CSMF 1 (2) pp. 133–145 Intellect Limited 2014
Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion
Volume 1 Number 2
© 2014 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/csmf.1.2.133_1
Prudence BlacK and Michael carter
University of Sydney
Karen de Perthuis and alison Gill
University of Western Sydney
what lies beneath? thoughts
on men’s underpants
aBstract
Keywords
This article consists of a number of thoughts about and meditations on men’s underpants. Beginning with a ‘day in the life’ of a standard pair of underpants, it moves
on to explore some of the specific characteristics that accompany the wearing of this
particular garment. There follows a consideration of the role played by underpants
in the creation of male characters for screen and television. A brief look at Homer
Simpson’s Y-fronts is followed by the examination of a crucial moment in the history
of Australian undergarments, namely the move from wool to cotton as the chief
material of their manufacture. After an exploration of the humour that is often associated with men’s underpants the article finishes with a series of recollections that
show how undergarments can be folded into the most intimate of memories.
men’s underpants
advertisements
intimacy
eroticism
humour
wearing
introduction
Four authors, each with something different to say about men’s underwear,
came together to put their diverse contributions into a broad order: on wearing;
the personal; the historical; and the domestic. Naturally, with garments so intimate and private in nature, what the authors had to say varied considerably.
But however much the following meditations vary from one another, they are
all responses to the question found in the title, ‘what lies beneath?’
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And so, beginning with a ‘day in the life’ of a standard pair of underpants, the article moves on to explore how the characteristics that accompany
the wearing of this particular garment are rendered public. There follows a
consideration of the role played by underpants in the creation of male characters for screen and television. A brief look at Homer Simpson’s Y-fronts is
followed by the examination of a moment in the history of Australian undergarments, namely the move from wool to cotton as the chief material of their
manufacture. After an exploration of the humour that is often associated with
men’s underpants the article finishes with a series of recollections that show
how undergarments can be folded into the most intimate of memories.
the aBject
Each day a miniature drama of the excremental gets played out when we
dress and undress. Compare the state of our underpants as we pull them on
in the morning. Gliding up towards us is a clean, smooth, spotless surface.
Soon after, we experience a deeply satisfying feeling as the garment fits itself
perfectly to the contours of our bodies. What a difference there is when we
take them off at the end of the day. As they travel downward and become the
victims of gravity we may catch a glimpse of a greatly transformed interior.
They reveal themselves as diaries recording the traces of our daily intestinal
events. Sagging pitifully, they finally hit the floor, soiled, abject, no longer
attached to the body they had felt so much a part of.
renderinG PuBlic
What is it that men are doing in/with underwear? As a female observer, the
opportunities for apprehending the doings – that is, the practices around male
underwear (referred to here as underwearing) – are via speculation on routine
practices and observations about public displays. The hunch is that the latter
is the best shot I have at this question concerning practices that contend with
visibility and the strata of dress. The potential range of masculine expression
and competency performed in underwear are literally concealed by the more
visible, outer layers of clothing, and the requirements to uphold the external
character of dress. As dressing is a practice of layering, such expressions of
humour, eroticism, intimacy, volatility, strength, routine and disinterest in
underclothes are enclosed as intermediate states of dress. If Dress Studies is in
part the investigation of changing social conventions of dress, this question of
underwearing has to consider these transitional states of dressing as not the
exposure or removal of convention, but rather conventions of undress.
Such a line of enquiry could include researching first-hand accounts of dressing to lay bare banal, recondite experiences. This suggests a research project of
domestic ethnography because of the manner in which this first layer of dressing
is relegated to the background, frequently forgotten precisely because it typically lies underneath everything else. One has to make explicit opportunities
to reflect on the daily practice of dressing, of routinely selecting and stepping
into underpants, to probe the roles played out in this garment, and others that
take its place, during a day, a week, a month, a year. In between these moments
of dressing that top and tail a day, one’s own underwear may be summarily forgotten until a breakdown of utilitarian duty foregrounds their place as
lining, cover, support and foundation to many activities. Yet, revelatory gestures
of exposure – deliberate or otherwise – remind us of underwearing on others.
The bemusing young male display that reached its zenith in the early 2000s of
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unbelted jeans worn very low, below the ass to reveal the branded waistband,
the jocks and most of the covered bum cheeks, raises interesting questions
about emerging collective conventions of underwearing and undress. More
widespread, there is the matter of the way underwear advertisements – quite
uneven in scale including large outdoor billboards, print advertising in magazines, television and Internet advertising – depict underwearing for the public,
visual record, and contribute to a social discourse about masculine undress.
Predictably, the setting and contextual story for the modelling of underwear
plays a key part of the construction of such conventions, working within the
correlation between outerwear/underwear with a dichotomy about accepted
public (visible dress) and private behaviours (invisible undress). Calvin Klein’s
1992 iconic campaign used fledgling celebrity Mark Wahlberg (then known
by his rapper name ‘Marky Mark’) in boxer briefs, featured against a neutral
studio backdrop to presumably throw into relief Wahlberg’s hyper-built, hairless, chiselled body and his briefs. If the intention was to impress with Mark’s
street attitude and self-admiration for what he packages in his hands, then
the de-contextualization of the space (neither a decidedly public nor a private
setting) was a deliberate ploy to confirm a sexualized confidence as a convention of undress, untethered from the mirror and the bedroom, and moving
its way towards the public domain. When scaled-up for outdoor billboards,
Calvin Klein’s images of Wahlberg and Kate Moss became a memorable
photographic benchmark of erotic steaminess in underwear marketing and its
spectatorship as a-not-to-be missed outdoor recreation.
Recent marketing that models a more approachable man, labelled the ‘Less
ab, more flab’ trend by Eric Wilson (2013), and represented by campaigns like
those of the lackadaisically named MeUndies or Mack Weldon, are said to be
a reaction to abs fatigue because they depict so-called everyday settings of
men (un-)dressing. In no manner less staged than prior approaches where the
abs are central and primed for full view, a 2012–2013 MeUndies advertisement
depicts a male model with a female companion, sitting on a street bench, in
the midst of removing their trousers to reveal they are wearing underpants
(both models still wear shirts, so all abs are covered). In a neat street-side
setting, with a black car passing behind them, the scenario is a combination
of unlikely, ordinary and unexpected, as it confirms that in everyday life, one
probably should have one’s underwear ready to go public at any moment.
Its quirky humour and surprise relies on underwear to be normally ordinary,
foundational, and mostly, to be only unexpectedly visible in an outdoor setting
that lacks a clear scenario of erotic intention. In so far as these examples assist
to constitute a visual record of various doings of underwear, they work within
the correlation between outerwear/underwear (visible dress/invisible undress)
and accepted notions of public and private behaviours, in order to construct
messages of eroticism or alternatively surprise, along fairly predictable lines.
the erotic
In their History of Underclothes, C. Willett and Phillis Cunnington (1951)
highlight two dimensions to men’s and women’s undergarments somewhat
different from their more utilitarian functions. Alongside such uses as protection, warmth and cleanliness, they also include two strands of eroticism at
work in the garments. The first is the association of underclothes, ‘often to a
pathological extent’ (1951: 11), with erotic impulses (one assumes, that here,
they are referring to men). The second involves repressive disturbances where
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‘writers have hesitated to expand on a topic which might suggest that their
interest’ is of a pathological nature (1951: 11). These sources of trouble are
capable of disrupting and undermining the critical distance essential for any
serious intellectual work to commence. Indeed, they could seriously unsettle
the analytical equanimity so essential to the work of the scholar.
what lies Beneath
I know more about men’s underpants than I probably should. I certainly
know more about them than the men I buy underpants for. Mostly, these
men are strangers – actors, models, musicians – and, despite a waist measurement being all I need, many cannot say what size they take, so they refer me
to their agent. Or else they lie. There’s no particular logic behind this vanitydriven misinformation. Small, Medium, Large, X-Large. Unlike the cup-size
of women’s bras, the sizing of men’s underpants usually has little to do with
what goes inside.
In my work as a costume designer and stylist, I do not shop by brand
and consciously avoid billboard waistbands that proclaim who made them
(too distracting on-screen). But I am aware of the possibilities on offer. Some
brands ‘enhance’, others go for comfort; most want to be ‘hot’, even if it is
not clear for whom. In underwear advertising campaigns, brands might make
some effort to carve out a niche by appealing to different masculine types,
but when it comes to the packaging of briefs and trunks that are lined up in
department store displays, there is only one kind of man – and he is heroic.
Bronzed skin stretches across a gym-fed body with an armour-plate chest and
powerful shoulders; a sculpted abdomen, slim hips and muscled thighs all
frame a compelling, but indeterminate, bulge.
The men I work with do not look like this. They turn up in their own
underwear – tired, fresh or none at all – and get changed into the clothes
that they are given with little care for modesty. Occasionally, someone will be
wearing women’s knickers, or even pantyhose, the latter explained away as
providing the convenience of undies and socks in one. If they are very young,
polyester satin boxers with cartoon prints are popular, but otherwise the range
of briefs, boxers and trunks is pretty unremarkable.
There are practical reasons why I supply these men with underwear. Maybe
the character in the role they are playing falls fully clothed into water and
they need a dry set for each take. Maybe their costume is a skin-tight rubber
suit, and capacious, flapping boxers will spoil the line. Brightly coloured briefs
under white pants need to be replaced with skin-coloured tones; and dancers,
athletes and stuntmen require jock straps or protective shields. Or maybe the
actor is in a scene where the character is half dressed and his underwear is the
costume. In such cases, there are underpants that are ‘right’ and underpants
that are ‘wrong’. Purple, saggy Jockey briefs? Or crisp white boxers? While
the rule of thumb is consistency between outer and inner layers, sometimes
dissonance between the public and private self will reveal more about a character. Just as in real life, the choice of underpants can say more about a man
than the garments he chooses to show the world.
As the first layer of an actor’s costume, there is attached to underwear the
symbolism of starting anew. Stripped down to nothing, naked in his trailer
or change-room, he pulls on the foundation garment that supports – literally
and metaphorically – the sometimes-magical process of transformation that is
one of the functions of an actor’s costume. This means there are times when
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the provision of underwear is for the sole benefit of the wearer, one of those
things costume designers give actors to help construct a character. Like the
keys you put in a pocket, or the photograph in a wallet, it is something to help
an actor ‘feel a certain thing’. The designer of The Untouchables (De Palma,
1987) did this when she created Robert de Niro’s costume for his role as Al
Capone. Throughout the film, de Niro/Capone wears immaculately tailored
suits. He appears once in his pyjamas, but otherwise is never less than fully
clothed. Yet his costume included a drawer of bespoke, silk boxer shorts,
monogrammed with the gangster’s initials (Kolson 1986). This was a detail
that the audience would never see, but part extravagant gesture, part ‘method
dressing’, it helped the actor into the part. When you’re Al Capone, what lies
beneath matters.
efficiency
The Y-fronts worn by Homer Simpson during his moments of domestic relaxation are somewhat odd. They seem to evade the conventional presentation
of men’s underpants as either comic, sexual or heroic. His Y-fronts are ‘quiet’.
No creases or folds are visible; in fact there is no evidence of the disruptive
forces that may be in motion beneath the inverted Y.
Homer has retreated into the privacy and comforts of home where a more
lenient dress regime holds sway. The domestic sphere is the place where the
‘machinery’ that enables the public face of the family to be maintained is to be
found. It is a place ‘behind-the-scenes’, and it is here that the furniture of daily
life is assembled prior to the curtain being raised. Homer can discard portions
of his visible dress, which allows us to see part of the sartorial support team at
work beneath his outer garments. From this perspective the Y could be a kind
of scaffolding underpinning his public attire.
Homer’s Y-fronts, like the wider situation in which he is placed, are
garments that belong to the region behind the demands of the public sphere.
They assume a form, a sort of functional foundation that exists ‘before’ any
of the more tempestuous scenes that are played out around this item of male
underwear make an appearance. His Y-fronts are neither erotic, humorous,
nor heroic. Instead, what we see within the Y is efficiency.
a duty of care
In 1948 the French brand Erby advertised a men’s brief called ‘Slip Kangourou’.
The illustrated advertisement for the brief displayed a muscled, blond-headed
man with quiff, posing in white briefs on the beach with a bevy of bikiniclad women draped on the sand in the background. Alongside the man is a
kangaroo of the same height wearing matching briefs. The caption below the
illustration reads ‘Le seul normal par sa conception’/‘The only one normal by
design’ (see Figure 1).
Playing on the idea of the Australian marsupial’s natural pouch, the new
brief featured a pocket-like support. This brief was a derivation of the more
popular inverted Y shape, a feature that includes a hidden opening to allow
quick and easy access to the penis. Y-fronts first appeared as part of an underwear range late in 1935, in the same year the American company Coopers
had introduced the ‘new French Jockey short’. Coopers had been manufacturing men’s underwear since 1898, but this new design had come about
for a number of reasons: changing ideas about men’s health, new fabrics
and technologies and a slimmer more athletic male ‘ideal’. Y-fronts and the
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Figure 1. Erby Advertisement. c 1948. Private Collection.
pouch were initially seen as providing a ‘masculine support’ though a double
layer of fabric. Described in 1941 in an advertisement for Lyle and Scott Ltd
(who were the manufacturers and distributors of Coopers in Scotland), the
new Y-front briefs were seen to have a number of features as ‘the result of a
scientific approach to this age old problem of man’s underwear’ (Anon. 1941).
The following four points relate to the importance of each feature of the new
design:
• No buttons – no loose tapes, no ironing – knitted fabric absorbs
perspiration
• Patent Y-front crotch – no gaping front
• Direct tension gives masculine support
• Styled perfectly to fit the figure.
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Each of these features was seen as innovative and as a key selling point in
relation to the new garment. One of the features of the new briefs was the
fact they were now being made in cotton, replacing the woollen garments
of the earlier part of the century. The brief was made using Lastex yarn at
the waist, and fine cotton was used as the main fabric in the scientifically
designed underwear (Anon. 1950).
The issue of the material used in making underwear has a long history.
Going back a step and moving once again to Australia, on the 10 October
1918 Jaeger, manufacturers of ‘fine pure wool underwear’ had placed an
advertisement in the Launceston Examiner in Tasmania:
Many a Man is Hot and Irritable because his underwear isn’t comfortable – he does not realise the cause of the trouble is unhealthy underwear. Jaeger – Fine Pure Wool Underwear – guarantees to men an even
temperature and cool body. Being all pure wool, it absorbs perspiration
readily in summer, while in winter it keeps the body cosy, strong and
comfortable.
(Anon. 1918)
Rather than fashionable considerations about underwear, it was the qualities
of the cloth from which the underwear was made that was the main selling
point. In Australia, it formed part of a larger argument about supporting the
wool or the newly developed cotton industry. Bonds, which would become
an iconic brand in Australia for their men’s, women’s and children’s underwear, placed high values on their business and their customers. From the very
early years the brand was attached to celebrities. For example, that Charles
Kingsford Smith and Charles Ulm were wearing Bonds underwear when they
made the first trans-Pacific flight (from California to Brisbane) in 1928 was
much publicized. The following article may well have been written anticipating their forthcoming journey:
Bonds are often as light as gossamer, yet enduring as steel ….
Australians, whatever their faults, are always quick to appreciate merit,
whether in a man or a material. They have a talent, amounting almost
to genius, of unerringly choosing the best.
(Anon. 1927)
In their quest to provide the latest fashion in styles and their use of fabrics,
Bonds helped create the move from woollen fabrics to the more versatile and
modern cotton. This was not without some criticism:
Cheap cotton goods have supplanted woollen underwear, especially
among the poorer classes. It was suggested that there should be a tariff
on raw cotton imported for purposes other than spinning. R. N. McLean,
general manager of Bonds, supported a duty on raw cotton, believing
the Australian raw material coming mostly from Queensland suited
their purposes.
(Anon. 1928)
Another of the early companies in Australia making underwear was Davies
Coop & Co. The company had begun manufacturing shirts in 1925 in
Lonsdale Street, Melbourne, but due to the growth of protection as part of
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the fiscal policy of Australia, the company realized the conditions were right
for expansion and set up business in Adelaide making men’s, women’s and
children’s underwear under the ‘Exacto’ brand. By 1939 it was manufacturing
general underwear at the rate of 3,000,000 garments annually for a population of almost seven million (Anon. 1939). This company also made a point of
highlighting the technology and the Exacto label’s use of cotton:
The X-treated process is a mechanical process developed to prevent
shrinkage – no chemicals are involved so Exacto cotton interlock underwear retains the wonderful advantage of ‘cotton next to skin’.
(Anon. 1968)
Eagley was a company that was established in 1907 to make woollen underwear, and they described themselves as providing a ‘protective service to
thousands of Australian men, women and children’ (Anon. 1932). One of
their advertisements shows an illustration of a man in a button-down singlet
and button-through underpants, and wearing socks, slippers and a dressinggown. Eagley espoused the qualities of wool as maintaining an even bodily
warmth and providing the ‘only certain guard against the treachery of winter’s
variable climate’ (Anon. 1932). Also, woollen garments would keep the body
evenly and comfortably warm, providing a certain bulwark against the danger
of winter ailments and infection. And as it is the middle of wartime the prices
of ‘Eagley’ and ‘Yelga’ products have been substantially reduced to meet
present economic conditions (Anon. 1932).
By 1951 Eagley was making men’s underwear out of long-fibre Egyptian
cotton but they still retained their ‘Nevashrink’ woollen underwear label (a
registered brand from 1940) which, through a new process, fine merino wool
was rendered unshrinkable (Anon. 1940a, 1940b). Their men’s underpants
of the time included the ‘balloon seated trunks’, which featured an insert of
fabric in the rear allowed for movement if the fabric was not stretchy (Anon.
1951).
In 1936 men’s underpants became part of a landmark case, Grant vs The
Australian Knitting Mills (Holeproof took over Australian Knitting Mills in
1955). The plaintiff, Dr Grant, from Adelaide, South Australia, contracted
dermatitis as a result of wearing woollen underpants, claiming they had been
manufactured with an excess of sulphite. He wore them for one week without
washing them. He won the case, the court deciding the manufacturer owed a
duty of care to the consumer.
huMour
Tucked away in the Anglo-Saxon tradition of broad comedy is a minor strand
of humour where male underwear is a regular source of laughter. This comic
effect has largely evaporated as these garments have changed shape at the
hands of the advertising industry, becoming reconfigured as something seriously erotic. (A good rule of thumb here is, the baggier the underpants, the
funnier they are.) But no matter how strong the advertiser’s desire to transform these underpants into something wholly erotic, vestiges of the former
meanings remain. As hard as they tried to bring about a total reformation
of these garments and, of course, what it is that they ‘support’, some things
would just not succumb to marketing re-alignments. So why were, and maybe
still are, items of men’s underwear amusing?
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Amusement attaches only to those garments worn below the waist, that is,
to underpants. Items such as a singletor T-shirtare bereft of any such humorous
charge. In fact, they have been a persistent source of the erotic rather than the
comic. A common way of advertising garments from the upper part of the male
body and, at the same time imparting to the man an erotic aura, is to display them
in the act of being removed by the male model. What then are we laughing at?
The fact that all the action is to do with the region below the waist suggests that
the source of the comic resides, in some way, in the relation between underpants
and the male genitals, in particular the penis. This penis is a ‘phantom’ entity,
not a real one. It is a phantom, or imaginary, penis because of the interdiction
on the real penis making an appearance. The real penis exists as a threat, a
source of anxiety, rather than a physical reality. The phantom penis, by contrast,
is equipped with abilities quite different to the biological one. In this instance, it
is mobile and so able to break free from its physical and biological coordinates.
So the removal of one’s underpants can also be an imaginary detachment of the
mobile, phantom penis. This may account for the fact that these garments can
be comical even when they are no longer attached to a body.
Humour resides in the way in which the underpants obscure the presence
of the (phantom) penis while at the same time teetering on the edge of revealing it. If the ‘real’ penis, and its threat to make an appearance were realized, the
phantom penis would be transformed into the real penis and the comic spell
would be broken. (This is no laughing matter.) Likewise, if there is no suggestion of the presence of the penis, and so no chance of any kind of revelation
taking place, then the comic will, once again, be absent. Revelation, through the
removal of the garment, is the most obviously funny element in the network
of laughs that surround men’s underpants. But the laughs would quickly cease
if the interdiction against seeing the penis were broken. Pulling on a pair of
underpants is never as comical as taking them off. Indeed obscuring the genitals might produce a feeling of relief in both the wearer and the observer.
So, once again, we should ask what is it that we are laughing at? Or better
still, what is it that is making us laugh? It would seem that the humour we are
looking for is to be found in the penis and the ways in which men’s underpants can obscure it but, at the same time, ‘encourage’ its appearance. Male
underpants are a place where two opposing emotions are in play: anxiety that
the ‘real’ penis may make an appearance and relief that it remains obscured.
Laughter thus serves two masters, anxiety and relief.
intiMacy
It is the winter of 2010. I am in the men’s underwear department of David
Jones buying underpants for someone whose body I know almost as well
as my own. The process of comparing different styles and different fabrics,
choosing and paying, feels less like a transaction than an act of healing. I am
buying his underwear because he is in hospital and may never come out. I am
buying his underwear because the cocktail of drugs and the poison of chemotherapy have left the delicate skin of his buttocks red and excoriated. Cancer
has made his belly and legs swell with oedema and anything vaguely tight or
scratchy causes discomfort, so he needs fabric that is loose and fine. He needs
underpants made from the same sort of fabric as a favourite old T-shirt that
has gone silky soft with wear.
When he was first admitted back in summer, it was a short stay. He wore
boxers and a hospital gown left open down the back to accommodate the
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tubes and needles that pierced his lungs. In hospital, any sense of privacy goes
very quickly; and as he sat cross-legged on the bed, revealing more than he
ought, I surreptitiously re-arranged the sheet over his legs so that he looked
‘decent’ for nurses and visitors.
Years before, a different flash of skin had caught my eye – a smooth
bronzed wedge that appeared between the top of his jeans and the bottom of
his T-shirt as he lifted his arm. Taken completely by surprise, this ‘intermittence of skin flashing between two articles of clothing… between two edges’
seduced me, exactly as Roland Barthes has described (1975: 10). Yes, the
‘most erotic portion of a body [is] where the garment gapes’ (1975: 9, original
emphasis); it is the ‘flash itself which seduces’ (1975: 10). But not this sort of
flash. Not the sort of flash that happens in hospital beds. The vulnerability
of such accidental exposure is too raw, the flesh too fragile, to have gained a
respectable place in the discourse of erotica.
Unlike women’s underwear, which is often lacy or sheer, the flirtatious,
teasing ‘staging of an appearance-as-disappearance’ that Barthes (1975: 10)
suggests is the essence of the erotic is not woven into the notion of conventional men’s underwear. Concealing instead of revealing, it is suggestive
in other ways, ways that relate to bulk and power, specifically, the bulging
package of cock and balls, which are never fully defined. This, at least, is the
tactic of men’s underwear advertising: sex is explicit; what lies beneath implied.
For it to be otherwise would be to defeat the purpose of the advertisement; to
expose the cause of the bulge would edge the image away from erotica and
into the category of pornography, thus deflating the tantalizing state of unfulfilled desire that is both advertiser’s tool and the core of all longing.
The image of a woman in lingerie and high heels is a cliché with undiminished erotic power. A man wearing only underpants, shoes and socks is comic.
Aware of this effect, he would strut around the bedroom, glasses perched on
nose, belly puffed-out, undies pulled up high around his waist. This was before
he was sick, back when he surfed every day, when the bloated belly was fake,
and impromptu sex on the kitchen floor was just something you did.
It changed overnight. The kitchen reverted to a place for cooking and
eating. Sex became a memory. The drugs made him ravenous and I was always
behind the stove or at the bench top, preparing the latest miracle something.
Every dish included chilli, garlic and onion for their magical healing properties. Being ill, he made no effort to help, but hovered, pinching bits and pieces
before they were done. On a particularly warm night, he wandered around in
his boxer shorts, reading glasses and new big belly, a moustache made from
two large red chillies stuck to his upper lip. Strutting around until I noticed.
With him in hospital for weeks at a time, I brought his clothes home to
wash and dry in the sun. Faced with a pile of underwear on the bed, I folded
these garments that had been so close to his skin. They were not loose and
floppy; they had his shape, the fabric moulded to the memory of his buttocks,
his cock, his balls. As I traced the remembered intimacies of his body with my
hand, longing overwhelmed me.
It was as close to a sexual act as folding clothes can be.
conclusion
We do not, as a rule, share underpants. With their proximity to the intimate
folds of the body and their inexorable decline into the abject, they occupy
a realm one notch above the toothbrush. Although sharing the writing of a
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scholarly article does not entail the same complications as sharing a pair of
underpants, it is not without its own issues of trust, its own moments of shame
or hesitation at the possibility of over-sharing. As authors, we have touched
upon male bodies and masculine ideals, practices of wearing – both performative and banal – recent and archival advertisements and design history,
and have also identified some of the conflicting responses – laughter, anxiety,
desire – that underpants can evoke. To no small degree, we have done this by
drawing on anecdotal and personal reflection. In adopting this methodological
approach, we recognize that there are risks, not least of which might be the
collapsing of the critical distance expected of analytical enquiry. Nonetheless,
this approach is undertaken in the belief that the intrusions of the personal,
the autobiographical and the anecdotal can be productive in acknowledging
the troubling aspects that are attached to these most intimate of garments.
The point is not to come to a conclusion, nor to close off enquiry; each of these
meditations, each little story, has a strand worth pursuing. The hope is that this
collaborative effort reflects the wonderful complexity of men’s underpants.
So, what lies beneath? Would any other garment offer this richness of
narrative possibilities? What becomes clear is that underpants occupy a
number of different modalities or ‘lives’ – representation, commodity or
personal garment – as they cross the spheres of public and private, visible
and invisible, outer and under wear. As an image in advertising or packaged
as box-fresh garment, underpants are highlighted through display. As worn
garment, they belong to someone and, attached to one body, they become
hidden, invisible and private. During the process of transition from representation to personal garment, what emerges is a shift in the relationship between
the garment and the body. In representation (in advertisements, on packaging), the body is at the service of the underpants; but worn, underpants serve
the body, whether as functional (supportive, enhancing, warm in winter, cool
in summer), fashionable or aesthetically pleasing.
However, entering the realm of the personal does not always signal the
end of public display. Exposure – deliberate or otherwise – occurs in everyday domestic scenarios, as well as in performances on the street, stage or
screen. Because underpants are conventionally hidden, in such instances they
are more revealing of self and character than those outer garments that we
have no choice in displaying to the world. Finally, this leads us to the point
of undressing and the exposure of that which remains private and unseen –
the biological, physical male body, the sexual organs. This is far from simple
terrain. Here, we find secrecy, dissembling and disappointment; private behaviours of ritual and routine; and the vestiges of powerful emotions – evocations
of lust, memory, intimacy, desire and something of what lies beneath.
acKnowledGeMents
The authors would like to thank Shaun Cole and the anonymous reviewers
for their helpful comments and useful suggestions.
references
Anon. (1918), ‘Jaeger (fine pure wool underwear)’, advertisement, The
Examiner, 10 October, p. 2.
—— (1927), ‘Pleasing “Bonds”: Remarkable company’, The Sydney Morning
Herald, 8 February, p. 8.
143
Prudence Black | Michael Carter | Karen de Perthuis …
—— (1928), ‘Cotton goods’ growing popularity tariff inquiry’, The Sydney
Morning Herald, 31 October, p. 12.
—— (1932), ‘Warm comfort and winter safety’, advertisement, The Argus,
20 April, p. 15.
—— (1939), ‘Factory at Woodville will link state with cotton industry’, The
Mail, 6 May, p. 3.
—— (1940), ‘Buckley’s make a first presentation of Nevashrink’, advertisement, The Argus, 31 May, p. 3.
—— (1940), ‘At last shrink proof all-wool underwear’, advertisement, The
Argus, 17 May, p. 5.
—— (1941), ‘Coopers Y-front underwear’, advertisement, http://melindaschwakhofer.wordpress.com/2011/07/13/y-front-wednesday/. Accessed
2 October 2013.
—— (1950), ‘The underwear for a man!’, advertisement, http://www.
historyworld.co.uk/advert.php?id=458&offset=125&sort=0&l1=fashion+
%26+clothing&l2=. Accessed 2 October 2013.
—— (1951), ‘Change to Kool for a cool change…’, advertisement, The
Australian Women’s Weekly, 17 October, p. 4.
—— (1968), ‘Don’t tolerate shrinkage the truth comes out in the wash!’,
advertisement, The Canberra Times, 24 May, p. 7.
Barthes, R. (1975), The Pleasure of the Text (trans. R. Miller), New York: Hill
and Wang.
Cunnington, C. W. and Cunnington, P. (1951), The History of Underclothes,
London: Michael Joseph.
De Palma, Brian (1987), The Untouchables, Los Angeles: Paramount Pictures.
Kolson, A. (1986), ‘De Niro is Capone down to the underwear in untouchables film’, Ottawa Citizen, 30 December, http://news.google.com/ne
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Wilson, E. (2013), ‘Less ab, more flab’, New York Times, 22 May, http://
www.nytimes.com/2013/05/23/fashion/changes-in-the-marketing-ofmens-underwear.html. Accessed 6 June 2013.
suGGested citation
Black, P., Carter, M., de Perthuis, K. and Gill, A. (2014), ‘What lies beneath?
Thoughts on men’s underpants’, Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1: 2,
pp. 133–145, doi: 10.1386/csmf.1.2.133_1
contriButor details
Prudence Black is an Australian Research Council DECRA Fellow in the
Department of Gender and Cultural Studies at the University of Sydney. She
has published in the areas of design, fashion and popular culture, and is the
author of The Flight Attendant’s Shoe.
Contact: Department of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Philosophical
and Historical Inquiry, Faculty of Arts, The University of Sydney, NSW 2006,
Australia.
E-mail: prudence.black@sydney.edu.au
Michael Carter is an Honorary Associate of the Department of Art History
and Film Studies within the University of Sydney. He is the author of Fashion
144
What lies beneath?
Classics from Carlyle to Barthes, was a co-editor with Andy Stafford of the
Roland Barthes anthology, The Language of Fashion and author of Overdressed:
Barthes, Darwin and Clothes that Speak.
Contact: Department of Art History and Film Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia.
E-mail: michaelcarter1210@gmail.com
Karen de Perthuis teaches in the School of Humanities and Communication
Arts at the University of Western Sydney. She worked for many years as a
costume designer and stylist for the film, television, music and advertising
industries, and has published in the areas of cinematic costume design, fashion representation and the fashionable ideal.
Contact: School of Humanities and Communication Arts, University of
Western Sydney, Locked Bag 1797, Penrith South, NSW 2751, Australia.
E-mail: k.deperthuis@uws.edu.au
Alison Gill teaches contextual studies to visual design students in the School
of Humanities and Communication Arts at the University of Western Sydney.
Her publications are about sports product advertising, deconstruction fashion,
sport shoes, and critical visual strategies to support a more sustainable material culture.
Contact: School of Humanities and Communication Arts, University of
Western Sydney, Locked Bag 1797, Penrith South, NSW 2751, Australia.
E-mail: a.gill@uws.edu.au
Prudence Black, Michael Carter, Karen de Perthuis and Alison Gill have
asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to
be identified as the authors of this work in the format that was submitted to
Intellect Ltd.
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