen Völker (Nenzen, Enzen, Nganasanen, Selkupen) ist eine einzigartige Erscheinung in der kulturellen Vielfalt der indigenen Völker Nordasiens. Sie ist bedingt durch die Spezifik der Lebensweise, der kulturellen Aktivitäten und der wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit, des Weltbildes und der ästhetischen Einstellung dieser Völker. Der vorliegende Artikel betrachtet die Prozesse, die mit der Erforschung der Musik der samojedischen Völker verbunden sind, vom 18. Jahrhundert bis in unsere Tage. Im Rahmen des Artikels wird die Erforschung der Musik der samojedischen Völker erstmals in Perioden unterteilt, wobei die mit der Erforschung der musikalischen Kultur der samojedischen Völker verbundenen Prozesse als selbständige Erscheinung betrachtet werden. Diese Betrachtungsweise kann für die Wissenschaftsgeschichtsschreibung nützlich sein und dazu beitragen, das Wesen der heute zu beobachtenden wissenschaftlichen Prozesse zu verstehen. Keywords: musikethnologische Forschungen, samojedische Völker, Geschichte Periodisierung der Erforschung der Musik der samojedischen Völker Die Aufgabe, ein so bedeutsames Thema im Rahmen eines kurzen Artikels zu behandeln, macht es notwendig, den Forschungsprozess hinsichtlich der Musik der samojedischen Völker unter historischem, epochenspezifischem Blickwinkel vorzustellen, und nicht gemäß dersonst üblichen biografischen Betrachtungsweise. Die Grenzen zwischen den Epochen sind bis zu einem gewissen Grad willkürlich, da die Periodisierung den ganzen wissenschaftlichen Prozess umfasst, in dem die Arbeiten vieler Wissenschaftler zusammenkommen, die normalerweise unabhängig voneinander tätig sind. Die Etappen sind Перепубликация статьи из Finnisch-Ugrische Mitteilungen в рамках сотрудничества между АГИКИ и Кафедрой финно-угроведения (уралистики) Университета г. Гамбург (Германия), зав. кафедрой Др. Проф. БеатаВагнерНадь. Aus dem Russischen von Monika Schötschel-Fleischer. 21 116 zudem nicht immer scharf zu trennen; so wurden Z.B. Untersuchungen, die in der 2. Phase begonnen wurden, häufig in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts weiterhin fortgesetzt. 1. Phase: 18. bis Anfang 20. Jahrhundert „Akademische Periode“ Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg 2. Phase: 20. Jahrhundert „Ethnographische Periode“ Sowjetische Ethnographen und Philologen 3. Phase: zweite Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts bis ins 21. Jahrhundert „Musikologische Periode“ Musikwissenschaftler aus der Sowjetunion bzw. Russland, Finnland und Estland Bei der genannten Periodisierung gilt es zu berücksichtigen, dass die eigentliche musikethnologische Periode die 3. Phase ist, die in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts beginnt. Die ersten beiden Phasen, die dem Zeitraum vom 18. Jahrhundert bis in die erste Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts entsprechen, sind dadurch charakterisiert, dass die Musik der Samojeden in dieser Zeit als „Nebenprodukt“ ethnographischer, linguistischer oder geographischer Forschungen beschrieben wurde: Musikologische Beobachtungen ergänzten nur die Tagebuchaufzeichnungen von Reisenden und Volkskundlern. 1. Phase (18. bis Anfang 20. Jahrhundert) Die Forschungen dieser Periode sind verbunden mit der Arbeit der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg, in deren Rahmen eine Reihe von Expeditionen zur Erforschung Westsibiriens durchgeführt wurden. Unter diesen möchten wir nur diejenigen nennen, die mit unserer Thematik zusammenhängen, nämlich die Expeditionen von Peter Simon Pallas (1768–1774), Alexander von Middendorff (1842– 1845), Mathias Alexander Castrén (1845–1849), Toivo Lehtisalo (1911– 1914) und Kai Donner (1911–1914). Peter Simon Pallas machte erste fragmentarische Angaben zur Musik einiger samojedischer Völker in seinem zwischen 1771 und 1776 publizierten Werk Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs (Pallas 1967). Alexander von Middendorff, der als Erster die Tajmyr-Halbinsel erforscht hat, notierte erste Beobachtungen zur Musik und zu den Tänzen der Nganasanen und hielt auch die Melodie eines nganasanischen epischen Liedes fest („Noten zu dem Märchen“, von Middendorff 1875: 1450). 117 Im Wörterbuch der samojedischen Sprachen, das der Linguist Matthias Alexander Castrén zusammengestellt hat, findet sich auch Lexik, die mit verschiedenen Arten von Lautäußerungen und mit dem Musizieren zusammenhängt. Der Linguist Toivo Lehtisalo hat während seiner Expeditionen zu den Nenzen (in Obdorsk) erstmals nenzische Melodien mit dem Phonographen aufgezeichnet. Die phonographische Sammlung von Lehtisalo stellt die früheste und wertvollste Quelle dieser Art zur nenzischen Musik dar und wird bis in die heutige Zeit aktiv genutzt. Der Ethnograph Kai Donner hat während seiner sibirischen Expedition den Gesang von Selkupen aufgenommen; seine Sammlung ist die früheste Quelle zur selkupischen Musik. Zu erwähnen sind auch die phonographischen Sammlungen von Vasilij Anučin (1908), Innokentij Suslov (1914) und Nestor Karger (1928), die im Phonogrammarchiv des Instituts für russische Literatur (Puschkinhaus) aufbewahrt werden. 2. Phase (20. Jahrhundert) Die rege ethnographische Arbeit, die sich in den 1920er und 1930er Jahren im sowjetischen Russland entfaltete, hatte das Ziel, Wege zu finden, die „zurückgebliebenen“ Völker möglichst rasch auf den Weg des Sozialismus zu führen. Daher wurde die Musik der indigenen Völker auch hier nur als „Nebenprodukt“ der eigentlichen Forschungsaufgaben beschrieben. Dank der hohen Qualifikation der Vertreter der sowjetischen ethnographischen Schule, die auf Lew Sternberg und Vladimir Bogoraz zurückgeht, zeichnen sich jedoch selbst die nur nebenbei erfolgten Aufzeichnungen zur Musik durch große Sorgfalt und einen hohen Informationsgehalt aus. Entsprechende Stellen finden sich in den Werken der sowjetischen Ethnographen Andrej Popov, Galina Gračeva, Boris Dolgich, Georgij Prokof’ev, Ekaterina Prokof’eva, Jurij Simčenko, Andrej Golovnev und Ljudmila Chomič. Sie enthalten wertvolle Angaben zur Funktionsweise und der sozialen Rolle von Musik in den traditionellen Gemeinschaften der samojedischen Völker, Beschreibungen schamanischer Bräuche und traditioneller Feste, die von Musik begleitet wurden, Zeichnungen und Beschreibungen von Volksmusikinstrumenten sowie Texte und Übersetzungen von Liedern. Die Aufgabe, eine Schriftlichkeit für die bis dahin nicht über eine schriftliche Tradition verfügenden samojedischen Völker zu schaffen, erforderte die Fixierung von Folkloretexten und -materialien, die heute Bedeutung als musikologische Quellen erlangt haben (Grigorij Verbov, Georgij Prokof’ev, Natal’ja Tereščenko). 3. Phase (zweite Hälfte 20. Jahrhundert – 21. Jahrhundert) 118 Ab der 2.Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts wurde die Musik der samojedischen Völker zum Forschungsobjekt der Musikwissenschaft. Als Pionier kann hier der finnische Musikwissenschaftler Armas Otto Väisänen angesehen werden, der 1965 den Band Samojedische Melodien veröffentlichte, in dem Noten zu nenzischen und selkupischen Melodien aus den Sammlungen von Toivo Lehtisalo und Kai Donner enthalten sind (Väisänen 1965). Dieses Korpus von Notationen nenzischer Melodien ist nicht nur von historischer Bedeutung (als erste Publikation eines Notenheftes samojedischer Musik), sondern enthält auch grundlegende musikalisch-theoretische Ausführungen zu diesen Melodien. In den 1980er und 1990er Jahren wurden die Notationen Väinänens von Jarkko Niemi überarbeitet, der eigene Transkriptionen von Melodien aus den Archiven in Form von analytischen Notationen veröffentlicht hatte. Die fruchtbaren Forschungen Niemis zur nenzischen und samojedischen Musik haben ihren Niederschlag in umfangreichen musikwissenschaftlichen Publikationen gefunden (Niemi 1998, 1999, 2001, 2004). Seit den 1980er Jahren führen die russischen Musikwissenschaftler Aleksandr Ajzenštadt, Igor’ Bogdanov (Brodskij), Oksana Dobžanskaja, Tatjana Dorožkova, Natal’ja Skvorcova, Jurij Šejkin und Jurij Junkerov ertragreiche Untersuchungen der Musik der samojedischen Völker durch. Insbesondere Igor’ Bogdanov (Brodskij) und Jurij Šejkin haben eine Vielzahl von Tonbeispielen der samojedischen Musik in authentischer Aufführung veröffentlicht. In den Arbeiten von Jurij Šejkin (Šejkin 1996, 2002) wird die Musik der Samojeden im größeren Kontext der musikalischen Kultur der Völker Sibiriens betrachtet und eine Typologie der Musikinstrumente aufgestellt. Natal’ja Skvorcova veröffentlichte im Band Фольклор ненцев (‘Folklore der Nenzen’) der Reihe Памятники фольклора народов Сибири и Дальнего Востока (‘Folkloredenkmäler der Völker Sibiriens und des Fernen Ostens’) Noten von Melodien der maßgeblichen Genres der nenzischen Folklore zusammen mit einer musikwissenschaftlichen Interpretation derselben (Skvorcova 2001). Die selkupischen Lieder aus den Sammlungen von Viktor Rudol’f wurden von Jurij Junkerov veröffentlicht (Junkerov 1999), Tatjana Dorožkova hat in ihrem Artikel Кеты и селькупы (‘Keten und Selkupen’) die typischen Züge des selkupischen Musikstils charakterisiert (Dorožkova 1997). Oksana Dobžanskaja hat eine komplexe Beschreibung der musikalischen Kultur der Nganasanen und Enzen vorgelegt (Dobžanskaja 119 2005a, b) und die schamanische Musik der samojedischen Völker untersucht (Dobžanskaja 2008). Die estnische Musikwissenschaftlerin Triinu Ojamaa veröffentlichte in den 1990er und 2000er Jahren eine Reihe von Arbeiten, die Musikinstrumenten, der musikalischen Volkskultur und spezifischen Gesangstechniken der Nganasanen gewidmet waren (Ojamaa 1990, 2000) Interdisziplinäre Verbindungen Für Musikethnologen erweisen sich interdisziplinäre Verbindungen zu Ethnologen, aber auch zu Philologen und Linguisten als wichtig. Diese zeichnen die Texte von gesungen dargebotenen Werken auf und untersuchen den Aufbau dieser Texte hinsichtlich philologischer Gesetzmäßigkeiten. Unter den Linguisten muss in erster Linie an Eugen Helimski erinnert werden, der unter anderem die Gesetzmäßigkeiten des Versbaus der samojedischen Lieddichtung untersucht hat. Dabei zeigte Helimski eine Opposition von 6- und 8-silbigen Versen in der Lieddichtung auf: Während die 6-silbigen Verse für die rituellen (schamanischen) Texte typisch sind, sind die nichtzeremoniellen (lyrischen und epischen) Texte für gewöhnlich 8-silbig. Helimski hat auch die Art und Weise der Umordnung von Silben in nganasanischen allegorischen Liedern analysiert (Chelimskij 1989, 2000, Helimski 1990). Desweiteren sind auf diesem Gebiet die Wissenschaftler Ol’ga Kazakevič, Nadežda Kosterkina, Kazis Labanauskas, Péter Simonsics, Natal’ja Tereščenko, Péter Hajdú und andere zu nennen. Für die heutige Phase der musikethnologischen Forschungen ist eine interdisziplinäre Untersuchung der musikalischen Kultur der samojedischen Völker charakteristisch. Diese Herangehensweise ist sehr vielversprechend. Der kritische Zustand der Kultur der samojedischen Völker und die heutigen Aufgaben der Forscher Leider sind die Aussichten für eine künftige Entwicklung der musikethnologischen Forschung bereits jetzt überschattet von der Krise, in der sich die Kultur der samojedischen Völker befindet. Diese ist geprägt von Assimilationsprozessen, dem Verlust der Muttersprache und der traditionellen Lebensweise und davon, dass die traditionelle Kultur in Vergessenheit gerät. In Zusammenhang hiermit stellt sich den Musikethnologen und Folkloristen die dringliche Aufgabe, die Werke der musikalischen Folklore zu fixieren und sie in Zusammenarbeit mit Kennern der nationalen Kultur zu kommentieren, um ein angemessenes Verständnis der Riten zu erlangen. Zudem müssen die zusammengetragenen Materialien in speziellen Archiven, Museumsabteilungen und Kultureinrichtungen sorgfältig aufbewahrt werden. Ferner ist eine Digitalisierung von 120 Audiomaterialien vonnöten, um deren dauerhafte Aufbewahrung und Zugänglichkeit für die Gemeinschaft sicherzustellen. Schließlich ist es notwendig, die musikalischen Werke der Volkskunst zu publizieren. Literatur: 1. Dobžanskaja, Oksana [Добжанская, ОксанаЭдуардовна] 2005a: Энцы. Музыка. In Гемуев, Измаил Нухович – Вячеслав Иванович Молодин – Зоя Петровна Соколова (отв. ред.): Народы Западной Сибири: Ханты. Манси. Селькупы. Ненцы. Энцы. Нганасаны. Кеты. Москва: Наука. 541–544. 2. Dobžanskaja, Oksana [Добжанская, Оксана Эдуардовна] 2005b: Нганасаны. Музыка. In Гемуев, Измаил Нухович – Вячеслав Иванович Молодин – Зоя Петровна Соколова (отв. ред.): Народы Западной Сибири: Ханты. Манси. Селькупы. Ненцы. Энцы. Нганасаны. Кеты. Москва: Наука. 621-626. 3. Dobžanskaja, Oksana [Добжанская, Оксана Эдуардовна] 2008: Шаманская музыка самодийских народов Красноярского края. Норильск: АПЕКС. 4. Dorožkova, Tatjana [Дорожкова, Татьяна Юрьевна] 1997: Кеты и селькупы. In Шиндин, Борис Александрович – Владимир Владимирович Мазепус – Саволина Паисиевна Галицкая (отв. ред.): Музыкальная культура Сибири. Т.1. Кн. 1.Традиционная культура коренных народов Сибири. Новосибирск: Новосибирская государственная консерватория. 103-129. 5. Helimski, Eugen [Хелимский, Евгений Арнольдович] 1989: Силлабика стиха в нганасанских иносказательных песнях. In Юрий Ильич Шейкин (отв. ред.): Музыкальная этнография Северной Азии. Новосибирск: Новосибирская государственная консерватория. 52–76. 6. Helimski, Eugen 1990: Octosyllabic and hexasyllabic verse in Northern Samoyed. In CIFU VII, 2A. Summaria Dissertationum: Linguistica. Debrecen. Vol. 75. 120–128. 7. Helimski, Eugen [Хелимский, Евгений Арнольдович] 2000: Компаративистика, уралистика: Лекции и статьи. Москва: Языки русской культуры. 8. Junkerov, Jurij [Юнкеров, Юрий Петрович] (сост.) 1999: Старинные и современные селькупские песни. Салехард: ЗАО «СПЭЙБ». 9. von Middendorff, Alexander Theodor 1875: Reise in den äussersten Norden und Osten Sibiriens während der Jahre 1843 und 1844 mit allerhöchster Genehmigung auf Veranstaltung der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg ausgeführt und in Verbindung mit vielen Gelehrten herausgegeben von A. Th. von Middendorff. Band IV. Uebersicht der Natur Nord- und Ost-Sibiriens.Theil 2. Dritte Lieferung: Die Eingeborenen Sibiriens. St. Petersburg: Eggers. 121 10. Niemi, Jarkko 1998: The Nenets songs: A structural analysis of text and melody. Acta Universitatis Tamperensis A 591. Tampere: University of Tampere. 11. Niemi, Jarkko 1999: Songs of the Yenisey nenets performed by Lyubov’ Prokop’yevna Nenyang-Komarova. Tutkivi 20. Tampere: Tampereen yliopiston Virtain kulttuuritutkimusasema. 12. Niemi, Jarkko 2001: A Musical Analysis of Selkup Shamanic Songs. Shaman 9.153-167. 13. Niemi, Jarkko 2004: Network of songs (Individual songs of the Ob’ Gulf Nenets: Music and local history as sung by Maria Maksimovna Lapsuj).MSFOu 248. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne. 14. Ojamaa, Triinu 1990: The Nganasan sound instrumentary. Tallinn: Estonian Academy of Sciences. 15. Ojamaa, Triinu 2000: Glissando nganassaani muusikas : morfoloogiline, süntaktiline ja semantiline tasand. Dissertationes philologiae uralicae Universitatis Tartuensis 5. Tartu: Tartu ülikool. 16. Pallas, Peter Simon 1967: Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des Russischen Reichs. Um ein Vorwort vermehrter Nachdruck der in St. Petersburg 1771–1976 erschienenen Ausgabe. Dritter Band (1776). Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt 1967. 17. Šejkin, Jurij [Шейкин, Юрий Ильич] 1996: Музыкальная культура народов Северной Азии. Якутск: РДНТ. 18. Šejkin, Jurij [Шейкин, Юрий Ильич] 2002: История музыкальной культуры народов Сибири: Сравнительно-историческое исследование. Москва: Восточная литература. 19. Skvorcova, Natal’ja [Скворцова, Наталья Михайловна] 2001: О музыке традиционных ненецких песен. In Пушкарева, Елена Тимофеевна – Людмила Васильевна Хомич (сост.): Фольклор ненцев. Памятники фольклора народов Сибири и Дальнего Востока 23. Новосибирск: Наука. 50–86. 20. Väisänen, Armas Otto 1965: Samojedische Melodien. MSFOu 136. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne. 122 KAZIMIR IZIDOROVIČ LABANAUSKAS (1942–2002) ERFORSCHER VON SPRACHE, FOLKLORE UND ETHNOLOGIE DERSAMOJEDISCHEN VÖLKER22 Oksana Dobžanskaja Der Wissenschaftler Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas beschäftigte sich mit den Sprachen, der Folklore und Kultur der samojedischen Völker auf der Taimyrhalbinsel. Sein wissenschaftlicher Nachlass und seine Rolle in der Erforschung der Sprachen und der Kultur der samojedischen Völker sind bisher nicht in vollem Umfang gewürdigt worden. Daher will der vorliegende Artike leinige Daten über den Forscher zusammentragen und einen Überblick über Labanauskas wissenschaftliche Leistungen in den verschiedenen Bereichender Geisteswissenschaften geben. Die Autorin des vorliegenden Artikels arbeitete von 1993 bis 2002 mit Kazimir Labanauskas im Zentrum für Volkskunst des Autonomen Kreises Taimyr zusammen. Sie war mit ihm durch eine langjährige kollegiale Beziehung verbunden – durch die Erfahrung gemeinsamer Expeditionen, Projekte und der Mitautorenschaft bei Veröffentlichungen. Die Idee zu diesem Artikel entstand aus dem Wunsch, diesem originellen und interessanten, aber noch wenig bekannten Gelehrten zum Gedenken an seinen 70. Geburtstag und zehnten Todestag die ihm gebührende Ehre zu erweisen. Biographisches Kazis23 Izidoraus Labanauskas wurde am 27. Juli 1942 in der Rajongemeinde Raseiniai im von Deutschland besetzten Litauen als Sohn einer Bauernfamilie geboren. Mit Unterstützung der Kolchose ging er an die Staatliche Unversität Leningrad, an der er 1969 seinen Abschluss als Hungarologe und Lehrer der russischen Sprache machte. Перепубликация статьи из Finnisch – Ugrische Mitteilungen в рамках сотрудничества между АГИКИ и Кафедрой финно-угроведения (уралистики) Университета г. Гамбург (Германия), зав. Кафедрой, Др. Проф. Беата ВагнерНадь. Ausdem Russischen von Nurşen Gülbeyaz. 22 Kazisl Izidoraus ist der litauische Name des Wissenschaftlers, der in seinem Reisepass steht. Im Alltag benutzte er diesen Namen nicht (offensichtlich schien er ihm im sowjetischen Russland zu „litauisch“). Die Mehrheit seiner Kollegen und Bekannten nannten ihn Kazimir Izidorovič. Unter dem Namen Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas ist er auf der Taimyrhalbinsel auch bekannt, sodass wir ihn im vorliegenden Artikel mit diesem Namen benennen werden. 23 123 1969–1972 Nach Beendigung seines Studiums arbeitete Labanauskas drei Jahre als Leiter des „Roten Zeltes“ (Krasnyj Čum) in der Siedlung Nelmin Nos in der Malozemelskaja Tundra (Autonomer Kreis der Nenzen). In dieser Zeit zog er mit nenzischen Rentierzüchtern in der Tundra umher, erlernte die nenzische Sprache und beschäftigte sich mit Linguistik. 1972–1975 Aspirantur am Institut für Sprachwissenschaften der Akademie der Wissenschaften der UdSSR in Moskau. Während dieser Jahre schrieb er wissenschaftliche Artikel für die linguistische Zeitschrift Sovetskoe fino-ugrovedenie (‘Sowjetische Finnougristik’, Vorläuferin von Linguistica Uralica) und führte Forschungsexpeditionen durch. Des Weiteren schrieb er seine Dissertation zum Thema Das Tempussystem des nenzischen Verbs, die B.A. Serebrennikov als Doktorvater betreute. Jedoch kam es – aus Gründen, auf die der Aspirant keinen Einflss hatte – nicht zur Disputation. Nach Beendigung der Aspirantur zog Labanauskas auf die Taimyrhalbinsel in die Stadt Dudinka. 1975–1990 Labanauskas arbeitete als Methodologe in der Agitations- und Kulturbrigade der Kulturabteilung des Exekutivkomitees der Taimyrhalbinsel. In dieser Zeit bereiste er die gesamte Taimyrhalbinsel und hielt sich in verschiedenen Siedlungen und den entlegensten Gegenden des Kreises auf. Während dieser Reisen hielt er allgemeinbildende Vorträge, referierte über Fragen, die für die Bevölkerung des Autonomen Kreises von Interesse waren, und besprach sie mit den örtlichen Bewohnern. Gleichzeitig beschäftigte er sich mit den Sprachen, Gewohnheiten und der Lebensweise der Tundrabewohner, machte Aufzeichnungen und Notizen und führte linguistische Untersuchungen zu den Sprachen der nordsamojedischen Bevölkerung der Taimyrhalbinsel durch: der Nenzen, Enzen und Nganasanen. Die systematische Beschäftigung mit den Sprachen der Taimyrhalbinsel (Sprachpraxis in der Tundra, Sichtung der wichtigsten Wörterbücher und Forschungsarbeiten, die er über Fernleihe nach Dudinka kommen ließ) führte bald dazu, dass Kazimir Izidorovič sich mühelos auf Enzisch, Nenzisch und der Taimyr-Variante des Nenzischen verständigen konnte, wodurch er hohes Ansehen bei der indigenen Bevölkerung genoss. Er unterhielt enge freundschaftliche und wissenschaftliche Beziehungen zu Vertretern der nationalen Intelligenz, wie den Nenzen Michail Aleksandrovič Nenjang, Anna Ivanovna Djukareva und Antonina Ivanovna, den Nganasanen Motjumjak Sočupteevič Turdagin, Larisa Jandipteevna Turdagina, Nadežda Tubjakovna Kosterkina, Svetlana Nereev- 124 na Žovnitskaja sowie den Enzen Dar’ja Spiridonovna Bolina und Vera Nikolaevna Bolina und vielen anderen, wobei die Freundschaft auf der Tatsache gründete, dass sie mit Kazimir Izidorovič „dieselbe Sprache“ sprachen. 1991–2002 Labanauskas arbeitete im Zentrum für Volkskunst des Autonomen Kreises Taimyr (in der Stadt Dudinka) als Folklore-Experte. Während seiner Arbeit in dieser Einrichtung erweiterte der Samojedologe seine Kenntnisse und sammelte praktische Erfahrungen. Er bearbeitete und veröffentlichte bedeutende Sammlungen von Folklorematerialien und arbeitete an der Veröffentlichung seiner wissenschaftlichen Hauptwerke, von denen einige in dieser Zeit erschienen. In diesen Jahren setzte sich K. I. Labanauskas für die Bewahrung des Kulturerbes – Sprache und Folklore – der indigenen Bevölkerung der Taimyrhalbinsel ein. Beispiele für diese praktische Arbeit waren das regelmäßig vom Zentrum für Volkskunst durchgeführte Festival Folklore-Klassiker der Taimyrhalbinsel (zu dessen Initiatoren und Organisatoren er zählte), Veröffentlichungen und Vorträge in den Medien zum Thema der nationalen Kultur (in der Zeitung Taimyr, im regionalen Radio und Fernsehen) und die Teilnahme an verschiedenen Veranstaltungen (z.B. an Seminaren für die Kulturarbeiter des Kreises Taimyr, in denen Labanauskas Vorträge über die nationale Kultur und Folklore der indigenen Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel hielt). Kazimir Izidorovič unterhielt enge wissenschaftliche Beziehungen zu bedeutenden Wissenschaftlern innerhalb und außerhalb Russlands. Noch während seiner Aspirantur lernte er Marija Barmič kennen (Dozent, später Professor am Institut für die Völker des Nordens an der Universität St. Petersburg). Eugen Helimski, Jarko Niemi, Michael Katzschmann, Elena Puškareva, Marija Ljublinskaja, Marek Stachowski und Ljudmila Chomič sind nur eine Auswahl seiner wissenschaftlichen Kontakte. Ende der 1990er Jahre entstand eine Zusammenarbeit mit dem jungen Sprachwissenschaftler Valentin Gusev, einem Schüler Helimskis. In der Annahme, dass er die Bearbeitung und Veröffentlichung seiner Sammlungen zur nenzischen und enzischen Folklore nicht würde abschließen können, übergab Labanauskas dem jungen Moskauer Wissenschaftler einen Teil der Aufnahmen aus seinem Phonogramm-Archiv zur Aufbewahrung und für weitere Studien. Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas starb am 31. Oktober 2002 und wurde auf dem Friedhof von Dudinka beigesetzt. Der wissenschaftliche Nachlass Der wissenschaftliche Nachlass von Kazimir Labanauskas ist fac- 125 ettenreich und spiegelt die Vielfalt seiner wissenschaftlichen Interessen wider: Sprachen, Folklore und Ethnologie der samojedischen Völker. Im Folgenden werden die einzelnen wissenschaftlichen Bereiche, in denen der Wissenschaftler geforscht hat, kurz darstellt. Sprachwissenschaft Mit dem Erlernen des Nenzischen begann Labanauskas im Jahre 1969, als er in der Siedlung Nelmin Nos arbeitete. Während er mit den nenzischen Rentierzüchtern durch die Tundra zog, lernte er ihre Sprache und war erstaunt über ihren Reichtum und ihre Ausdruckskraft. Er beschloss, sich wissenschaftlich mit dem Nenzischen zu beschäftigen. Während seiner Aspirantur am Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Akademie der Wissenschaften der UdSSR (1972–1975) beschäftigte er sich intensiv mit dem Nenzischen. Während seiner Tätigkeit in der Agitationsbrigade in den Jahren 1975–1990 bot sich Labanauskas zudem die Gelegenheit, Nganasanisch, Enzisch sowie die Sprache der Taimyr-Nenzen zu erlernen. Es sei darauf hingewiesen, dass das Erlernen der Sprachen der Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel in ihrer eigenen Umgebung (bei der Rentierzucht, beim Fischfang, in den Siedlungen) es dem Wissenschaftler ermöglichte, nicht nur seine sprachwissenschaftlichen, sondern auch seine ethnologischen Kenntnisse zu vertiefen. Die linguistischen Arbeiten von Labanauskas umfassen 13 Artikel, die in den Jahren 1973–1993 in der wissenschaftlichen Zeitschrift Sovetskoe finougrovedenie (Tallinn) veröffentlicht wurden. Die Artikel befassen sich hauptsächlich mit dem Tempussystem des Nenzischen, Nganasanischen und Enzischen sowie mit der Morphologie dieser Sprachen. Seine Dissertation zum Thema Tempussystem des nenzischen Verbs stellt eine in sich geschlossene Forschungsarbeit dar, deren vollständiger Text aber nie veröffentlicht wurde. Jedoch wurden die wichtigsten Ergebnisse in einzelnen Artikeln publiziert. Außer den dargestellten Arbeiten muss auch das Handbuch zur enzischen Sprache erwähnt werden, das im Sammelband Rodnoe Slovo ‘Muttersprache’ veröffentlicht wurde. Das Handbuch enthält einen Abriss der Phonetik, Morphologie und Syntax des in Vorontsovo gesprochenen Enzischen (Madu). Eine bibliographische Auf Ostung der linguistischen Arbeiten von Labanauskas fidet sich am Ende des Artikels. Folkloristik Labanauskas war ein bekannter Folklorist, Feldforscher und Sammler von Folklore materialien der indigenen Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel. 126 Wohl als seine wichtigste Aufgabe betrachtete der Wissenschaftler die Sammlung und Veröffentlichung von Folkloretexten in den Sprachen der samojedischen Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel. Er war der Auffassung, dass das Lebendige der Sprache am besten in den alten Folklorematerialien zum Ausdruck kommt, da diese nicht nur die Lexik bewahren, sondern auch das Weltbild und die Mentalität eines Volkes. Besonders ergiebig für die Bearbeitung und Veröffentlichung seiner Sammlungen zur Folklore waren die Jahre, in denen er als Folklore-Experte im Zentrum für Volkskunst des Autonomen Kreises Taimyr arbeitete (1991–2002). Seine wichtigsten Arbeiten wurden vom Zentrum für Volkskunst veröffentlicht. Labanauskas war Autor und Herausgeber der Sammelbandserie Folklore der Völker der Taimyr-Halbinsel (Dudinka 1992–1993), die vier Bände umfasst: Band 1: Enzische Folklore, Band 2: Nenzische Folklore, Band 3: Nganasanische Folklore und Band 4: Dolganische Lieder. Was mit einfachen, schmalen Bändchen begann, wandelte sich später zu einer Serie von stattlichen Büchern mit umfangreichem Material aus den Folklore-Sammlungen der samojedischen Völker. Ab 1973 widmete Kazimir Izidorovič seine Aufmerksamkeit der Dokumentation der Sprache und Folklore von den Taimyr-Nenzen in Vorontsovo und in Siedlungen der Tuchard-Tundra und fertigte Tonbandaufnahmen an. Eine besonders erfolgreiche Arbeit ist seine Aufzeichnung und Bearbeitung des Repertoires von den hervorragenden nenzischen Erzählern Vasilij Dmitrievič Jar (aus der Siedlung Vorontsovo), Očavka Japtune (aus der Siedlung Nosok) und E. A. Jadne (aus der Siedlung Tuchard). Aus diesen Feldforschungen gingen die Bücher Nenzische Folklore (1995) und Erzählungen aus grauer Vorzeit. Chrestomatie der nenzischen Folklore (2000) hervor. Die Ergebnisse seiner Arbeit mit den enzischen Informanten Nikolaj Palčin (aus der Siedlung Potapovo), Ivan Silkin und Chol Kaplin (aus Vorontsovo) wurden im Sammelband Rodnoe slovo (2003) veröffentlicht. Seine Feldaufzeichnungen zur nganasanischen Folklore, die er in den Jahren 1973–1979 in den Siedlungen Novaja (Chatangskij rajon), Ust’Avam und Voločanka (Dudinskij rajon) durchgeführt hatte, bildeten die Grundlage zur Chrestomathie der nganasanischen Folklore (2001). Die nganasanischen Informanten von Labanauskas waren die Erzähler M. Ch. Okko, S. T. Momde, N. Kupčik, T. Okko und andere aus den Siedlungen Novaja, Ust’-Avam und Voločanka. Labanauskas’ Beitrag zur Verbreitung der Folklore der Dolganen darf 127 nicht unerwähnt bleiben: Er war Herausgeber des Sammelbands Dolganische Lieder und schrieb eine Reihe von Artikeln über die Folklore der Dolganen in der Zeitung Sovetskaja Tajmyr (Sowjetische Taimyr[halbinsel]) (1996 wurde die Zeitung in Taimyr umbenannt). Ethnologie Während seiner Beschäftigung mit den indigenen Völkern – die Arbeit im Rotem Zelt, die Reisen für die Agitationsbrigade sowie die Folklore-Expeditionen – befasste sich der Wissenschaftler mit Ethnographie sowie der Lebensweise und dem Brauchtum der Völker. Die ethnographischen Aufzeichnungen, die er neben seiner eigentlichen wissenschaftlichen Arbeit anfertigte, wurden später von ihm ausgearbeitet. Labanauskas’ ethnographisches Interesse mündete in die Aufstellung einer Theorie zur Herkunft des nganasanischen Volkes, die im Grenzbereich zwischen Folkloristik und Ethnographie anzusiedeln ist und in der Monographie Herkunft des nganasanischen Volkes dargelegt wurde (2004). Die Originalität der Herangehensweise von Labanauskas bestand darin, dass er anhand der Folklore-Materialien (sowohl der eigenen Materialien aus seiner Feldforschung als auch der Aufzeichnungen von B. O. Dolgich) die Geschichte der Herkunft des nganasanischen Volkes rekonstruierte, wobei er die Hypothesen zur Ethnogenese der Nganasanen, die von den Forschern Jurij Simčenko und Boris Dolgich aufgestellt wurden, ergänzte und korrigierte. Außerordentlich interessant ist das Wörterbuch der nenzischen Folkloreterminologie, das als Beilage zum Sammelband Jamidchy lachanoku: Erzählungen aus grauer Vorzeit (2001) veröffentlicht wurde sowie das enzische Wörterbuch der Ethnographie (Manuskript). Ein besonderes Kapitel im wissenschaftlichen Nachlass des Forschers stellen seine Veröffentlichungen in den Medien dar. Über zehn Jahre lang bereitete er Radiosendungen vor (für die russische und die nationale Redaktion), im Jahre 2000 wurde er fester Redakteur der Radiosendung Rodniki (Die Quellen). Ab den 1990er Jahren erschienen nationalsprachige Seiten in der Zeitung Sovetskij Taimyr / Taimyr (auf Nenzisch, Enzisch und Nganasanisch), anderen Erstellung sich Labanauskas aktiv beteiligte. Diese in den Medien veröffentlichten Materialien erreichten die Bewohner in den ländlichen Siedlungen. Aus allen Teilen der Taimyrhalbinsel bekam Labanauskas postive Reaktionen der Tundrabewohner in Form von Leserbriefen und Anrufe. Dank seiner Fremdsprachenkenntnisse (Deutsch und Englisch) stand Labanauskas in regelmäßigem Briefkontakt zur Internationalen Organisation für Volkskunst in Österreich und der M. A. Castrén Gesellschaft 128 in Finnland. Er schickte der Library of Congress (USA), der Universität Cambridge, der Universität Tampere und vielen anderen Adressaten neue Veröffentlichungen zur Folklore. Der Sammelband Chrestomatie der nganasanischen Folklore wurde im Jahre 2001 mit Mitteln der M. A. Castrén Gesellschaft veröffentlicht. Dieses Ereignis war eines der ersten Beispiele für eine internationale Zusammenarbeit bei der Veröffentlichung eines Buches auf der Taimyrhalbinsel. Heute sind die Bücher und Sammelbände von Kazimir Labanauskas eine bibliographische Rarität, was daran liegt, dass sie nur in relativ niedriger Auflage erschienen sind (100–500 Exemplare), und auch daran, dass ein Großteil der Exemplare an Schulen und kulturelle Einrichtungen der Taimyrhalbinsel verteilt wurde. Nur ein kleiner Anteil der Bücher ging in den Verkauf (wobei sie nur in Dudinka erhältlich waren). Seit seinem Tod wird das Archiv von Labanauskas im Haus der Volkskunst der Taimyrhalbinsel und im Heimatkundemuseum (Dudinka) aufbewahrt: Die Manuskripte seiner Artikel und Bücher, seine Zeichnungen, Fotos und Karten sowie sein Briefwechsel befiden sich im Haus der Volkskunst der Taimyrhalbinsel und seine persönlichen Gegenstände, einige Manuskripte und Dokumente im Heimatkundemuseum in Dudinka. Auf der Taimyrhalbinsel wird Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas für seinen großen Beitrag zur wissenschaftlichen Erforschung der Sprachen und der Kultur der indigenen Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel und für seinen Beitrag zur Verbreitung der Schriftsprache und der Literatur der samojedischen Völker sowie zur Stärkung des Selbstbewusstseins der nationalen Intelligenz gebührend gewürdigt. Jedes Jahr werden am 9. August, dem Tag der indigenen Völker der Welt, auf dem Friedhof in Dudinka Gedenkkränze auf die Gräber berühmter Persönlichkeiten aus den Reihen der indigenen Völker der Taimyrhalbinsel niedergelegt, darunter auch auf das Grab von Kazimir Labanauskas. Schriftenverzeichnis von Kazimir Izidorovič Labanauskas Sprachwissenschaft 1974 1. Ненецкий перфект. Советское финноугроведение 10. 45–52. 1975 2. Неопределенное время ненецкого глагола. Советское финноугроведение11, 43–49. 3. Das Präsens im Nganassanischen. Советское финноугроведение 11, 122–125. 129 4. Прошедшее время совершенного действия в нганасанском языке. Советское финноугроведение 11, 195–200. 1976 5. Будущее первое время в ненецком языке. Советское финноугроведение 12, 108–112. 6. Ненецкий претерит. Советское финноугроведение 12, 208–213. 1981 7. Предположительное наклонение в ненецком языке. Советское финно-угроведение 17, 49–61. 1982 8. К изучению прошедших времен ненецкого и энецкого языков Советское финноугроведение 18, 125–134 9. Наклонение кажущегося действия в ненецком языке. Советское финноугроведение 18, 283–292. 1987 10. Die probabilitiven Formen des Enzischen. Советское финноугроведение 23, 283–284. 1992 11. Der Obligativ I im Nenzischen. Linguistica Uralica 28, 36–43. 12. Der Obligativ II im Nenzischen. Linguistica Uralica 28, 128–133. 1993 13. Zur erforschung des nenzischen Konjunktivs. Linguistica Uralica 29,132–141. 2002 14. Краткий справочник по энецкому языку. In Лабанаускас, К.И. (Aвт.-составитель): Родное слово. Энецкие песни, сказки, исторические предания, традиционные рассказы, мифы. Санкт-Петербург: Просвещение, 8–62. Manuscript 15. Система времен ненецкого глагола : Диссертация на соисканиеученой степени кандидата филологических наук. – Москва: АН СССР, Институт языкознания, 1975. – 164 с. (рукопись, хранится в Таймырском краеведческом музее). Folklore 1992 1. Энецкий фольклор. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 1. Сост. и предисл. К.И. Лабанаускас. Текст: рус.и энец. яз. Дудинка: Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. 2. Ненецкий фольклор. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 2. Сост. и предисл. К.И. Лабанаускас. Текст: рус.и ненец. яз. Дудинка: 130 Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. 3. Нганасанский фольклор. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 3. Сост. ипредисл. К.И. Лабанаускас. Текст: рус.и нган. яз. Дудинка: Б.и., 1992.– 62 с.: ил., ноты. 4. Долганские песни. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 4. Дудинка: Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. 1995 5. Ненецкий фольклор: Мифы, сказки, исторические предания. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 5. Сост. и пер. К.И. Лабанаускас; Текст: рус.и ненец. яз. Ред. Л.П. Ненянг, Р.П. Яптунэ; Худож. В.С. Таранец; Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. – Красноярск: Красноярское книжное издательство, Ненец., рус.яз. 2001 6. Ямидхы″лаханаку″= Сказы седой старины: Ненецкая фольклорная хрестоматия / Сост. К.И. Лабанаускас; Таймырский окружной центрнародного творчества. Москва: Русская литература, Ненец., рус.яз. 7. Древние легенды Таймыра [Сборник] / Сост. О.Э. Добжанская, К.И. Лабанаускас. - Москва: Русская литература, Б.г. – 96 с.: ил., ноты. 8. Ня″ дүрымы″ туобтугуйся. Нганасанская фольклорная хрестоматия = The Nganassan Folklore Reader. Фольклор народов Таймыра. Вып. 6. / Сост. К.И. Лабанаускас; Ред. нган. текстов С.Н. Жавницкая; Худож. М.С. Турдагин; Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. Дудинка: Б.и.,– 208 с.: ил. – (Серия «). – Нганасан., рус.яз. 2002 9. Сказители Таймыра / Сост. О.Э. Добжанская, К.И. Лабанаускас. – Москва. – 45 с., илл. 10. Вехи древних путей: Исторические предания нганасан / Сост. К.И. Лабанаускас; худож. А.В. Сигуней; Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества. - Санкт-Петербург: Дрофа. 11. Родное слово=Кεрна базаба: Энецкие песни, сказки, исторические предания, традиционные рассказы, мифы / Авт.-сост. К.И. Лабанаускас; Таймырский окружной центр народного творчества; худ. Л.Т. Абдыкалыкова; ред. Д.С. Болина. – Санкт-Петербург: Просвещение. – Энец., рус.яз. Ethnologie 2004 1. Происхождение нганасанского народа = Origin of the Nganassan people / Таймырский окружной центр народного творче- 131 ства. Санкт-Петербург: Просвещение. 2010 2. Старинные обычаи и поверья (по материалам А.А. Попова «Пережитки древних дорелигиозных воззрений долган на природу»). In Хакимулина, О.Н. (науч. ред): Таймырские чтения – 2010 [Текст]: Сб. докладов. Ч. 1. Норильск: НИИ. – С. 125–127. Literatur über Labanauskas 1. Добжанская, Оксана 2003: Научное наследие К. Лабанаускаса и его значение для культурно-образовательных процессов ТАО. In Материалы международной научно-практической конференции «Сохранение и развитие родных языков и культуры коренных малочисленных народов Севера в Таймырском (Долгано-Ненецком) автономном округе». Дудинка. 60–62. 2. Добжанская, Оксана 2003: Слово о друге [Воспоминания о К.И. Лабанаускасе]. In Полярное сияние. Литературно-художественный альманах. Москва: Творческая студия «Полярная звезда». 133–135. 3. Лабанаускас Казимир Изидорович. In Сакиева, А.А. – Н.А. Бояринова – Л.Е. Матвеева – Н.О. Юрченко – В.Н. Рудинская (Сост.) 2006: Литераторы Таймыра: Библиографический справочник. Центральная библиотека МУК «Дудинская ЦБС». – Красноярск: Красноярский писатель. 93–99. 4. Лизунов В. 1988: Четыре «но» Лабанаускаса. Таймыр. 1998. 18июня. С. 16. 5. Невосполнимая утрата: [Общественность Таймыра прощалась с Казимиром Лабанаускасом – выдающимся таймырским этнографом, фольклористом, языковедом и ученым]. – Дудинка. 2002. № 8–9: 4. 6. Памяти выдающегося человека и ученого. Таймыр. 2003. 31 июля. С. 2. 7. Резниченко Е. 2004: «Родное слово» поможет учителям: Работа по сохранению языка продолжается: [Презентация энецкого фольклорного сборника К. Лабанаускаса]. Таймыр. 2004. – 9 дек. – С. 2. 8. Ширяева М. 2002: Хранитель северного фольклора [Казимиру Изидоровичу Лабанаускасу – 60 лет]. Таймыр. 2002. 25 июля. С. 6. 9. 65 лет со дня рождения К.И. Лабанаускаса, таймырского этнографа, фольклориста, языковеда: календарь. Таймыр-2007. Календарь памятных дат / Отд. культ.адм. Гор. Поселения Дудинка, Центр.библиотека МУК «Дудинская ЦБС». – Красноярск: Красноярский писатель, 2006. – 41–42. 132 СТАТЬИ НА ФРАНЦУЗСКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ LES INSTRUMENTS ACOUSTIQUES DANS L’ÉPOPÉE HÉROÏQUE SAKHA OLONKHO24 Varvara Dyakonova Résumé: Cet article présente l’analyse d’instruments acoustiques traditionnels tabyk, dyungyur, aaryk et hobo représentés dans les textes de l’épopée héroïque sakha. Olonkho, l’épopée héroïque Sakha est une source inépuisable pour l’étude de la culture traditionnelle du peuple Sakha de quoi il s’agit dans les recherches de grands folkloristes russes et iakoutes du XIX-XX siècles: Pekarskiy E.K., Veselovskiy A.N., Pukhov I.V., Emelyanov N.V., Illarionov V.V., Danilova A., Illarionova T.V., etc.Il y a des recherches de musique ethniquede l’Olonkho dans les œuvres de savants de la deuxième moitié du XXème siècle comme Alekseev E. E, Nikolaeva N., Rechetnikov A.P., LarionovaA.S., Nikiforova V.S. Olonhko, étant comme une source vivante ethnographique, présente aussi un intérêt pour l’étude des instruments de musique iakoute. Nous avons réussi à révéler quelques instruments acoustiques, tels que tabyk, dyungyur, aaryk et khobo ense basant sur les textes d’Olonkho «Kyys Debiliïe» de Bournachev N.P., «Niourgoun le Үakoute guerrier céleste» de Orosin K.G., de Oïunskiy P.A. et «Kouloun Koullouroustour rebelle» de Timofeev-Teplooukhov I.G. L’instrument musical tabyk n’est pas aisément présenté dans la littérature de recherche et les informations sur ce sujet sont très embrouillées. Du point de vue des études des instruments musicals ou bien dire de l’organologieil s’agit d’une percussion membranophone (selon les témoins du musicien Jirkov M.N.). Cet article présente un fait comment cet instrument s’interprète dans l’épopée. Dans les textes d’Olonkho «Kouloun Koullouroustouour» est présentée la caractéristique sonore de l’instrument acoustique tabyk: «Tabyk tyahyn kourdouk labygyratchy tygane labygyratta» / «Il a claqué comme si c’étaient des sons de tabyk» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 89]. Le sens de texte original est changé au cours de la traduction en russe: «Il a claqué comme si c’était le tourbillon-tabyk de shaman» [TimoТекст доклада, представленной на Международной научно-практической конференции «Социологические, эколого-философские проблемы современного искусства и культуры» в г. Париж, 2013 г. 24 133 feev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 360], mais on traduit au sens strict du mot comme: «Il a fait claquer comme si c’étaient des sons de tabyk». Dans le texte iakoute le mot «labyguyratchy» transmet l’onomatopée «produire le son claquant» [Pekarskiy, 1959, texte 2, p. 1459], «avec le claquement fréquent, en produisant le claquement fréquent» [Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, 2009, texte VI, p. 70]. Folkloriste Poukhov I.V. commente le texte d’Olonkho: «Oncroyait que les esprits de shamans se déplacent sous la forme d’un puissant tourbillon (tabyk), rendant de sons claquant plus forts et qui font peur à leurs adversaires» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 594]. Nous trouvons que ces sons sont reproduits par les coups des paumes sur l’objet ferme, c’est-à-dire que le tabyk présente comme l’objet que nous devons frapper. Sur les lignes suivantes on peut voir la description de vue l’extérieur de tabyk : «Kinkiniir kien khallaan bar djaryl ytyk sylgytyn cette iireen tabyk byatyn inneri tardan tehiinneebitin kourdouk tannary bugulehteen tusput» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 161]. «Comme des chevaux sacrifices vifs tachetés d’un ciel vaste et retentissant, dirigées par sept brides repliées» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 428]. Il s’agit de brides, desquelles le tabyk est suspendu vers l’arbre.On croit que les brides peuvent être utilisées en tant qu’un dispositif sonore de l’instrument.Poukhov V.P. remarque: ...ayant fait l’épouvantail du cuir du cheval d’un pelage pie, les gens demandaient neuf (soit sept) shamans en leurs apportant un sacrifice, puis ils séchaient le cuir et l’on frappait, et finalement on recevait les sons plus forts, atteignant les hauts des arbres (l’épouvantail était missur la place plus élevée, sur le tumulus, sur la saillie montagne) [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 597]. Dans la présentation littéraire de l’épopée iakoute Olonkho «Niourgoun le Iakoute guerrier céleste» de Oyunskiy P.A. est présentée une caractéristique sonore de l’instrument tabyk «latchygyraata» — «latchygyraa» — «pour faire du bruit, crépiter, craquer» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t. 2, p. 1471] «faire crépitement ou les sons claquants» [Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, 2009, t. VI, p. 92]. On les voitsur les lignes: «Tabyk okhsubut kurduk tarbakhtaryn tyaha latchygyraata» [Oïunskiy P.A., 1982, p. 51]. Tabyk c’est à dire un instrument de percussion tambour de basque et traduit en russe : «Il serra ses poings plus forts que ses articulations de mains ont fissuré, comme le tambour du cuir du cheval» [Oïunskiy P.A., 2003, p. 38]. Sur les lignes suivantes, évidemment on voit l’un des typesde cet instrument — keltegey tabyk «Keltegey Horo Tabyk ketekhpitten oumsa 134 keurdun» [Oïunskiy P.A., 1982, p. 474]. «Oui, si je vous mens — que je sois bouleversé le visage vers le bas par le tambour courbé de Khoro (Mongol)!» [Oïunskiy P.A., 2003, p. 378]. Il est connu dans les documents folkloriques que tabyk était fait de peau du cheval et du taureau. Dans les textes de Pekarskiy «keltegey khoro tabykc’est-à-dire le tambourin courbé de Khoro (mongol)» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t.2, p.2513] «keltegey, c’est-à-dire défectueux, qui n’a qu’un côté, à un seul côté, unilatéral» [Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, 2007, t.IV, p.476]. «Khoro — Khoro manane sylgy — cheval blanc» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t.3, p.3505]. C’est possible que ce soit un membranofon unilatéral, fait du cuir d’un cheval blanc. Keltegey tabyk dans les documents ethnographiques de Bolo S.I. est un entretoisement de trois ou quatre peaux du taureau tannées, lequel les gens frappèrent pendant les crépuscules d’automne [Bolo S.I., 1994, p.204]. Parmi les attributs rituels de l’héroïne principale, d’une shamane Kun Tolomon Nurgustai dans l’épopée «Kouloun Koullouroustouour rebelle», il y a des instruments acoustiques dunur, aaryk et khobo. «Кeuluie kuel sara djuerbe manane dunuurun ouhouioutchou okhson barda» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 28]. «Elle a commencé à frapper le tambour ovale blanc d’une taille d’un petit lac» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 305]. Selon Pekarskii «djerbe dungure c’est-à-direle tambourin oblong et immense de shaman» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t.1, p. 874; Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, 2006, t.III, p. 468]. Ici on décrit du tambour dungure du cuir corroyé, ayant la forme ovale tendue immense avec les pendeloques de cuivre. La forme ovale donne la possibilité de tirer les sons différents. Dans les textes de Orosin K.G. on voit «us sirinen boruralakh dungure» [Orosin C.G., 1947, p.154] – le tambour d’une shamane Ytyk Khakhajdaan «le tambour avec les trois corniches ornés» [Orosin C.G., 1947, p. 155] et «tuelbe kuel byharahyn sara dungure» [Orosin C.G., 1947, p. 344] – le tambour d’une shamane Ajyy Oumsouour «qu’atteigne la moitié de la clairière-alaas» [Orosin C.G., 1947,p. 345]. C’està-dire que les shamans avaient un tambour immense avec les pendeloques fixées à trois corniches. La caractéristique sonore du composant annulaire du tambour aaryk est donnée dans l’épopée de Timofeev-Teplooukhov comme: «Aarygyn tyahaaidaarda» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 32]; «les pendeloques du tambour sont mises à jouer» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 308]. La caractéristique sonore aaryk est transmise par le verbe «aidaarda», 135 aidaar c’est-à-dire faire du bruit, gronder» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t.1, p. 37]. L’instrument acoustique aaryk se présente comme des pendeloques de la porte dans les textes de l’épopée «Kyys Debilije» (Kyys Debiliïe,) et «Niourgoun le Iakoute guerrier céleste» (Orosin K.G.). Dans la culture traditionnelle iakoute les sons des pendeloques signifient l’expulsion des mauvais esprits. On voitdes cloches sur le costume de shaman khobo de Kun Tolomon Nourgoustai : «Khobotoun tyahа kougounata» [Orosin C.G., 1947, p. 32]; «des cloches ont tinté» [Timofeev-Teplooukhov, 1985, p. 308]. La caractéristique sonore de khobo est transmise par le verbe «kougounata» du mot «kougounaa» – «faire du bruit; faire du bruit avec les ailes, rendreun grondement sourd» [Pekarskiy, 1959, t.1, p.1191]; «rendre le tintement lent et monotone; le grondement sourd» [Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, 2007, t.IV, p. 571]. Donc, des cloches d’un costume de shaman ont le son sourd et retentissant. Ainsi, le genre de la poésie de l’épopée iakoute olonkho ayant les sources archaïques contient les représentations du peuple Sakha sur les formes, les fonctions etil donne les caractéristiques sonores des instruments acoustiques tabyk, dungure, aaryk et khobo. Et en outre dungure, aaryk et khobo correspondent aux attributs rituels de shamans. L’instrument acoustique tabyk est mentionné à titre de l’épouvantail de l’animal sacrifice et du tourbillon de shaman, rendant le son assourdissant et claquant. Il faut remarquer aussi que les sons éclatants de tabyk sont liés avec une description des héros du monde Inférieur dans l’épopée iakoute, Olonkho. Bibliographie 1. Bolo S.I., «Le passé de Yakut avant de l`arriveé de Russe dans Lena», Yakutsk, Presses de la National maison d`edition «Bichik», 1994. 2. Bournachev N.P. Kyys Debiliïe, Le Yakut héroïque épique, Novosibirsk, Presses de la maison Siberien d`edition RAS «Science», 1993. 3. Le grand dictionnaire de la langue yakut, Novosibirsk, Presses de la maison d`edition «Science», Т.III, 2006; Т.IV, 2007; Т.V, 2008; Т.VI, 2009. 4. Oïunskiy P.A., Le Impétueux Nurgun Bootur, Yakutsk, Presses de la National maison d`edition, 1982. 5. Oïunskiy P.A., Djuluruyar Nurgun Bootur, Yakutsk, Presses de L`institute de humanitaire de recherché. Prepared: P. Dmitriev, 2003. 6. Orosin C.G., «Niourgoun le Үakoute guerrier céleste», Yakutsk, Presses de la maison d`Etat d`edition de Republic Yakut, 1947. 7. Pekarskiy E.C., Le dictionnaire de la langue yakut, Moscou, Presses de la maison d`edition AS USSR, Т.1; Т.2; Т.3, 1959. 136 8. Timofeev-Teplooukhov I.G. «Kouloun Koullouroustour rebelle», Moscou, Presses de la National maison d`edition de litherature d`orient, 1985. CHANSONS DE MARIAGE DES EVENKIS25 Liya Kardachevskaya Résumé: cet article présente les différents aspects des chansons de mariage des Evenkis et leurs particularités rythmiques et intonatives. Mots clefs: rite, mariage, chansons de mariage. Les Evenkis (Toungouses) sont un peuple ancien de la Sibérie orientaleayant eu leur vie de nomade de l’Ienissei à l’océan Pacifique. Depuis des temps immémoriaux la chasse, la pêche et l’élevage de rennes étaient les occupations principales pour les Evenks. Le folklore évenk est très divers et comprend l’onomatopée imitant le chant des oiseaux etdes bêtes, les chansons des chasseurs et des éleveurs de rennes, les chansons lyriques et hymniques, les danses circulaires, les contes de fée et les légendes, les chants de shamans et les divers rites. Le mariage, est comme une fête familiale, occupe une place très importante dans le folklore rituel des Evenks. «D’habitude, les Evenks le célébraient de manière patrimoniale, avec une bonne préparation» [Eisenstadt, 1995, p. 48]. Il se compose de divers rites traditionnels (rite de l’affouragement du feu, rite de la régalade, préparation pour la caravane de la fiancée, entrée de la fiancée etc.) et de l’exécution de telles chansons comme chant de bienvenue, de l’éloge, des lamentations etc., ainsi que l’exécution de danse. On peut trouver les informations plus détaillées sur les rites de mariage Evenks dans les travaux suivants : Rytchkov K.M. «Les Toungouses de Yénissei» (1922), Anisimov A.F. «Structure socialede clan des Evenks (Toungouses)» (1936), Voskoboïnikov M.G. «Folklore Évenk» (1960), Vasilevitch G.M. “Les Evenk” (1969), Eisenstadt A.M. «Culture de chanson des Evenks» (1995) et des autres ethnographes. Le savant Vasilevitch G.M. note que «les Evenks n’avaient pas de rite spécial du mariage comme les Russes et les Mongols. La notion du mot «mariage» est empruntée des Mongols avec le mot курим-курум (kourime-kouroume), et le mot сивайба (sivaïba) vient des Russes aux certains groupes ethniques» [Vasilevitch, 1969, p.161]. Les Toungouses Текст доклада, представленной на Международной научно-практической конференции «Социологические, эколого-философские проблемы современного искусства и культуры» в г.Париж, 2013 г. 25 137 ont emprunté plusieurs éléments du mariage russe. Par exemple, les lamentations, la procession du vieillard avec l’icône devant la caravane de la fiancée, des échanges de l’anneau de mariage lors de l’union entre deux personnes, lesfiancés en voile [Vasilevitch, p.161-165]. Voskoboïnikov M.G. divise les chansons de mariage des Evenks en deux types. Le premier type est lié aux rites de mariage où les chansons sont exécutées par personnes définies, par exemple, par les pères de fiancés. Les chansons, qui sont exécutées à l’initiative du chanteurinterprète invité se rapportent au deuxième type. Ainsi le savant amène les textes de telles chansons de mariage comme: le chantd’une jeune fille aux amies; le chant de mère de la fiancée; le chant de la fiancée avantson départ; le chant du fiancé devantles parents de la fiancée; le chant du père du fiancé et de la fiancée [Voskoboïnikov, 1960, p. 253]. Les chants représentent des lamentations du premier au troisième (а-b) , le quatrième chant estl’éloge de la génération du fiancé, cinquième est lechant de souvenir de la vie ancienne, sixième est le chant de bienvenue. L’ethnomusicologue Cheïkin Y.I. trouve que «la base mélodique des chansons lyriques des Evenks est le système des mélodies patrimoniales, familiales et personnelles», qui se distinguent dans chaque groupe local par les diverses particularités du chant [Cheïkin, 1996, p. 37]. Dans les chansons de mariage «Mariage d’argent» dans lequel le choix de l’époux ou de l’épouse se fait pour des motifs patrimoniaux, «Lamentations de mère de la fiancée» quesont incluses dans le travail de Eisenstadt A.M. «Culture de chanson des Evenks» (mélodies sont inscrites dans les années 1970-80 par les Evenks de Krasnoïarsk), on peut marquer telles particularités, comme les intonations basse des pleurs, leur répétition persistante et monotone, le volume d’une tierce étroite, l’utilisation des figures rythmiques hétérogènes (rythme pointillé, triolets, mouvement égal de huitièmes). Il faut faire attention sur le changement du mètre où il prédomine le trilobe (3/8 9/8, 12/8), le mouvement égal et “balançant” de la mélodie, qui est créé, grâce au saut de quarte (exemple №2) et de tierce majeure (exemple №3), ainsi que la gamme mélodique étroite, tiercée et quartée. La chanson «Soit en bonne voie», inscrite par le groupe des Evenks de la région d’ Olekminsk et de Vitime est caractérisée par Eisenstadt A.M. сomme la chanson «de voyage» pour le mariage. Les amies de la fiancée dansent en ronde au moment de cet événement important. Le savant note que cette chanson était exécutée par le chœur unisson [Eisenstadt, 1995,p. 50]. Emploi des quarts de ton, des tierces, des ornements nous montre 138 que les chants des Evenks sont hauts. Eisenstadt A.M. trouvequ’il y a des caractéristiques du dialogue, des figures rythmiques typiques avec le rythme “piétinant”, et la structure carrée dans cette chanson [Eisenstadt, 1995,p. 50]. Encore un exemple de la chanson de bienvenue, qu’était inscritepar les Evenks de Khabarovsk de la Russie. «La famille du fiancé invite les parents de la fiancée. On met sur la table pour s’en régaler. Et le chef de famille propose un toast de salutation.... Quelqu’un commence à chanter au motif monotone. C’est une improvisation …» [Titov, 1936, p.936]. Dans la chanson donnée le développement mélodique des chants se passe à la base du motif avec le volume de tierce, mais la monotonie est observée aux intonations secondaires. Malgré la monotonie le ton solennel de la salutation est souligné des chants intrasyllabiques, d’une rythme diverse, d’une mètre variable. Dans cette chanson on peut marquer les liens intonatifs avec les chansons de bienvenue de tels peuples comme les Iakoutes (habitants du nord-est de la Sibérie) et les Bouriates (habitants du sud de la Sibérie orientale). Ainsi Eisenstadt A.M. écrit dans son article «Les liens musicaux des Evenks» les phrases suivantes: «la tradition du chant de bienvenue aux moments des rencontres est caractéristique de tous trois peuples… Les maîtres, les visiteurs honorables…les conteurs et les chanteurs souhaitent la bienvenue aux assistants. Parfois ils sont exprimés sous forme du chant complexe et solennel avec la rythmique très complexe, les mélismes abondants… la gamme n’est pas grande, le système modal est simple…» [Eisenstadt, 1972, p.120]. En analysant les modèles des chansons de mariage, nous pouvon sfaire les conclusions suivantes: 1) Ce qu’il y a de particulier c’est que les chansons de lamentations ont une gamme étroite (la tierce ou le quart), les intonations descendants ou le mouvement mélodique et “balançants”, le changement, ainsi que le mètre à trois voix; 2) Les chansons destinées à la fiancée, sont exécutées par le choeur des amies, soit le chant du choeur alterne avec le solo de la fiancée. 3) Dans les chansons de bienvenue nous marquerons une petite gamme des mélodies typiques construites sur les intonations secondaires, qui varient pendant le moment du chant, mais la rythmique se complique et il apparaissent des chants intra syllabiques; a. Le rite de mariage évenk, ainsi que les chansons de mariage, ont beaucoup de commun avec les cultures russes, iakoutes et bouriates. 139 Bibliographie: 1. Eisenstadt A.M. Typologie de genre du récitatif évenk. Les problèmes actuels de l’étude du folklore musical : Le recueil scientifique interuniversitaire – Rostov-na-Donou, 1983. 2. Eisenstadt А.М. Les liens musicaux des Evenks // Musique soviétique, 1972, №11. – p.117-121 3. Eisenstadt А.М. Culture de chant des Evenks. – Krasnoïarsk, 1995. 4. Vasilevitch G. M. Les Evenks: Essais historiques et ethnographiques (du XVIII — au début du XXème) – L., 1969. 5. Voskobojnikov М.G. Folklore Evenks. – L., 1960. 6. Titov Е.I. Documents sur l’oeuvre orale des Evenks de la région de Baïkal//Documents de folklore des Evenks (des Toungouses). – L, 1936. 7. Cheïkin Y.I. Culture musicale du peuple de l’Asie nord. - Iakoutsk, 1996. 140 Глоссарий англо-русский aboriginal – абориген, местный житель absolute – абсолютный, полный, совершенный academic – академический accent – акцент, ударение acclaim – восхвалять, восхвалить, восхваление accompaniment – сопровождение, аккомпанемент; accompanist – аккомпаниатор, accompany – сопровождать, аккомпанировать accord– согласие; accordingly – соответственно acoustic – акустический; acoustics – акустика act – акт, действие, играть, сыграть; acting – игра, актерство actual – действительный; actuality – действительность; actually – на самом деле, фактически adlib – импровизировать, сымпровизировать adorn – украшать, украсить advance – продвижение, прогресс aerophone – аэрофон, духовой инструмент aesthetic – эстетический alto – альт amaze – изумлять, изумить; amazement – изумление; amazing – изумительный amuse – забавлять, развлекать, развлечь; amusement – забава, развлечение, аттракцион; amusing – забавный, смешной analogous – аналогичный; analogue – аналог; analogy – аналогия analyse – анализировать; analysis – анализ; analytical – аналитический ancestor – предок; ancestry – происхождение ancient – древний, старинный archeological – археологический area– область background– фон, подготовка basic tone – основной тон bass-recorder – бас-рекордер, bassoon – фагот bone buzzer – костяной гудок bow-поклон brass – медные инструменты bull roarer – трещотка castanets – кастаньеты celebration– празднование celesta – челеста 141 ceremonies - церемонии chordophone – хордофон, струнный инструмент chords – аккорды clarinet – кларнет comparable – сравнимый comparative – сравнительный, сравнительная степень complex– комплекс conductor– дирижер contrabass – контрабас corny – валторна crowded harmony – полиаккорд (сочетание несколько аккордов) cultural environment– культурная среда cymbals – цимбалы diction – дикция difference – разница dramatic– драматический drums– барабаны English horn – английский горн ethnological – этнологический etymology – этимология exhaustive – исчерпывающий exist – существовать expansive – экспансивный experience– опыт experiment – эксперимент extended chord – расширенный аккорд field work – полевая работа, экспедиционное исследование finger– палец flute – флейта form – форма found – основывать, основать general-bass– генерал-бас gong – гонг gourd – тыква half-tone – полутон harmonic confusion– смешанный аккорд harmonica – гармоника, баян harpsichord – клавесин harsh-sounding– резко звучащий holes – отверстия 142 hooves– копыта horn – горн idiophone– идиофон, шумовой инструмент instruments – инструменты intervals– интервалы introduce – представлять keyboard– клавиатура, клавишный инструмент kind – сорт, род knowledge – знание latent harmony – скрытая гармония longer– более длинный maracas – маракасы measure – измерение, размер, мера membranophone – мембранофон, тип инструментов с мембраной modern– современный multiple– многократный musical – музыкальный narrator – рассказчик narrower – более узкий nonmelodic– немелодичный North– север number– размер, номер numerous– многочисленный object– объект oboe – гобой ocarina – окарина original– оригинальный originally – первоначально pan-pipe – флейта Пана, свирель parts – партии pass – проходить, пройти, проехать, сдать, проводить, провести, передавать, передать, утверждать, утвердить, выносить, вынести people– народ percussion – ударный инструмент performance– действие, исполнение piano – фортепиано piccolo – флейта пикколо piece– пьеса, музыкальное произведение pitched percussion – оркестровые ударные инструменты predominant – преобладающий 143 primitive culture – архаичная культура primitive instruments – примитивные (архаические) инструменты rattle– скрежет recorder– блок-флейта rite– обряд rushy flute – тростниковая флейта saxophone – саксофон scale – лад, гамма scattered chord – рассыпающийся аккорд score – партитура shared – разделенный simpler – более простой; simplest – самый простой singers – певцы, певческие голоса sleigh bells – колокольчики (санные, салазок) small – маленький stick– палка string – струна, струнный, вереница (нить) swing – качать(ся), swung (3-я форма глагола) – раскачавшийся tambourine – тамбурин, бубен tam-tam – там-там, ударный инструмент, африканский барабан tempered half-tone – темперированный полутон timpani – литавры tone system – тоновая система tones slightly smaller than half tones – четвертитоны transcription – транскрипция, расшифровка triangle – треугольник tribes– племена trombone – тромбон trumpet – труба tuba – туба tuneful– мелодичный various– различный viola – альт violin – скрипка violoncello – виолончель whip – хлыст whistle – свист, свисток wood– древесина wood blocs – деревянные блоки wooden–деревянный 144 wood-winds – деревянные духовые инструменты Глоссарий немецко-русский die Ausdruckskraft – выразительность das Brauchtum – обычай die Disputation – обсуждение, рассмотрение das Exekutiv komitee – исполнительный комитет facettenreich – многогранный die Gesangtechnik – вокальная техника die Geisteswissenschaften – гуманитарные науки die indigene Bevölkerung – коренное население das indigene Volk – коренной народ der Kulturerbe – культурное наследие die Lautäußerung – вокализация die Lieddichtung – песенная поэзия die musikethnologische Forschungen – музыкально-этнологические исследования der Musikstil – музыкальный стиль die Musikwissenschaft – музыкознание der Nachlaß – наследие, архив das „Nebenprodukt“ – «побочный» продукт das Notenheft – нотная тетрадь der Rentierzüchter – оленевод der Ritus – обряд die samojedischen Völker (Nenzen, Enzen, Nganasanen, Selkupen) – самодийские народы (ненцы, энцы, нганасаны, селькупы) das Selbstbewusstseins – самосознание sich ergeben – вытекать, получаться; складываться; посвящать себя der Sichtung – сортировка das Tempussystem – система времен das Tonbeispiel – пример звучания die Veröffentlichung – публикация der Vers – стих der Versbau – стихосложение der Volkskundler – фольклорист Глоссарий французско-русский les brides– узда, повод les chansons de marriage – свадебные песни le chant des oiseaux – пение птиц 145 les chants de shamans – пение шаманов la chasse - охота des chevaux sacrifices – священные лошади les coups de paumes – удары (хлопанье) ладоней les crépuscules d’automne – осенние сумерки les danses circulaires – круговые танцы depuis des temps immémoriaux – с незапамятных времён des divers rites traditionnels – различные традиционные обряды l’élevage de rennes - оленеводство emprunter - заимствовать l’épopée héroïque – героический эпос l’épouvantail –пугало les esprits de shamans – дух шаманов l‘exécution de danse – исполнение танца le guerrier céleste – небесный воин les lamentations – сетования, жалобы des mauvais esprits – злые духи le monde Inférieur – нижний мир l’onomatopée - звукоподражание les particularités - особенности la pêche - рыболовство les pendelogues de cuivre – медные подвески les recherchés de musique ethnique – изучение этнической музыки rite de l‘affouragement du fen – обряд разжигания огня une source inépuisable – неисчерпаемый источник le tambour du cuir du cheval – барабан из конской кожи tirer les sons différent – извлекать различные звуки 146 AUTHORS Oksana Dobzhanskaya, ethnomusicologist, doctor of Art History, professor of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Yakutsk; dobzhanskaya@list.ru Varvara Dyakonova, ethnomusicologist, candidate of Art History, lecturer of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts, musician; dvaryae2012@mail.ru Zinaida Ivanova-Unarova, art critic, professor of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts; sign37@mail.ru Liya Kardachevskaya, ethnomusicologist, lecturer of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts; kardmike@mail.ru Sesilia Ode, Ph.D., Institute of Theoretical Linguistics and Phonetic Sciences, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands; C.Ode@uva.nl Tatiyana Ignatieva, ethnomusicologist, associate professor of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts; kaikov@newmail.com Yuri Sheykin, ethnomusicologist, doctor of Art History, professor of the Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Yakutsk; kaikov@newmail.com 147 MUSICAL CULTURE AND ART OF THE ARCTIC PEOPLES Хрестоматия Авторы: Добжанская Оксана Эдуардовна, Дьяконова Варвара Егоровна, Иванова-Унарова Зинаида Ивановна, Игнатьева Татьяна Иннокентьевна, Кардашевская Лия Ивановна, Шейкин Юрий Ильич Составители: Л.Р. Алексеева, к.п.н., В.Е. Дъяконова, к.иск. Учебное пособие для студентов и аспирантов направлений подготовки 53.03.06 Музыкознание и музыкально-прикладное искусство 51.03.02 Народная художественная культура 50.06.01 Искусствоведение 51.06.01 Культурология Редактор В.Г. Дегтярева Дизайн и верстка Л.П. Винокурова Подписано в печать 20.11.2018 Формат 60х841/16. Гарнитура «TimesNewRoman». Усл.п.л. 9,32. Тираж 300 экз. заказ №47 _______________________________________________________ Отпечатано ИЦ АГИКИ г. Якутск, ул. Кирова 33