The Corpse Daemon Antinoos

György Németh The Corpse Daemon Antinoos Abstract: On the basis of the preserved evidence, corpse daemons were practically employed in two specific fields: in love magic and in chariot racing. In this respect, the material of our sources seems significant: in Egyptian papyri the daemons are primarily used in erotic magic, whereas in lead tablets they are meant to manipulate chariot races. The study examines all known occurrences of nekydaimones, analyzing their functions and names, whenever referred to in the sources. Various Ghosts The Greeks believed in many kinds of ghosts.¹ Some of them were benevolent (or at least employable) spirits, whereas others were vicious and bloodthirsty killers.² In Book 11 of the Odyssey, Odysseus consulted the shadows of the dead, who are described as untouchable, immaterial haze hovering in the air. They inhabit the underworld, which they cannot leave to return to this one. They had crossed the river Acherôn, which was possible because the ones they left behind buried them physically or at least symbolically. A drowned sailor, a soldier who had passed away far from home, or a trader was granted a kenotaphion, i. e. an empty tomb on shore, so that his spirit may not return to haunt people. By reason of this widespread belief, well attested in the whole course of Greco-Roman antiquity, we might expect that the spirit of a buried dead person could not appear in this world anymore, or even if they had been evoked by force, they would like to return to eternal rest as soon as possible.³ But how and why would one conjure up a dead person, what is the way to bring somebody back from the after-life, even for a short period of time? And if they come back to this world, in what form do they return? In their own body or as a shadow? Can they only speak or also act? The nekydaimôn, i. e. corpse daemon, is an important character in this ghost-be⁴ lief. We strictly have to separate three similar types of ghosts from one another: the  This study is part of OTKA [Hungarian Scientific Research Fund] programme no. K 81332 (Ancient magic, parallel researches) and the Zaragoza project titled Espacios de penumbra: Cartografia de la actividad magico-religiosa en el Occidente del Imperio romano (Ref. FFI 2008 – 01511 / FISO). Some of these matters I also address in a paper in Moga, I. (ed.): Angels, Demons and the Representation of Afterlife within the Jewish, Pagan and Christian Imagery, Iasi, in preparation.  For an applicable typology, see Nagy 2003, 14– 15.  E.g. Lucan, Pharsalia. 6, 837. For further references to Odysseus’ visit to the other world, which is worthy of a study on its own, see Ogden 2001, 43 – 60; Ogden 2008, 7– 25.  “It was primarily the spirits of people who had not received a ritual burial (átaphoi), or who had died violently (biaiothánatoi) or prematurely (áhōros) that were threatened with the fate of being forced into service as a n ekydaímōn.” See Johnston 2013c. 10.1515/arege-2012-0010 Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM 146 György Németh Gellô-type, the nekydaimôn, and the leading character of the nekromanteia. ⁵ Gellô was a young girl who had not been married nor given birth to babies when death took her.⁶ She was an aôros, a spirit that passed away untimely. However, Gellô did not want to give up having children, so she would come back and kill children to take their spirits with her. Thus Gellô returned to this world of her own free will since she was capable of doing it, and she was also able to assault people, which leads us to the conclusion that she probably had some kind of physical body. On the other hand, however, Gellô had been properly buried. What is the explanation for her peculiar post-mortem running amok? It is assumed that an aôros did not live to fulfil the period of time that had been marked out for him or her.⁷ An accident, suicide or crime made the final day arrive sooner than it had been determined by the divine will, thus the aôros is given the opportunity to come back to this world again and again until the originally fixed date of his or her death. Gellô took the opportunity and established such a dreadful reputation that mothers kept frightening their children with her name even centuries later, when the gate of the underworld was already closed behind her forever. Consequently, the proper funeral prevented excursions on this earth only for those who died in their due hour. Biaiothanatoi (ones who died forcibly) or shortly biaioi were always aôroi, since the thread of their life was violently torn apart and they could not live the determined period of life (cf. PGM IV 334).⁸ Gladiators (in Greek: monomachoi) were also very often aôroi, since they normally died a violent death at the zenith of their lives (PGM IV 1390; 1394; 2163; XXXV 18; monomachês VII 175). Magical papyri even use the phrase “monomachoi and biaioi” (PGM IV 1394). In the Roman period, sorcerers had relatively easy access to new gladiator graves. In the nekromanteia (divination with the dead, commonly called necromancy) the spirit of a recently dead person was evoked and bound temporarily to his or her own corpse by various obscure magic practices. A dead person like this does not come back voluntarily, nor is he or she released by otherworldly powers to return to this world: they are compelled by the magician for the sake of divination. The spirit of the deceased, as is often confirmed by ancient sources, has not made its way to Hades but already acquired some pieces of information that we mortals do not have. In Lucan’s Pharsalia, the Thessalian witch Erichtho wanted to question a dead person to reveal the fate of Pompey (BC 6, 507– 830). Strolling the battlefield, the sorceress was looking for a corpse whose speech organs are intact so that it could tell what the spirit knows. It is important to note that the spirit and the body are reunited, even  On necromancy see Haase 2013.  Also mentioned by Sappho 168 A, and Suda s.v. Gellô was still feared in the Byzantine period (Johannes Damascenus Perì Stryngôn, PG 94). See Johnston 2013b.  Audollent 1904, (abbreviated as DTAud) LXVII. n. 1. “In general ahoros relates to death before puberty, marriage or childbirth” Johnston 2013a.  Preisendanz / Henrichs 19742 (abbreviated as PGM). Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM The Corpse Daemon Antinoos 147 if it happens only by compulsion and temporarily, thus the dead person appears and speaks in his own physical form.⁹ We find a parallel in Heliodorus’ Aithiopika (6, 14– 15) where a sorceress resuscitates her own son who had died on the battlefield.¹⁰ These dead people did not intend to come back to this world, the magical practice makes them suffer, and they would like to return to the underworld as soon as possible. Still, this return is not so simple in Lucan’s version: if someone reversed the decision of the Moirai, they cannot die again unless their body is cremated, which allows the spirit to go back to the world of the dead (Lucan’ Pharsalia 6, 822– 830). What are the characteristics of nekydaimones? First, they are mostly anonymous (with a few exceptions, cf. below). Everybody knew Gellô’s name, just like that of Philinnion or of the dead soldier in the Aithiopika. (In the latter case, of course, the reader does not know his name, but his mother, who revived him, obviously did.) Nekydaimones do not come up to this world for their own sake and they are probably not even capable of that on their own. They do not unite with their physical body.¹¹ When we read that a nekydaimôn must appear in front of a magician (PGM IV 2061), it might well show up as a shadow.¹² There is no allusion to the corpse leaving its coffin. However, a part of the corpse can force the spirit to appear in this world: “If you go to the depth of earth and search the regions of the dead, send this daimon, from whose body I hold this remnant in my hands, to her, NN, at midnight hours, to move by night to orders ‘neath your force, that all I want within my heart he may perform for me…” (PGM IV 445 – 450).¹³ In general, they can be compelled by the threat of retribution (PGM IV 2065).¹⁴ A nekydaimôn does what it is forced to do. It brings the be-  To the small degree that we hear about nekromanteia in antiquity, there are some cases in which it is only the ghost that returns, without any implied link to the erstwhile body; e. g. the story of Periander and Melissa’s ghost in Herodotus.  For a detailed analysis on nekromanteia, see Ogden 2001, esp. 219 – 262. The nekyia in the Odyssey can be considered as a domesticated form of nekromanteia. See also Johnston 1999.  Faraone 2005, 263: “this spell does not require a full corpse.” See also Johnston’s discussion on necromancy referring to the two Pitys spells among the eight spells of the PGM which she characterizes as necromantic in Johnston 2008, 174: “none of them promises anything as spectacular as the contemporary literary portraits of necromancy do – we hear nothing about reanimated corpses springing up out of their torpor, as in Lucan and Apuleius.”  But see Pachoumi 2011, 738 – 739: “Thus, in the two spells of Pitys, the lamella for wrecking chariots, and the “Resurrection of a dead body” spell examined in this paper, dead bodies and body parts of the dead who had an untimely or violent death are manipulated not just to achieve invocation of the spirits of the dead. This physical manipulation also implies the bodily resurrection of the dead, who function as assistants in the magical practices of the two Pitys and the lamella spells. But the notion of bodily resurrection is explicitly expressed in one single spell from the thirteenth magi- cal handbook, probably, as explained, because of its Christian and Gnostic influences. However, that does not mean that the notion of bodily resurrection applies to every paredros spell.”  Translation by E. N. O’Neil, in Betz 1992, 46.  In technical literature we sometimes read about nekydaimones who were not threatened but asked nicely. The basis of this notion is a new edition of a lead lamella from Olbia: see Bravo 1987, Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM 148 György Németh loved woman to any man or prevents the opponent’s chariot from reaching the winning post. It can act in the physical world and knows well its way around. It naturally understands Greek, and in general, it can hear and comprehend human speech. It is so applicable for these purposes that some magicians used nekydaimones as paredroi (PGM IV 2085). And what is a paredros? It is a daemon with superhuman powers that is compelled by some magic to enter the service of a human being.¹⁵ It can do and achieve almost anything, thus we can regard it as the ancestor of Aladdin’s genie. Unfortunately, obtaining a paredros (verbatim: by-sitter or assessor) is an extremely complicated, lengthy and uncertain procedure, as described in the great magical papyrus of Berlin (PGM I 1– 194). As a result of the spell, a falcon drops an oblong stone, on which we have to carve the given magic symbols. Wearing the stone around the neck, thye magician has to complete the prescribed ceremony, and then a star will descend from heaven to the housetop. Once the star is dissolved, an angel appears to become the paredros. Thus a paredros is not the spirit of a dead person but a superhuman being. Given that the nekydaimones could be more easily obtained, some magicians used them as paredroi. A nekydaimôn is similar to the Gellô-type of ghosts in at least one respect: it used to be an aôros, i. e. a person who died untimely. Its spirit dwelt somewhere in the neighbourhood of its grave until the predetermined time of its death.¹⁶ So they were buried without avail, since either they did not cross the river Acherôn, or they could freely pass (for a while) like e. g. Philinnion or Gellô. This is why a gladiator (monomachos) is ideal for magical practices with nekydaimones. He is not only a biaiothanatos, having died a violent death, but also very strong, else he would not have been a gladiator. The physical or spiritual strength of a nekydaimôn is directly connected with the condition of the former body at the time of death.¹⁷ Nekydaimones are mentioned only on magical papyri and curse tablets (i. e. lead lamellae with inscribed defixiones). Fortunately, a “recipe” to evoke a nekydaimôn using a lead lamella is preserved on a magic papyrus in London (PGM V 305 – 339). 185 – 218. This lead tablet (3rd c. BC) does not include the phrase nekydaimôn. Still, this is one of the first curse tablets that request the service of a dead person.  The word paredros was used already in much earlier Greek to mean gods who shared cults together, e. g. Hom. Od. 8, 22.  It was primarily the spirits of people who had not received a ritual burial, or who had died violently or prematurely that were threatened with the fate of being forced into service as a nekydaímôn. See Johnston 2013c.  According to Bravo 1987, 197 a nekydaimôn is the servant of the gods or at least a mediator between deities and mortals. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM The Corpse Daemon Antinoos 149 What is the use of a nekydaimôn? On the basis of the preserved evidence (though a universal application of nekydaimones was also mentioned, as we can see in PGM IV 2085), corpse daemons were practically employed in two specific fields: in love magic and in chariot racing. In this respect, the material of our sources seems significant: in Egyptian papyri the daemons are primarily used in erotic magic, whereas in lead tablets they are meant to manipulate chariot races (though love spells are not unattested either, cf. SM 47).¹⁸ Nekydaimones are mentioned 21 times in the collection of magical papyri published by Karl Preisendanz, yet 10 occurrences are found in a single papyrus (PGM XVI). The papyrus (with unknown provenance but positively from Egypt) is dated to the 1st c. AD and it is now in Paris. It repeats the prayer of Dioskorous, daughter of Tikôi, altogether 9 times in more or less different forms to grant her the love of Sarapiôn , whom Pasamêtra bore. The nekydaimôn’s mission is to torture Sarapiôn (by melting his heart or draining his veins, or similar) until love chases him to come to Dioskorous. The lock of hair that Dioskorous wrapped into the papyrus further enhanced the potential of the spell. She obviously acquired this magic device (ousia) from Sarapiôn. The ending of the text commands the corpse daemon to perform and complete all the things written on the papyrus. Dioskorous evidently buried her magic papyrus into the grave of an aôros, where it was found in the 19th century. (For the practice cf. PGM 305 – 339.) A recipe in PGM IV contains a very powerful spell for binding a lover (a woman in the present case). After preparing the figurines of the sorcerer and the woman, the latter statuette must be pierced through with 13 bronze needles and then both of them must be wrapped into a papyrus and buried in a grave (PGM IV 296 – 468). It is important to remark that there is a magic papyrus in Cologne that was found in a sealed clay pot, and there were two wax figurines melted together in an erotic posture and wrapped into the papyrus roll (SM 45). Theôn, who wanted to gain the love of Euphêmia, evokes the daemons of the grave to perform this task for him. The text does not call them nekydaimones, yet with an identical function the difference can only be terminological. An earthenware pot from Middle Egypt (2nd–3rd c. AD, now in the Louvre) contained an inscribed lead lamella and a 9 cm-high kneeling female figurine, which was pierced by 13 needles (SM 47). The pinholes corresponded to the prescription in PGM IV. According to the inscription, Sarapammôn forced the nekydaimôn to gain him the love of Ptolemais, whom Aias (!) bore. Thus the figurine portrayed the doomed Ptolemais. This find proves that the formulae of the recipe-books were followed literally in applied magic.¹⁹ PGM VII 1005 compels the corpse daemon to fulfil general services without giving any specifications. The magic spell described in PGM XII 492– 495 adjures nekydai-  Daniel / Maltomini 1990 – 1992 (abbreviated as SM). The period between the 2nd and 4th c. AD was the height of magical texts applying nekydaimones.  See Faraone 1999, 41– 42. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM 150 György Németh mones (in the plural). PGM IX (dated to 4th–5th c. AD, today kept in Berlin) was found folded up in the mouth of a mummy, with a reddish brown lock of hair wrapped into it. The spell forced Karôsa, daughter of Thelô to love Apalôs, son of Theonilla. Apalôs included a menacing remark in the magic spell: “Arouse yourself for me, corpse daemon, and do not make me use force against you but fulfil what has been inscribed and inserted into your mouth, immediately, immediately; quickly, quickly.”²⁰ PGM LI (dated to the 3rd c. AD) does not adjure but asks nekydaimones to take revenge on the enemies of Neilammôn. Among the texts of the Supplementum Magicum, SM 39 (3rd c. AD) is a spell for binding a lover, similar to SM 42 (3rd–4th c. AD), though the latter is a lesbian charm against Gorgonia, daughter of Nilogenia, written by Sophia, daughter of Isara.²¹ The bulky inscription of SM 48 (2nd–3rd c. AD) follows the instructions of PGM IV 340 ff. in calling a corpse daemon to win the love of Kopria for Ailouriôn. The text of the spell refers to the girl’s curl having being attached to the folded lamella. Interestingly, SM 51 (2nd–3rd c. AD) was carved onto a small clay vessel. Theodôros, forcing Matrôna to love him, addresses the corpse daemon: “Do not disobey, nekydaimôn!” These words mostly occur after adjuring and before threatening the daemon. The lead tablet of SM 57 (from Egypt, 4th c. AD) contains a charm to restrain anger but at the end the author Hôrigenês adds his request to prevent Paômis, whom Tisate bore, talking against him. Assumedly, Paômis had sued Hôrigenês, who tried to apply a nekydaimôn to ease his anger, or (in case this attempt fails) at least to deprive him of speech. The character of nekydaimones in lead lamellae published by A. Audollent is more uniform. Almost all tablets found in Carthage (mostly in the cemetery) begin with this formula: “I adjure you, whoever you are, nekydaimôn, who died untimely, on the names of …”, and the difference lies only in the list of names. The magic spells aims at cursing the chariot racers and the horses of the opposing parties. Well-informed sorcerers listed all racers of the Red, the White, the Green, or the Blue factions by name, grouping four horses for each racer. All four circus factions employed such “unfair” devices (since the tablets always named the racers and horses of only the three other clubs).²² The defixiones bound down the races, the power, and the soul of the opponents to make them lose the race or even fall out of their chariots. DTAud 249 was found in the amphitheatre of Carthage and it curses two venatores (beast hunters).  PGM XIX a. 15 – 16. (Translated by E. N. O’Neil and R. Kotansky in Betz 1992, with modifications by the author.)  See Németh 2007, 9 – 11.  DTAud 234; 235; 237; 238; 239; 240; 242; 249. See Németh 2013. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM The Corpse Daemon Antinoos 151 What was the name of the nekydaimôn? Normally the nekydaimôn was anonymous, so the practitioners addressed them as “whoever you are, either man or woman”. However, the sorcerer could have had information about the evoked spirits, since they told him about their death and whether they were capable of performing whatever the magician demanded (PGM IV 2044). Moreover, apart from the spirit, the body or the grave itself could reveal certain details. There is a lead lamella (SM 37, 2nd c. AD) that does not mention nekydaimones, but the author of the text (in which Hôriôn attempts at winning the favour of Nikê) prepared a drawing of a mummy at the margin. It is very unlikely that the writer of a magical text who placed the papyrus or lamella next to a mummy or even straight into its mouth (cf. PGM XIX) did not know the name of the person whose grave (and soul) he exploited for magic. Still, they hardly ever wrote down the name of the dead person. SM 50, 12. is an exception for the rule: “Whoever you are, ‘Kamês’, corpse-daemon, rouse yourself for me from the rest that holds you down.”²³ This wording (with the exception of the name) follows the prescription of PGM IV 365. The name was subsequently inserted into the text, almost illegibly written between the two lines.²⁴ This item seemed so much unparalleled that it had been widely disputed if it was really the name of the daemon or something else was meant to be there. Still, in 1976 a lead lamella was published which was found together with a female figurine pierced by many needles (SM 47, today kept in Paris). The evoking of the nekydaimôn and the figurine correspond with the instructions of PGM IV, except for the denomination of the daemon. I adjure you, corpse daemon Antinoos, by the dreadful and frightful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth will open, at the sound of whose name the daemons tremble fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the rocks break. I adjure you, corpse-daemon Antinoos… Do not disobey, corpse daemon Antinoos…²⁵ In this instance the name is unequivocally present and refers to the nekydaimôn – it is not subsequently inserted into the text. What is the reason for such a resolved repetition of the name? Why did Sarapammôn link the spell (aimed at winning the love of Ptolemais) to a single, repeatedly nominated corpse daemon? The answer may be found in the person of Antinoos himself.²⁶ The exquisitely wonderful youth, whose portrait is known from about a hundred ancient sculptures and from nearly 250 coins, was the boy-lover of Hadrian.²⁷ He accompanied the emperor on his journey  Translation in Daniel / Maltomini 1990 – 1992, I.208.  Further corpse daemons with uncertain naming: SM 37: the nekydaimôn is anonymous or Hôriôn?; PGM XXII 1: Evangelos? Cf. Brashear 1995, 3468.  Translation in Daniel / Maltomini 1990 – 1992, I.182.  See Faraone 1999, 42.  For this and the following, see SHA, Hadrianus 14; Meyer 1991; the most recent collection of representations of Antinoos is by Backe 2005. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM 152 György Németh to Egypt and they sailed together on the Nile when on 30th Oct., 130 he fell into the river and drowned. The inconsolable Hadrian founded Antinoopolis on the east bank of the Nile in central Egypt, and the sepulchral monument of the young man was erected there. Antinoos was granted a divine cult united with Osiris (“Osirantinoos is the greatest of all gods”). The Great Antinoos Games (Megala Antinoeia) were organized every year in Antinoopolis to honour his memory. Even a constellation was named after the young man. Moreover, Osirantinoos was believed to cure illnesses and answer prayers. There is no reason to doubt that some used his tomb to bury magic spells, since his tragic and unexpected death made him a real (and very famous) aôros. ²⁸ Although the provenance of Sarapammôn’s lead lamella is unknown, it is generally placed in central Egypt. Of course, the name Antinoos was highly common, thus we cannot be sure about the identification. However, the obstinate repetition of the name by Sarapammôn may support this assumption, since whenever he mentions the nekydaimôn, he also names Antinoos.²⁹ He wanted to gain the support of Osirantinoos, who always answered prayers. The love of Ptolemais was equally important for him, thus he tried to win her with the support of an aôros lover of the emperor. Bibliography Audollent, Augustus (1904), Defixionum Tabellae, Paris. Backe, Annika (2005), Antinoos: Geliebter und Gott, Berlin. Betz, Hans D. (1992), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Chicago. Brashear, William (1995), “The Greek Magical Papyri: An Introduction and Survey with an Annotated Bibliography”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.18.5, Berlin & New York, 3380 – 3684. Bravo, Benedetto (1987), “Une tablette magique d’Olbia pontique, les morts, les héros et les demons”, in: Poikilia: études offertes à Jean-Pierre Vernant, Paris, 185 – 218. Daniel, Robert W. / Maltomini, Franco (eds.) (1990 – 1992), Supplementum Magicum, 2 vols., Opladen. Faraone, Christopher (1999), Ancient Greek Love Magic, Cambridge. Faraone, Christopher (2005) “Necromancy Goes Underground: The Disguise of Skull and Corpse-Divination in the Paris Magical Papyri (PGM IV 1928 – 2144)”, in: Sarah Iles Johnston / Peter T. Struck (eds.), Mantike: Studies in Ancient Divination, Leiden, 255 – 282. Haase, Mareille (2013), “Necromancy”, in: Brill’s New Pauly. http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/brill-s-new-pauly/necromancy-e1217720 Johnston, Sarah Iles (1999), Restless Dead: Encounters Between the Living and the Dead in Ancient Greece, Berkeley. Johnston, Sarah Iles (2009), Ancient Greek Divination, Oxford. Johnston, Sarah Iles (2013), “Ahoros”, in: Brill’s New Pauly. http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/brill-s-new-pauly/ahoros-e109220  Brashear 1995, 3416 – 3417. n. 151.  See Lambert 1984, 182. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM The Corpse Daemon Antinoos 153 Johnston, Sarah Iles (2013), “Gello”, in: Brill’s New Pauly. http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/brill-s-new-pauly/gello-e421040 Johnston, Sarah Iles (2013), “Nekydaimon”, in: Brill’s New Pauly. http://referenceworks.brillonline. com/entries/brill-s-new-pauly/nekydaimon-e819450. Lambert, Royston (1984), Beloved and God. The Story of Hadrian and Antinoos, London. Meyer, Hugo (1991), Antinoos: die archäologischen Denkmäler unter Einbeziehung des numismatischen und epigraphischen Materials sowie der literarischen Nachrichten : ein Beitrag zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte der hadrianisch-frühantoninischen Zeit, Munich. Nagy, Levente (2003), “Kísértetek és kísértethit a koracsászárkori latin nyelvű történetírásban és politikai költészetben [Ghosts and Belief in Ghosts in Early Imperial Latin Historiography and Political Poetry]”, in: Ókortudományi Értesítő 11, 14 – 26. Németh, György (2007), “Létezett-e antik homoszexuális mágia? [Did homosexual magic exist?]”, in: Kultúra és közösség, 11.4, 9 – 11. Németh, György (2013), Supplementum Andollentianum, Zaragoza, Budapest. Ogden, Daniel (2001), Greek and Roman Necromancy, Princeton. Ogden, Daniel (2008), Night’s Black Agents, London and New York. Pachoumi, Eleni (2011), “Resurrection of the Body in the Greek Magical Papyri”, in: Numen 58, 729 – 740. Preisendanz, Karl / Henrichs, Albert (eds.) (1974), Papyri Graecae Magicae, 2 vols., Stuttgart. Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM Brought to you by | Harvard University Authenticated | 128.103.149.52 Download Date | 12/3/13 3:39 PM