Involvement and Detachment

Article Involvement and Detachment: The Application of Figurational Sociology Methodologies in Consumer Research and Macromarketing Journal of Macromarketing 1-14 ª The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0276146715599575 jmk.sagepub.com Gary Sinclair1 Abstract The macro-micro dichotomy prevalent in consumer research has led to methodological issues this article explores. Drawing from figurational theory and using a three-year participant-observation of heavy metal fans as a case study, this article puts forward a potential route for synthesis between dominant micro and macro perspectives. Merging contemporary consumer research methods with broader figurational theories of historical change and figurational methods allows for a more holistic understanding of consumer communities. The methodological approach used elucidates the problematic aspects of studying contexts seen as controversial and, hence, emotionally charged and value-laden. Despite the shared importance that figurationalists and macromarketers hold for developing accounts that recognize the relationship between broader structural processes, the emphasis figurationalists place on attaining a balance between involvement and detachment conflicts with the prominence that macromarketing scholars give to using their research to ‘‘serve’’ society. The implications of this difference are discussed. Keywords figurational sociology, methodology, consumer communities, macromarketing, participant-observation, music consumption Introduction Consumer research regarding contemporary social group formations or ‘‘consumer communities’’ has been the subject of a number of critiques. Consumer communities include social groups such as brand communities, tribes, and other subcultures of consumption (see Canniford 2011). When referring to the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) or the context of this study (heavy metal), the terms ‘‘subculture’’ or ‘‘figuration’’ may be used to describe social groups as they accurately reflect the common terminology used in those particular theories. Critiques of research on consumer communities can be traced to its association with Consumer Culture Theory (CCT). In particular, calls have been made encouraging such research to engage with broader social, cultural and political consequences of consumer and marketing activity (Askegaard and Linnet 2011; Saren et al. 2007; Tadajewski and Brownlie 2008). Macromarketing commentators (Fisk 1981; Nason and White 1981; Shapiro 2006; Wooliscroft, Tamilia, and Shapiro eds. 2005) have long argued that consumer behavior research neglects the importance of broader macro issues in favor of more popular positivistic approaches that understand consumer behavior within limited and individualistic micro-contexts. Although interpretative research has become increasingly prominent and has taken on more socio-cultural perspectives, the continuing predilection for micro contexts has limited the scope of the field. Assessments of CCT research (and by extension consumer communities research) have been overly critical at times with, for example, Holt (1998) and Penaloza (1994) demonstrating the impact of consumer behavior within wider societal contexts. Additionally, Kozinets, Hemetsberger, and Schau (2008, p. 344), following a macro-social paradigm that extends from informationalism, describe the ‘‘social, business and marketing structures’ ramifications of innovative and creative consumer communities that have emerged in greater number and impact as a consequence of the diffusion of networking technologies.’’ They focus on the implications that increased networking capabilities have fostered in our society and demonstrate that it can be understood through comprehension of social group processes, such as social learning, creativity, and control. 1 Department of Marketing and Retail, University of Stirling, Stirling, UK Corresponding Author: Gary Sinclair, Department of Marketing and Retail, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK. Email: Gary.Sinclair@stir.ac.uk Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 2 Journal of Macromarketing Such research also reflects an increasingly critically minded perspective although, arguably, critical marketing should not be confused with macromarketing (Dholakia 2012; Tadajewski 2013). Tadajewski (2010, p. 773) maintains that CCT and, by extension, research on consumer communities has become increasingly interested in areas (e.g. ethical consumption, gender equality) that have long been of concern to critical marketing academics. However, this movement towards more critical approaches does not indicate a shift towards macro-orientated accounts of consumer communities. Firat and Dholakia (2003) and Dholakia (2012) argue that critical studies of marketing lack macro-level approaches. Furthermore, contemporary consumer communities research (i.e. tribes, brand communities, subcultures of consumption) is built on the notion that the previously dominant CCCS paradigm used to understand subcultures (and is synonymous with the development and application of the term), placed too much emphasis on social and market structures at the expense of understanding individual experiences and celebrating the agency of the consumer. Additionally, critics of the CCCS argue that its adaptation of critical social theory led to overly rigid accounts that placed too much emphasis on social-class relations in explaining the behavior of social groups. To summarize, research on consumer communities is divided by the macro-micro dichotomy and the lack of macro-level insights for research that seeks more critical insights. Clearly an approach is needed that incorporates both micro and macro perspectives. Macromarketing scholars acknowledge this with Dholakia (2012) and Tadajewski (2013) contending that consumer contexts need to be understood at different levels. Consequently, this research puts forward Norbert Elias’s (2000) figurational sociology as a framework that can be used to address this issue. Figurational sociology in simple terms focuses on the development of human interdependencies over time within the context of changes in both the individual psyche and the social structure. This theory enables a more holistic understanding of consumer behavior by providing a macro perspective and by acting as a point of synthesis for micro-based frameworks of consumer research and macromarketing. Using heavy metal fans as a case study in which to explore figurational methods, this research demonstrates the value of incorporating broader socio-historical analyses that draw from long-term figurational processes with more contemporary micro-level methods (semi-structured interviews, participant-observation, and netnography). Macromarketers should welcome such an approach, which attempts to bridge micro and macro perspectives of consumer communities. However, the emphasis macromarketing scholars put on serving society (Fisk 2001) and the increasing focus they have placed on adapting macro methods to critical marketing studies using potentially value-laden lenses is problematic for figurational sociology. Figurational methods maintain the importance of achieving a balance between involvement and detachment when considering the relationship between the researcher and the object of study and of developing explanations of social behavior via a ‘‘detour of detachment.’’ In macromarketing ‘‘elevation affords a measure of dispassion in observing ‘goings on’ at the surface way down below’’ (Dholakia 2012, p. 221). However, incorporating both critical values and the experiences of the individual consumer can create problems in preserving a sense of dispassion in analysis. The implications of this impasse are discussed. The article is structured as follows. Following the introduction of the research context of heavy metal, the literature review will focus on figurational sociology, using Elias’s theory to compare critical marketing, CCT, and macromarketing accounts of consumer research and, in particular, methodologies relating to research on contemporary consumer communities. The back end then describes how figurational methodologies were used to generate explanations of the case study of heavy metal subculture and the practicalities of adapting the figurational methodology of detachment. This is separated into two sections. The first places emphasis on the data collected from the field study and the second is concerned with the use of figurational sources of theory in attempting to reduce the role of ‘‘values’’ in the research process. Research Setting: Introducing Heavy Metal This research focuses on heavy metal subculture as a case study for exploring the benefits of figurational sociology as a framework to bridge micro and macro perspectives. The aim is to understand the methodological implications of using such an approach. This section provides a brief summary of previous research on heavy metal, identifying issues that are also problematic in contemporary studies of consumer communities. Since its development in the 1960s/1970s (Bennett 2001), heavy metal has evolved into one of the most popular genres of music in the world (Wallach, Berger, and Greene 2011), supporting a subculture of fans renowned for their commitment and unique sense of style (Weinstein 2000). The signature fast and heavy guitar sounds and screaming vocals (Walser 1992) allied with its reputation for sonic extremity (Kahn-Harris 2007) in its associated subgenres (e.g. thrash metal), have contributed to a stereotypical and homogenized view of the heavy metal fan as a ‘‘headbanger’’ and/or ‘‘satanist.’’ Metal’s connection with violent and satanic themes in particular are often highlighted by those not familiar with the genre and led to initial academic attention during its most prominent phase of mainstream popularity in 1980’s North America (Chastagner 1999). Initial interest in heavy metal centered on its potential ‘‘danger’’ to the youth of society. Chastagner (1999) documents the important role that socially accredited experts played in fuelling this Parents Music Resource Center (PMRC) led rhetoric. PMRC is an organization formed to counter the potential threat that controversial genres of music such as rap and heavy metal may have on the moral fabric of society. It used psychologically based studies (King 1988; Stack, Gundlach, and Reeves 1994), which causally linked heavy metal consumption with mental illness, suicide, alienation, and drug and alcohol abuse. Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 Sinclair 3 The fact that such studies were done by academics with no experience of heavy metal culture was not lost on the researchers who sought to defend heavy metal fans from criticisms based on rather limited and causally defined relationships (Weinstein 2000). Consequently, this inevitably led to more detailed ‘‘insider’’ accounts that placed more emphasis on the experiential aspects of heavy metal subculture (e.g. KahnHarris 2007; Weinstein 2000). This research has contributed towards a greater cultural acknowledgment of the genre and the positive role that it can play for heavy metal consumers in their everyday lives. However, similar to research on contemporary consumer communities, some aspects of this type of interpretative research are problematic in that it tends to romanticize consumers and their relationship with the consumption context (Tadajewski 2010). This is also the case with some of the heavy metal research (Weinstein 2000), which has at times mythologized the genre, overcompensating for the academic and societal debate questioning heavy metal’s place in a civilized society. Additionally, much of this research lacks acknowledgment of broader macro-processes. Civilized Heavy Metal? This is where figurational sociology and Norbert Elias comes into the picture. First, the debate concerning the civilized nature of heavy metal fits well with Eliasian concepts of emotional control and social constraints in contemporary society (Sinclair and Dolan 2015). Second, the emphasis Elias places on socio-historic structures and processes can be used to enhance our understanding of heavy metal subcultural behavior and, in a wider (and more important) sense, how contemporary consumer communities develop and evolve within the context of broader global dynamics. A third and final point is related to the methodological implications of involvement and detachment. As briefly argued above, contemporary heavy metal research needs to take into consideration how the moral panic over the genre’s potential threat to society, as well as the subsequent reaction to the moral panic, influenced its initial academic conception. This is particularly significant when we consider the subjectivity of art itself. Kramer (2001, p. 159) writes that ‘‘the transmigration of feelings (especially the more poignant feelings) proves to exemplify the general power of music to implant subjective states in the listener that are paradoxically both native and alien, impossible either to own or disown.’’ Music has the ability to move people, to sentimentalize, to invite a subject to experience a variety of emotions. Music as discordant as heavy metal has the power to create conflict and provoke debate about what art is and what kind of negative effect it can have on society. Locating research within this emotionally volatile area is complicated; hence figurational sociology’s emphasis on achieving a balance between involvement and detachment can be useful for developing a more macro-based understanding of heavy metal fans. The problem is how this approach conflicts with macromarketing approaches that place emphasis on serving society. Figurational sociology is explained in greater detail in the next section in order to enhance our understanding of these potential contributions. Figurational Sociology This section outlines the core themes of figurational sociology and then uses them to critique the dominant micro-based understanding of consumer communities and by proxy CCT and critical marketing research. It considers a synthesis with macromarketing approaches in the context of potentially conflicting views regarding methodological practice. Theoretical Orientation: The Civilizing Process Norbert Elias (2000), the father of figurational sociology, established a theoretical framework that traces the sociohistorical development of the Western European habitus from the late stages of the medieval period (13th century) up until the modern era. His main argument is that a more evenly controlled and continuous sense of self has developed in the context of increasing social interdependencies, and rising levels of class integration and relative equalization. Psychogenesis. Elias is particularly interested in demonstrating distinct changes in the individual psyche and social behavior, documenting transformations in, for example, attitudes to violence, sexual behavior, and manners and etiquette. This psychogenesis, as Elias terms it, results from increasing shame thresholds that gradually spread from court etiquette outward into wider society. Hence to be seen to be aggressive or in any way non-restrained was to be seen as ‘‘uncivilized’’ and to be seen as in control of your emotions was to be seen as ‘‘civilized.’’ Elias argues that transformations in such modes of behavior are a product of increasingly complex networks and social ties that he refers to as interdependencies or figurations. Elias is concerned with how the narrowing or expanding of such ties affects social constraints and, accordingly, self-restraint and emotional control. In simple terms, increasing interdependencies lead to a larger number of social ties and more complex modes of behavior as individuals seek to distinguish themselves. Consequently, those who do not adapt to the intricacies of social conduct experience a sense of shame. Discussion of civilized conduct is particularly interesting in the context of heavy metal, when one considers the connotations of aggression, violence, and chaos that are associated with heavy metal fans and musicians (Weinstein 2000). A context such as metal could be used to challenge Eliasian ideas. Figurational sociology is not just a linear theory. Civilizing processes are also subject to ‘‘informalizing’’ (Wouters 2007) and de-civilizing (Mennell 1990) trends. De-civilizing trends are not necessarily the opposite of civilizing processes, but instead are instances where trust in a central state’s authority weakens and violence may become more acceptable. Wouters (2007) explains informalization as a process that prevailed at the end of the nineteenth century following a period where Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 4 Journal of Macromarketing polite society emphasized formal manners and discipline. The influence of such emotional constraints led to the development of alternative forms of behavior and emotional management that Wouters demonstrated in contexts including sexuality, the emancipation of women and children, and rituals such as mourning. However, such transformations in modes of behavior still required complex means of self-steering. For example, Sinclair and Dolan (2015) has argued that seemingly chaotic (uncivilized) behavior within the heavy metal subculture was in fact indicative of informalizing processes. The fans demonstrated high levels of self-restraint and an ability to adapt to fluid social codes that allowed for the controlled management of aggression in subcultural spaces. For instance, one has to adapt to the etiquette of the mosh pit (emphasis on body control) that differs depending on the fluid sub-genre of heavy metal. Participants manage the complexities of this fluid etiquette to develop subcultural capital. Hence, what seemed like chaotic and uncivilized behavior (particularly in the mosh pit) was precisely the opposite if we are to understand it in Eliasian terms. Sociogenesis. Elias explains the psychogenesis of individuals in the context of a wider sociogenesis. He examines major sociohistorical transformations (e.g. state formation, feudalization, technization [advances in technology], functional specialization) suggesting that the unintentional consequences of such structural processes can lead to civilizing, de-civilizing, or informalizing trends. For example, he demonstrates how unplanned processes such as increasing population growth following the Middle Ages led to significant changes in the structure of relationships and the institutions related to them. He argues that such unplanned processes will eventually lead to a monopoly (e.g. monopoly of violence). It is the interweaving of many individual and group interests, whether going in similar directions or not, that creates this monopoly. Elias (2000, p. 305) explains: ‘‘In feudal as in modern times, free competition for chances not yet centrally organized and monopolized, tends through all its ramifications towards the subjugation and elimination of an everincreasing number of rivals, who are destroyed as social units or fall into dependence; towards the accumulation of possibilities in the hands of an ever-diminishing number of rivals; towards domination and finally monopoly.’’ As a monopoly incorporates a larger number of integrations and functions, it creates an increase in the division of labor, where individuals become either directly or indirectly dependent upon each other. As the chains of interdependence lengthen, the individual psyche and the nature of social relations on a more micro level are transformed. In short, Elias is concerned with how the relationship between the micro (psychogenesis) and the macro (sociogenesis) impacts and transforms social life. Below, figurational theory will be deployed to understand more specifically how certain socio-structural processes (e.g. sportization and functional specialization) can be used to explain the development of heavy metal subculture and the consequent moral panic that surrounded the genre. Figurational Sociology and Consumer Research Figurational theory has been used to document social transformations and generate explanations in a variety of contexts including but not limited to sport and leisure (Elias and Dunning 2008), the welfare state (De Swaan 1988), and religion (Bax 1987). Despite Elias’s prominence in sociology, and to a lesser extent psychology (see Gabriel 2011), fields from which marketing and consumer research have borrowed heavily, figurational theory is conspicuous by its absence. Figurational sociology and consumer communities/CCT research. A small number of consumer culture papers have referred fleetingly to Elias, without any great elaboration (see Bradshaw and Canniford 2010; Canniford and Karababa 2012; Goulding et al. 2009; Üstüner and Thompson 2012). Studies of consumer communities, such as subcultures of consumption (Schouten and McAlexander 1995), consumer tribes (Cova and Cova 2001), and brand communities (Muniz Jr and O’Guinn 2001), emphasize the consumer experiences. This approach views the consumer as homo consumericus, ‘‘a creature defined by consumption and experiences derived therefrom’’ (Firat and Shultz 1997, p. 193), an ethic central to explanations of contemporary consumer culture. Thompson, Arnould, and Giesler (2013, p. 7) write: ‘‘Humanistic/experientialist discourses celebrated emotional spontaneity, consumer agency (as meaning makers), and the contextual nuances of consumption meanings and experiences . . . represented a coherent paradigmatic alternative to information-processing theories, which reduced the complexity and indeterminacy of consumer experience to the mechanistic outputs of mental structures and soft-wired decision algorithms.’’ The shift away from information-processing theories to more interpretive analyses is potentially more suitable to understanding the complexity of consumer behavior. It has demonstrated the importance of identity management and status games within consumer community contexts (Kates 2002) and has illuminated the social, emotional and cultural significance of contemporary social groupings (Goulding et al. 2009). Additionally, netnographies (Kozinets 2010) have expanded our knowledge of the different spaces in which consumers engage. However, the doctrine of putting the consumer’s experience as the focus of analysis (Arnould and Thompson 2005) has potentially served to underpin the schematic approach that CCT tried to avoid in the first place. Askegaard and Linnet (2011, p. 383) acknowledge that the literature on consumer communities focuses more on the collective aspects of consumption, for example, a tribal framework built on the notion of sociality. However, such research tends to prioritize the participant’s experiences and assumes that their behavior is aimed towards the development of a collective identity, which is Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 Sinclair 5 essentially a personal goal-directed identity project. Askegaard and Linnet (2011) suggest that the use of phenomenological methods (interviews and participant-observation) is in part responsible for developing such explanations. They argue that the phenomenological interview tends to bypass some of the more critical elements of consumer culture since interviews prioritize the everyday experiences of consumers. However, the methods are not the problem. Rather, the philosophy from which they are undertaken privileges participant experiences at the expense of broader structural processes, such as the impact of marketing systems at a higher level of aggregation. In other words, the use of phenomenological methods is fine, but the experiences reported just need to be developed within a wider socio-cultural context. Figurational theories offer a potential solution to this problem. They can provide consumer researchers with insights into how social processes and developing figurations can be connected to transformations in the consumer habitus, the identity projects sought through consumption and the nature of emotions experienced in consumer contexts (Sinclair and Dolan 2015). Elias argues for a hominess aperti – the figurational emphasis on people rather than person. This differs from studies of consumer communities that have adapted more of a homo consumericus approach. However, ‘‘the expectation of a specific type of explanation is not due to an individual’s personal experience, but to the collective experiences of a whole group in the course of many generations’’ (Elias 1991, p. 9). Figurational sociology, macromarketing, and critical marketing. Figurational theories regarding broader conceptions of marketing and consumption have not been completely ignored. Aside from studies within the discipline of sociology itself (e.g. Binkley 2009; Dolan 2009; Mennell 1996), Dolan (2002) and Smith Maguire and Lim (2015) have used Eliasian theory to explore macromarketing contexts (sustainability and the global dynamics of prestige consumption respectively) and have stressed relational power instead of prioritizing either producers or consumers or macro vs. micro as a focus of analysis. Although figurational perspectives allow the researcher to explore the interweaving of social, cultural and economic factors within long-term civilizing trends, Smith Maguire and Lim (2015, p. 238) argue that Elias is still ‘‘an under-utilized figure in macromarketing discourse.’’ The question is why figurational sociology has been relatively ignored in macromarketing contexts? First, Eliasian theory is commonly misunderstood (Dunning 1992) and is seen as unwilling to engage with other theories (Jary and Horne 1987).1 This is a fair point, and one of the reasons why this study has sought to address this discrepancy is by examining how consumer community contexts are understood through CCT and more macro-orientated theoretical frameworks in comparison to figurational sociology. Macromarketers have attempted to synthesis their frameworks with other areas of research. For example, they have called for greater emphasis on macro perspectives in critical marketing studies (Dholakia 2012; Firat and Dholakia 2003; Tadajewski 2010; Zwick and Cayla 2011). Both critical marketing and macromarketing, though different in theoretical orientation, emphasize the need to understand the implications of marketing practices and to serve society accordingly. This brings us to a second reason why figurational sociology has potentially been overlooked in macromarketing contexts – methodological practice or more specifically the use of values in research. Traditional critical theory (i.e. Marxist, Frankfurt School, and feminist) is guided by the idea that to achieve social change one must compare systems or institutions with their ideal form. Contemporary critical marketing is not limited to critical theory and is in fact difficult to define (Dholakia 2012) because of its connection with a number of other theoretical areas (e.g. humanism, post-structuralism, post-colonialism as well as macromarketing). However, its central concern has been about challenging capitalistic values and ‘‘marketing concepts, ideas and ways of reflection that present themselves as ideologically neutral or that otherwise have assumed a taken-forgranted status’’ (Tadajewski 2011, p. 83). If we were to apply a critical lens to research concerning consumer communities, early CCCS subcultural studies would be key to our understanding because of the neo-Marxian influence (Hall and Jefferson 1976). Such theoretical accounts were framed within social class constructs and used music subcultures to critique the structures of capitalism and the market logic behind such processes as the commodification (and subsequent pacification) of subcultural resistance. However, contemporary consumer communities research is very critical of such an approach. The major criticisms can be briefly summarized in relation to the homogenous descriptions of participants, rigidity of the framework, the limited attention concerning females or older participants, and its overemphasis on issues of class divisions and cultural hegemony (Bennett 2005; Clarke 1990; Goulding, Shankar, and Elliot 2002; Kates 2002; Muggleton 2005). Brown (2003) argues that it was the homogeneity of the conceptual framework that resulted in heavy metal being ignored in previous CCCS studies despite its apparent similarities with subcultures such as ‘‘teds’’ and ‘‘mods’’ in terms of its association with images of rebellion and resistance. Brown suggests that the apparent lack of political agenda and lack of synchronicity with certain stylistic elements of the rigid framework led to this oversight. These assessments of CCCS extend to the method (or lack of method) employed. Critics argue that they produce rigid and homogenous accounts due to a lack of empirical studies. The absence of empirical studies means that little knowledge of subcultures exists at an experiential level whether from the researcher’s observation of such social groups or from the testimony of the members (Hodkinson 2005). In other words, research on consumer communities places more emphasis on the voices of the consumer rather than theorizing about their behavior from afar. Consequently, any insights into such marketing contexts take place at a micro level, perhaps explaining their lack of engagement with macromarketing theories. Marxist theory has played a reduced role in recent critical marketing contexts. Dholakia (2012) correctly argues for Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 6 Journal of Macromarketing flexibility and dynamism in the use of radical theories and suggests the ‘‘intellectual conceit’’ (p. 223) that protects Marxist critical theories needs to be eradicated. However, the field of critical marketing is still evidently in somewhat of a dilemma in that much of its research is more concerned with the micro-managerial concerns of ‘‘conventional marketing paradigms and methodologies’’ rather than critiquing the market systems within which they function (Bradshaw and Firat 2007, p. 31). This is problematic at both a critical marketing level and from a macromarketing perspective when one considers the objective of this research is to serve society, not the problems of marketing managers. Nevertheless, adapting a more critical approach for a subculture such as heavy metal is problematic from a figurational perspective, even with the incorporation of macro-orientated frameworks. This is because Elias stresses the importance of eliminating as many values as possible from the research process in an attempt to attain a balance between involvement and detachment. Consequently, critical theorists have criticized figurationalists for believing they can achieve a complete level of detachment in research (Hargreaves 1992). However, the reason for this misinterpretation, and no doubt contributing to the lack of figurational studies in macromarketing as well as critical marketing, is that figurational methodologies and their application have not been well explained (see Duerr’s criticisms in Baur and Ernst 2011). Thus, this article will now discuss the method in greater detail and then demonstrate how it can be applied, using heavy metal subculture as a case study. Figurational Methodology: Is There Such a Thing? Elias did not believe in adapting a particular philosophy of knowledge as a methodological guide (Kilminster 2004). However, in developing his sociological theory he stressed the importance of two key concepts – hominess aperti and reality-congruent knowledge (Quilley and Loyal 2004). Hominess aperti refers to the figurational emphasis on people rather than a person. As discussed above Elias is concerned with connecting specific processes and movements of people across generations, making sense of social life within the context of figurations and interdependencies. This approach, as argued above, differs from CCT/consumer communities perspective that has produced individualistic explanations – in simple terms a homo consumericus (Firat and Shultz 1997). The figurational emphasis on people rather than person should resonate with macromarketers. Elias encourages academics to take a historical approach in order to develop connections between specific social processes and understand the dynamics of complex figurations across generations. This is reflected in the methods that Elias used. For example, he used document analysis of manners and etiquette books over the course of centuries to understand transformations in social behavior. He was then able to link these changes in the individual psyche to broader transformations in the social structure. His historical approach is also used to develop more reality-congruent explanations. Reality-congruent theory of knowledge. Thus far the Eliasian methodological approach does not seem to be too complex or clash drastically with what can be considered standard approaches to developing macro explanations of individual behavior. Where figurational sociology differs is the emphasis Elias places on developing ‘‘reality-congruent’’ knowledge (Elias 1991). In simple terms this refers to the idea of detachment, developing explanations that are based on the researcher eliminating (as much as possible) aspects of bias from the research process. Again, this is nothing new. All serious researchers strive to eliminate aspects of bias from their work. Where Elias differs is the level of emphasis that he places on achieving a more scientific sociology of knowledge and the subsequent impact that this has on researchers who seek to use a figurational approach. According to Quilley (2004), Elias was insistent that for the social sciences to become more reality-congruent they have to learn from the approaches taken from the hard sciences, which he argues have a greater capacity for relative detachment. Elias is not trying to duplicate the hard sciences or in any way adopt a positivistic approach, which would contradict his concept of hominess aperti (open) over a homo clausus (closed) comprehension of the research process. Previous positivistic approaches to heavy metal research, for example, have proved problematic because of overly simplistic assumptions about causality (e.g. listening to heavy metal makes teenagers suicidal) taking precedence over a wider number of factors. Elias places each of the sciences within a continuum which he distinguishes based on the how they differ in ‘‘degrees of differentiation, interdependency and functional integration’’ (Quilley 2004, p. 45). For example, at the top of the spectrum, subjects such as physics are well suited to process reduction as they have low levels of differentiation. However, lower down the continuum in the natural and social sciences, scientific laws are used less frequently and, as a consequence theoretical conceptions increase along with the levels of integration and complexity. Elias (1991) argues that the reason we have a high number of divisions and dichotomies (e.g. macro v micro, inductive v deductive) in the social sciences is that we have not yet developed the appropriate symbols (e.g. language) with which we can communicate and understand the complexities of social processes. He maintains that the number of divisions within the social sciences and competing theories and values leads to an increase in fantasy-laden knowledge and approaches guided by emotion. Consequently, he suggests that we need to develop more reality-congruent knowledge. In order to develop this knowledge, we have to take more reality-congruent approaches, which involve strategies that seek to reduce the impact of values in research. This is where figurational sociology comes into conflict with critical marketing perspectives that seek to inspire social change through challenges to social institutions. Figurational perspectives are also problematic within the context of macromarketing approaches seeking to serve society. Values are inherent in the methods and explanations used to enhance these philosophies. We will now analyze the strategies figurationalists use to reduce values. Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 Sinclair 7 Involvement and detachment: What’s wrong with values? The lack of empirical studies in which figurationalists consider the methodological implications of their theories of knowledge has inevitably led to criticisms and misunderstandings. Rojek (1986) has argued that idealist notions of detachment within the research process contradict Elias’s supposed realist approach to social inquiry. Additionally, Rojek (1986) maintains that Elias, a critic of dualisms within the social sciences has placed a dichotomy (involvement and detachment) at the center of his methodological approach. Such critiques are based on a misreading of the theory. First, there is the misconception that detachment is dependent on displays of individual control or ‘expression of involved consciousness’ (Rojek 1986, p. 587). However, Elias (2007) insists that scientific detachment is not attained through individual acts of consciousness. Rather, it is a product of social relations – figurations – that depend upon the interactions among specific societal conditions and developments in the individual psyche. Second, Elias has always maintained that the relationship between involvement and detachment is a balance. It is impossible to ever achieve a position of complete detachment. Figurationalists are concerned with developing a position that limits the impact of values (external to the values of scientific research) as much as possible. This, again, relies on the development of a social consciousness, the nature of particular figurations at a particular point in time. Elias departs from Weber and Schutz on this point, arguing that they took for granted an individual’s capacity to control one’s emotions (Kilminster 2004). In responding to such critiques, figurationalists suggest that researchers locate the object of research under a historical lens, deliberately detach themselves from the research object, and construct explanations that relate to broad networks of social interdependencies and processes. Dunning (1992) and Elias (2007) describe this as secondary involvement or a ‘‘detour via detachment.’’ Citing Elias, Kilminster (2011, p. 111) explains that ‘‘the researchers execute a ‘detour via detachment,’ whereby they suspend moral and political convictions but return to them in a new form after theoretical-empirical enquiry.’’ The idea is that prioritizing a particular political ethic or values in theoretical formulation has the potential to cloud judgment in process and analysis. Hence, consideration of the application of theoretical development should only occur after the research is done. One of the contributions of Elias’s civilizing process is how it can be used to explain changing cultural values (Dolan 2002). However, critical theorists have challenged this approach. For example, Hargreaves (1992), a feminist, condemns figurationalists for their failure to pursue social change and for what she describes as a futile quest for objectivity. She argues that figurational theorists pay little attention to agency, the power of the individual to direct change and challenge conventional ideologies and to transform institutional structures. Furthermore, Dunne (2009) suggests ‘‘that figurational sociology’s position on politics raises a series of as yet unanswered questions, questions which can no longer remain unanswered by the contemporary figurational sociologist’’ (p. 28). In short, he asks when figurationalists will have reached a stage of sufficient detachment to intervene politically and how will such politics be implemented? He is looking for ‘‘more in the way of justification and less in the way of affirmation.’’ (p. 51). In other words, when does the detour via detachment end? If it takes this approach, how can figurational sociology contribute to macromarketing discourse that serves society? Concerns regarding the figurational sociology of knowledge are in no doubt due to the shortage of empirical studies in which figurational researchers outline the practicalities of concepts such as the detour via detachment. To this end, the present study will use the author’s experience researching heavy metal subculture via figurational sources of theory to outline the benefits (and weaknesses) of incorporating such a methodology and its potential contribution to macromarketing studies as well as more specific aspects of consumer research that have been examined herein (i.e. consumer communities, critical marketing). Although this paper does not have the scope to answer Dunne’s concerns in the detail that the complexity of the problem requires, providing more of an empirical and methodological insight into the practicalities of using such an approach will nevertheless make a contribution to figurational literature as well. The Practicality of Employing a Figurational Methodology This section will outline the empirical realities of using figurational methodologies to explore heavy metal subculture. It will first describe how the data were collected and then examine how figurational techniques were used in the analysis combining both micro and macro perspectives. The Method Data were collected via participant-observation (both live and online spaces) and semi-structured interviews over the course of three years in Dublin, Ireland. Prior figurational sources of theory as well as an analysis of previous heavy metal research supported the data collected from these methods. Participants were recruited via a snowball sampling process that began with initial identification of interviewees at the author’s institution. The guiding principle of the selection criteria was that the respondents described themselves as heavy metal fans. The majority of the fans were male (12) representing the dominant number of males in the heavy metal scene. Most fans were between 18 and 25 (a consequence of the heavily weighted student sample sourced) and came from a variety of different social class backgrounds. Participant-observation involved attending a wide variety of heavy metal gigs that reflected the diversity of metal music subgenres. In addition to the large amount of valuable data that was collected in participantobservation, a number of fans were also recruited for in-depth interviews to triangulate the data attained at live shows. Furthermore, the ethnographic aspect of the study was Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 8 Journal of Macromarketing extended to observe key online forums (see Kozinets 2010) that the participants frequently used to interact with other heavy metal fans. Data collected were used to triangulate the data from the other methods used (see Sinclair 2014 for more detailed information on this process). Although the emphasis in previous figurational accounts has been on using historical document analysis in data collection (Elias 2000; Elias and Dunning 2008), recent figurational studies (Atkinson 2006; Liston 2005) have drawn from methods such as interviews and ethnographies, merging figurational sources of theory with data collected in the field. This presents a potential point of synthesis with contemporary consumer culture research as well as providing a more experiential perspective in illuminating figurational and macromarketing theories. However, the problem is that the use of methods such as participant-observation potentially contradicts what has been discussed above in terms of involvement/detachment. Nevertheless, the use of such methods here differs from previous CCT accounts in that the findings generated are used more as a means of dialogue with broader socio-historical processes identified from figurational/relational perspectives, rather than for an all-encompassing explanation of consumer behavior based on the experiences of consumers and that of the researcher. Involvement and Detachment: The Researcher’s Position as an Outsider-Participant Bloyce (2004) suggests that simply being aware of one’s position in the research is enough of a guideline for attaining a balance between involvement and detachment. The lack of guidance is symptomatic of how figurationalists have explained the practicalities of adapting their perspectives in methods. Bennett (2002) has expressed similar concerns for accounts of the ethnographic turn prevalent in research of contemporary social groups. He argues that the increasing emphasis on ethnographic methods and insider accounts prominent in CCT studies lack methodological detail and appropriate consideration regarding the role of researchers and their relationship with the objects of study. ‘‘There is little to be gained from privileging empirical research over theory simply on the basis that it is somehow ‘more in touch’ with the object of study. On the contrary, the movement of research on youth culture and popular music beyond the realm of theoretical abstraction and into the clubs, streets and festival fields where young people and music interact demands, in addition to written accounts of the research findings, a body of work that critically reflects on the research process itself’’ (Bennett 2002, p. 64). In summary, Bennett (2002) is calling for more critical and reflexive insights. Contrary to much of the research to which Bennett refers, and to the contemporary heavy metal studies that have emerged from insider accounts, this researcher took on the position of an ‘‘outsider-participant.’’ Assuming the role of an outsider was conducive to exploring the influence that control plays in developing subcultural identity and hierarchy. ‘‘It is the stranger, too, who finds what is familiar to the group significantly unfamiliar and so is prompted to raise questions for inquiry less apt to be raised at all by insiders’’ (Merton 1972, p. 33). Consequently, this position led the researcher to ask questions and explore symbols and rituals that many insiders would take for granted. However, the position of the researcher changed as he became increasingly integrated into the subculture. He learned that controlling one’s emotions, one’s body in subcultural rituals, was conducive to establishing credibility and subcultural capital. This led to valuable insights regarding how heavy metal rituals (e.g. moshing, crowd-surfing) worked and the connection between demonstrating self-restraint in such rituals and subcultural hierarchy and quality of experience. For example, the researcher was able to understand that the early problems he experienced in the mosh pit in terms of acceptance from other fans and overall enjoyment were connected to his lack of understanding of the (unwritten) rules and etiquette that heavy metal fans were expected to adhere to. ‘‘After spending all night watching the fans mosh, I felt brave and decided to join in on the next song. I ran in and started jumping up and down and into other fans that seemed to be doing the same thing earlier. However, one or two of the people I jumped into looked annoyed and pushed me away. It was at this point that I moved away from the stage and back towards the bar. My friend David who was watching (and laughing) from afar said that you don’t mosh to that type of metal. It was a type of doom metal that had a slower tempo. He said that that when moshing the guys probably got annoyed because I was using my elbows instead of shoulders to barge into them.’’ (Field notes, 04/12/09, Dublin) Observing and participating in more of these rituals resulted in learning about codes, rituals, and the importance of controlling one’s body and emotions to establish subcultural credibility. This facilitated an enjoyable experience and also contributed to the safe enactment of the heavy metal rituals. Merton (1972) argues that no person is a complete insider or outsider. Although the researcher was an outsider in terms of musical taste and subcultural participation, he still shared many things in common with the heavy metal fans in terms of age, social class, and other interests. Additionally, investigators sometimes go native (see Schouten and McAlexander 1995). For example, the researcher became more defensive of the scene and connected significantly with some of the interviewees with whom he attended gigs. This was problematic in that the outsiders in attempting to demonstrate their neutrality can be over-defensive of the scene as this researcher was at times. This is indicative of the fluid relationship between outsider and insider positions and consequently the involvementdetachment dynamic. Hence, being both an insider and outsider has advantages and disadvantages to in collecting data. However, a more important concern is that the researcher understands the impact that he/she has regarding how the data is collected and the nature of its interpretation. For example, in Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 Sinclair 9 the field the author encountered many instances where he found it difficult to control his emotions, to the initial detriment of the research. This mostly related to the intensity of the music, the rituals that accompanied it, and the subcultural symbols and language that took him a considerable time to understand: ‘‘I felt a bit shook after the Marduk gig. I knew Black Metal was intense but this was another level. I still can’t get to grips with what attracts people to it. Is it exciting? Is it actually pleasurable to listen to? I need to interact and participate more, I have to let go of my inhibitions and join in with the metal fans more, possibly find a common ground to gain access. I can’t be worrying about my own personal image or the consequences.’’ (Research diary, 03/02/10, Black Metal Gig, Whelans Pub, Dublin) The difficulty in controlling such emotions was also caused by fan practices that invaded the researcher’s sense of personal space, something he was not used to from attending nonmetal gigs: ‘‘During one of their most popular songs an overweight man with long hair who I saw the previous night with his girlfriend stands right in front of me and shakes his head back and forth. To be honest I am a bit disgusted as his long greasy hair flicks back towards my own face and I have to move away from him.’’ (Field notes, 04/ 09/11, Filth Fest, Dublin) Further problems the researcher experienced related to controversial themes that emerged in data collection. An example of this was when the researcher became angry over racist views one respondent made about Jewish people. Consequently, the researcher wrote in his research diary and field notes ‘‘I didn’t even want to question him on this view as it was ridiculous.’’ Upon reviewing these notes both the researcher and a second researcher agreed that such feelings were getting in the way of potentially engaging data and blocked him from extracting further information about the respondent and his relationship to the scene. Perry, Thurston, and Green (2004, p. 18) write ‘‘involvement-detachment is seen as an especially useful sensitizing concept for researchers who use semi-structured interviews to explore emotionally laden issues.’’ For example, they suggest that one recognize feelings brought on from participation in the research process, consider the influence of emotion on the reliability of the research, and identify motives. Throughout the interviewing process the author was confronted with certain issues that he knew would influence his position in the research and his ability to detach himself from the research objects. He used his research diary to identify such issues and it proved highly effective. For example, in the following passage he explains his relationship with the interviewee Andy and the effect his illness had on their interview: ‘‘I really grew to like Andy; there was something very innocent about him. Unfortunately he revealed to me that he is suffering from a serious illness in the form of diabetes and escalating liver problems. Hearing this news upset me, particularly as Andy seemed quite disharmonized as he had just gotten bad news the previous day. Upon hearing this news it wasn’t long before the interview ended.’’ (Research diary, 15/01/10) Undoubtedly this will have an impact on the author’s assessment of Andy’s heavy metal fandom as he has shared some very personal issues. This was the case with many other respondents, who for example, brought up issues regarding bullying they had experienced in school. Again, the field notes were reviewed in consultation with a second researcher to make sense of the relationships that were developing. Consequently, after some of the early interviews, the researcher learned how to deal with such emotions and tried to separate them from the objectives that needed to be realized from the interviewing process. Although they evidently still had some impact, by understanding these issues, a better understanding of the balance between involvement and detachment and its impact on the research could be developed. Acknowledging the researcher’s role within a reflexive framework allows for increasingly reality-congruent explanations. However, nothing is particularly novel about researcher reflexivity here when one considers that CCT and critical marketing studies use critical ethnographic methods (Murray and Ozanne 1991; Penaloza 1994, 1998). Such methods have provided investigators with a framework in which to develop accounts that consider the role of the researcher and their relationship with the object of study with greater insight. However, Muecke (1994) argues that critical ethnography challenges holistic explanations through presenting research contexts that signify only a small aspect of time and space. The problem with such accounts is that they reproduce individualist and isolated stories of social life precisely because they fail to connect the micro to the macro. Figurational perspectives can be used to help bridge micro and macro understandings of consumer behavior. Through a figurational approach this researcher was able to enhance his reflections regarding the importance of control in the heavy metal subculture with broader theoretical analyses of the nature of control, both social and individual. The next section will elaborate on the figurational sources of theory that were used to develop macro perspectives. Again, attaining a balance between involvement and detachment is of upmost importance. Involvement and Detachment: Figurational Sources of Theory Dunning (1992, p. 252), in one of the few figurational studies that offers any form of methodological guidance, recommends locating the object of study historically. He argues that a level of detachment can be attained through developing an analytical distance. Although the time the researcher spent with the heavy metal fans in interviews and participant-observation somewhat negates this sense of distance at a micro-level, the analysis of previous heavy metal research in the context of broader social processes enabled a more detached analysis at a macro level Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 10 Journal of Macromarketing that contributed some interesting insights. Such insights were developed through exploring figurational trends that can be used to explain heavy metal fan behavior. In particular, emphasis is placed on the ‘‘quest for excitement’’ – a historical analysis of emotional control in spaces of leisure. Additionally, figurational analysis will be applied to the moral panic that influenced early heavy metal research. Figurational sources of theory: The quest for excitement. The discussion of figurational theory above explained how increasing levels of societal integration result in higher levels of social restraint, the advancement of shame, and hence a more controlled and continuous sense of self (Elias 2000). Following on from this, Elias and Dunning (2008) argue that increasing control and restraints on individual action has led to a greater demand for spaces in which individuals could lose control and express more primitive emotions (e.g. aggression, anger) in a socially acceptable way. Elias and Dunning relate this quest for excitement in the individual psyche with broader structural transformations, specifically the evolving role that sport and leisure has played in our society. They document the process of sportization, the development of sport and leisure commercial markets and the professionalization of early games into modern rule-based sports (e.g. football, rugby). The spaces in which these games and sports take place present a very controlled mimetic experience in which both consumers and participants can generate and release emotional tension in ways that would be considered socially unacceptable outside these spaces. The historical context in which spaces of leisure have evolved and the significance of such spaces in terms of emotional control was used to theorize the seemingly chaotic nature of heavy metal fan spaces. This research paid particular attention to live rituals such as moshing and crowd surfing, which encouraged an emancipation of emotions that frequently involved aggressive and sometimes violent behavior. However, on closer inspection (as is described in the researcher’s field notes above), it is evident that such rituals are controlled by a combination of subcultural etiquette (e.g. no elbows, no spitting, help anyone up who falls) and marketplace controls (e.g. bouncers, alcohol restrictions, and increased seating at live venues). Hence, such behavior is not as unrestrained and uncivilized as is often portrayed, but actually requires a high level of emotional control and an ability to adapt to complex and evolving modes of social behavior. Wouters (2007) understands the perceived relaxing of restraints in contemporary society as part of a wider informalization process. As we become increasingly integrated (Wouters uses the example of the decreasing gap between lower and upper classes), we look for ways to distinguish ourselves. As a consequence, more informal manners are incorporated into society and tolerated. This explains the increasing acceptance of heavy metal culture and its evolution into more extreme sub-genres as fans distinguish themselves from other heavy metal fans through acts of transgression (see Kahn-Harris 2007). Such acts of transgression and contestations for subcultural capital and hierarchy are dependent on an individual’s ability to adapt to fluid social codes and demonstrate a high level of self-control. An example of this is how some of the dedicated fans mocked the stereotypes associated with heavy metal and fans who only engage with the subculture on a surface level. ‘‘I call them the ‘weekend warriors’ [less dedicated heavy metal fans]. The guys who act like idiots, throwing punches and dancing around like they have seen it on TV or something. They don’t understand that it isn’t at all about the headbanging and what have you. I like to think that there is a lot more to it than that and that is the heavy metal scene I want to be a part of.’’ (Pierce, 23, Interview) Other figurational sources of theory (e.g. changes in family structure, technological advances, the functional specialization of the music industry, and specific social trends within individual nations) have provided historical perspective, but require a level of attention and detail that is beyond the present scope. Such a socio-historical perspective would seem to be in sync with macromarketing approaches. However, as will be discussed, for figurationalists this perspective depends on eliminating theoretical and political values (as much as possible) from analysis. This is particularly relevant if we consider how previous heavy metal research has portrayed the genre and its fans. The next section will further demonstrate how adapting a historical perspective can help the researcher attain a sense of detachment. Figurational sources of theory: Moral panic. Rohloff and Wright (2010) argue that moral panics initially occur because of the perceived lack of action from a governing body and a decrease in mutual identification. This leads to the creation of scapegoats or folk devils. Much of the early heavy metal literature that has defined the genre as a subject of academic study was written at a time when heavy metal was at the forefront of societal concern and moral panic in the United States (Chastagner 1999). This consequently led to the scapegoating of heavy metal fans as well as serious political and judicial involvement concerning the influence of heavy metal on its consumers (Richardson 1991). Accordingly, research that emerged at this time seemed to be motivated to serve either side of the political debate that emerged following heavy metal’s increasing popularity and visibility. Rohloff and Wright (2010) argue that a decrease in realitycongruence is evident in times of moral panic due to a decrease in rational decision-making. They link the development of panics to long-term trends of functional specialization and the division of labor. Essentially they argue that such trends (associated with civilizing processes) lead to short-term de-civilizing spurts (of which decreasing mutual identification and irrational decision-making are indicative). Functional specialization has led to the magnification of potential dangers as an increasing level of trust is awarded to individuals who specialize in specific areas. This would explain the prominence and weight that Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 Sinclair 11 supposed expert testimonies from psychologists such as Paul King (1988) were afforded during what is referred to as the satanic panic at the height of heavy metal’s popularity. Additionally, (Rohloff and Wright 2010, p. 412) maintain that the fast attainment and spread of knowledge in contemporary society allows for a wide variety of arguments to be ‘‘voiced and heard’’ which can ‘‘further contribute to the incalculability of danger.’’ This refers to the uncertainty created when supporters of heavy metal defend their subculture from attack. This heightened tensions further and potentially led to difficulties in actually developing reality-congruent descriptions of heavy metal in the wake of such public contestation. For example, Weinstein (2000), one of the most commonly cited authors on the subject of heavy metal, defends her subculture on the basis that it is stereotyped in the mass media because of cultural critiques from the political left and stigmatization and censorship by the political right. Whether Weinstein is correct in her assumptions is beside the point. As a result of this apparent stigmatization, Weinstein goes as far as comparing heavy metal fans to homosexuals and blacks in terms of the persecution they have suffered. Heavy metal is celebrated here as an ecstatic experience that could not possibly be negative in any way. This description of heavy metal culture is no doubt influenced by the criticism and moral questioning that previous research has provoked. Weinstein’s research, like all research, is of course a product of her socio-historical and academic contexts and this must be taken into account when considering her position. Rohloff and Wright (2010) argue that one of the problems of previous moral panic research is that of temporality. That is, most studies concerning moral panic are done at the time of the panic. Consequently, in the article, studying heavy metal fans from a far less hostile and publicized environment – contemporary Irish heavy metal subculture – clearly has its advantages. The author was able to carry out the research without the distraction of public debates concerning heavy metal’s role in society. This was a consequence of metal’s absence from the mainstream media and the more relaxed attitude towards heavy metal music consumption. It allowed for a less emotionally volatile examination of the dynamic interplay between the social interdependencies connected to the scene and the resulting evolution of the subculture, its hierarchies, and its significance from emotional and identification perspectives. It is not just the issue of temporality that is a problem for previous moral panic research but also of normativity according to Rohloff and Wright (2010). They argue that researchers have a tendency to assume that moral panics are misguided or over-reactionary. This argument particularly relates to Cohen’s (2002) work on moral panics, which has influenced the CCCS and more critical conceptions of subcultures. For example Hall et al. (1978) argue that moralists through moral panic force social control upon scapegoats via the media. Such moralists are concerned with maintaining the status quo and deliberately manipulate information regarding particular groups in society to serve their interests. This is what Marxists would describe as a false consciousness. The problem from a figurational perspective is that there is an inherent theoretical assumption that such behavior is connected to the relations between classes and that any moral panic is an overreaction. Hence there is a decreasing possibility of developing reality-congruent explanations. Discussion This article, using heavy metal fans as a case study, has demonstrated the methodological problems inherent in studies of contemporary consumer communities and, by extension, the research areas of CCT, critical marketing, and macromarketing. Methodological problems created by the macro-micro dichotomy within contemporary consumer research lead macromarketing and/or critical marketing scholars to place too much emphasis on ‘‘value-laden’’ approaches. Figurational sociology has been identified as a framework in which to highlight this dichotomy and as a means in which a synthesis between the micro and macro can begin to be addressed. In particular, figurational methods were used to highlight the impact of values on the research context. However a number of questions still remain. The first question is whether the approach used in the case discussed can be generalized into a systematic approach for achieving a greater balance between involvement and detachment. The reality is that figurationalists have not provided enough empirical context for how they can develop greater levels of reality-congruence in research. The basis for developing a more scientific theory of knowledge should be to test these ideas – improvement through engagement. Consequently, it is clear that additional work is needed to develop a consistent approach. This research has sought to provide such a basis and demonstrates how such ideas can be applied through the case study of heavy metal subculture. Although documenting the investigator’s relationship within the research context and providing a more reflexive account is nothing particularly novel for consumer research from the micro perspective, it is the emphasis that was placed on researcher ‘‘control’’ and its connection to broader figurational processes that may be of interest in future studies. In this case control was essential, not just in terms of the researcher attempting to temper his emotions in practice, but in shaping subcultural practice, the development of subcultural identity, and the generation and release of emotional tension. The locus of control in the subcultural context is linked to broader figurational processes that have contributed towards increasing complexities in social behavior, routinization of social relations and thus the quest for excitement. Consequently the link between the micro and macro analysis can be generalized to a degree in future research. However, the particularities of the context used, its influence on the researcher, and the specifics of the figurational histories that were used to analyze the context mean that obviously future research which attempts to put Eliasian methodological ideas into practice will face unique problems that will be difficult to address within a systematic approach. However, one aspect that can Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 12 Journal of Macromarketing be generalized is the overall emphasis on developing a balance between involvement and detachment. This leads to the next question regarding how macro researchers can draw on these insights in a practical way to limit their own values in the research process. As has been argued already, figurational sociology has a lot in common with macromarketing perspectives in terms of the holistic emphasis on shifting global dynamics and structures of integration – a hominess aperti. Additionally, both frameworks are critical of the individualist explanations (a homo consumericus) that consumer culture researchers are concerned with. The point of departure is the emphasis that figurationalists place on involvement and detachment. However, macromarketers can still benefit from such an emphasis even if figurational approaches are never fully incorporated. They can take a more historically orientated viewpoint to attain a sense of distance and can perhaps analyze with greater scrutiny the impact that dominant theoretical perspectives or political values have on comprehension and communication of consumer research. However, the problem with this approach, as Dunne (2009) has identified (and no doubt macromarketing scholars will also argue), is still the question of what use it is to distance oneself from political values and when does it become acceptable over the course of time to actually become actively engaged. For example, has enough time (20 years) passed for this study to contextualize the ‘‘satanic panic’’ in a more detached manner than researchers who studied the phenomenon at the time? What about contemporary marketing problems? These are questions that still remain unanswered by figurationalists: ‘‘ . . . how do figurational sociologists know, without any doubt, that the detour via detachment will be ultimately worth taking? I say without any doubt because figurational sociology must be certain that benefits are to be found in taking the detour via detachment in order to justify its present day political silence’’ (Dunne 2009, p. 47). Eliasians will continue to remain on the periphery of academic fields such as marketing until these questions are addressed. However, figurational sociology offers a framework from which micro and macromarketing perspectives can be potentially bridged. It presents methodological insights for consumer culture theory, critical marketing, and macromarketing that have been demonstrated herein in the context of consumer communities and subcultures. Acknowledgements The author would like to acknowledge and give a special thanks to Paddy Dolan for his insights on earlier drafts of this work. Also thanks to Special Issue Editor Ben Wooliscroft, Editor-in-Chief Terrence Witkowski, and the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful and constructive feedback. 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Oxford: Oxford University Press. Author Biography Gary Sinclair (PhD. Dublin Institute of Technology) is a Lecturer in Marketing at the University of Stirling. His research interests include consumer culture, ethical consumption, music consumption, and sociological theory. He has published papers on these subjects in journals such as the Journal of Business Ethics and Marketing Theory. Downloaded from jmk.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on August 26, 2015 View publication stats