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1998, The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age People of Eastern Central Asia, Vol.1
As recorded in Shiji, the Yuezhi people, before they left for Bactria, lived mainly in the area between Dunhuang and the Qilian Mountains, lying west of the Hexi corridor in Gansu. As early as in Shang China (c. 13th-11th BCE) the Yuezhi people had already begun their commercial and cultural contact with the ancient inhabitants of the Yellow River Valley, so that some Tokharian words were borrowed into Chinese. As for the Yuezhi vocabulary which survived in Ancient Chinese, many instances remain unidentified in Tokharian. One of them is the word qilian 祁連 to be discussed in this article.
The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples of Eastern Central Asia, ed. Victor H. Mair, Washington D.C. (Institute for the Study of Man Inc.)
Tocharian loan words in Old Chinese: chariots, chariot gear, and town building1998 •
Proceedings of the 2016 4th International Conference on Management Science, Education Technology, Arts, Social Science and Economics (msetasse-16)
The glossary of the ancient Chinese vocabulary in Longdong-dialect2016 •
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A 250-item list of Old Chinese vocabulary in the Baxter-Sagart reconstruction2020 •
A 250-concept list was established for the purposes of a lexically-based study of Sino-Tibetan phylogeny (Sagart et al. 2019). This paper supplies the Old Chinese version of the list, in the Old Chinese reconstruction of Baxter and Sagart 2014. Chinese words attested in pre-Han times were selected based on their meaning as given in major lexica such as the Hànyǔ Dà Zìdiǎn. At times more than one OC item was found to match a concept in the list without it being clear which of the terms was the oldest. In such cases all the candidates were retained. As a result, the Old Chinese version ofthe list contains 301 words.
Proceedings of the 4th International Junior Scholars’ Conference on Sinology
A linguistic analysis of the Yiyu 譯語 (Beilu yiyu 北虜譯語) a Chinese-Mongolian glossary of the 16th century2005 •
This paper briefly introduces the most important linguistic features of the Yiyu (Beilu yiyu) – a Chinese-Middle Mongol glossary included in the Dengtan Bijiu (1599) with special focus on the unstable -n nouns, representation of the initial h-, loanwords in the lexicon, number of syllables etc.
… : Morphology, phonology and the lexicon in …
Word formation in Old Chinese1998 •
The present paper illustrates some of the major known morphological processes of Old Chinese-roughly, the language of the Chinese classical texts of the Zhou E dynasty (llth-3rd centuries BCE). To speak of morphological processes in Old Chinese may surprise some ...
Abstract: As far as is known, Tocharians were one of the oldest inhabitants of Xinjiang and they were present in that area since before our era. Their Turkification and total linguistic assimilation probably took place in the 12th–13th centuries. Thus, there are many unsolved problems and unknown aspects with regard to Tocharian-Turkic linguistic and ethnic relations. One of these problems is whether or not the Tocharian ethnonyms occurring in Old Turkic (Twqry, Twq’ry) and Sogdian (Tw r’k) sources can be shown in the toponymy of Xinjiang. To solve this problem, the present study investigates Uighur and Chinese place names and tries to list Tocharian ethnotoponyms and ethnohydronyms in and around Xinjiang. At the end of the study, a map based on Tocharian ethnonyms is also given to show the former geographical distribution of Tocharians in Xinjiang.
The roots of the notorious European preoccupation with the origins of speech, language and linguistic diversity ever since the nascent Renaissance enlightenment (cf. Borst 1957-63, Gessinger & Rahden eds. 1989 for monumental, Eco 1993 for succinct overviews) have commonly been sought in the rejection of the Biblical master narrative of the Genesis. Within the Judeo-Christian tradition, this rejection led to an ever increasing urge to reinstate a creative power behind language, during a period when God became moribund and eventually died, but when none of the readily available antique concepts of nature or of a linguistically autonomous homo faber were felt fully adequate to fill in the metaphysical chasm God had left behind. Absent this theological background and its later political repercussions in the justification narratives of the European nation states, it is little wonder, then, that questions about the origin of language — although occasionally touched upon by pre-Qin and early Medieval scholars outside the realm of Buddhist philosophy of language, struggling with problems of reference, the arbitrariness of the linguistic sign, linguistic diversity and language change etc. (cf. Behr 2004, 2005) — never received any substantal interest in China before the Late Imperial period. In my talk, I will try to trace the major developments leading from Dai Dong's 戴侗 (fl. 1241-1275) emphatic assertion of the primacy of the spoken over the written in his Origins of the six scripts (Liushu gu 六書故), through statements on language origins encountered in the paratexts of the mainstream Qing evidential research scholars, down to the first sustained "Theory on the origin of language" (Yuyan yuanqi shuo 語言緣起說) in Zhang Taiyan’s 張太炎 (1868-1936) Guogu lunheng 國故論衡 of 1910. Special focus will be given to 17th century universalist conceptions of linguistic competence, garnered from the fragments of Liu Xianting’s 劉獻廷 (1649-95) Xin yun pu 新韻譜 and the introductory fascicle of Pan Lei’s 潘耒 (1646-1708) Lei yin 類音. If time permits, I will finally open a wider comparative perspective on the treatment of language origins in pre- or non-Judeo-Christian traditions beyond China and Europe, in order to assess the argument which holds that it is the structure of the Chinese language itself or its writing system, which impeded interest in a central question of European anthropology.
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