Neoliberal Conservation
Neoliberal Conservation
Robert Fletcher
Subject: Sociocultural Anthropology Online Publication Date: Sep 2020
DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190854584.013.300
Summary and Keywords
Neoliberal conservation describes a dynamic wherein prominent organizations around
the world concerned with biodiversity protection have increasingly adopted strategies
and mechanisms that seek to reconcile conservation with economic development by har
nessing economic markets as putative mechanisms for financing nature conservation.
Since the turn of the millennium, a vibrant discussion around this topic has arisen across
anthropology, geography, and related fields. Within this discussion, the rise of neoliberal
conservation is generally treated as part of more widespread processes of neoliberaliza
tion occurring throughout the global economy since the 1980s, promoting a constellation
of core principles including privatization, marketization, decentralization, deregulation,
and commodification. Neoliberal conservation arose out of a growing concern among
prominent conservation organizations to include poverty reduction and economic devel
opment within their mandates as well as to capture additional funding via partnerships
with wealthy corporations. It is commonly implemented through a series of so-called mar
ket-based instruments (MBIs), including ecotourism, payment for environmental services
(PES), and biodiversity and wetlands banking, as well as financial mechanisms such as
green bonds.
However, evidence suggests that promotion of neoliberal conservation rarely achieves in
tended outcomes in actual implementation. This has led some researchers to argue that
these activities are thus not neoliberal at all, while others defend this characterization
within an understanding of neoliberalization as a variegated process. Researchers also
point to the rise of right-wing authoritarianism as a potential challenge to neoliberal
hegemony, yet the implications of this trend for conservation policy and practice remain
little explored. Thus, the important open question is raised of whether neoliberal conser
vation was the product of a particular political era that is coming to an end, and if so,
what will arise in its aftermath.
Keywords: conservation, neoliberalism, markets, privatization, commodification, environment, ecosystem services,
natural capital
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Neoliberal Conservation
Introduction
Since the turn of the 21st century, a vibrant discussion has arisen across anthropology,
geography, and related fields concerning a phenomenon now commonly termed “neoliber
al conservation.” This refers to a dynamic wherein prominent organizations around the
world concerned with biodiversity conservation have increasingly adopted strategies and
mechanisms that seek to reconcile conservation with economic development by harness
ing economic markets as putative mechanisms for financing nature conservation.This
trend is considered part of the more widespread process of neoliberalization occurring
throughout the global economy since the 1980s. Such neoliberalization has been identi
fied within environmental policy generally, with researchers assigning it a variety of la
bels including “neoliberal nature,” “neoliberal environmentalism,” “green neoliberalism,”
“green capitalism, and “market environmentalism” (e.g., Heynen et al. 2007). With re
spect to conservation specifically, in addition to neoliberal conservation, this trend has
been ascribed such monikers as “for-profit conservation” (Dempsey 2016; Dempsey and
Suarez 2016), “NatureTM Inc” (Arsel and Büscher 2012; Büscher et al. 2014), and “accu
mulation by conservation” (Büscher and Fletcher 2015; Doane 2012). This article charts
the rise of neoliberal conservation as a component of a more general neoliberalization as
well as the strategy’s analysis by a growing cadre of researchers in a variety of fields. It
then outlines key debates and controversies within this field of analysis before concluding
by charting newer developments with potential to serve as the basis for future research.
Origins and Development
The phenomenon of neoliberal conservation is commonly associated with a growing con
cern among prominent conservation organizations to include poverty reduction and eco
nomic development within their mandates around the turn of the millennium (Adams et
al. 2004; Corson et al. 2014). Historically, most mainstream conservation organizations
have pursued what has been termed a “fortress conservation” strategy, entailing the cre
ation of “protected areas” (PA) from which human occupation and use were largely ex
cluded and whose borders were commonly patrolled by armed guards employing coercive
force (Brockington 2002; Ferguson 2006; Peluso 1993). Yet the social costs of such PAs,
including displacement and impoverishment of local residents, prompted a growing call
to complement this enforcement with so-called community-based conservation (CBC)
strategies intended to deliver sustainable livelihood opportunities to people living in PA
“buffer zones” and thereby support conservation within PAs (Borgerhoff Mulder and Cop
polillo 2005). This shift, part of a wider campaign to promote sustainable development in
gestation throughout the world at the time, was first codified in the 1980 World Conser
vation Strategy, then gradually diffused throughout the global conservation movement
(Corson et al. 2014).
Livelihood generation mechanisms promoted via CBC commonly revolved around the pu
tative integration of local people into global markets. Prominent examples include the
promotion of agricultural products grown with sustainable methods and the creation of
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Neoliberal Conservation
community-based ecotourism businesses. Such ventures were soon connected to larger
mechanisms and discourses, which sought to value biodiversity in ways that its preserva
tion would be privileged over extraction based on a simple cost-benefit calculation.
Around the turn of the millennium, this strategy of “selling nature to save it” was first
presciently highlighted and problematized by McAfee (1999). Subsequently, Chapin (2004)
offered a controversial “Challenge to Conservationists” in which he called out prominent
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) for allegedly abandoning the many indigenous
peoples with whom they had briefly allied in pursuit of CBC in favor of a growing set of
partnerships with large corporations who were courted for funding. Following this, other
researchers who had also been documenting the social consequences of fortress conser
vation as well as the shift toward CBC for some time began to notice similar dynamics
and to highlight their consonance with a more general neoliberalization whereby direct
regulatory governance by state agencies was progressively replaced by reliance on “mar
ket forces” to allocate resources in an optimal manner (Harvey 2005). This process was
increasingly documented within the global environmental movement generally (Heynen
et al. 2007), including through reform within international financial institutions (IFIs) like
the World Bank (Goldman 2005), and within conservation specifically (Igoe and Brocking
ton 2007A; Igoe and Sullivan 2009; Sullivan 2006), leading to the latter’s designation as
“neoliberal conservation,” understood as something of a “third wave” of conservation
strategies complementing fortress approaches and CBC (Büscher and Fletcher 2015; Vac
caro et al. 2013). This frame was rapidly adopted by researchers around the world who
observed similar trends in their own study sites, cementing it as an important field of in
vestigation with the social scientific analysis of conservation policy and practice more
generally (see Büscher et al. 2012 for a useful summary of this early work).
Within this body of research, neoliberal conservation is seen to promote core neoliberal
principles of privatization, marketization, decentralization, deregulation (or more com
monly re-regulation from state to nonstate actors), and commodification (Büscher et al.
2012; Castree 2008, 2010; Igoe and Brockington 2007B), and to be expressed through a
variety of trends. These encompass the growing prominence and power of nonstate ac
tors including big NGOs (termed BINGOs) like The Nature Conservancy (TNC), Conserva
tion International (CI), and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF); increasing alliances among
these BINGOs and private sector firms as well as IFIs like the World Bank and the Global
Environment Facility (GEF) to generate funding (Chapin 2004; Levine 2002); the creation
of markets for trade in natural resources; privatization of resource control within such
markets; commodification of resources to facilitate their trading; the spread of privately
owned and operated nature reserves (Langholz 2003); the devolution of resource control
to nonstate actors like NGOs; and the consequent decline of state-centered environmen
tal regulation (Brockington 2002). In this way, civil society organizations, both big and
small, have been able to position themselves centrally within the growing global conser
vation movement as an ostensibly more responsive and adaptable alternative to state bu
reaucracies viewed as cumbersome and rigid within neoliberal discourse.
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Neoliberal Conservation
A key component of neoliberal conservation entails reconceptualizing the biophysical en
vironment as a container of “ecosystem services” and “natural capital” (Fletcher et al.
2019; Sullivan 2013). From this perspective, “Natural capital is another term for the stock
of renewable and non-renewable natural resources on earth (e.g., plants, animals, air, wa
ter, soils, minerals) that combine to yield a flow of benefits or ‘services’ to people” (NCC
2016, 12, emphasis in original). An expansive network of actors and institutions has orga
nized around this approach, coming together in a Natural Capital Coalition (recently re
branded simply the Capitals Coalition) comprising many of the most influential players
within the global conservation movement (Fletcher et al. 2019).
Implementation of neoliberal conservation commonly occurs via a series of so-called mar
ket-based instruments (MBIs). Ecotourism is likely the most long-standing and wide
spread of these to date (Duffy 2008; Fletcher 2009, 2014), promoting what Honey (2008,
14) calls a “stakeholder theory,” holding that “people will protect what they receive value
from.” A second foundational conservation MBI (that has since largely faded from the
scene) is bioprospecting, which seeks to develop “non-timber forest products” (NTFPs)
for commercial sale on medicinal or cosmetics markets in order to finance conservation of
the surrounding ecosystem (Hayden 2003; McAfee 1999; Neimark 2012). Another popular
family of MBIs comprises biodiversity and wetlands banking wherein development threat
ening an endangered species or ecosystem can be “offset” by investment in preservation
of a similar or equivalent entity elsewhere (Pawliczek and Sullivan 2011; Robertson
2006). A related mechanism is “payment for ecosystem services” (PES) in terms of which
owners of biodiversity-rich land are paid to keep this land intact rather than converting it
to other uses, usually as an offset for destructive development elsewhere (Dempsey and
Robertson 2012). PES is often tied up with carbon trading by means of which greenhouse
gas emissions can be offset by investment in forest protection, among other activities
(Fletcher 2012). A prominent variant of PES involving carbon trading is the REDD+ (Re
duced Emissions through Forest Degradation and Avoided Deforestation) mechanism,
which grew out of United Nations Framework Convention of Climate Change (UNFCCC)
discussions to combine forest conservation with climate change mitigation and has since
been operationalized through more than five hundred pilot projects initiated around the
world (Sunderlin et al. 2015).
Yet all of these MBIs require direct investment in concrete material space in order to de
velop the physical infrastructure needed to realize their particular “products” in the form
of concrete conservation spaces located in particular places. This limits their capacity to
generate significant liquid capital that can be grown directly through investment and
trade within global financial markets. Consequently, the neoliberal conservation cam
paign endeavors to transcend concrete markets in goods and services in favor of direct
engagement in global financial markets—what Büscher (2013) calls the pursuit of “liquid
nature” (see also Sullivan 2013). This entails abstracting value from investment in con
crete projects so that it can become fungible and hence convertible across a greater
range of instruments, with the goal of thereby establishing environmental products as a
distinct “asset class” within conventional financial markets (Credit Suisse and McKinsey
2016). Within such markets, the aim is then to combine different income streams into a
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Neoliberal Conservation
composite instrument, since “few conservation projects today are big enough to be struc
tured as marketable standalone investment products. Thus, aggregating distinct but com
plementary projects with potentially different structures is required. These aggregators
need to be able to bundle a diverse set of cash flows and mold them into a single invest
ment product” (Credit Suisse and McKinsey 2016, 13).
This development have spurred the rise of financial investment firms specifically devoted
to consolidating and rendering interchangeable environmental “investment products
across a broad range of asset classes” (in Sullivan 2013, 203). Markets are also being de
veloped in such novelties as “weather risk management,” extending “beyond carbon trad
ing to include a whole new spectrum of novel financial instruments designed to price and
manage the risks associated with extreme weather events, natural catastrophes and un
expected temperature fluctuations” (Cooper 2010, 170). These novel markets include
“catastrophe bonds, securities that manage the risks of improbable but catastrophic nat
ural events, and environmental derivatives, financial instruments that respond to unpre
dictable fluctuation in the weather” (2010, 175).
A further set of financial instruments gaining increased attention are “green bonds.”
Bonds can be considered “green” in two main ways: “either the proceeds of the bond are
(supposed to) be ring-fenced for environmentally beneficial projects—called ‘use of pro
ceeds’ bonds; and/or the issuers themselves badge them as ‘green’ with an accompanying
narrative—called ‘self-labelled’ bonds” (Bracking 2016, 76). An additional modality,
“project bonds,” are “dedicated to a classified green activity, such a solar power” (2016,
76). One innovative form of green bonds are called “index-linked” in which returns are
connected to environmental performance (see Sullivan 2013). In a proposed index-linked
carbon bond, for instance, “interest payments are linked to the actual greenhouse gas
emissions of the issuing country against published targets. An investor in this bond re
ceives an excess return if the issuing country’s emissions are above the government’s
published target.”1
As of 2020, however, financial mechanisms like these are still mostly conceptual and an
ticipatory, with very little actual market transaction actually conducted thus far (Dempsey
and Suarez 2016). Moreover, there may be serious obstacles in the face of such mecha
nisms’ potential future realization.
Key Questions and Debates
As scholarly discussion of neoliberal conservation has proliferated, it has also spawned a
number of ongoing questions and debates, the most prominent of which are outlined in
this section.
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Neoliberal Conservation
How Neoliberal Is Neoliberal Conservation?
One central issue of contention concerns the nature of the very term “neoliberalism” at
the heart of the discussion. This question mirrors a parallel debate concerning the defini
tion of the term more generally. Growing use of “neoliberalism” to describe a general eco
nomic transformation throughout the world, beginning in the 1980s, has been countered
by claims that the processes described are quite different in different places, and hence
that their grouping under a common label is more a fiction created by researchers than
an entity in the world (see Barnett 2005; Birch 2015; Castree 2006). Yet this critique has
itself been countered by assertions that these are still variants of a common process, and
hence that neoliberalization should be understood not as a monolithic entity but rather a
“variegated” process, one of the key characteristics of which is its inherent flexibility
(e.g., Brenner et al. 2010A, 2010B).
Within discussions of neoliberal conservation, this issue is reflected in an ongoing debate
concerning precisely how neoliberal mechanisms commonly associated with the phenome
non actually are. Soon after popularization of the neoliberal conservation frame, re
searchers began to point out that many of the processes documented as part of this trend
did not neatly conform with all of the dimensions of neoliberalism outlined in the litera
ture. With respect to PES, for example, researchers have observed that in practice many
programs entail very little actual market activity and are instead largely managed by
states via taxation and other forms of direct resource allocation—the very thing that ne
oliberalism ostensibly seeks to eradicate (Fletcher and Breitling 2012; McAfee and
Shapiro 2010; Milne and Adams 2012). This observation, consequently, led some re
searchers to conclude that PES is not necessarily neoliberal at all (McElwee et al. 2014;
Van Hecken et al. 2015). Others, however, assert that PES can still be considered an ex
pression of neoliberalization if understood as a variegated process that materializes dif
ferently in specific contexts (Fletcher and Büscher 2017), which has resulted in a running
debate (see Fletcher and Büscher 2018; Shapiro-Garza et al. 2020; Van Hecken et al.
2018). Similar discrepancy between the neoliberal “vision” underlying conservation MBIs
and their practical “execution” (Büscher and Dressler 2007; Carrier and West 2009) has
been identified by Dunlap and Sullivan (2019), who observe a common “fault line” run
ning through biodiversity banking and REDD+ in addition to PES. Despite this common
disjuncture, the authors assert that all three mechanisms should still be considered ex
pressions of neoliberalization due to the common intent (if not ability) to enact marketiza
tion.
Such disputes may seem merely academic, but they speak to larger questions concerning
the implications of pursuing a particular approach to conservation beyond its influence on
specific projects and interventions. And this issue relates to overarching analyses con
cerning the nature of neoliberalism more generally and hence its manifestation within ne
oliberal conservation. Even among those who agree that neoliberal conservation exists,
there remains disagreement concerning how it should be understood. The two most
prominent strains of analysis view it from the perspectives of Marxism and poststructural
ism, respectively. For Marxists, neoliberalism is most centrally a process of “accumulation
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Neoliberal Conservation
by dispossession” whereby members of a “transnational capitalist class” seek to wrest
control of valuable resources formally governed as public goods or community commons
(Harvey 2005; Igoe et al. 2010; Sklair 2001). In this spirit, Büscher and Fletcher (2015)
contend that from a world system perspective (e.g., Arrighi 2009), the global conserva
tion movement can be seen to have moved through three overlapping stages in its func
tion as a component of the capitalist economy facilitating the internalization of environ
mental conditions as a core element of accumulation (Büscher and Fletcher 2015). This
parallels historical shifts in the dominant regime of accumulation within the overarching
global economy, which analysts suggest has proceeded, in the postwar era, from “orga
nized” to “disorganized” (Lash and Urry 1987) or from “Fordist” to “post-Fordist” or “flex
ible” forms (Arrighi 2009; Harvey 1989). In the early decades of the 21st century, more
over, scholars describe a further shift away from commodity production of any sort to
ward emphasis on pure financialization—what Harvey (1989) calls “fictitious capitalism.”
Likewise, Büscher and Fletcher (2015) suggest that the global conservation movement be
seen to have progressed through three stages, termed “fortress,” “flexible,” and “ficti
tious” forms, respectively, corresponding with the historical movement from PA creation
through CBC and its attendant income-generation mechanisms to the increasing focus on
financialization through market engagement, evident in neoliberal conservation in 2020
(see Table 1).
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Neoliberal Conservation
Table 1. Accumulation by Conservation
Period
Regime of ac
cumulation
Key character
istics
Dominant ide
ology
Conservation
approach
Key mecha
nisms
1860s–1960s
Colonial/
Fordism/Orga
nized capitalism
Vertical integra
tion; statism; vi
olence
Liberalism/Key
nesianism
Fortress conser
vation
Protected ar
eas; state fund
ing; wildlife
tourism
1970–2000
Post-Fordism/
Disorganized
capitalism
Flexible accu
mulation; de
centralization
Rollback neolib
eralism
Flexible conser
vation
CBC; ICDPs;
biosphere re
serves; cco
tourism; bio
prospecting
2000–present
Financializa
tion/Casino cap
italism
Spectacular ac
cumulation, net
works, crisis
Rollout neolib
eralism (1990s
forward)
Fictitious con
servation
TFCAs; PES
Carbon mar
kets; species/
wetlands bank
ing; financial
derivatives;
REDD
Note. Adapted from Büscher and Fletcher (2015).
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Neoliberal Conservation
From this perspective, neoliberal conservation is considered particularly problematic due
to its implications within overarching processes of capital accumulation to which it con
tributes.
Poststructuralists, by contract, commonly follow Foucault (2008) in understanding neolib
eralism as a particular “governmentality” that aims to enact processes of marketization
not merely within the economy but in all social realms, including within the domestic
sphere and state institutions themselves. From this perspective, neoliberalism shapes but
is not reducible to a particular form of capitalism. Thus, Fletcher (2010, 173), building on
Agrawal (2005), describes a neoliberal “environmentality” expressed via conservation
MBIs intended “to create external incentive structures within which individuals, under
stood as self-interested rational actors, can be motivated to exhibit appropriate behaviors
through manipulation of incentives.” This is, essentially, the very “stakeholder theory”
embodied in ecotourism and other MBIs, as described by Honey (2008). For poststruc
turalists, therefore, neoliberal conservation carries the danger of promoting an instru
mental approach to human–nature relations grounded in economic valuation that critics
fear may “crowd out” other ways of knowing and valuing nonhuman natures existing in
places where the approach is implemented.
What Does Neoliberal Conservation Do?
These different theoretical positions inform researchers’ perspectives concerning what
neoliberal conservation actually achieves in practice, which, in turn, relates to a larger
discussion concerning how successful neoliberal conservation has been in its aims as well
as what it may also produce as unintended “instrument-effects” (Foucault 1977). In addi
tion to growing acknowledgment of the common disjuncture between theory and practice
across a number of conservation MBIs previously described, there is mounting evidence
that despite widespread promotion of neoliberal conservation strategies by an expanding
range of actors, very little of the envisioned activity has actually occurred, and even less
may be achieving concrete results.
With respect to activity, Dempsey and Suarez (2016, 654) conclude, based on analysis of
financial reports, that actual market transactions remain merely “slivers of slivers of sliv
ers” of total global conservation finance. From this perspective, neoliberal conservation
should be seen more as a hopeful projection on the part of proponents than an economic
agenda widely implemented in the world. This description, indeed, is how Büscher and
Fletcher (2015), among others, portrayed it in their analysis of a growing push for “accu
mulation by conservation” that has proven quite difficult, if not impossible, to widely real
ize in practice. Dempsey (2016, 255) similarly describes neoliberal conservation as exist
ing “in an entirely paradoxical situation. It is at once a totalizing mainstream discourse
and one that exists on the margins of political-economic life, on the outside of many flows
of goods, commodities, and state policies.”
In terms of results, available evidence suggests that many conservation MBIs have
achieved relatively little of their intended biodiversity preservation thus far. While this ev
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Neoliberal Conservation
idence remains far from definitive, it is suggestive of a common pattern. While bio
prospecting was widely championed in the 1990s, for instance, it quickly became appar
ent:
that drug discovery from nature is extremely difficult, especially in the highly com
petitive market of global pharmaceuticals. On the production side alone, firms
(mainly located in the US, Europe and Japan) must access biodiversity in distant
tropical locations, which are difficult to traverse, while also contending with a host
of political barriers (such as regulations and property rights) as well as sporadic
local resistance to collecting material.
(Neimark 2012, 424)
Likewise, despite their initial exponential growth (see Fletcher 2012), global carbon mar
kets have since largely stagnated (Bond 2011; Monbiot 2013). With respect to REDD+, an
empirical analysis of a cross section of pilot projects published in 2015 found that the ma
jority were also stagnating due to lack of funding, while several had been abandoned alto
gether (Sunderlin et al. 2015). Going further, an open letter sent by the Rainforest Foun
dation UK to the World Bank in December 2017 concluded that after more than a decade
of REDD+ rollout, “the programme has not yet prevented a single gram of forest carbon
from entering the atmosphere.”2 Pledges from Norway, Germany, and the United King
dom to continue to directly fund REDD+ projects to the tune of around USD$5 billion are
drastically insufficient to support all existing projects. While the Paris Agreement result
ing from UNFCC COP-21 included REDD+ as a component of a larger multidimensional
landscape-level forest conservation strategy, the mechanism’s original promise to gener
ate a global market in carbon credits is already effectively finished (Fletcher et al. 2016).
Indeed, the only conservation MBI to achieve demonstrable success in genuinely harness
ing in situ resources as a source of economic revenue via actual market transaction on a
substantial scale thus far has been ecotourism, which the UNWTO (1998) claims to be ex
panding approximately 30 percent per year worldwide. Yet ecotourism remains a small
portion of the global tourism industry as a whole (Honey 2008), and the substantial
growth it has experienced thus far may be approaching limits (Fletcher 2011). In addi
tion, while ecotourism can be an effective force for biodiversity conservation, a growing
criticism highlights the industry’s contribution to global warming due to its dependence
on long-haul air transport (Carrier and Macleod 2005).
Researchers point out, however, that neoliberal interventions often produce negative so
cial impacts similar to those widely documented with respect to earlier conservation ap
proaches (West et al. 2006), even as they fail to achieve intended outcomes. Summarizing
the research available at the time, Holmes and Cavanagh (2016) identify three main cate
gories through which such impacts commonly manifest: (a) introduction of new power re
lations and forms of subjectivity in line with neoliberal rationality; (b) use of spectacle
(Igoe 2010, 2017; Igoe et al. 2010) to commodify resources with consequences for local
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Neoliberal Conservation
use and control; and (c) reinforcing and exacerbating “pre-existing social, economic, and
political inequalities” (Holmes and Cavanagh 2016, 199).
Similarly, notwithstanding their conclusion that efforts to stimulate conservation finance
have produced very little concrete investment thus far, Dempsey and Suarez caution that
this promotion may still have important ideological effects, functioning “to re-affirm nar
rowed, antipolitical explanations of biodiversity loss, to reinforce neoliberal political ratio
nalities among conservationists, and to foreclose alternative and progressive possibili
ties” (2016, 655). Even as it fails to actually establish markets, in other words, neoliberal
conservation still seeks to promote its philosophy for adoption by stakeholders ranging
from BINGO executives to local project participants. In their exploration of the potential
to develop an asset class in conservation finance, for instance, Credit Suisse and McKin
sey (2016) essentially imply that in order to achieve this goal, the global conservation
community will need to fundamentally restructure itself to start thinking and acting like
the investors it wishes to attract. Meanwhile, on-the-ground implementation of neoliberal
conservation projects in many places encourages local people to conceptualize their rela
tionship with the surrounding environment in terms of monetary valuation and benefitcost calculation in anticipation of promised benefits (see Fletcher et al. 2019).
What Does Neoliberal Conservation Intend to Do?
Whether the limited achievements of neoliberal conservation thus far signify the
strategy’s general “failure” is a tricky question, since, as Mosse (2004) points out, “‘suc
cess’ and ‘failure’ are policy-oriented judgements that obscure project effects” and hence
risk obscuring “how things actually happen” (2004, 662). Yet what all of this controversy
surrounding neoliberal conservation’s aims and outcomes amounts to, and what it implies
concerning the intentions of the strategy’s main proponents, remains contested among
researchers on either side of the theoretical divide previously outlined. For Marxists, ne
oliberal conservation strategies are considered in large part a smokescreen presenting a
veneer of concern for sustainability that conceals a baser self-interest in enclosing and
appropriating resources for personal gain, following Harvey’s general characterization of
neoliberalism as offering
a benevolent mask full of wonderful-sounding words like freedom, liberty, choice,
and rights, to hide the grim realities of the restoration or reconstitution of naked
class power, locally as well as transnationally, but most particularly in the main fi
nancial centres of global capitalism. (2005, 119)
Poststructuralists, however, accept that those promoting neoliberal conservation may ac
tually want to see it succeed but argue that this potential is constrained by the inherent
limitations of the approach they seek to implement (e.g., Dempsey 2016; Fletcher 2010,
2013; Sullivan 2013). As Foucault (2008, 116) pointed out some time ago, for neoliberals
“[n]othing proves that the market economy is intrinsically defective since everything at
tributed to it as a defect and as the effect of its defectiveness should really be attributed
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Neoliberal Conservation
to the state.” Consequently, ostensive failure can always be explained away by attributing
it not to market logic but to improper intervention within the market by state agents.
But there are ways to also interpret this situation that mediate to a degree these different
perspectives, framing neoliberal conservation discourse as intended to sell the program’s
success, notwithstanding its actual outcomes. In part, this outlook is a function of basic
organizational survival in that framing interventions as successful regardless of their ac
tual performance, on the part of BINGO and others, is often necessary to keep finances
flowing from donors discouraged by stories of failure. In this way, savvy marketing can
form the basis of value creation in its own right regardless of how projects function in
practice (Büscher 2014). From this perspective, neoliberal conservation can be under
stood primarily as a symbolic exchange, a traffic in spectacular images that circulate
within a “global economy of appearances” that becomes increasingly disconnected from
the material referents (concrete conservation projects) that form the ostensive basis of
the value thereby generated (Igoe 2010, 2017). This perspective of course reinforces the
description of neoliberal conservation as “fictitious,” noted earlier.
Yet this approach still tends to assume that actors promoting neoliberal conservation are
largely aware of the disjuncture between the marketing of success and the less-than-suc
cessful outcomes such marketing spins. Taking a poststructuralist perspective further,
however, one can argue that one of the main things neoliberal conservation discourse
achieves is to conceal potential evidence of project failure from proponents themselves.
Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalysis to complement Foucauldian poststructuralism, for
instance, Fletcher suggests that neoliberal conservation can be understood as a fantasy
structure that offers a compelling vision of future success once the proper mechanisms
have been designed and implemented and thereby allows any current deficiencies to be
explained away as merely bumps on the road to eventually “getting the market
right” (Fletcher 2013). From this perspective, selling (future) success may be less of an
effort to spin outcomes for marketing purposes than a built-in dimension of neoliberal
conservation discourse functioning to shield itself from recognition of its essential impos
sibility.
While neoliberal conservation has been enthusiastically embraced by many of the most in
fluential organizations and actors in the global conservation movement, however, the ap
proach has also long been met with skepticism by a minority of conservationists them
selves. As early as 1988, Ehrenfeld cautioned, “In the long run, basing our conservation
strategy on the economic value of diversity will only make things worse, because it keeps
us from coping with the root cause of the loss of diversity” (1988, 214). In the new millen
nium, McCauley asserted that “market-based mechanisms for conservation are not a
panacea for our current conservation ills. If we mean to make significant and long-lasting
gains in conservation, we must strongly assert the primacy of ethics and aesthetics in
conservation” (2006, 27). The rest of the decade saw similarly critical assessments of
MBIs published by other prominent mainstream voices in core conservation media (e.g.,
Ehrenfeld 2008; Redford and Adams 2009).
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More generally, Sandbrook and colleagues (2013) describe an attitude of “cautious prag
matism” among rank-and-file members of many prominent conservation organizations,
skeptical about the capacity of market mechanisms to deliver conservation benefits yet
unsure how else to proceed in a world where funding from sources other than the market
or corporate partners is becoming increasingly scarce. The authors find their small sam
ple of skeptics divided roughly into two broad camps: one displaying “outcome focused
enthusiasm” concerning the potential for markets to deliver substantial gains; the other
evincing more “ideological skepticism” concerning the market-based approach in gener
al. Hence, Sandbrook et al. highlight “a likely dissonance between the values held by indi
vidual employees of large conservation organisations and the official positions adopted by
the organisations themselves” (2013, 238). A follow-up study has found similar dynamics
among a larger cross section of respondents (Holmes et al. 2017). Even proponents of
natural capital valuation are often themselves conflicted about the potential of this ap
proach (Dempsey 2016).
Yet within the overarching public discussion such “critical messages are often ignored by
mainstream organizations and media, and if they are acknowledged, often denied or
twisted to suit particular neoliberal objectives” (Büscher et al. 2012, 22). In this way,
paradoxically, “alternative viewpoints do not always need to be actively suppressed in or
der to be disciplined. Indeed, they can perversely be stimulated as some kind of catharsis,
without impacting on the broader hegemonic system” (Büscher et al. 2012, 22). In the
face of such internal dissent, consequently, the leadership of organizations, including
IUCN, TNC, CI, and WWF, have solidified their endorsement of neoliberal conservation
and entrenchment within a global network pushing its promotion.
Are We Moving Beyond Neoliberalism?
A fourth key point of debate concerns what has happened to neoliberal conservation, and
neoliberalism more generally, in the time since the 2008 global economic crisis. During
the height of the crisis, many pundits pronounced this the end of neoliberalism (e.g., Pe
ters 2008; Stiglitz 2008), yet it quickly became clear that neoliberal tendencies continued
or even intensified in many places in subsequent years. What this meant became a sub
ject of contention. Some pronounced the resurrection of a “zombie neoliberalism” lurch
ing forward in undead form (Arsel and Büscher 2012; Fine 2009; Peck 2010A). Hendrikse
and Sidaway (2010), however, described the rise of “neoliberalism 3.0” characterized by
further cuts in state expenditure, marketization of remaining state assets, and consolida
tion of broader alliances across the political spectrum. Jessop (2013) labeled this same
shift a novel “blowback” neoliberalism, playing off of Peck and Tickell’s (2002) famous
distinction between “roll-back” and “roll-out” neoliberalism in the 1980s and 1990s, re
spectively.
At the same time, other researchers asserted that in a number of societies, particularly
within Latin America, progressive regimes had arisen to challenge neoliberal orthodoxy
entirely in pursuit of a “post-neoliberalism” characterized by the resurgence of state-led
developmentalism (Grugel and Riggirozzi 2012; Yates and Bakker 2014). In this spirit,
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Neoliberal Conservation
Mendoza (2018) asserts that ecotourism in Argentinian Patagonia under the Kirchner
regime, for instance, should be understood not as a neoliberal but rather post-neoliberal
conservation strategy.
The ascent of authoritarian right-wing regimes in a number of societies in the 2010s (see,
e.g., Brown 2019), including some previously considered post-neoliberal, has further com
plicated this picture. While some characterize this development as the rise of “authoritar
ian neoliberalism” entailing the “the intertwinement of authoritarian statisms and neolib
eral reforms” (Bruff and Tansel 2019, 233), others see it as signaling a novel transcen
dence of neoliberalism altogether. This latter perspective views Donald Trump (United
States), Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil), Rodrigo Duterte (The Philippines), and others as repre
senting a novel political-economic force bolstered by popular backlash against the rav
ages of austerity policies previously imposed as part of neoliberal reforms (e.g., Jacques
2016; Peters 2018; C. West 2016). The implications of this view for analysis of contempo
rary conservation policy remains to be explored. Bolsonaro’s frontal assault on environ
mentalists in the Brazilian Amazon, for instance, has promoted prominent conservation
organizations to question whether the relatively soft approach championed via neoliberal
policies is sufficient to counter this bold new threat. China’s promotion of an aggressive
environmental agenda under the banner of its newfound “ecological civilization” cam
paign (see, e.g., Gare 2012), meanwhile, may be understood as an expression of a novel
authoritarian neoliberal conservation approach in its own right. At the time of this writing
(2020), however, all of this activity remains to be systematically documented and ana
lyzed.
Neoliberal Conservation in Ruins?
Looking back on four decades of neoliberal conservation activity from a vantage point
deep within the ongoing fallout from the 2008 crisis, it is tempting to speculate concern
ing what all these issues portend concerning the phenomenon’s future prospects. Does
the fact that so many MBIs have been faltering mean that the strategy’s overarching effi
cacy will be widely called into question (cf. Fletcher et al. 2016)? Will the heavy-handed
anti-environmental tactics employed by right-wing authoritarian states further undermine
the strategy’s perceived legitimacy (cf. Büscher and Fletcher 2020)?
Thus far, neoliberal conservation’s advance has proven remarkably resilient in the face of
obstacles and critiques that may otherwise be seen to fundamentally compromise it
(Fletcher 2013). This is in line with Peck’s (2010B, 6) characterization of the neoliberal
project in general as perennially “failing forward” in the sense that “repeated manifest in
adequacies have—so far anyway—repeatedly animated further rounds of neoliberal inter
vention.” Likewise, Macdonald (2009) relates from the midst of the 2008 crisis that while
“markets were crashing around the world, spreading panic and doubt about the wisdom
of unbridled free market economics . . . the conservationists, corporate CEOs, billionaire
philanthropists, and heads of state and royal houses don’t seem to have heard the
news . . . the conversation centered on how environmental groups must become even
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Neoliberal Conservation
more like corporations”—a tendency that only increased in subsequent years (Fletcher
2014).
Yet the authoritarian backlash may present unprecedented challenges to this dynamic. In
deed, one could argue that this backlash is itself in large part a response to the failure of
neoliberal mechanisms, in conservation as elsewhere, to achieve their envisioned aims
(Brown 2019). The inability of conservation to establish itself as a viable foundation for
sustainable capital accumulation on a global scale (Büscher and Fletcher 2015), in other
words, may have provoked a return to intensified resource extraction—what Arsel et al.
(2016) call an “extractive imperative”—to restore this accumulation in the wake of the
2008 crisis, as well as necessitating coercive suppression of resistance to this activity on
the part of environmental defenders of the type we have witnessed in Brazil and else
where under authoritarian rule (Global Witness 2019).
In the future, we may therefore look back on neoliberal conservation as the peculiar prod
uct of a particular era—one in which moderate forces on the political left and right in a
number of societies converged around promotion of a “progressive neoliberalism” (Fraser
2016) as part of a “Third Way” political program more generally (Büscher and Fletcher
2020; Corson 2010). Yet the growing power of more extreme right-wing forces may have
shattered this erstwhile consensus, pulling the center of global political momentum fur
ther to the right in the process.
Indeed, in the face of the widespread failure of MBIs to achieve environmental protec
tion, we are instead witnessing a dramatic escalation of violence in relation to environ
mental governance in many parts of the world. This violence takes several forms. South
ern and Eastern Africa have witnessed a surge of “green militarization” (Lunstrum 2014)
whereby increased poaching of endangered megafauna such as elephants and rhinos has
been met with a resurgence of state-sponsored—often lethal—violence to police PAs (see
also Fletcher and Büscher 2018). In Latin America and Southeast Asia, meanwhile, we
have seen an exponential increase in violence directed against those opposing develop
ment projects, particularly extractive enterprises, on environmental grounds (Arsel et al.
2016; Global Witness 2019).
While seemingly quite different, both forms of violence may be collectively explained rela
tive to the dynamics outlined in this analysis. A common failure of neoliberal mechanisms
to achieve both conservation and development appears to have forced recourse to intensi
fied forms of fortress protection, in the case of southern Africa, and aggressive suppres
sion of resistance to expansion of the raw material extraction that was intended to be re
placed by global market integration grounded in higher-tech production (Arsel et al.
2016), in the case of Latin America and Southeast Asia.
It is intriguing to consider extrapolating from this situation to suggest a more general his
torical pattern in the relationship between neoliberalism and violence. Introduction of ne
oliberalism in the initial rollback period, after all, was frequently accompanied by vio
lence needed to force through unpopular reforms and quell protests against these (Mc
Nally 2006; Springer 2016). This was most pronounced in Chile under Pinochet but oc
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Neoliberal Conservation
curred in many other places as well. In the transition from rollback to rollout phases
(Peck and Tickell 2002), this violence was intended to give way to the creation of new ne
oliberal institutions and instruments able to deliver both development and conservation
benefits sufficient to compel voluntary acceptance of the process. Following widespread
failure of these efforts, augmented by the 2008 economic crisis, it seems that a more gen
eral recourse to intensified forms of violence has sought to force through what neoliberal
reforms could not. In this way, one of the main characteristics of the “authoritarian ne
oliberalism” proliferating since the 2008 crisis may in fact be its mobilization of unprece
dented forms of violence to achieve its ends, a resurgence of sovereign governance with a
vengeance to keep a zombie political program staggering forward.
Foreshadowing exactly this scenario, Gray indeed observed some time ago:
The connection between free markets and “law and order” policies has never been
inadvertent. As intermediary social institutions and the informal social controls of
community life are weakened by market-driven economic change the disciplinary
functions of the state are strengthened. The endpoint of this development comes
when the sanctions of the criminal law become the principle remaining support of
social order. (1998, 32)
Or as Graeber (2015, 31) warns more bluntly, “Whenever someone starts talking about
the ‘free market,’ it’s a good idea to look around for the man with the gun.”
The Future of Neoliberal Conservation
Notwithstanding the proliferation of research outlined in this article, there remain a vari
ety of fruitful potential avenues for future investigation. Despite the widespread failure of
neoliberal conservation to establish functional markets for trade in natural capital thus
far, for instance, quite a lot of money has still been circulated and accumulated by diverse
intermediaries involved in the process of attempting to develop these markets, from state
officials to carbon market brokers to countless consultants of every variety to local recipi
ents of project funds (Lund et al. 2017). One may therefore term this a paradoxical
process of “accumulation without commodification” wherein efforts to actually profit from
trade in natural resources largely fail, yet the process of trying to commodify them still fa
cilitates the flow of funding and allows for substantial wealth to be amassed by some ac
tors for as long as this seed money flows. The European Commission (2018), for instance,
reports that between 2008 and 2015, €17.2 billion in direct public funding was invested
in REDD+ worldwide, the vast majority of which has been siphoned off by implementing
states and their intermediaries rather than reaching the local stakeholders whose conser
vation efforts it was intended to support. Via dynamics such as this, not merely despite
but actually through its overarching failure, neoliberal conservation may still have impor
tant (if unintended and paradoxical) effects in both ideological and material registers.
Such dynamics call out for further exploration.
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Despite their obvious importance to the dynamics of neoliberal conservation, aspects of
intersectionality have scarcely been addressed thus far either. Notwithstanding a longstanding discussion of gender relations within political ecology more generally (e.g., Har
court and Nelson 2015), for example, the gender dimensions of neoliberal conservation
remain remarkably little discussed. Similarly, despite wider attention to “racial capital
ism” and its implications for environmental justice (e.g., Pulido 2017), treatments of racial
dynamics within neoliberal conservation are largely absent (but see P. West 2016 for an
important initial exploration in this direction). This is also true of dynamics of class, sexu
ality, and ableism. In these and the other dimensions outlined previously, therefore, ne
oliberal conservation continues to provide rich substance for analysis by anthropologists
and others.
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Notes:
(1.) Technology.
(2.) “Failing Forests: The World Bank’s Flagship REDD± Programme Ten Years On.”.
Robert Fletcher
Wageningen University and Research Department of Social Sciences
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