CHAPTER TWO

CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to review past and recent experiences in this field of Solid Waste Management (SWM) with respect to informal recycling and highlight lessons learned and identify critical gaps to be addressed. The review has been divided into various sections dealing with different issues. First, a brief history of the local government in Nairobi and its implication on the current state of SWM is outlined. Secondly, a presentation of statistics on solid waste characteristics in Nairobi has been undertaken to justify the potential of waste recycling in the City. Thirdly, the inter-linkages that exist between the formal and informal waste recycling sector in the developing countries are analysed. A section follows this on the role of the informal waste-recycling sector. We has also attempted to examine the various socio-economic, occupational health, environmental, and political aspects of informal waste recycling by citing case studies. Finally, before making concluding remarks, we have tried to document the change of approaches to SWM in the last three decades in the Third World countries in order to understand recent trends and probable future directions. The literature includes those that are specific to Nairobi as well as those that have general relevance to the scope and objectives of study. Technical terms used in this chapter and other parts of the thesis may be referred to Appendix A (Definition of Terms). History of the Local Government in Nairobi and the State of SWM Nairobi owes its birth and growth to the construction of Kenya-Uganda Railway. Following its establishment in 1899 as a railway depot, Nairobi soon became a communications centre and the headquarters of the provincial administration. In 1900, the Nairobi Township Committee of six members was formed and this was virtually the birth of a local government in Nairobi. In 1905, Nairobi was made the Capital of Kenya. The Township Committee was upgraded to the status of a Municipal Council in 1928. Ultimately, Nairobi was promoted to the status of a City in 1950 (NUSG, 1973). The administration of urban areas in Kenya is currently the responsibility of local government authorities and the Ministry of Local Authorities, which is as a result of the British colonial heritage of the country. The ‘Nairobi City Council’ governs the Nairobi City (NCC) incorporated by an Act of Parliament which came into effect on January 1st. 1964. Upto 1962, the NCC was dominated by European and Asian Councillors, a structure which hinged on the colonial system prevailing in Kenya by then. But, immediately after independence, African elected members dominated the Council of 40 members (NUSG, 1973). Since the introduction of the multi-party democracy in Kenya in 1992, the Council consists of 55 elected Councillors from the various political parties in the country. There are also 18 nominated Councillors including the Nairobi Provincial Commissioner, making a total of 73 Councillors (Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993; Peters, 1998). As per the Local Government Act, members of the Council elect the Mayor, who presides over all Council Meetings. The Council has eleven administrative departments headed by the Town Clerk who is the Chief Executive. Even though each department is headed by an executive officer, the Council runs all its services through departmental committees chaired by elected Councillors (Republic of Kenya, Local Government Act, 1984). Services provided by local governments in large urban areas include: primary education, health services, road construction and maintenance, water supply, sewerage, housing, solid waste management, drainage, markets, and social services (Bubba and Lamba, 1991, Kibwage, 1996). As a result of the various sectoral pressures caused by rapid urbanisation after independence and in the early 1970s, the Nairobi Urban Study Group (NUSG) was formed in 1973 to develop the Metropolitan Growth Strategy and arrest these problems before they got out of hand (NUSG, 1973). However, the study exclusively concentrated on transportation, water and housing problems; and gave a blind eye to other essential services such as SWM and sewage systems. It was not until 1977 when SWM emerged as of public concern. This was the point when the NCC attempted to decentralise the refuse collection services by dividing the City into five Public Health Districts with a total of 108 working stations to tackle this environmental problem (Kibwage, 1996). However, after 20 years, the decentralisation policy seems to have failed because less than 40 per cent of the City area continued to receive this essential service by both the City Council and private arrangements (Otieno, 1991; Mwaura, 1991; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993; Alder, 1995; Peters, 1998, UNCHS, 1998). The balance, i.e. 60% of the City’s waste, is either dumped in open spaces and burnt, or picked by waste pickers or by Private Companies (PCs). Furthermore, waste collection services are generally poor because of the following catalogue of operational problems (factors) identified by various studies in the City. Otieno, indicates that, while the environmental problems of solid waste are increasingly exacerbated by the tremendous increase in the population and development, there has not been any comparative growth in the strength of organisations or institutions for SWM and other related environmental management issues (Otieno, 1992). Solid waste collection is characterised by general inefficient, unfavourable and inadequate organisational set-up. Kibwage observes that, what is in existence in the structure of institutional or organisational framework for SWM, is largely confused, chaotic, weak and generally in a state of flux (Kibwage, 1996). The NCC's Cleansing Unit is described as simply incompetent in all its operational aspects because it is absolutely unable to evaluate the SWM system and develop logical, economical, and environmentally sound systems to meet constantly changing conditions. According to the literature available, Nairobi’s SWM services have been under the Public Health Department (Mbugua, 1980; Khadaka, 1988; Situma, 1988; Mwaura, 1991; Wachira, 1980; Otieno, 1991; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993; Mbui, 1995; Kibwage, 1996; Peters, 1998), until June, 1996 when they were transferred to the newly created Department of Environment (Esho, 1997; UNCHS, 1998). This was aimed at dealing with the SWM problem more directly by increasing the resource allocation for this essential service. These organisational problems of the NCC are further exacerbated by political difficulties at the City level. The literature indicates that the City Councillors are more concerned with the private accumulation of wealth than with the efficient management of urban services (Bubba and Lamba, 1991; Alder, 1995). For example in March 1983, there was a dramatic change in the City Administration when all the Council members were dismissed by the Minister of Local Government and immediately replaced by a Commission appointed by the Central Government. Gross mismanagement of Council funds and poor services (especially refuse collection and disposal; poor sewerage and water systems and roads) were cited as the reasons for the dismissal (Stren and White, 1989; Bubba and Lamba, 1991; Lamba, 1994; Alder, 1995). Since then, the City was run by six Government-Appointed Commissions which were being dissolved and replaced by another on the same grounds of suspending the 1983 Council. These studies reveal that, amid those dissolutions and formations, the catalogue of problems has continued to grow from decade to decade. Furthermore, after the democratisation process in 1992, Kibwage observed that the City residents should not even have expected any change in refuse collection service because most of those elected as Councillors were former ‘political appointees’ (Commissioners) who generally lacked the political will of going for alternatives of improving the NCC's services (Kibwage, 1996). According to Alder, all this mess at the NCC since 1992 is because the democratisation process in Kenya was reluctantly taken by the Central Government (Alder, 1995). There are also poor relations between the politicians and Chief Government Officers because the majority of the elected City Members of Parliament and Councillors are from opposition political parties (Lamba, 1994; Alder, 1995; Peters, 1998). On the other hand, according to some researchers, the legislation on waste management in Kenya has been rudimentary, ambiguous and almost vague. The legislation was based on general health or public nuisance dealing only with illegal dumping and littering (Mwaniki, 1979; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993). The legislation lacked comprehensive guidelines on storage, collection, transportation and disposal of various types of wastes (Kibwage, 1996). The enforcement of this legislation has also not been effective in the Nairobi City on the excuse of lack of personnel and other necessary resources. In addition, old legislation did not make any provision for citizen rights against those who damage the environmental services (Lamba, 1994). However, the Environmental Management and Co-ordination Act 1999 addresses most of the above issues because it has Waste Handling Standards (Wamukoya and Situma, 2000). The Local Government Act has also rendered the NCC non-autonomous in decision making on various management issues (Situma, 1988; Stren and White, 1989; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993). This renders the NCC a ‘begging’ institution because it has to obtain approvals from the Ministry of Local Government. This has led to institutionalisation of corruption, tribalism and nepotism to all NCC's departments leading to poor service provision (Stren and White, 1989). Literature in the field further indicates that the personnel guidelines at the NCC have not recognised the peculiarities of the SWM functions, particularly as regards remuneration and the working environment conditions (Smoke, 1994). Given the socio-economic background and qualifications of the staff engaged in SWM by the NCC, it is evident that they are not likely to be able to command the attention the problem now demands. Labour productivity is simply low because of poor incentives, lack of tools, use of some females as manual loaders, high sick leave and absenteeism cases, indiscipline and political frustrations which also make SWM efeciency and effectiveness to be low (Mbugua, 1980; Khadaka, 1988; Situma, 1988; Wachira, 1980; Otieno, 1991; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993; Kibwage, 1996). These studies reveal that the quality of the cleansing staff leaves a lot to be desired because it is difficult to recruit well-trained technical staff to dirty and poorly paid jobs. In terms of materials and equipment, research shows that the SWM has not received as much attention as present concerns about it would suggest. The storage facilities are inadequate, obsolete, inefficient, poorly distributed and located in the City. Vehicle productivity is further reduced by use of incompatible and poorly planned collection systems. Lack of spare parts, over working of inadequate number of vehicles, careless driving, importation of inappropriate and unstandardised vehicle designs, poor repair and maintenance procedures have also made the vehicle productivity to sink further as reported in various research works in the City (Mbugua, 1980; Khadaka, 1988; Ruto, 1988; Situma, 1988; Otieno, 1992; Wachira, 1980; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993; Mazingira Institute, 1994; Kibwage, 1996; Hoekstra, 1998). An examination of these studies and the NCC’s Annual reports, testify that the number of refuse collection vehicles decreased from 60 in 1969 and 121 in 1980 to only an average of less than twenty in the year 2000! This led to a decrease in the amount of solid waste collected from 92% in the 1970s to only 40% at present (UNCHS, 1998). Stren and White, (1989) and Smoke, (1994) identify the following financial problems that plague local authorities in Kenya as: out-dated land rates, neglect in the collection of taxes, dishonesty of revenue collectors, inadequate enforcement authority, political pressure on officers to be less aggressive in revenue collection, and payment delinquency on the part of many government agencies and parastatals. Moreover, user fees for some urban services is heavily subsidised to the point that the service is operated at a net loss (Stren and White, 1989; Bubba and Lamba, 1991). In terms of financial allocation, examination of the NCC accounts indicate that the refuse collection and disposal receives a negligible amount to make any tangible or visible impact on the environment (Situma, 1988; Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1993). Kibwage estimates that the NCC allocates SWM services an average of only 4.4 per cent and 16.6 per cent of its recurrent and capital expenditures, respectively (Kibwage, 1996). This is quite low when compared to the findings of many studies in LDCs where SWM takes a big slice of municipal budgets. For example, Cointreau puts this at 20-40% (Cointreau, 1984). In general terms, the above studies done in Nairobi reveal that the current financial system is simply not self-sustaining, therefore, enough funds are not available or allocated to provide an adequate level of the required service. Some major studies carried out in Nairobi City, argue that the most serious environmental problems are related to waste disposal. The current situation whereby solid waste is disposed of in uncontrolled dumps, on open spaces, streets and nearby rivers and open burning is typical in the City (Mbugua, 1980; Khadaka, 1988; Situma, 1988; Otieno, 1992; Wachira, 1980; Kibwage, 1994; Kibwage; 1996). The location of disposal sites is determined by availability of suitable sites like quarries rather than on the basis of sound geological, physical and economic planning. The above research works show that the poor location criteria has not only led to high transportation costs, but also increased environmental problems like encroachment of unplanned human settlements, river and air pollution, among several others. Although the environmental consequences are quite evident, they are seldom dealt with effectively. From the survey of the literature available, the Council does not have any future plans of improving the current disposal methods. Other research works executed in Nairobi disclose that the private and community sectors have been playing an important role in the provision of SWM services in the City because the NCC had totally failed in its responsibility. Kibwage, (1996); Esho, (1997) and UNCHS, (1998) indicate that, two formal sector private companies i.e. BINS Nairobi Ltd. and Domestic Refuse Disposal Services Ltd. (DRDS Ltd.) have been providing private waste collection services since 1986/87. So far, about 70 PCs exist in Nairobi (The EastAfrican Standard, 2000). The efficiency of PCs is estimated to be about 30 per cent compared to that of the NCC (Kibwage, 1996). The literature likewise divulge that the socio-political factors and economic influence have been playing a great role in determining and attracting the quality of service provided to Nairobi residents. According to Kihiu, (1990); Kibwage, (1996); Esho, (1997); Peters, (1998); and UNCHS, (1998) its only upper-income residents and businesses who are able to afford the monthly fee charged by the PCs. Consequently, none of the PCs ventures into the informal settlements since they are unable to collect fees from residents. Though they have played their role, the majority of the PCs only transfer the garbage from one point to another (The EastAfrican Standard, 2000). The earliest attempts at privatising SWM services in Nairobi were in 1906, when a private company was contracted to sweep and clean the city’s streets, collect garbage and provide street lighting (UNCHS, 1998). This company did not succeed in effectively executing these duties and the role had to revert back to the City Council, which initially performed this role relatively satisfactorily. In 1997, following a research effort by the NCC with the support from the Japanese Government, the NCC opted to privatise garbage collection and street sweepings as a pilot scheme in Nairobi’s Central Business District (CBD) on a management contract basis (UNCHS, 1998). Kenya Refuse Handlers Ltd., as the lowest bidder, was awarded the contract to remove and dispose all garbage to Dandora landfill site for an agreed amount of Ksh. 1,312,500 ($17,500) per month. Such privatisation improved the Council’s performance efficiency and effectiveness from 40% to 90% at the CBD, though delays in payments to the contractor interfered with their operations (UNCHS, 1998). Since the other PCs exclusively serviced the high and medium income estates only, the low-income residents had also to adopt some strategies of ensuring better environmental sanitation in their neighbourhoods. Towards the end of 1992, some Small-scale Community-based Composing Groups (SCCGs) emerged in Nairobi's slum areas like Korogocho, Mukuru, Kayaba and Dandora (Kibwage, 1996; Peters, 1998). Other organisations in the community sector, such as charitable organisations, ethnic associations, professional "support" NGOs, welfare societies, village committees, self-help groups, and security committees are also already providing SWM services at the community- level (Lee-Smith and Stren, 1991; Peters, 1998). Syagga, (1992) and Peters, (1998) support the involvement of the community sector as an effective way of increasing access of the poor to urban community services, including waste management. However, the literature available shows that the NCC lacks a policy on involving community groups in waste management, though it does participate in several notable efforts (Peters, 1998, Habitat International Coalition, 1998). Peters attributes this to a lack of political will within the NCC. After all these positive developments to supplement the NCC Services, by both the private and community sectors, environmental planners are still left in a state of dilemma because most residential areas remain unserviced as evidenced by piles of household wastes in open spaces and overflowing refuse-containers. Meanwhile, as the magnitude of the task continues to grow year after year, the NCC continues to lay emphasis on the self-financing of the cleansing services. It is almost certain, therefore, that SWM programmes will continue to suffer unless alternative approaches or solutions are found. This issue, consequently, demands fresh attention. Before the conclusion of this section is made, a brief contrast of Nairobi’s SWM problems and those of other cities in the LDCs is necessary at this stage. Nath et al. (1983) in his survey of 34 municipalities in India, observed that more than 60% of the municipalities collect less than 40% of the solid waste generated daily. Similarly, the proportion of solid waste collected in Karachi in Pakistan, Rangoon in Burma, Arusha in Tanzania and Cairo in Egypt has been estimated to be 33%, 40%, 13%, and 50%, respectively (UNCHS, 1988). Case studies in Nigerian cities in West Africa, also reveal that less than 20% of the solid waste is collected when there is any form of collection that takes place (Osewe, 1995; Ekop, 1995). Generally, about 50% of the waste generated is collected and less than 50% of the urban populations receive the SWM service in the Less Developed Countries (LCDs) (Bhide, 1984; UNCHS, 1989a; Cointreau, 1991; Schertenleib and Meyer, 1992; Salvador, 1993; Baud and Schenk, 1994; Beukering, 1994; Hanafie, 1995; World Resources Institute, 1996; Ogawa, 1997). In Beall’s own words “SWM still remains a Cinderella (the most badly neglected issue) among urban services in developing countries” (Beall, 1999). The above studies attribute the poor SWM status in developing countries to inadequate resource mobilisation, over-reliance on imported equipment, inappropriate methods of finance, use of inappropriate technology, lack of public awareness for waste management, the existence of an extensive informal network which is mainly driven by market forces and functions partly on subsistence levels, the absence of sufficient capacity for waste processing and recycling, and finally, absence of environmental laws pertaining to SWM. On the other hand, recent study in Luanda, the capital city of Angola, indicated that there was little expenditure in infrastructural services like SWM because of its internal civil war situation (Habitat International coalition, 1998). Angola’s defence expenditure is estimated to be 48% in urban areas. Finally, these studies concluded that due to the expensive and unaffordable processing and disposal of waste, the common practice in developing countries has been uncontrolled open dumping, a method which entails little capital investments and has low operational costs. In brief, the literature available on SWM in Nairobi testify that the root of the problem lies within the NCC's working machinery. This review also shows that Nairobi's problems are not unique from those affecting other urban centres of the developing world. Though this is a generalisation of the status and reasons for poor SWM services in the developing countries, there is need for case-by-case analysis of town-specific factors and solutions because of diversities in socio-economic characteristics from one country to another and even within a single state. 2.3 Solid Waste Characteristics in Nairobi Some engineering consultancy companies have done studies to understand the solid waste characteristics in Nairobi. The Swedish Engineering Company (SWECO) Ltd. estimated that 470 metric tons of solid waste was being generated in the City per day by 1972. The figure was projected to be 5,900 metric tons by the year 2000. This projection was based on estimates that the Nairobi population was to be about 3 million in the year 2000. However, as observed earlier, the population of Nairobi is currently estimated to be approximately 2.1 million (Republic of Kenya, 2000). The SWECO study showed that each person generated an average of 0.65Kg/day in 1972 and this was projected to increase to 1.5Kg/day by the year 2000 (SWECO, 1973). A joint SWM project between the Republics of Kenya and Italy, carried out 13 years later in 1985, wholly contradicted the findings of the SWECO study, because the generation rate was estimated to be 0.35Kg/person/day which is almost half of what was estimated in 1972 (Republic of Kenya and Republica Italiana, 1985). This later study did not attempt making projections on waste generation rates in the City. These two studies estimated the generation rate at the disposal sites, which was a wrong methodology because a small quantity of waste is disposed at the official dumping site as noticed earlier in Chapter One. Therefore, estimates taken at that point would obviously be misleading. Apart from the application of different methods of estimation and waste sampling procedures, these big differences can also be attributed to lack of adequate and reliable information at the NCC which is supposed to keep such records. Furthermore, the studies carried out by engineering firms in 1972 and 1985 gave contrary results because they were not conducted from an objective point of view. It is not surprising that both studies recommended vehicles made by SWECO and FARID companies in their final documents. It is obvious that both studies were carried out in order to falsely justify some type of vehicles manufactured by the same companies that undertook the feasibility studies. Otherwise, no professional recommendations were given in both studies. Since these studies generally lacked systematic and scientific data-collection methodology and definite objectives and scope, they ended-up being inconclusive about SWM activities in Nairobi. Some studies that were carried in the 1990s have always estimated the solid waste generation in the City to be 1000 ton/day since 1988 (Kihiu, 1990; Fadamulu, 1991; Ikonya, 1991; Mwaura, 1991; Kiogora, 1993; Oduor, 1996; Syagga, 1992; Peters, 1998; UNCHS, 1998; Habitat International Coalition, 1998). This estimate is doubtful given the increase in population in the City. Hence, it needs re-examination as recommended by UNCHS, (1998). In terms of composition, the results of the 1985 joint study by Republics of Kenya and Italy indicate mean values for various components as summarised in Table 1. As the Table indicates, the physical composition mean values of each of the major components are: Paper and Cellulose material (12.69%), Plastic and Rubber (5.11%), Aggregate material such as glass and stones (3.95%), Metals (4.54%), Vegetable material (70.39%), Toxic or harmful materials such as electric batteries (0.22%) and the Non-classifiable fine material (3.10%) (Republic of Kenya and Republica Italiana, 1985). This data is essential for SWM planning. The first important information arising from this Table is that the percentage of materials that can be recycled in the City indicate the potential of promoting the informal recycling sector. For instance, the large amount of organic matter (70.39%) indicates the necessity for frequent collection and immediate composting. The larger amounts of paper and cellulose material, plastics, rubber, glass materials and scrap metals also indicates that about 25% of the solid waste can be recycled or re-used. Hence, about 5% of the total solid waste need to be disposed off as the data indicates if an ambitious integrated SWM approach can be used in the City of Nairobi. Table 1: Mean percentage composition by weight of solid waste in Nairobi Component Commercial and other areas (%) Residential zone (%) Industrial zone (%) Mean Value (%) Paper 8.39 10.60 19.07 12.69 Plastic & Rubber 3.78 4.15 7.40 5.11 Aggregate material e.g. glass, stones 2.66 3.92 5.28 3.95 Metals 1.19 2.02 10.40 4.54 Vegetable Material 82.01 76.96 52.20 70.39 Toxic material e.g. electric batteries 0.05 0.23 0.38 0.22 Non-classifiable Material 1.92 2.12 5.27 3.10 TOTAL 100% 100% 100% 100% Source: Republic of Kenya and Republica Italiana, 1985. 2.4 Formal and Informal Waste Recycling Sector Inter-Linkages This section analyses the waste recycling hierarchy and the inter-linkages that exist between the formal and informal sectors. The various constraints that exist in the interactions of these two sectors are also reviewed here. Whatever information is available about informal collection and processing of waste in cities of developing countries, it indicates a variety in organisational structures and relationships. Nevertheless, it is apparent that in most cities, there is a clear hierarchical structure of informal networks within which various groups have differential access to various types of waste (Vogler, 1984; Konings, 1989; Prt Services, 1992; Suwarnarat and Luanratana, 1993; UNCHS, 1994; Baud and Schenk, 1994; Huysman, 1994; Beukering, 1994; Huysman and Baud, 1994; Romanos and Chifos, 1996). Huysman and Baud, (1994) describes an in-depth view of the existing formal and informal networks in Banglore City, India. They describe a factory-like atmosphere in the waste recycling sector, where a large force of workers is controlled by a few (male) leaders. Using the findings of this case study, various groups of actors in the waste recycling sector are identified (refer to Figure 2). The first group of actors within the informal sector consists the street and dumpsite pickers, the employees of municipal authorities and the itinerant collectors who collect waste and make a first selection of materials and sell it to the buyers or dealers. These studies reveal that, in this organisation, the street and dumpsite waste pickers is the group with the lowest bargaining position. Among this group, there also exists the itinerant waste pickers. Because they collect waste matter directly from the sources without it being broken, contaminated or mixed with other materials, their materials have a higher sales value than those obtained from dustbins on the street or at the dumpsite by other waste pickers. The above referred studies, reveal that the informal waste recycling sector is commonly based on a network of buyers and their appointed agents, typically specialising in only one or just a few categories of materials. Hence, the recycling enterprises do not buy directly from them but through dealers and wholesalers. The above gives rise to the second group within the hierarchy who are the small dealers who live and work near a slum with many waste pickers. They buy all types of waste directly from the waste pickers. The UNCHS, (1989b) indicates that waste dealers often control the prices offered to the scavengers and also act as controls at the dumping sites. It is also estimated that about 90% percent of these scavengers in Asian cities sell their recyclable materials to waste dealers (UNCHS, 1994). The wholesalers, on the other hand, are large buyers specialised in certain materials, and link the waste dealers to the recycling industries. Beukering’s study of the structure of recycling in Banglore, indicates that the trade and production networks are product-specific. Furthermore, market channels are dominated by a few middlemen, with new products having relatively open trade channels (Beukering, 1994). Figure 2: Interlinkages between formal and informal recovery, reuse and recycling of solid waste in Banglore City, India. Source: Baud and Schenk, 1994 Literature from the LDCs shows that, there exists both formal and informal manufacturing enterprises which receive waste materials in large quantities from the informal sector and use them as raw materials in the production process. Romanos and Chifos, (1996) identify the above as obvious inter-linkages between the formal and informal sectors. According to Romanos and Chifos, the activities of these groups are not necessarily discrete, but actually overlap to a certain degree and are often carried out by the same people (Romanos and Chifos, 1996). However, Lardinois and Klundert, (1995b), remark that these networks differ from city to city because of the differences in waste characteristics and availability of waste materials. But cross examination of Figure 2, shows that even if the various groups involved in waste management are identified, the flow of waste materials from the producer to the consumer is not well represented. Nevertheless, this general framework or hierarchy unveiled within the literature was of substantial use in identifying the relevant respondents and the existing networks in Nairobi as detailed in the next two chapters. According to Huysman and Baud, (1994); Baud and Schenk, (1994), Medina, (1998) and Ratra, (1998), scavenging has strong linkages with the formal SWM sector though there exists constraining factors. For example, Medina’s study at the border of the USA and Mexico testifies that the recovery of beverage cans by waste pickers plays an important role in securing inexpensive aluminium for the formal beer and soft-drink industries (Medina, ibid). Ratra observes that, albeit the informal recycling sector has created a firm system of collection and marketing of their materials in India, the formal industries often represent markets for reprocessed products from the informal sector (Ratra, ibid.). In terms of technology, research moreover shows that, to a certain extent, the informal activities depend on the formal sector (Lardinois and Klundert, 1995a). In addition, this study reports that, most of the informal entrepreneurs often receive their training and second-hand equipment from the formal waste recycling industries. Baud, et al., (1995) further explores the linkages between the municipal (formal) and informal sector in SWM in southern Indian cities. This study shows that informal trade and recycling activities are found to be extensive and play a big role in urban SWM that cannot be ignored. Baud indicates that the missing link is that between the municipality and the informal recycling enterprises and solid waste trade dealers and pickers. This research paper observes that this possible linkage is usually ignored by private (formal and informal) enterprises, because they are also hesitant to be involved with government agencies. Waste picking groups have also little faith in such possible linkages. Otherwise, the UNCHS, (1994), indicates that informal recycling is generally tolerated by the formal sector officials, especially at dumpsites, though it is not officially encouraged. A review of the literature gives an indication that scavenging takes place at all the stages along the waste management system. Many workers in the municipal service (i.e. formal sector employees) are reported to collect and sell waste materials to the informal sector agents in order to supplement their incomes (Muttamara et al., 1993; UNCHS, 1994; Huysman and Baud, 1994; Baud and Schenk, 1994). The waste collection by municipal collectors is however not appreciated by the municipal authorities which expects them to use their time on municipal collection and transport. In-depth examination of the literature reveals that, despite all those problems caused by municipal authorities, many people in the sector pay ‘fees’ (or simply bribes) to be able to continue their economic activities and maintain strong linkages without harassment from the police or municipal officials (Furedy, 1984; Cointreau, 1987; Bentley, 1988; Furedy, 1989; Gotoh, 1989; Baud and Schenk, 1994; Beall, 1999). Beall’s research in Southern Asia, reveals that sweepers working for the municipalities or PCs always sabotage successful community-based waste management schemes because they also provide informal door-to-door waste collection to households, over and above the official street cleaning service (Beall, 1999). Beall observes that in South Asian cities, the waste pickers do not have direct access to waste resources but they are virtually dependent on municipal sweepers and their supervisors. His research further indicated that there exists a dilemma in trying to integrate informal waste recycling into official SWM because the former thrives by reason of its informality and sometimes illegality. This research concluded that informal SWM systems are complex, based on asymmetrical social relationships and riddled with “rest-seeking” opportunities. The study warns that if policy makers continue to ignore these wasted opportunities, they risk failing to approach decentralising initiatives in most efficacious and fair manner, thus wasting opportunities to promote public-private partnerships that provide livelihoods, and, unravelling efforts by people in poverty to defend themselves by informal means. Apart from these threats that Beall gives to the policy makers, his paper does not make any tangible contributions and recommendations on how the inter-linkages between the informal and formal sectors can be improved and strengthened. One of the major findings of the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) historic study on the informal sector in Kenya in 1972, was that the sector was small in scale and had limited links with the formal sector (ILO, 1972). In the preceding three decades since the study, most studies have recommended that for an effective urban SWM system, these formal-informal sector linkages need to be studied and developed. Muller, et al., (1995) support this recommendation by observing that, better organisation and linking the informal with formal sector, could ensure more employment opportunities, and stable and higher incomes in the informal sector. Despite the wide-spread and development of the informal sector in the City presently, no adequate attempt has been made to understand the current existing links between these two sectors especially those related to solid waste recycling. This is why the present study has taken into consideration this aspect. 2.5 The Role of the Informal Waste Recycling Sector The role played by informal waste pickers and other actors in the SWM has been researched on fairly extensively especially in most of the Asian metropolises. The literature survey reveals that there are considerable benefits of increasing solid waste recycling in urban areas. Some of the benefits of waste recycling that have been identified by several research works. These include the works of Vogler, (1981); Edmundo and Leite, (1983); Lund, (1984); Lohani, (1984); Vogler, (1984); Cointreau, (1984); Gunnerson, (1985); Pollock, (1987); Gotoh, (1989); Furedy, (1992); Sinnatamby and Dzikus, (1991); Yhdego, (1991); Ouano, (1993); UNCHS, (1993b); UNCHS, (1994); Baud and Schenk, (1994); Furedy, (1994); Lardinois and Klundert, (1995b); World Resources Institute, (1996); Romanos and Chifos, (1996). Collectively, the benefits of waste recycling include the following reasons. First, from the environmental economics point of view, waste recovery leads to saving on foreign exchange earnings by reducing the imports of raw materials for production. For example, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, one study found out that small-scale industries receive 50% to 65% of their raw materials from waste pickers working in landfill sites (Yhdego, 1991). According to Romanos and Chifos, such raw materials are low-priced when compared to virgin materials (Romanos and Chifos, 1995). Secondly, a reduction in expenditure on primary health care required to control waste-related diseases as a result of improved environmental and health conditions in the cities is also one of the obvious advantages of waste recycling. Thirdly, waste recycling is associated with the conservation of the natural resources and energy savings from the use of virgin materials for the production of the same product (from extraction to manufacturing). For example, Powell (1983), indicates in detail that producing aluminium from scrap instead of bauxite cuts energy use and air pollution by 95% to 96%, magnesium - 97%, steel and iron - 65%, plastic (polyethylene) - 97%, plastic (polymer) - 92%, rubber - 72%, glass (cullet) - 22 % and paper by 60 %. Furthermore, waste recovery contributes to a reduction in waste disposal costs by reducing collection requirements and need for new landfill sites. As Gotoh, (1989) argues, in 1987 the municipal authority of Seoul City constructed barracks with water and electricity for the waste pickers at the Hangang River dump site of Nanjido in order to improve the intensity of recycling and indirectly lengthen the lifetime of the existing landfills. In the Indonesian cities, estimates suggest that waste pickers reduce total urban refuse, destined for disposal, by one third (Furedy, 1992). In Banglore, India, street and dump pickers also gather an estimated 500 metric tons of wastes daily compared to 37 metric tons gathered by municipal workers (Baud and Schenk, 1994). Last but not least, waste recycling has a high potential for employment and income generation. Gunnerson, (1985) estimates that collection and processing of solid waste materials for reuse and recycling provides employment for 1% to 2% of populations in less developing country cities. According to Romanos and Chifos, (1996), recycling is the activity with the largest contribution to urban employment of all the informal activities in the area of environmental services. The sector also generates income for the scavengers and other actors thereby reducing the number of people in poverty. In Mexico City, it was estimated that the dumpsites were supporting about 10,000 people by 1987 (Pollock, 1987). These broad statements and successes summarised above are contradicted by the current heated debate on whether recycling can conserve re-renewable resources like forests which is the source for paper materials. Lyndhurst (1996), and MacGuire and Childs, (1998) strongly criticise recycling as a means of waste paper management and the promotion of recycling by environmental groups. These studies argue that empirical data indicates that paper products are different from all other major recycled products in that they are made from a renewable resource and, as recoverable waste, it has alternative economical uses such as in energy recovery. Lyndhurst cautions planners of changing their environmental policies and legislation because of the belief created by environmental organisations without using scientific findings (Lyndhurst, 1996). An extensive study on the environmental impacts of waste paper recycling in Western Europe shows that recycling of paper products clearly has economic and environmental advantages, but maximum recycling increases consumption of fossil fuels and emissions such as SO2, NO2, and net CO2 (Virtanen and Nilsson, 1994). It also leads to under-utilisation of forest resources. On a closer examination of these studies, one discovers numerous shortcomings that depict a lack of understanding of the challenges of sustainable waste management. Their sophisticated line of reasoning and simplistic approach to the urban SWM issue, misrepresents conclusions that are reached, because in the LDCs, the problem of both urban and rural poverty has pushed populations to marginal lands and led to mass destruction of forest land without re-placement. There the recycling of paper and other waste materials is definitely of environmental priority to the LDCs because of the environmental and employment benefits outlined earlier. Willing, (1983) and Pollock, (1987) indicate that waste reduction, reuse, and recycling programs that require a new way of thinking face greater institutional barriers and marketability, in developed countries. Pollock’s work observes that, despite these obstacles, a growing number of cities around the developed world are integrating recycling into their management plans. He estimates that recycling rates for such commonly used materials such as glass, plastics and metals more than doubled in the 1980s in these countries. He recommends, that recycling requires strong and stable markets for secondary materials. Abert, (1983); Beardsley, (1985); Beukering, (1994); and the UNEP International Technology Centre, (1995), support this view that the validity of recycling schemes entirely depends on availability of end-markets for recycled products. Kahn, (1985), also comprehensively shows how the economic laws of demand and supply greatly affect the recycling of scrap materials. According to Duckett and Kappler, (1985), when strict specifications for materials recovered from waste are properly followed, the value of the final product is always high, hence marketability is not a problem. That is the reason why Furedy, over-emphasises the need for prioritising more on social perspectives in any SWM planning than economic benefits as it will be discussed later in this chapter (Furedy, 1989; Furedy, 1994). An interesting disclosure from the literature available, is that, although the recycling of solid waste by the informal sector is already an on-going process in most developing countries, the national and local governments are not deriving the full benefits that are available because of the following constraints outlined by Lund, (1984); WHO, (1991); UNCHS, (1994); Baud, et al., (1995); Klundert and Lardinois, (1995), among other researchers. First, there is lack of incentives to households and other waste producers to separate recyclables at source. Secondly, there are little incentives for primary producers to change their products or process design for reuse of packagings and containers. Thirdly, there is generally a lack of tax incentives for those who produce or use recycled goods and raw materials. Finally, negative traditional attitudes towards waste pickers and reluctance of municipalities to work in partnerships with the informal recycling sector is also well documented. As noted earlier, one of the most extensive studies on the informal sector in Kenya is that undertaken by the International Labour Organisation in the early 1970s (ILO, 1972). The study concluded that Nairobi's informal sector was highly diversified, both in terms of the productivity and income generated and in terms of the motivation of the participants involved. Since then, considerable literature has sought either to confirm or discount the sector’s long-term potential as a source of incomes and employment in Kenya (Westley, 1977; House, 1978; House, 1981; Ondiege and Syagga, 1990; Peters, 1998). Peters, attributes the lack of well-paying formal employment opportunities (due to slow economic growth, Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and the accelerated pace of urbanisation) to a growing jua kali (i.e. informal) sector in Nairobi (Peters, 1998). This sector is an important alternative to employment in the formal sector in Kenya because it is estimated to employ approximately 50% of the urban labour force, contributing to 20% to 30% of total urban income (Ondiege and Syagga, 1990). Ondiege and Syagga estimate the growth rate of the informal sector at 8.1%, which is twice that of the modern sector of 4.1%. The sector also caters for low-income consumers with the affordable goods and services that the formal sector is unable to provide. These important studies, however, did not focus on the informal waste recycling sector’s role and activities in the urban economy. The major informal activities identified in Nairobi in the literature available include street vendors, maize roasters, shoe shiners, auto-repairs, cart-pullers, kiosk owners, street barbers, water vendors, building contractors, charcoal sellers and furniture makers (ILO, 1972; House, 1983; Budda and Lamba, 1991). According to Peters, (1998), many of the urban poor in Nairobi also engage in waste picking as a means of income generation. The degree of scavenging is described as so intensive at the Dandora dumping site such that a visit to the site during the day appears as if the scavengers are people working on a rice field (Mwaura, 1991). These scavengers are estimated to collect 20 tons of approximately 800 to 1000 tons generated daily in Nairobi (Syagga, 1992). Syagga’s study was based on unverifiable estimates. Mbui, (1995); Kibwage (1996) and Peters (1998), have also extensively examined the socio-economic and environmental role and constraints of the community-based organic waste composting groups in Nairobi. By employing participatory research techniques, these research works reveal that, such informal groups play a multiplicity of positive roles. These include the reduction of waste at the source level, improvement of community health and sanitation, reduction in environmental pollution, generation of incomes and employment for the urban poor, and the promotion of sustainable agriculture as well as the potential to address rural-urban imbalances in resource flows. Nevertheless, these composting groups face several problems like lack of market for their compost, low participation rates at the community level, financial limitations, and lack of proper training and appropriate equipment. As a result, these programmes have not realised their original goals because of these constraints. These studies have added substantially to the information on waste management sector in Kenya. However, neither of these researches attempted to explore the role and constraints of the other actors involved in the informal waste-recycling sector, especially those dealing with inorganic materials. Another major and relevant informal activity in Nairobi that has been extensively researched on, is the practice of urban agriculture which exists in most parts of the City on both private and public land. The growing of crops in Nairobi has been identified as an important survival strategy for the urban poor as it reduces the amount of income expended on food (Mazingira Institute, 1985; Kettel et al., 1995; Foeken and Mwangi, 1998; Peters, 1998). These studies show that this informal activity has no legal status, hence, its potential is limited because of regular threats from the NCC's askaris (security guards) to destroy the crops based on the following reasons. First, it is claimed that crops hinder driver visibility. Secondly, they also conceal criminals. Thirdly, crops act as habitats for vermin such as rats, mosquitoes and other infectious insects. Crop theft and vandalism are the other limitations facing this informal activity. This kind of interference in urban agriculture, which is supposed to be one of the major market outlets for the compost made from organic wastes, is the cause of the failure of the community-based composting programmes. In conclusion, the above literature shows that the role of scavenging in the urban economy has so far been defined at a conceptual level. This survey of literature was, therefore, unable to identify adequate empirical studies neither in Kenya nor Africa as a whole which quantify the scale of scavenger activity in monetary terms as some studies have attempted elsewhere, especially in the Asian cities. In brief, the municipal policy makers will not be able to understand the role of the sector when its importance is not quantified. 2.6 The Socio-Economic and Political Aspects of Informal Waste Recycling Several studies, have attempted to understand the socio-economic and political aspects of informal waste recycling, especially in the Asian cities. Habitat's sponsored five case studies in Asian cities which included Bangkok in Thailand, Jakarta in Indonesia, Kanpur in India, Karachi in Pakistan, and Manila in the Philippines, attempted to outline some of the major socio-economic aspects of recycling (UNCHS, 1994). The study indicates that in the Asian region most of the scavengers are migrants from rural areas whose family size averaged 5. Their average daily income was estimated to be between US$ 0.5 and US$ 3.0 in 1994. Their average age was 20 years and most of them were illiterate. This study estimated that on average 45% of these scavengers were women while 55% were men (UNCHS, ibid.). Similar case studies to those outlined in the UNCHS, (1994) in Asian cities were undertaken by postgraduate researchers of the University of Amsterdam in Banglore City (India) in the same year (Huysman, 1994; Huysman and Baud, 1994; Beukering, 1994, Baud and Schenk, 1994). One of their major observations that slightly disagrees with the above results is that most of the street and dump pickers are women and children; whereas all the middlemen, traders, entrepreneurs and recognised employees in recycling enterprises were men. These studies did not give any statistics on the number of women, men and children involved in waste recovery. These results only reconfirmed findings of other studies undertaken before 1994 (Vogler, 1984; Furedy, 1989; Huysman, 1992). Vogler adds that the average life expectancy of a scavenger is estimated to be about 30 years, which is less than half the 65 years average of the general population (Vogler, 1983). From the literature available on informal waste recycling, one stereotype of the garbage picker is a young man, migrated to the city, unskilled, very poor, and in need of temporary work (UNCHS, 1994). But in the case of studies of Indian cities, Huysman (1992); Huysman (1994); Huysman and Baud, (1994); Baud and Schenk, (1994); and Beall, (1999) found that street picking is mostly done by women and children from lower castes, while buyers and wholesalers in the informal sector on the contrary are men. A survey of five Asian cities (Bangkok, Bombay, Karachi and Kuala Lumper, and Shanghai) also dispels this “young male” stereotype, instead revealing that; (a) women constitute from 25% to almost 50% of scavenging workforce; (b) in most cases, all age groups are almost equally represented; (c) up to a half of the scavengers are born in the city where they work; (d) a majority of them consider garbage collection as their full-time and permanent occupation (UN/ESCAP, 1992). Huysman, (1994) and Furedy, (1991) perceive women and children activities as those that provide the labour cushion that allows the recycling system to survive market fluctuations, by finding other work during the heavy rains or when demand for certain materials declines. Huysman, (1994), highlights the role of female waste pickers in detail in Banglore providing an insight to more of the issues hidden from sight. The study focused on gender-related aspects of waste picking, and the consequences of this type of work for the household division of labour, income levels and social status of women rag-pickers. Huysman’s study adopted the following methodology. Initially she planned to select a few dumpsites in Banglore, but all of them were closed before the study commenced. She decided to change her methodology by selecting three slum settlements where most waste pickers lived. After carrying out interviews of 161 respondents, this research shows that waste collection is a relatively ‘attractive’ avenue of work and income for women from the lowest castes, whose opportunities in the urban labour market are limited. The research attributes the higher portion of women than men also to the fact that, incomes from other channels of work, is very low, irregular and difficult to combine with household tasks. Furthermore, they are also attracted to this work because it does not neither require any initial capital investment nor any basic education. Most of her results are however not conclusive because she limited the study to only women over 16 years. If this study could have included even young girls (i.e. less than 16 years) and men in general, the results could have been fairly comprehensive. The present study in Nairobi is however was not limited or designed on the basis of age or sex factors of the respondents. Since, the dumpsites were closed before the Banglore study started, the research student should have used waste buying centres to meet the waste pickers as the present study did in order to avoid biases in the results. For example, a general conclusion that men are paid better than women and children, does not have any empirical support and has a lot of gender-bias because the study did not make any attempt to interview men and young children. Hence, this portrays and reduces Huysman an advocate of women and children rights and not an academic researcher. Huysman also fails in this piece of work to elaborate on the relevance of her gender-based results to the overall SWM planning process in Bangrole. Lardinois and Klundert, (1995b) observes that women and children are not discriminated as implied by Huysman in her conclusion (Huysman, 1994), but they tend to be involved in the initial stages of collection, cleaning and sorting of waste materials because it does do not require any specific technical skills since these activities are labour intensive. Huysman also makes the same remarks earlier in her paper but only contradicted herself later in her conclusions. Despite all these methodological weaknesses in Huysman’s study, the approach used was important in understanding the living conditions of the female waste pickers in Banglore. Muller and Schienbergy, (1999), strongly supports Huysman by recommending for incorporation of gender perspectives in waste management activities in order to reduce social inequalities. We recommend that results on gender issues should thoroughly always be scrutinised before they are integrated to any SWM plan of any city because they are always full of advocacy. The present research has objectively approached all the above issues discussed and integrated them to the final framework suggested in the last chapter of this thesis. Mwaura, (1991) attempted to understand the socio-economic aspects of waste recycling in Nairobi. The study’s main objective was to identify and assess the nature and magnitude of garbage problems in the City, and make alternative recommendations. He sampled 30 scavengers at Plainsview and Dandora estates. His study found out that the majority of scavengers are single men averaging 27 years of age. He also observed that they are long-term residents of Nairobi and were not recent migrants. The study also concludes that organic wastes are not usually scavenged by waste pickers but are important only to street children. These findings are misleading because of the methodology used in sampling the respondents. The study covered only street pickers who operate at Plainsview (middle-income) and Dandora estates (low-income) without interviewing some respondents that carry out their activities at the high-income areas, the Central Business District (CBD), industrial area, and the dumping site. The present study approached this issue by incorporating all these citywide zones. The study also did not make an attempt to understand the trade networks in the waste recycling business. Another limitation of Mwaura’s study is that it did not try to suggest neither short-term nor a general framework that can be used to integrate the activities of the informal recycling sector with those of the formal sector. A more recent and relevant study in Nairobi was conducted by Hoekstra in 1997 focusing on the activities of the small scale-metal recyclers in Nairobi (Hoekstra, 1998). The study documents in detail the socio-economic characteristics of the artisans based at the Kamukunji jua-kali site. Despite the fact that this work is one of the major contributions to research in waste management in Nairobi, it does not focus on the waste recycling sector in a wider perspective because it limited its scope to only the activities of artisans at one point. Otherwise, she admits this weakness in her study, which makes it incomprehensive of several issues. Most studies report that the garbage pickers live in a state of abject or chronic poverty and constitute the poor segments of the population of the developing countries because they work for very low incomes (Furedy, 1989; Huysman, 1992; Huysman, 1994; Huysman and Baud, 1994; Baud and Schenk, 1994, Medina, 1994). Huysman (1992), describes the waste pickers as the poorest of the poor, the least educated among the informal sector workers and they are considered to be a social problem themselves. Medina, (1997) notes that even though scavengers in less developed countries are not always poorest of the poor, their occupation is generally ascribed the lowest status because they are perceived as a symbol of backwardness. Waste picking has also been described as a non-attractive profession to which to aspire (Romanos and Chifos, (1996). This study indicates that waste picking is portrayed as an occupation which carries with it a stigma because of its dirty nature, dependent on richer people’s refuse, and because of the real and perceived poverty of the people employed in it. On the other hand, Romanos and Chifos argue that the degrading nature of the job makes garbage picking a relatively easy and open activity to enter because there is no need of education, capital, or business contacts. They sarcastically remark that, just a willingness is required to work as waste picker. Lardinois and Klundert’s research paper on plastics recycling disagrees with the above general condemnation on the waste recycling sector as full of abject poverty (Lardinois and Klundert, 1995b). They argue that plastic recycling in LDCs, shows that even if the incomes are minimal, a large number of traders and reprocessors have managed to set feasible businesses that generate reasonably high profits. The findings of Medina’s study in Mexico, also does not support the above characterisation of scavengers as poor or marginal, because he argues that scavengers in Mexico do not consider themselves poor because they enjoy a relatively stable occupation, an activity they like and living conditions they rate as fair (Medina, 1998). Baud and Schenk, (1994) indicates that in Banglore City in India, profit margins increase by the level of operation in the waste recycling chain. Beukering, (1994) was more specific because his findings revealed that the dealers get the lowest average profit rate of 4%, wholesalers 6% and recycling industries get the highest profits of about 11-43% depending on the waste materials being processed. These results re-confirms what Konings had observed in his study of Istanbul in 1989 (Konings, 1989). One of the most institutionalised scavenging systems in the world exist in Cairo, Egypt. The informal group locally referred to as Wahis has controlled 90% of garbage collection for the last 100 years (Neamatalla et al, 1983; UNCHS, 1989b; Environmental Quality Institute (EQI), 1991; Kamel, 2000). Another group, the Zabbaleen, pay a fee to the Wahis for the right to collect garbage. The Zabbaleen haul the wastes in donkey carts. Despite the recognition of the value to this sector, the Zabbaleen community members are characterised by high illiteracy, infant mortality and poverty rates because of poor incomes (Neamatalla et al., 1983; Pollock, 1987). Although this informal group operates like any other private enterprises, most of its members are repeatedly evicted, hence they have little incentive to invest in capital improvement in their operations (UNCHS, 1988; Kamel, 2000). There has also been some political pressure from the City's government to discontinue the use of animal-drawn carts to decrease traffic densities in the City. Neamatalla, et al., (1983); EQI, (1991); and Kamel, (2000), identify three other operational constraints facing the Zabbaleen. First, the income obtained from recycled materials has not increased sufficiently in the past to attract the necessary additional labour. Secondly, access to capital by service providers is limited and has, therefore, curtailed their ability to upgrade waste collection technology. Finally, the fragmented nature of the Zabbaleen work force has constrained their internal capacity to respond effectively as a group to changes in Cairo's waste management needs and demand patterns. Baud and Schenk, (1994) reports that there is limited chances of upward mobility of scavengers since being an agent requires a lot of starting capital, but they contradicted themselves a year later (see Baud, et al., 1995) by stating that in South Asian countries, where particular subgroups are traditionally associated with waste work, it is very difficult for these workers to change their status because they belong to a caste that suffers from severe social stigma. Therefore, they are not specific on whether it is lack of capital or social-status that determines somebody’s mobility in the waste recycling hierarchy in the Asian region. Unlike the case in Asian cities, the Zabbaleen waste recycling programs in Cairo, Egypt, gradually move its members out of scavenging into middle-class occupations (EQI, 1991). Baud and Schenk (1994) observes that the informal waste pickers in India have little or no access to institutional provisions, such as health care, education, credit and municipal facilities. In a policy paper, Klundert and Lardinois, (1995), remark that the informal recycling sector has extremely limited access to financing because banks and other formal credit institutions are reluctant to provide loans to private informal enterprises, due to the absence of assets and securities. Hence, the sector’s actors lack funds for equipment or to capitalise their businesses, which makes them dependent on variable cost strategies and generally restricts the potential for improving products, broadening markets, improving working conditions, and the like. This in turn makes it difficult for a municipal government to justify contracting new tasks or institutionalising ongoing operations of the informal waste recycling sector (Klundert and Lardinois, 1995). A review of literature also indicates that the exploitation of waste pickers is very common in both African and Asian cities (Vogler, 1983; Huysman, 1992; Huysman, 1994; Panafrican News Agency, 1997). For example, Panafrican News Agency, (1997) reported of a controversy in Zimbabwe, where the Zimbabwean human rights watchdog (Zimrights) urged Parliament and Harare City Council to help informal waste collectors and their intermediary, Environmental Friendly, to reach a fair price for the waste paper. The collectors were selling their waste paper through Environmental Friendly which won a five-year tender from the Council three years earlier to sell the paper to National Waste Collections(NWC) for recycling. The tender had brought to an end the former system which allowed collectors direct access to the NWC. Since the take-over, the intermediary (Environmental Friendly) had allegedly lowered the average price of sorted paper from 60 cents to 15 cents per kilogram. However, the decision by parliament and the Council are not reported by this paper. According to Campbell, (1991) and Romanos and Chifos, (1996), some waste dealers operate in a market syndicate of monopsonies (a case of one trader dominating the market) or oligopsonies (a case of a few traders dominating the market) by controlling and keeping the prices as low as possible, hence forcing the waste pickers to accept low prices for their materials. Vogler, (1983) also makes a sharp observation that the scavengers are badly exploited by waste dealers because of their ignorance, illiteracy and disorganisation among themselves. However, Edmundo and Leite, (1983) indicates that the issue of exploitation of waste pickers does not arise at all, because recovery of waste materials is always dictated by local market and economic factors. A study paper by Murevanhema, in Harare city, likewise does not agree with the picture portrayed by Zimrights, because the frustration of the paper waste pickers was due to the collapse of the Kraft paper market in 1997 (Murevanhema, 1999). Her paper also notes that the informal waste recycling activities in Zimbabwe had actually improved because the waste pickers are formally recognised and the intermediaries are well-organised. Along the same line, Furedy, (1994); Huysman, (1994) support Edmundo and Leite. These papers state that even though the small and medium dealers in the traditional recovery and trading hierarchies are often regarded as exploiters of pickers and itinerant buyers, they always provide a degree of job security and other benefits such as small loans, medical help, gifts at festivals, etc. Literature on SWM shows that sub-standard working and living conditions faced by the lower echelon of the resource recovery economy are compounded by other forms of exploitation. Furedy, (1989); Huysman (1992); Huysman (1994); Baud and Schenk (1994) and the UNCHS, (1994) notice that the waste dealers bind the waste pickers, by offering them higher unit prices than other dealers, or by giving out small loans, means of transporting materials, shelter, clothes and food, in exchange for exclusive rights to the materials they collect. Sometimes, the rights to the scavenger in certain estates are actually bought and sold (Pollock, 1987). Waste pickers are forced to take loans from their dealers due to the seasonal irregularity and insecurity of their income. Romanos and Chifos, (1996) makes further observation that waste pickers in Asian cities are badly indebted to the buyers because they borrow at high interest rates and in many cases become practically indentured to these dealers. In conclusion, research in Asian cities show how important it can be to understand the social relations that underpin SWM. These literature reviewed above reveal that the low social status of people working with waste almost word-wide is compounded in Southern Asia by the idea that people are born into this work due to their caste or hereditary group status. One consequence is that it is inordinately hard to get householders to participate in SWM schemes. That is why Beall concluded his study that, because of the social aspects in Asia, it has proved difficult to scale-up or replicate and integrate informal initiatives into the existing schemes at the city level (Beall, 1999). Nevertheless, there is no research that has attempted categorically to give specific solutions on the issue of castes and waste management in the Asian cities. Both Furedy and Cointreau research works in developing countries recognise the developments which demonstrate the importance of political and social factors in the handling, disposal and recycling of wastes and strongly recommended for their integration into the formal SWM systems (Furedy, 1984, Cointreau et al., 1984). According to Vogler, (1983), he recommends for the use of local experts and not expatriate consultants where possible in the management and design of SWM system because they will understand how to integrate the cultural and social aspects. Powell, et al., (1996), as well supports this view by observing that all environmental and socio-economic costs are essential in the planning of any recycling programme. 2.7 The Occupational Health Aspects of Informal Waste Recycling By 1990, it was estimated that over 5 million people die every year in developing countries from diseases related to inadequate disposal of waste (UNDP, 1991). This is because approximately 50% of all the waste generated in the cities is collected and disposed as noted earlier. Most of the remainder is thrown onto open dumpsites where hazardous materials contaminate the air, soil and water, which is an enormous environmental problem. The occupational health risks are, therefore, linked to those who work directly with waste. A review of literature on the environmental health aspects of informal waste recycling, reveals that the occupation is associated with poor health and degraded status for the primary workers in many cities (Cointreau, 1982; Lohani, 1984; Lardinois and Klundert, 1995b; Hardoy and Mitlin, 1993; Hunt, 1996). Much recycling is carried out in unregistered, cramped, badly ventilated spaces and unsafe workplaces lacking sanitary facilities (Furedy, 1989; Huysman, 1992; Huysman, 1994; Baud and Schenk, 1994; Lardinois and Klundert, 1995b). Romanos and Chifos, (1996) describes garbage pickers as people who live and breathe their work because their occupation is surrounded by swarms of flies and exposed to unsanitary conditions, bacteria and diseases as well as to a variety of chemicals, hospital refuse, and other hazardous wastes. According to Eerd’s survey of literature on the occupational health aspects of waste collection and recycling, he concluded that little research has been done on this theme and no through analysis of the existing information has been undertaken (Eerd, 1996). However, his study revealed that health effects differ very much dependent upon the type of activity (for example, risks are different for waste pickers at dumpsites and itinerant waste buyers) and material used in the SWM system. He also identified the multiplicity of causes of diseases, as one of the problems of distinguishing occupational diseases caused, for instance, by unhygienic living conditions. Eerd, (1996) recommends the use of interviews as the best methodology to establish and verify medical check-ups of waste pickers. This methodology has also been used by Hunt, (1996) when he studied the occupational and health risks of child waste pickers in India. Hunt interviewed 100 children and carried health checks by use of doctors in order to understand the occupational health risks of waste picking in Banglore City. Her major statistical findings indicate that waste pickers are two and half times more likely to be ill than non-waste pickers. The use of picks, thongs, gloves and boots has been recommended because they offer some protection from cuts and exposure to pathogens (Furedy, 1994; World Resources Institute, 1996; Ogawa, 1997). But the need to work and survive overrides all other concerns that scavengers have. That is why, Malmros, et al., (1992), and Lardinois and Klundert, (1995b) remark that, it is of no use to improve working conditions or forbid certain activities when these individuals are badly struggling for survival and lack access to basic goods and services. From the literature available, there are two general points of view about research into the health aspects of SWM. The pragmatic position is that rather than spending time researching the health aspects of SWM, it is better to press ahead with the task of establishing adequate management procedures because it is difficult to know the precise aetiology of diseases common to waste pickers because such communities are typically deficient in other facilities and services for basic health, such as sanitation and pure drinking water (Furedy, 1989; Eerd, 1997). While not denying the force of this argument, those who hold an alternative view maintain that some investigation should be done on the effects of poor SWM as the research can be of practical importance for the design of solid waste systems and for citizen education (Hunt, 1996). In brief, we would like to observe here that, despite the fact that most studies reviewed in this chapter emphasise the importance of health aspects in SWM, there is very little research that has been undertaken in this area. This study utilised the interviewing technique to obtain primary data in order to establish the health problems that various waste recycling actors are facing. 2.8 Change of Approaches to Solid Waste Management in Developing Countries Until a few years ago, there was very little discussion of Solid Waste Management (SWM) issues in the developing countries. In 1982, Cointreau carried out one of the first inventory studies concerning the environmental aspects of SWM, following it up in 1984 with a study on recycling from municipal waste (Cointreau, 1982; Cointreau, 1984). Since then, a variety of research studies have been carried out, from which several approaches to addressing the problem of solid waste can be distilled. The classical or traditional approach has been to consider solid waste as an ‘urban planning’ problem (Baud and Schenk, 1994; World Resources Institute, 1996). According to this approach, the municipal authorities are the main actors in the field, responsible for collection and disposal of solid waste. According to Gotoh, the waste management business has traditionally been conducted by the public sector because it is not economically viable (Gotoh, 1989). The extensive attention of this approach has also been to technical aspects like upgrading of equipment used in collecting waste, developing environmentally safer methods of disposal, requiring capital-intensive investments e.g. composting, sanitary landfill and combustion (UNCHS, 1988). The World Resources Institute Report of 1996 observes that this traditional approach has been at best a mixed success in both developed and developing countries (World Resources Institute, 1996). The main problem considered within the bounds of this approach in general, is the growing amount of solid waste in rapidly expanding urban areas of the world, and the way the municipalities can cope with it. Often forgotten in this discussions is the scale aspect of technical improvements. Large-scale solutions are not feasible in the context in which a sufficiently sound infrastructure is lacking, or there is little quality control (World Resources Institute, 1996). Moreover, this approach ignores several socio-economic aspects of most existing solid waste systems, thereby contributing to the problems of inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the system in place. Most importantly, it does not recognise the fact that solid waste separation, re-use and recycling are actually a fairly extended economic sector. Whatever the evidence there is, it indicates that generally solid waste is collected by various groups of people (poor waste pickers and itinerant buyers), sold through middlemen and finally used as raw material by recycling enterprises to make new products (Furedy, 1984; Bubel, 1990; Furedy, 1992; Poerbo, 1991; Beukering, 1994; Huysman, 1994; Huysman and Baud, 1994; Baud and Schenk, 1994). Nevertheless, this classical approach fails to be directly applicable to LDCs because it doesn’t take care of the vulnerable groups (i.e. the poor waste pickers especially women and children) involved in SWM. In the case of Nairobi City and other urban centres in Kenya most research works of the 1980s and 1990s on the SWM problem have been tailored along this traditional approach and line of thinking by mainly focusing on the organisational aspects, notably, improvements in quality of municipal management systems (Mbugua, 1980; Wachira, 1980; Shibanda, 1980; Khadaka, 1988; Ruto, 1988; Situma, 1988; Munuve, 1990, Anyumba, 1995). For instance, Otieno’s study of Nairobi City strongly supports this scientific and engineering approach to solving SWM in LDCs (Otieno, 1992). His paper recommends that the SWM problems in any city should be left for engineers only. This portrays his narrow, restricted and generally wrong perception of the SWM issue as an engineering problem. Since the above traditional approach has failed both in the developed and developing countries, the search for more efficient and economical solid waste collection and disposal programmes has taken cities in several directions, most notably toward new partnerships with the private or the community sector and towards new economic policy instruments (World Resources Institute, 1996). Alternative approaches have been brought forward from several points of view. The extensive pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for adoption of new approaches in the provision of urban services, especially privatisation of solid waste collection and transport systems, have influenced the traditional focus of most research works in the developing world, because of the failure of the public sector to provide the urban masses with a satisfactory level of infrastructural services. The recent experience in developed countries, mainly the U.S.A. and U.K. with privatisation of urban infrastructural services has some impact on the direction of research (Mengers, 1988; World Bank, 1991; UNDP, 1991; Bernstein, 1991; Schertenleib and Meyer, 1992; Bartone, 1988; Sinha, 1993; Fernandez, 1993). In the World Bank and UNDP policy papers mentioned above, two types of solutions to the problem of solid waste are indicated for local authorities as follows. Firstly, use of more environmentally effective ways of collecting and disposing of waste, and secondly, by preventing wastes from being generated. The UNCHS concludes its study in the East African region that, it is unlikely that there would have been change to systemised privatisation without the World Bank/IMF funded Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and their pressures (UNCHS, 1998). Due to this influence, Nairobi City’s SWM services were privatised at the beginning of 1997 while those of Dar es Salaam City (Tanzania) were privatised as early as in 1992 (UNCHS, 1998). This study states that although privatisation of municipal services is not new in Kenya, comprehensive policy guidelines are lacking. In the 1990s, a few studies of SWM in Nairobi also started shifting their attention from the traditional approach on the role of the NCC to focus on other actors involved in SWM (Kihiu, 1990; Mwaura, 1991; Mbui, 1995; Kibwage, 1996; Oduor, 1996; Peters, 1998). These studies focused on the roles played by the private sector (through the PCs) and the community sector (through the CBOs). However, none of these studies had its major focus on the role played by the informal waste-recycling sector. Savas, (1981); Lewis and Miller, (1986); Mengers, (1988); Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), (1989); Fernandez, (1993); and Sinha, (1993) have recommended that, before any decision on privatisation of urban infrastructure is adopted, political, legal, administrative, organisational/ management, and socio-economic aspects or consequences should be taken into consideration. In a USAID - sponsored seminar on "Privatising Municipal Solid Waste Management Services", the participants also noted that there must be a political will from the city's administration for the privatisation approach to succeed (ICMA, 1992). Indrayana and Silas, (1993) supports the views of this seminar. Smith, (1992); Savas, (1982); Abert, (1983); EPA, (1989) and UNCHS, (1989a) identified cost savings, better service provision, accessibility to modern technology and improvement of environmental sanitation as the main reasons for preference of the privatisation option to municipal collection. Abert’s paper remarks that the procedure set-up to govern public-works expenditures is often more rigid, expensive and time consuming than those governing private business transactions. Sinha also observes that privatisation of waste collection services brings substantial and important competition which forces efficiency, innovation, creativity, investment and ultimately, improved results (Sinha, 1993). Lewis and Miller do not agree with the above conclusions because there are several constraints that arise in Public-Private Partnerships in garbage removal in developing countries (Lewis and Miller,1986). According to their study of African cities, constraints include the low priority ascribed to the service by citizens; the budget crisis facing many municipalities; the dwindling resources and a few legal barriers that discourage private sector activity. Lewis and Miller, (1986) and ICMA, (1992) conclude that where most of the consumers are unwilling and unable to pay for the service. It is, therefore, not a promising option. But Cointreau ,(1994) and World Resources Institute, (1996) observe that, privatisation is only a possible opportunity, but not a panacea, for improving solid waste management in developing countries because it emphasises more on collection of waste than disposal. These publications recommend a case-by-case-analysis to deduce city-specific constraints and solutions instead of generalising situations in developing countries. From the above analysis, it is evident that SWM issues are moving and changing dramatically in the world's urban areas. In response to those challenges, most local governments are encouraging the use of a mix of solutions to handle waste, since there is no single management approach that will serve as panacea for their waste problems. An integrated SWM approach has been recommended by a variety of authors (Lund, 1984; EPA, 1989, Kootatep, 1995; Ogawa, 1997). According to EPA, (1989), integrated systems involve the use of a combination of techniques and programmes to manage the municipal waste stream. Within the range of management options, a hierarchy for SWM planners to consider when planning and implementing integrated waste management programmes has been suggested (EPA, 1989; UNCED, 1992; UNCHS 1994) (refer to Figure 3). Briefly, the first level of the management hierarchy is Source Reduction, which is the reducing of the amount and/ or the toxicity of waste we generate at source. The second level is Recycling, which is the collecting, reprocessing, marketing and using materials that were once considered waste. Waste Combustion should be considered next because this method reduces the bulk of municipal waste and can provide the added benefit of energy production. A final level is Landfilling, which is at the bottom of the hierarchy which is necessary to manage non-recyclable and non-combustible wastes (refer to Figure 3). These priority areas were strongly supported during the 1992 Earth Summit on Environment and Development under Agenda 21 (UNCED, 1992). Source Reduction Recycling (1) (2)-4Rs Landfilling Combustion (4) (3) An integrated solid waste management approach Source: EPA, 1989 Using the case of paper recycling, Virtanen and Nilsson, (1994); Lyndhurst, (1996); MacGuire and Childs, (1998) strongly support the above approach because its priority is on waste minimisation or reduction. These studies oppose recovery attempts because they argue that it would not be required if citizens would pay proper attention to waste reduction possibilities. In many instances, the efforts of this group focus more on re-shaping consumption patterns than on improving recovery practices. They recommend for more durable and longer-lived products, reusable rather than throw-away or single-use products and packaging. Sinnatamby and Dzikus, observe that emphasis should be placed on each of the above objectives will vary from country to country (Sinnatamby and Dzikus, 1991). They indicate that current consumption levels in developing countries are low and substantial increases will be inevitable as these countries attain basic standards of economic welfare. Emphasis in these countries should, therefore, be focused on waste recycling and safe disposal. Efforts at minimising waste through changes in production and consumption patterns should, instead, characterise the thrust of efforts to improve SWM in industrialised countries. Some researchers like, Furedy, fall in-between these two extremes because they support both waste reduction and recycling as of equal priorities (Furedy, 1992). Lund (1984), notes that further research and information dissemination is required to identify promising, socially acceptable and cost-effective forms of waste recycling and reuse relevant to the particular circumstances in a given country or city. The above review shows that there is a controversy on which option should be given priority, resource reduction or recycling? Many researchers and institutions believe that a more rapid utilisation of the nation’s waste resources should be attained even if this cannot be justified on economic grounds (UNCHS, 1989a; UNCHS, 1989b; Furedy, 1989; Undugu Society of Kenya, 1991; Sitannataby and Dzikus, 1991; UNCED, 1992; Furedy, 1992; UNCHS, 1994). Those of this persuasion, indicate that greater attention to recycling will in turn stimulate the citizenry as a whole to a higher level of environmental consciousness and, therefore to be less ‘wasteful’. Otherwise, the hierarchy of options outlined above seems to be only a useful conceptual tool for goal-setting and planning. The major loophole of this approach is that it does not specify the role to be played by the various actors in SWM. This method differs with the privatisation approach because its emphasis is on disposal rather than collection of waste, which is the major problem facing developing countries. One other alternative approach distilled from the above approach is based on greater ‘resource recognition’ (Furedy, 1992). This approach perceives solid waste as an un-used resource. It emphasises reducing waste in production and distribution processes and improving re-use and recycling of waste. Furedy stresses the importance of extending the goals of SWM from technical improvements to include ‘general social and ecological goals’. An essential aspect of such an approach is the emphasis on community participation (Baud and Schenk,1994; EPA, 1989; Gotoh, 1989). Methods by which such participation can be realised include: promoting the separation of wastes to facilitate more efficient and decentralised recycling, developing municipal-private-community partnerships, furthering environmental education, and the accommodation of informal sector activities in waste recovery and recycling (Mabuba, 1991; Hanafie, 1995). According to Mabuba, this community-based approach is rooted in the principle that the responsibility for collection and removal of solid waste should lie with the generators of the waste. Each community or part thereof would organise itself suitably for the task, basing on the administrative system in place (Mabuba, (1991). The World Development Report of 1992, points out that many environmental problems cannot be solved without the active participation of local people (World Bank, 1992). The major weakness of this approach is that it assumes that change of public attitudes would be achieved in the short-term. Actually, Vogler, (1983) indicates that change of public attitudes is a long-term process. For example, it took about 200 years for the people of Edinburgh City in Britain to change their behaviour of throwing solid wastes in the streets, an awkward habit currently widespread in many cities of the LDCs (Vogler, 1983). Source separation which should be the pivotal point of a community- based approach is now considered the most efficient and rational means of organising wastes for recycling. However, the source separation approaches adopted in cities of industrialised nations are costly; require much investment in public education, negotiations with industry, and new, enforceable waste laws (EPA, 1989). Because of these experiences in the North, several research works have recommended for adoption of small-scale community-based recycling programmes as the best option for LDCs (UNCHS, 1989b; Furedy, 1989; Gotoh, 1989; Poerbo, 1991; EQI, 1991; Mabuba, 1991; Sinnataby and Dzikus, 1991; Furedy, 1992; Ouana and Ogawa, 1993; Muller, et al., 1995; Hanafie, 1995; Osewe, 1995; Klundert and Lardinois, 1995; Harper, 1996; Ogawa, 1997; Peters, 1998). The examples given by these studies reinforce the conclusion by Klundert and Lardinois, that modern, efficient, economically, environmentally and socially sustainable waste management systems are frequently beyond the reach of developing country municipal governments acting alone (Klundert and Lardinois, 1995). Actually, most of the literature indicates that most successful initiatives occur where a mixture of public, private and community involvement has come into being, either through evolution or by deliberate design. This contemporary SWM approach is often referred as a 'partnership approach'. A number of cases of partnerships between public, private formal, and private informal sectors have been proposed by various research works (Klundert and Lardinois, 1995; Baud, et al., 1995; World Bank/ UNDP, 1994). Klundert and Lardinois, (1995) outlines the four main types of actors involved in SWM in LDCs as: the municipal governments; the formal private (commercial) sector (in their role as potential solid waste function contractors); the informal private sector (including individuals, small entrepreneurs, and micro-enterprises, already working with waste materials or having the potential to do so); and the CBOs and NGOs, usually in pursuit of their own idealistic goals. The shift of approach on SWM is evidenced by the recent programmes supported by World Bank and UNDP which lay an emphasis on exploring the possibilities of accommodating waste pickers; and involving communities in collection schemes as well as privatising SWM functions on a large scale (World Bank/UNDP, 1994). Indrayana and Silas, (1993) also supports a partnership approach involving all levels of the population in order to achieve a sustainable, well-managed SWM system. Muller, et al., (1995), also foresees only positive benefits out of these partnerships in terms of improved efficiency in SWM system of any given city. According to Klundert and Lardinois, (1995), resistance and territoriality of the various sectors sometimes form an important barrier to the success of the partnership approach. This resistance will take the form of lack of belief in the legitimacy of other partners, or it may have more to do with an expressed or unexpressed fear that partnerships would disrupt the status quo, especially of marginal actors such as informal sector entrepreneurs. In particular, the recognition and legitimisation of the informal sector will provide a significant threshold or barrier to inter-sectoral partnerships (Klundert and Lardinois, ibid.). They also observe that resistance to institutionalisation on the part of both formal and informal actors is a barrier in itself. As the above review indicates, various approaches focus on certain aspects of the problem only with regrettably variable results because other aspects in the context are not sufficiently taken into account. The campaign from SWM researchers for the recognition of the informal sector started as early as 1983 (Vogler, 1983; Furedy, 1984, Cointreau et al., 1984). Early in this period, Furedy managed to identify the major research areas that are necessary in planning the integration of informal sector activities into the formal SWM systems: structure of informal recycling systems; pathways of recovered materials; relationships between formal and informal systems of recovery and recycling; attitudinal, perceptual and behavioural aspects; and finally, public intervention and educational effects necessary to influence waste-related behaviour. Pollock, (1987) states that recycling programs are most effective when integrated within a city's overall SWM plan. He remarks that if added as an after-thought, or implemented outside of the waste collection system, recycling schemes typically have lower recovery rates. 2.9 Public Policies and Perceptions on Waste Pickers Regarding public policies, the literature indicates that authorities in developing countries display a wide variety of views that deal with informal waste pickers. Policies towards waste pickers can be classified as 'repression', 'neglect', 'collusion' and 'simulation'. The analysis shows that many municipal authorities are not orientated towards strengthening the activities of the informal separation and recycling sector, and do little to improve the effectiveness of the sector because of various excuses. According to Medina, (1997), the dominant view of scavenging, which still prevails in many developing countries, sees the occupation as inhuman, a symbol of backwardness and a source of embarrassment and shame for the city or country. For instance, Cairo's City authorities banned donkey carts with which the Zabbaleen (garbage pickers) transport wastes on the streets between sunrise and sunset (Meyer, 1987; Kamel, 2000). Based on this general perception, scavenging has been declared illegal and punished in many Third World cities (Furedy, 1984; Medina, 1997). Furthermore, Baud and Schenk, (1994) observes that the local authorities are hesitant to permit the continuance of the informal recycling sector because of the unhygienic and messy circumstances of this sort of work. People who are currently engaged in recycling activities are usually considered a nuisance and source of human humiliation by the city managers in charge of public cleaning operations, because they hinder collection and dumping operations at the disposal sites by trying to reach the waste during the unloading operation. As a result, many municipalities tend to prohibit the access of these people to the dumpsite on the above grounds (Gosario, 1988; Gotoh, 1989; Guibbert, 1990). Gosario, (1988) also emphasises that the municipal authorities in Banglore are always irritated by waste pickers hindering their work at City dumps, and wish them to disappear to the edge of the city where they are least visible. In most communities, where the picking is taking place, perceive scavengers as thieves and undesirables (Romanos and Chifos, 1996). Accordingly, restriction and a hostile attitude towards scavengers typify repressive city management policies. In addition, the literature reveals that sometimes scavengers face extreme animosity and violence. For example, in some Colombian cities organised groups kidnapped and killed approximately 2000 scavengers and other ‘disposable’ individuals (beggars and prostitutes) by 1994 (Medina, 1997). In this instance, their organs were recovered and sold for transplants in various hospitals! In other cities, authorities simply ignore scavengers and their operations, leaving them alone, without persecuting or helping them. According to Medina, this is a common phenomenon in African cities (Medina, ibid.). In other words, indifference towards scavengers and their activities characterise a policy of neglect. Albert, (1983) clearly states that, this kind of institutional barrier to in-corporate informal recycling activities in any city originates from the fact that municipal officials view solid waste as a disposal problem and not as a potential resource. That is why, technological solutions (collection equipment and containers) are usually suggested and implemented without neither taking the local circumstances into account nor the activities of the waste pickers (Gosario, 1988). This portrays the ignorance or oblivion of the municipal authorities on the role played by the informal waste recovery sector. Government officials sometimes develop with scavengers relationships of exploitation and of mutual profit and assistance, that is, relationships of political clientelism. Castillo, (1990) points to a case where the Mexican government gives bribes and political support to scavengers to misuse them in beating up anti-government demonstrators. Such collusion policies do not promote the waste recovery occupation at all. In such cases, the government maintains a status-quo for its own benefit. Last but not least, due to the failure of the traditional waste management methods as well as increased environmental awareness in developing countries, 'simulation' policies have emerged, aimed at integrating the waste pickers into the formal SWM system. In other words, governments have started to change their previous attitude of opposition, indifference to that of tolerance and active support. For example, in Indonesia, President Suharto declared scavengers beneficial to the country’s economy and environment. Now the government supports the formation of co-operatives of scavengers, and private banks also grant loans to them (Salim, 1992). In some other cities like Seoul and Mexico, after having recognised the importance of the pickers’ role in reducing waste, have formally agreed with scavengers to work at the dumpsite within certain times and sections (Gotoh, 1989). Gotoh, also notes that in 1987, the municipal authority of Seoul constructed barracks with water and electricity for the waste pickers at the Hangang River dump site of Nanjido in order to encourage recycling intensity in the city for purposes of prolonging the lifespan of the existing landfill space. Likewise, such positive response from the government towards the waste pickers has been experienced in Shanghai (Furedy, 1992). In Egypt, the World Bank has also assisted the members of the Zabbaleen community with water, sewers, roadways and collection and processing equipment (Kamel, 2000). In Porto Alegro, Brazil, authorities have integrated scavengers in the Kerbside programme, serving 79% of the City’s 1.1 million residents, and reducing the programme’s overall costs (Wells, 1995). 2.10 Integrating the Role of the Informal Sector into the Formal Waste Management System The literature concerning approaches and/or methods that have been applied or recommended in integrating the role of the informal sector into the formal SWM system by various researchers are outlined in this section. According to Klundert and Lardinois, (1995) municipal regulations can be used to control informal waste recycling activities by licensing and limiting the numbers and by forbidding children to pick. But, the major weakness of this approach of using legal instruments is that most of staff of municipal authorities and the police usually extract bribes from waste pickers, itinerant buyers and other unlicensed waste traders. Furthermore, most voluntary social organisations object to controls that add to the harassment of poor street people because they argue that waste pickers and itinerant buyers contribute to the economy and reduce the quantities of wastes requiring disposal. Another approach is where waste pickers are organised into “unions” or “co-operatives” and requests can be made to recognise their role in SWM (Lohani, 1984; Poerbo, 1991; Furedy, 1994; Raman, 1995; Medina, 1997). Medina, (1997), remarks that such organisations will promote sustainable grassroots development. He argues that this will also help in circumventing the middlemen and definitely break the “vicious circle of poverty” in which the many scavengers find themselves. However, Medina notes that the following factors hinder the formation of and profitable operation of scavengers’ co-operatives: the scavengers’ low educational level; their lack of financial resources; not having access to credit, and their lack of business experience. Such organisations also expect resistance and competition from the existing middlemen. Finally, they always demand for services which the municipal authorities will not be able to afford e.g. rights of access to recyclables in all areas within the city, demand sanitation facilities, and schooling for their children (Medina, 1997). Some researchers, Furedy for example, have suggested special “waste processing zones” where pickers and itinerant buyers can live and sort or process materials to increase their earnings with better working conditions (Furedy, 1994). In this case, the waste pickers would be promoted to be the door-to-door collectors of separated wastes, with households paying a fee for this service (Lohani, 1984; Rosario, 1992; Raman, 1995; Muller, et al., 1995; Wells, 1995). However, none of these works has attempted to explore the implications and efficiency of this proposed approach or method of integrating scavenging activities into the formal SWM system. Some social organisations and researchers, however, do not wish to see waste picking institutionalised because it is a hazardous occupation (Raman, 1995; World Resources Institute, 1996). Raman observes that the approach should be to help pickers to gain alternate skills, in order to enable them to stop picking (Raman, ibid.). Indrayana and Silas (1993) recommends that the role by the waste pickers and their activities should be integrated and be improved in a short-term duration only by making their work safer and easier, but should not be handed on to the next generation. According to Furedy, (1994), the problem with this approach is that for every waste picker transferred to other work, there is a new jobless person ready to step into his or her place. Therefore, redeployment of a few individuals does not alter the structure of waste recovery in any city. On other hand, Indrayana and Silas, (1993), also recommends the acceptance of waste picking but encourage efforts to reduce the time that migrants to the cities spend at this work. 2.11 The Conceptual Framework of the Study Since the Westernised approaches to SWM service provision have failed in the LDCs, alternative approaches must be explored and identified because the reasons for the failure of urban service provision have been established and well documented in the foregoing literature. In order to achieve a sustainable SWM system for Nairobi City, this research's foundation is built on two approaches distilled from the forgoing literature review. First, it is evident from the literature analysis that the system of waste management in LDCs has in most respects, managed to over-come the lack of public resources by stressing the inter-sectoral partnership approach i.e. the joint participation of the public, private, community and informal sectors. On the other hand, a prioritised an integrated SWM approach (refer to Figure 3) is mandatory. In this second approach, waste recycling should be given the first priority in LDCs as discussed earlier in this section 2.8. As Pollock, (1987) states, recycling programs are most effective when integrated within a city's overall SWM plan. He remarks that if added as an after-thought, or implemented outside of the waste collection system, recycling schemes typically have lower recovery rates. In this study, SWM is considered as a socio-economic sector in which different actors operate within formal and informal aspects. The major reason of adopting this conceptual framework is because an important change is taking place in the thinking about urban waste management worldwide i.e. a shift from techno-managerial approaches to integrated plans that recognise the importance of the socio-economic and cultural factors in SWM. This is in line with SWM researchers who argue that developing countries should first consider enhancing the existing systems of separation, waste trading and recycling, promoting employment in these sectors, before considering elaborate Northern models (Furedy, 1989; Furedy, 1992; Lardinois and Klundert, 1993). According to these authors, each of the developing countries, need to examine its production processes “across the board” because recommendations are difficult to make. Therefore, the SWM methods and approaches should not be borrowed wholesale from either the North or other South countries, but they should be based on the actual practices in the developing countries. In this present research, the author raises several issues, drawing on the case study of Nairobi City. Though, baseline definitive answers are given in this study, a more partnership-cum-integrated approach may gradually emerge in future from the work of more researchers. 2.12 Concluding Remarks There are some gaps in this literature that have been identified in this review. First, it is better to note that since the publication of Jon Vogler’s book Work from Waste in 1981, there has been silence in the field of small-scale resource recovery, which takes place within the informal sector. No second edition or new comparable literature has appeared in this area. What one finds in the literature are several scattered articles in different journals, and conference or workshop proceedings. However, the research efforts of some of the researchers, especially, Furedy, Baud, Huysman, Beukering, Klundert and Lardinois, just to mention a few, have led to an enormous understanding of SWM problems in the LDCs despite their complexity in reality. From the foregoing review, it is evident that informal waste recycling is a phenomenon characteristic mostly in LDCs. However, resource recovery and recycling is receiving increasing attention for economic and environmental reasons both in industrialised and developing countries. But, one must consider that the general context in industrialised countries is different from non-industrialised countries when making policy recommendations. The literature also reveals that official programs for recovering valuables discarded are lacking in developing countries, Kenya included. This is attributed to various institutional barriers and the lack of political will for change. As the urban environmental waste management problems become worse in LDCs, non-conventional approaches have to be adopted. The recycling of solid waste is one approach which has positive ramifications in creating informal employment and offering environmentally sound solution to waste management problems. While there is considerable documentation on innovative community-level waste management in Asian and part of Latin American cities, little research has been done on the importance of waste recycling and re-use in African cities. We would like to note that, research in the Asian region, which is extensive, has commonly and unfortunately been generalised for other developing countries without taking into consideration the diversity in socio-economic and political set-ups in the LDCs. The literature pertaining to the study situation shows that, urban growth has outstripped the Nairobi City’s capacity to provide an adequate and efficient waste management service. This has resulted in gross urban decay and an increased involvement by city residents and actors other than the City Council in SWM activities. Interestingly, there is no single extensive and comprehensive study in Kenya that has focused on the subject under this current research. Except for a few works, most studies in Nairobi have been using the traditional approach of emphasising on how the public sector’s, i.e. the NCC’s, services will be improved without focusing on the role played by other sectors involved in SWM. The various studies that have been carried in Nairobi identify informal recycling in the City as one of the potential approaches that policy makers need to consider in future. Despite that good recommendation, they are not based on any empirical findings of the activities on the informal recycling sector in the City. It is therefore difficult to draw conclusions on the Kenyan informal recycling sector when an extensive study has not been undertaken like those in Asian cities reviewed in this Chapter. However, we cannot base our arguments on Asian case studies because our local conditions are different and unique in their own way. In short, this study has attempted to systematically document the organisation and activities of the informal recycling sector in Nairobi City in order to come-up with specific conclusions and recommendations based on local factors. As a City with critical waste management problems and a burgeoning informal sector, Nairobi possesses both the need and potential for an innovative approach proposed in the foregoing section. 52 PAGE 43