Entangled in a Web of
Exploitation and Solidarity
Latin American Undocumented
Workers in the Greater Toronto Area
Denise Gastaldo, Christine Carrasco & Lilian Magalhães
Developed in partnership with:
Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples (CSSP)
Centre for Support & Social Integration Brazil-Canada (CAIS)
Authors
Denise Gastaldo, PhD, Associate Professor, University of Toronto
Christine Carrasco, MPH, Research Coordinator, University of Toronto
Lilian Magalhães, PhD, Associate Professor, Western University
How to cite this report
Gastaldo, D., Carrasco, C. & Magalhães, L. (2012). Entangled in a web of
exploitation and solidarity: Latin American undocumented workers in the
Greater Toronto Area. Retrieved from http://www.migrationhealth.ca/
undocumented-workers-ontario/summary-findings
ISBN: 978-0-9810599-2-1
The cover photo by Neil Ta (http://www.sxc.hu/photo/1130534) and the photo
on page 3 by Dimitri Castrique Ploegsteert (http://www.sxc.hu/photo/1120482)
were reproduced with the authorization of the artists.
September 2012
Toronto, ON, Canada
Yes, I am illegal, but I also generate revenue to this
country because I eat here, I buy clothes here, I pay
rent here, and I pay taxes on all these things. Also, my
work is not paid like other people (…) I understand,
I am breaking the law, but I think that I – and many
other people – are not stealing from Canada because
we don’t receive any financial assistance from this
country, and I am not a bad person either. In my case,
and in the case of other good people I know, we don’t
steal, we don’t go out committing any crimes.
(Elena)
Table of contents
List of tables, figures and case studies
5
Acknowledgements
6
Executive summary
8
How this research was done
Introduction
Definition of undocumented worker
Guiding framework
The development of the study
Profile of study participants
10
11
12
13
15
19
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
1.1. Who comes and why?
1.2. Becoming undocumented
1.3. Undocumented migration is here to stay
23
25
33
43
Chapter 2: Life at the edge of a dream
2.1. Getting caught in the web
2.2. Their rules, no game
2.3. Invisible hazards, precarious work
53
55
62
70
Chapter 3: Tactics for survival
3.1. Securing and generating additional income
3.2. Work pride
3.3. Good citizen acts
3.4. Staying busy and having hope
84
85
88
92
94
Chapter 4: The impact of lack of status
4.1. Living with fear and exclusion
4.2. Health consequences
4.3. Characterizing experiences of (in)access
101
103
108
118
Final remarks and key messages
128
Additional information
133
References
135
Study Gallery: 20 body-mapped stories
139
List of tables, figures
and case studies
Table 1 Socio-demographic characteristics by sex
21
Table 2 Comparison of pre- and post-migration occupations by sex
22
Table 3 Characterizing undocumentedness
34
Table 4 Types of health-related effects faced by undocumented
workers
116
Table 5 Key messages for discussing undocumentedness
130
Table 6 Comparative code of behaviour for employees and
employers
131
Table 7 Agenda for action
132
Figure 1 Self-rated health status by sex
109
Figure 2 Self-rated health status compared to pre-migration by sex
109
Figure 3 Health seeking model for undocumented workers
121
Case Study 1 Why did Rafael migrate?
27
Case Study 2 How Renata became an undocumented worker?
36
Case Study 3 Elena’s bonded labour experience
66
Case Study 4 Valeria’s chronic health problems
113
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Acknowledgements
We would first like to thank the courageous undocumented men and
women who openly shared their stories of struggle, survival and resistance strategies with us. Your stories have marked ours and are a constant reminder to everybody that politics and economics are powerful
disease (and health) producers. This work is dedicated to you.
We would also like to extend our gratitude to our partnering organizations, the Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples and the Centre for Support & Social Integration Brazil-Canada, and our knowledgeable community advisors who provided crucial guidance in the development of
our research questions, interview material, interpretation of data, and
dissemination efforts:
Cathy Tersigni, Community Health Officer,
Toronto Public Health
Celeste Joseph, HIV/AIDS Counsellor,
Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples
Gerardo Betancourt, AIDS Community Educator,
Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples
Juliana Ferreira, Coordinator,
Centre for Support & Social Integration Brazil-Canada
Jussara Lourenço, Counsellor,
St. Christopher House
Thank you to our dedicated team of research assistants and volunteers who contributed to the everyday needs of the study:
Hewton Tavares, PhD (c), Research Assistant
Mariana Ferraz Duarte, PhD (c), Research Assistant
Alberto Carneiro, PhD (c), Portuguese Transcription Support
Cristina Kramer, MA (c), Portuguese Transcription Support
Emma Firsten-Kaufman, MPH, Spanish Transcription Support
Jose Eduardo Graillet, MA, Spanish Transcription Support
Kathy Morales, RN, Spanish Transcription Support
6
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
We would also like to thank several individuals who provided technical support and additional community links at various stages of our work:
Laura Fajardo
Marcio Gastaldo
Monica Carreon Diez
Niurka Barroso (www.niurkaphotography.com)
Randall Gutierrez
Samia Saad
Theon Harrichand (www.accessdesign.ca)
Thank you to the additional community volunteers who assisted with
the testimonio recordings:
Alfonso Garcia Bailo
Clara Juando
Cristiano de Oliveira
Eugenia Morales
Fernando Castiblanco
Francisco Chacin
Gloria Perez
Helder Sato
Jean Brito
Jeisson Tabares
João Tadeu Andrade
Julian Perez
Juan Carlos Rincon
Lina Elizabeth Soto
Luisa Registro Fonseca
Paola Calvasina
Silvia Aviles
Finally, we gratefully acknowledge the Canadian Institutes of Health
Research (CIHR) and the Institute of Gender and Health (IGH) who made
this research possible (fund number 487128).
7
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Executive summary
This e-book describes key findings of a three-year research project
on the health consequences of undocumented work in the largest urban
area in Canada – the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). This report has been
written to reach a general audience and includes several features of
workers’ trajectories because most aspects of people’s health are socially constructed through everyday life. In doing so, we hope to contribute to a social dialogue informed by research findings, that moves beyond moral arguments regarding “deserving and undeserving migrants”
which frequently characterize discussions on migration issues.
We propose that the experiences of undocumented workers in Canada are embedded in a complex web or matrix of simultaneously oppressive and supportive structures that transcend the sphere of home,
work, and community. Several international and national players are
intertwined in this web which ultimately functions to create a flexible
and cheap workforce for Canadian businesses and constrains workers’
physical, economic and personal mobility once in Canada, with severe
consequences for their health and well-being. We explore this central
concept through four interrelated chapters and conclude with key messages to stimulate dialogue among a range of stakeholders.
In Chapter 1, we explore the reasons why people migrate to Canada,
the conditions that make such journeys possible, and the material and
subjective reasons for why they stay, despite having limited legal and social protections. We also illustrate the complex pathways in which people
fall out of status, and examine the manner in which undocumented migration, as a global phenomenon, is simultaneously created and maintained by global and national level policies, macro-economic and labour
market trends and personal level interests that are deeply entrenched in
dominant structures of power.
In Chapter 2, we untangle the ways in which undocumented migrants report going about their lives in Canada and link their everyday life circumstances to their precarious employment relations and
working conditions. We advance the notion of the existence of a web
of solidarity and exploitation to characterize the daily life of workers
and the challenges they face as they try to resettle and obtain work in
a new land.
8
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
In Chapter 3, we discuss the “tactics” they employ for coping and resisting exploitative conditions, and for functional aspects of their lives
such as keeping a job and staying busy. We explore the role of workers’
individual agency and the much related role of hope and spirituality in
the coping process.
Finally, in chapter 4, we discuss some of the impacts of lack of statusof
citizenship. We examine the impact of fear on mental health and the production of institutional and interpersonal forms of social exclusion that
exacerbate poor health among this population. We also explore the linkages between the types of jobs held by these workers and their health
needs, including emergency care and long term health. We explore workers’ experiences of (in) access and to health and social services and critique the role of citizenship in the provision of rights and entitlements.
9
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
How this research was done
“(...) we need research which is able to get
a full sense of how people think about their
own lives and identities, and what influences
them and what tools they use in that thinking,
because those things are the building blocks of
social change.”
Gaunlett & Holzwarth (2006, p.8)
How this research was done
10
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
How this research was done
Introduction
It has been estimated that one out of every 33 people in the world
is an international migrant, some 214 million have moved looking for
a better life (UNDESA, 2008). This is equivalent to about three percent
of the world population. According to several sources, these figures are
expected to rise significantly as gaps widen between poor and rich countries and globalization processes as well as environmental challenges increase migration pressures. Already in the last decade, undocumented
migration has become the fastest growing form of migration, with an
estimated 30 to 40 million undocumented workers worldwide (Papademetriou, 2005) or an estimated 2.5 to 4 million people per year who
migrate without proper authorization (UNFPA, n.d.). In the Canadian
context, estimates suggest that half a million workers are currently undocumented (Papademetriou, 2005). Although there is consensus of
the vulnerability of undocumented work, little is known about the experience of undocumented workers in Canada, including who they are,
why they come, the particularities of their working conditions, and the
strategies they employ for coping and resisting exploitative conditions
in various realms of their transnational existence.
In national and international research, undocumented workers have
either been a forgotten group or they have been a point of reference to
illustrate globalizations’ effects. Very rarely has the focus been on undocumented workers’ diversity of occupations and circumstances or resistance and ingenuity in the face of hardship, like explored in this study.
This e-book contributes to a terrain where few Canadian researchers
have chosen to venture – it presents findings on the migration journeys, working conditions, access to services, and health consequences
of undocumented work among migrants performing a range of occupations for a minimum of 18 months in Canada, but more typically for a
few years. Focusing on the case of Latin American undocumented migrant workers in the GTA, we contest popular understandings of who
is undocumented, how undocumentedness is produced, and the impact
of undocumentedness on several key determinants of health. While we
recognize that some of the issues identified herein are not unique to unHow this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
documented workers, we argue that they are present in undocumented
workers’ experiences and unfold in ways that are different to that of
other precarious status groups as a direct result of undocumented workers’ minimal-to-no legal and social protections in Canada.
The research for this e-book was informed by a pilot study carried
out in 2007 which focused on two typical occupations for undocumented workers living in the GTA, construction work for men and cleaning
for women. Preliminary findings from the pilot have informed this research study and include: construction work being related to greater
social isolation, greater health impact, and substance abuse as a coping
mechanism; cleaning work being related to different (i.e. less physically
demanding) working conditions but much lower earnings; and women
as having much richer social networks that promote their well-being.
Based on these findings, this research project focused on the impact
of social exclusion and working conditions on undocumented workers
performing a variety of occupations in the GTA. We also aimed to explore
how the social position of being undocumented intersects with several
social determinants of health such as gender, type of employment, social
support, and access/lack of access to health and social services. In summary, in this e-book we take a social determinants of health approach to
explore the interconnectedness of individual experiences of work and
health to the larger processes by which power relations, political and
economic trends shape individuals’ experiences, and vice versa.
Definition of undocumented worker
In this project, we defined “undocumented worker” as any woman or
man working in Canada who had:
1. legally entered Canada but remained in the country after their
visa/ permit expired (“overstayers”);
2. experienced changes in their socioeconomic position (e.g. loss of
visa-dependent job or early divorce in the case of sponsorships)
and could not renew their residence permit but remained in the
country;
3. received a negative decision on their refugee application but remained in the country;
4. used fraudulent documentation to enter Canada; or
5. unlawfully entered Canada, including those who were smuggled
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Guiding framework
Social determinants of health and health equity
According to the World Health Organization (2005), the “social determinants of health are the circumstances in which people are born,
grow up, live, work and age, and the systems put in place to deal with
illness. These circumstances are in turn shaped by a wider set of forces:
economics, social policies, and politics” (WHO, 2005). For those who migrate, social inclusion and social participation, employment and income,
housing and environmental conditions, as well as access to health services are of particular importance.
It is the individual’s social position that articulates these multiple
social determinants of health. The lower a person stands in the social
hierarchy, the less control she or he has over events and the worst social
determinants of health they are exposed to. In other words, people’s social standing is intimately related to their chances of health and disease
(e.g. low household income is linked to food insecurity and poor housing). However, in a globalized economy, one’s social position is created
in a complex interplay of local, national and international relations. As
WHO (2005) explains it:
“The global context affects how societies prosper through its impact on international relations and domestic norms and policies.
These in turn shape the way society, both at national and local
level, organizes its affairs, giving rise to forms of social position
and hierarchy, whereby populations are organized according to
income, education, occupation, gender, race/ethnicity and other
factors. Where people are in the social hierarchy affects the conditions in which they grow, learn, live, work and age, their vulnerability to ill health and the consequences of ill health”.
Given the relatively poor availability of jobs in other countries and
the socio-political instability of many countries of origin, migrant workers often leave their challenging social positions behind in the hope that
their economic status (and many times, that of their families) will improve through migration. This is done in an attempt to increase one’s objective social economic status, but most do not realize that being an undocumented worker is also an experience of great social exclusion and
vulnerability. We know from studies about other social groups that low
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
social status alone is associated with mortality, morbidity, and the progression of disease, but “people who are socially integrated live longer”
(Berkman & Syme, 1979; House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988; Kawachi, et
al., 1996). By contrast, the socially isolated die at 2-3 times the rate of the
well connected (Kawachi & Kennedy, 1997).
Such loss in life expectancy and quality of life (e.g. due to debilitating chronic diseases) among those lower in the social hierarchy is a
phenomenon described as health inequity – differences in health status
among population groups that are systemic and significant, but also preventable, unfair and unnecessary (Whitehead, 2000). Health inequities
should be of interest to all members of a society because greater inequity
represents poorer health to all, rich and poor. The healthier societies in
the world are those that have the least economic differences among its
members, that is, more equity and less relative poverty (Marmot & Wilkinson, 1999; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009).
People who conceive health to be a purely a biological event, rather
than a mainly social one, struggle to understand how socio-economic
circumstances are converted into physical and mental health. Nancy
Adler (2006) suggests that studies on health inequity should respond
precisely to the question: how does socio-economic stratification get
into the human body?
Recent research reveals that the accumulation of social, physical, and
material stressors, resulting from low social position (i.e. inequities), impacts health. Under normal circumstances, stress responses (reactivity,
coping, and recovery) are regulated by the brain through an adaptive process called allostasis (McEwen & Gianaros, 2010). Recent studies have
used the concept of allostatic load to explain how chronic overuse of the
brain’s stress response, which utilizes neurotransmitters and hormones,
affects numerous downstream physiological systems in the body (e.g.
cardiovascular, metabolic, and immune systems) (McEwen & Gianaros,
2010). Empirical studies have shown that lower social status exposes individuals to a combination of acute and chronic stressors, which results in
a faster accumulation of allostatic load over one’s lifetime. Allostatic load
can help explain detrimental health conditions, such as cancer, hypertension, and hyperglycemia, which underlie observed gradients in morbidity
and mortality that parallel socio-economic gradients (N. E. Adler & Rehkopf, 2008; Hill, Ross, & Angel, 2005; McEwen & Gianaros, 2010; Seeman,
Epel, Gruenewald, Karlamangla, & McEwen, 2010).
For this reason, it is important to study the social position of undocumented workers in Canadian society and their everyday living and
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
working circumstances. Through the concepts of social determinants of
health and health equity we can explore this radical case study of social
exclusion.
Community partnership
In order to create a study that is congruent with the principle of social inclusion, since the onset of this research, we have collaborated with
community partners to produce meaningful information to those working with undocumented workers as well those interested in advocating
for health equity in Canada. In preparation of an earlier pilot study, we
organized a community consultation session where we spoke to experienced professionals who served undocumented migrant workers
in the GTA and to undocumented workers themselves. We hoped to get
a realistic understanding of the feasibility of the study and to enhance
its social and professional relevance. This consultation process was also
conducted in collaboration with several community advisors and community organizations (Centre for Spanish Speaking People and the Centre for Support and Social Integration Brazil-Canada) with experience
serving the Latin American community in the GTA. Our partners played
an active role in the development of research questions, study design,
and recruitment, as will be further explained in the ethics section below.
The development of the study
Ethical considerations
The research project obtained ethics approval by the University of Toronto’s Research Ethics Board in November 2009. Given the social and
legal risk of participants’ self-disclosure of their undocumented status in
Canada, the investigators of this study took several measures during the
recruitment, data gathering, data management, and data analysis phases of the study to maintain strict participant confidentiality, as outlined
below.
a. Ethics during recruitment
We faced several challenges in recruitment given the foreseeable
risks of doing public outreach for a largely hidden and vulnerable population. Public outreach strategies were inappropriate and potentially
harmful for this group given that participants would have to publicly
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
disclose their legal status. Confidential sampling strategies such as coldcalling were also inappropriate, since we knew from service providers
that this population lived in constant fear of exposure to authorities and
would refrain from disclosing their status to a stranger over the phone
and much less agree to participate in a face-to-face encounter. Our final
recruitment strategy relied heavily on our community partners; who
are knowledgeable service providers who had established relationships
with undocumented populations. They served as trusted gatekeepers
into this hidden community of workers, which was further expanded
through snowball recruitment, whereby one contact suggested another
to be included in the study. It is important to note that the recruitment
and data generation phase was an iterative (back and forth) process in
order to ensure that we reached a diverse sample of participants and life
trajectories.
Potential participants were instructed to contact the research team
through a confidential university phone line (i.e. without call display) and
were asked to choose a pseudonym to be used throughout the course of
the project. During the initial telephone communication, research staff
orally explained the consent process and participants were informed
of their right to withdraw from the study at any point. If participants
agreed to participate, details for the first interview were immediately
arranged and no further contact was made with the participant until the
scheduled interview time. Partner organizations were at no point aware
of who ultimately accepted to participate in the research study, unless
participants disclosed this information.
b. Ethics during data gathering and management
At the start of the first interview and prior to audio recording, participants were given an oral and written explanation in their native language (Spanish or Portuguese) of the study and their rights as research
participants. The consent form clearly outlined how their information
would be used, how it would be handled, who would have access to it,
and their right to withdraw at any time or refuse to answer questions
without penalty. Participants were asked to provide oral consent. Interviews were then digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim in the original language they were conducted.
During the one-to-one interview and the body-map storytelling process, participants were reminded to make use of their pseudonyms and
to refrain from disclosing any potentially identifying information (e.g.
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
names, address, phone numbers, affiliation with an organization, work
address, etc). In the case that such information was unintentionally
collected, the research team made sure to alter or omit such information from all transcripts and body maps. Digital voice recordings were
destroyed immediately following final verification of transcripts and
the research team took special care to ensure that each body map was
stripped of any potentially identifying information. Finally, with respect
to data security measures, all digital data was stored on a password protected computers and in a secure server environment at the University
of Toronto.
c. Ethics during data analysis
In addition to the use of pseudonyms and stripping any potentially
identifying information from interview transcripts and body maps, special care was taken to make sure that all presented research data did not
link specific socio-demographic characteristics, such as age and country
of origin, to participants’ life stories. Socio-demographic information is
therefore presented in this e-book in an aggregated form, where possible. Finally, community partners only had access to data once it had
been anonymized, coded, and analyzed by the investigators and research
staff.
Participant recruitment
Participants were recruited mainly through our established community partners (CAIS and CSSP), but a few learned about the study through
a local ethnic newspaper article featuring the research study. Interested
individuals contacted the study coordinator by calling a confidential
phone number, who then explained the study in more detail and determine their eligibility.
To participate in the study, participants had to be Latin American undocumented workers, over 18 years of age, who spoke Spanish or Portuguese as a first language, and who had been living and working in the
GTA for a minimum of 18 months. It was essential for participants to
have at least 18 months of lived experience for the following reasons:
(1) participants would have experienced all four of Canada’s seasons
(often undocumented workers’ are employed in outdoor settings having important occupational health consequences); and (2) would have
experienced several aspects of working conditions and forms of social
exclusion related to seasonal work cycles. However, exceptions were
How this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
made if participants had 18 months of combined experience living undocumented in Canada and another country.
Those who met our eligibility criteria and agreed to participate after
initiating the first call were scheduled for the first of three interviews.
The initial telephone call also helped arrange childcare needs and helped
ensure that special language needs were addressed. The time and date
for the second and third interviews were always made at the end of the
first interview so that no further contact would be required between researchers and participants. Therefore, only participants could initiate
contact with the research team outside of scheduled interview times.
Data generation
Data gathering for this research project occurred within a two-year
period between 2009 and 2011. Data were generated through three
semi-structured interviews with each participant, observation and analytical notes, a socio-demographic questionnaire, and a body-mapped
story for each participant. Interviews averaged two hours each and were
conducted in Spanish or Portuguese by one of the principal investigators
and two research assistants at the University of Toronto.
Each participant met with the same interviewer three times, generally over a two month period, and each interview was divided into two
sections. The first hour consisted of a semi-structured interview and the
second hour used a body-map storytelling technique to create life-size
body images or “body-maps” that represented visually (e.g. drawing,
painting, collage) key interview themes explored in the preceding hour
(Gastaldo, Magalhaes, Carrasco, & Davy, 2012). The first interview explored the reasons why participants migrated to Canada, the conditions
which facilitated or made it difficult for them to migrate, how they fell out
of status, and their settlement process (e.g. how they found work, housing, etc.). The focus of the second interview was on their working conditions, employment relations and the combined impact of work and having no legal status on their health and wellbeing. Finally, the last interview
aimed to explore their access to health and social services, their health
promotion practices, social support structures, and plans for the future.
Data analysis
The data generated were analyzed in two parts. First, an inductive
process of coding ensured that the data offered a thorough description
of undocumented workers’ experiences. This followed a thematic codHow this research was done
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
ing approach, whereby interview transcripts were read in the original
language they were conducted and thematic codes were developed. The
second, deductive process of analysis, was based on the theoretical perspective of the study, and aimed to address consolidated analytical categories and new conceptual ways to explain health issues in this context
(e.g. transnationality, subjectivity, etc.). QSR NVivo 8 analytical software
was used to code de-identified data.
Participants’ body-mapped stories were analyzed in their integrity
according to a reflexive perspective, including data from the process of
creating it (verbatim and field notes), the body map itself, and the narratives that accompany it. The purpose of the analysis was to gain insight
into certain aspects of participants’ logic, aspirations, desires, material
circumstances, and ways of handling particular issues in the context
of undocumentedness. For instance, visual representations appearing
on body maps of physical and psychosomatic diseases were very helpful in describing the health consequences of undocumented work in a
straightforward manner. At the end of the body map sessions, participants were asked to summarize their migration stories. Next, researchers added contextual and complementary information to their stories,
creating short stories called testimonios. To help the general audience
understand the meaning of the symbols, images, and colours appearing
on the body maps, a key was also created.
The key themes that emerged from this analysis are presented
throughout this e-book, and body maps, testimonios and keys appear
in the Study Gallery. Body-mapped stories have also appeared in public
exhibitions and are available for viewing online (http://www.migrationhealth.ca/undocumented-workers-ontario/body-mapping).
Profile of study participants
We recruited 22 undocumented workers working in range of occupations across the GTA, while trying to balance for gender, sexual orientation and other participant characteristics to reflect the complexity of
recent migration trends and processes. In practice however, there were
numerous challenges in capturing a representative sample of this hidden population mainly because there is no clear picture of its composition, and second, because their precarious legal situation in Canada
forces most individuals to avoid public exposure, thereby making them
an inherently “hard-to-reach” population.
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In the end, a total of 20 undocumented Latin American workers completed the study, with ages ranging from 23 to 50 (see Table 1 for detailed socio-demographic characteristics by sex). The sample consisted
of 11 women and 9 men from 4 Latin American countries (Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, and Brazil)8. All spoke Spanish or Portuguese as a first
language, were living and working undocumented in Canada, with 6
months being the shortest amount of time and 9 years being the longest. Five out of the 20 participants also had previous experience as an
undocumented worker in another country.
Workers held a range of jobs in Canada, which in most cases differed
substantially from their work and educational experience back home. In
Canada, their work mostly included low skill manual labour jobs such as:
construction work, factory work, painting, landscaping, cleaning, cooking, dishwashing, coat-checking, waitressing, and child-care giving9. Yet,
prior to migrating, most participants held mid-to-high level professional jobs (e.g. bank staff, administrator, customer service representative,
public servant, graphic designer, etc.); some were also business owners
or licensed professionals such as occupational therapists (see Table 2 for
a comparison of pre and post migration occupations). Participants were
also highly educated, with 25 percent having at least a high school education, 35 percent having college level training, 20 percent having some
university level education, and 20 percent having completed university
degrees.
8
In our pilot study (2007), which focussed on 2 occupations (construction and cleaning), we had
workers from many other countries, such as Uruguay, Chile, and Venezuela. In this study, our
purposeful sampling strategies (i.e. search for diverse representation of occupations and length
of time in the country) and our snowball method for recruitment, limited our recruitment to
these 4 nationalities.
2
It is important to note, however, that even among undocumented workers there exist further
layers of vulnerability, which made it difficult to recruit a diverse sample of workers. For instance, we know from information obtained by undocumented workers themselves and community workers that there are several undocumented men and women engaging in sex work
but we were unable to recruit them, as it remains a taboo occupation. A double criminalization
process is a likely explanation for the difficulties our team experienced in trying to recruit these
individuals.
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Table 1 Socio-demographic characteristics by sex
Total Sample Size = 20
Male (9)
Female (11) % of Sample
N
45%
55%
-
-
Heterosexual
Homosexual
Bi-sexual
9
0
0
9
1
1
90%
5%
5%
18
1
1
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-55
1
2
0
1
3
1
1
2
5
2
0
1
1
0
15%
35%
10%
5%
20%
10%
5%
3
7
2
1
4
2
1
High school or less
College or Trade
Some university
University Graduate
2
3
2
2
3
4
2
2
25%
35%
20%
20%
5
7
4
4
Single
Married or cohabiting
Separated
Parental Status
Has child(ren) abroad
Has Canadian born child(ren)
Has no child(ren)
Monthly Income in Canada
$500-1000
$1000-1500
$1500-2000
$2000-3000
$3000-4000
Time lived in Canada3
Less than 1 year
1-2 years
3-4 years
5-6 years
7-8 years
More than 9 years
Number of participants who lived
undocumented in another country
3
2
4
4
4
3
35%
30%
35%
7
6
7
5
0
4
1
3
7
30%
15%
55%
6
3
11
0
2
5
0
2
2
4
3
1
1
10%
30%
40%
5%
15%
2
6
8
1
3
0
3
4
1
0
1
1
6
2
1
1
0
5%
45%
30%
10%
5%
5%
1
9
6
2
1
1
2
3
25%
5
Sex
Sexual Orientation
Age
Education
Marital Status
3
Refers to the total time lived in Canada and not the time spent undocumented (i.e. without legal immigration status). For most participants this did not vary by much, except in the case of 2
workers who submitted in-land refugee claims and had health coverage and permission to work
in Canada for a period of 2-3 years.
How this research was done
21
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Most participants in our study cited better financial opportunities as
their primary reason for migrating to Canada, yet this often intersected
with several other factors which motivated migration. For instance,
some participants also migrated for personal development opportunities (e.g. formal education, language training), freedom from a personal
crisis (e.g. family problems, divorce) or escape from violence and persecution (e.g. drug-related or urban violence, based on sexual orientation).
The forms of entry to Canada were also quite diverse and ranged from
having come to Canada with a valid work permit, tourist visa or student
visa, to being smuggled, or crossing the border. As will be described in
later sections of this book, participants’ reasons for falling out of status
were complex and often resulted in a combination of situations such as
overstaying their visa permitted time, inadvertently breaking the terms
of their work permit or being denied their in-land refugee claim.
Table 2 Comparison of pre- and post-migration occupations by sex
Pre-migration occupations
(in country of origin)
Post-migration occupations
(in Canada)
Additional incomegenerating activities
(while in Canada)
MALES
Administrator, banker,
business owner, customer
service representative,
manager, public servant,
student
Cleaner (residential and
industrial), construction
worker (carpentry, framing, roofing, demolition
work), dishwasher/busboy,
factory worker, painter
Factory work through temp
agencies, property management, small business back
home
FEMALES
Aesthetician, business
owner, cook, legal assistant, occupational therapist, sales representative,
student, telemarketer
Child caregiver, cleaner
(residential and industrial), cook, factory worker,
homemaker, landscaper,
painter, server, store/business manager
Factory work through temp
agencies, food sale, private
cooking lessons, participation in clinical trials, child
caregiving, bookkeeping,
freelance work, coat-checking
How this research was done
22
The production of
undocumented migration
“Cast the first stone the person who has never
had marks of emigration to taint his/her
family tree (…) if you did not migrate, your
father did, and if your father did not need to
move, it is because your grandfather, before
him, had no other way but to go elsewhere,
carrying along his life on his back, seeking the
bread that his homeland denied him.”
José Saramago (2009, translated from Portuguese original)
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
“… They (the bosses) used to say… that no Canadian would
work in the same way a Mexican person or a Latino person
works. Perhaps because they are in more need or because they
don’t have papers.” (Elena)
First and foremost, the reasons propelling workers to migrate
thousands of miles away from their home and loved ones needs to be
distinguished, yet understood, in the context of the factors that shape
and make such journeys possible. Castles and Miller (2009) refer to
such factors and interactions as the migratory process. Existing social
networks and transnational linkages are at the foundation of the migratory process and play an important role in determining the course
of migration and its outcomes for individuals. Yet, migration is complex and the causes for migration should not be reduced to simply
push and pull factors, where individuals freely weigh the potential
costs and benefits of migration. In most cases, our study participants
did not have realistic information on their potential earnings in Canada, the cost of living, or an idea of the physical toll working in jobs
distinct from what they were used to would have on their bodies. In
many other cases, participants had distorted perceptions of life in
Canada which was reinforced by other migrants’ biased accounts of
their experiences.
In this chapter we offer an alternative reading of why people migrate and illustrate how the process of falling out of status or becoming undocumented involves more than just the immigrant worker
as an active player. We then explore the processes by which undocumented migration, as a global phenomenon, is simultaneously created and maintained by global and national level policies (health and
immigration laws), macro-economic and labour market trends (e.g.
recession, rise in casualization of work) and personal level interests
that are deeply entrenched in dominant structures of power.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
24
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
1.1. Who comes and why?
Institutional factors as well as socio-demographic characteristics such
as age, gender, class, and education invariably shape migratory trends. As
Table 1 illustrates, most participants in our study had some form of technical training or higher education and rarely belonged to the lowest socioeconomic group in their respective countries of origin. In many cases,
their intermediate social status granted them student and tourist visas
that would have otherwise been denied to poor individuals that lacked
secure jobs or assets needed to convince immigration officials that they
were not here to stay. Belonging to a higher socioeconomic group also
meant having the economic means to invest in migration, while those
participants from lower social standings often relied on family loans or
informal avenues of credit which they were required to pay back with
high interest as soon as they arrived. For instance, one participant in our
study who migrated with her family described having to sell their small
home, furniture and all immediate assets just to pay for their airfare to
Canada.
Kinship ties, friendship and shared community origins also contributed to participants’ migration decisions and shaped the conditions of
their arrival. For instance, out of the 20 participants in our study, only
one had direct family members already living in Canada, but almost all
others had friends, acquaintances or strong affiliations with an existing
organization. Knowing someone in Canada was often the tipping point
for migration, since these network connections constituted valuable social capital that some participants used to secure employment and other
needed resources such as housing prior to or upon arrival to Canada. As
Victoria, a recent university graduate, described:
“Even though I had a job, I felt the need to find a job in my
field… So I decided to come to Canada. I have a friend here. I
contacted him. He introduced me to a friend who still lives here
and she helped me do a lot of things, like get a ‘cash’ (paying)
job... she has been here for 10 years.” (Victoria)
Although migration often depended on these conditions, it can be
clearly seen through the example above that participants’ rationale for
migrating was usually guided by a comparison of their current life circumstances, whether financial, affective or professional, to that of alChapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
25
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
ternative opportunities for advancement or improved quality of life that
Canada could offer them and their families.
Economic migration
While migrating for better economic opportunities was often cited as
the main reason for migrating, participants’ accounts of their pre-migration conditions elucidated how economic disadvantage is inextricably linked to social and political problems. Despite being highly educated or having years of work experience, participants commonly spoke
of the impossibility for occupational advancement or job security in
their countries of origin which often intersected with age and genderbased discrimination. Other participants reported leaving their home
countries because of drug-related crime, political instability, and other
types of violence and systemic discrimination. For instance, after years
of working in his respective field and then being ‘let go’, Roberto noted:
“Back in my home country it is very common that after 35,
you’re considered not useful anymore. When you turn 36 you
already know they’re going to give you the well-known “voluntary retirement” treatment. They tell you: ’Roberto leave
voluntarily, sign here’… and if you don’t sign you’re gone after
a single mishap. That’s what happened. The first mistake I
made… they let me go.” (Roberto)
Fabio, who worked as a business administrator for several years, similarly experienced targeted dismissal and spoke about the difficulty of
finding a job thereafter because of the credentialist mentality of those
hiring. Given that most of his education had been “on the job” and his
previous position superseded his educational qualifications, he could
not find a job: “the cost of living was very high... And [to find] work was
very difficult due to my [limited] studies.”
For other participants, the global economic recession took a major
toll on their independent businesses which forced them into bankruptcy, unemployment, and massive debt that had a crippling effect on their
livelihood and personal safety. As Rafael described:
“After living as low-middle class, we had an economic problem
and we plunged to the bottom. We fell into poverty… My family
has no money. We lost it all. Everything I earn goes to them, so
they can eat and move forward.” (Rafael)
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
26
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
As Rafael’s case study below further illustrates, coming to Canada was
a choice made under limited alternatives in the face of growing drug-related violence in his country of origin. Yet this type of systemic violence
and threat to personal safety faced by so many immigrants is rarely recognized by immigration officials in Canada as a reason for admissibility.
Case Study 1 Why did Rafael migrate?
Rafael is a single young male who has lived in Canada for 2 years. After
the market crash devastated his business he had no choice but to come
to Canada to support his aging parents and pay off his family debt. Staying back home would have been his death sentence since drug trafficking,
kidnapping for large ransoms, assault and political insecurity had become
so pervasive. As Rafael described, “all I owed, everything, I am taking two
years to pay off [here]. There [back home] I could pay it in a month, but I’d
become an assassin and end up in prison, dead, or fleeing for my life. I’d end
up psychologically tormented. And so, the best option is to do it well…search
[for opportunities] in another country, where you can live in peace”. So Rafael
came to Canada through a recruitment agency that claimed to provide
workers with work permits and accommodation upon arrival in return for
a flat pre-departure fee of $3500. Upon arrival, Rafael was given a visitor’s
visa rather than a work permit, and was dropped off at a guest house where
he had to pay for a one-bedroom basement apartment that he was forced
to share with several other male migrant workers who came through the
same recruitment agency weeks before. Although no work arrangements
had been made, Rafael quickly found construction work and better housing
through advertisements in Latin American newspapers and by connecting
with other immigrants. Since his arrival, Rafael has worked in demolition,
roofing and framing and has been to other major cities in Canada in search
for better work opportunities. Rafael is continuously exploited by his employers who underpay and undertrain him while providing unsafe working conditions. He has also been deceived by employers who promise work
permits or opportunities for learning new skills in return for low pay. On
the weekends, Rafael does factory work through a temporary work agency,
which he says is a useful distraction from the loneliness he feels at times.
He has very little friends in Canada and although he wants to start a family,
he feels that he has nothing to offer a woman. Rafael consistently turns to
his faith for strength and perseverance. He thanks God for giving him the
opportunity to come to Canada and help his family.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
27
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Yet for nearly all participants who migrated for primarily economic
reasons, migrating to Canada was rooted in a clear trade-off between
hard work and financial rewards. As Emiliano noted:
“… How many of my co-workers, like me, who sort tomatoes…
how many of them do you think have studied to sort tomatoes?
NONE OF THEM! Yet, their migration is economic, and when
they go back, they want to work in their field but they can’t
do that here. Maybe if they could they would, but they can’t.”
(Emiliano)
For Elena, migrating to Canada provided a once and a lifetime chance
to help her parents pay off their debt and finally save for her own education:
“Nowadays, one Canadian dollar is worth twelve times more
than a peso from [country]… What I most wanted to do was to
help my parents a bit with their debt… and be able to pay for
my own university education.” (Elena)
For other participants, like Valeria, migrating to work in Canada provided an opportunity to save enough money to purchase an apartment
for her family in her home country – something that would have taken
several years, if even possible, to accomplish had she stayed and continued to work for minimal pay.
“I left my job there because I wanted.... I really wanted to have my
own apartment. I had a house [shared with relatives]; I would
have needed a mortgage from the bank to buy an apartment
(...) it would have taken 30 years to pay back (…) So I decided to
emigrate to pay for the apartment much faster.” (Valeria)
Gendered migration patterns
Unlike trends in permanent migration to Canada, where women traditionally migrate for family reunification purposes, in our study, family
considerations rarely motivated migration for women. In fact, as shown
in Table 1, a large number of men and women were single, and only one
female in our study had children abroad and sent regular remittances to
her family. Yet for 4 men in our study, the main purpose for their migration
was to provide financial support to their spouse or children back home.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
28
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
The migration histories of our study participants also highlight how
migration is shaped by gendered kinship relations. For instance, household circumstances and organization played a critical role in the process of negotiating resources and making migration decisions, such as
who migrates and for what reasons. Pepe for example, was the oldest
unmarried sibling in his household after his father passed away, and his
migration to Canada was motivated in large part by his new found obligation to provide for his widowed mother and young sibling. As Pepe
noted:
“Right now she is not working because I told her, ‘Why are you
working if I am sending you money?’ …They (my oldest brothers) do (help) but not in the way I am telling you, they already
have children, they have things to do.” (Pepe)
As a single young male, Rafael similarly came to Canada to help support his aging parents. These two cases, in addition to the four fathers in
our study who provided regular remittances to their families, reaffirm
the common household expectation that males should, at all cost, fulfill the function of primary breadwinners. Conversely, the majority of
women in our study provided only occasional remittances to support
their family back home, and kept the majority of their earnings as savings, which further reinforces this gendered migration pattern.
Gender also intersected with other axes of identity such as age and
marital status to influence migration. Unlike all the men in our study
who came to Canada unaccompanied, 5 out of the 11 women in our
study either came with their partners or with direct family members,
which may indicate that migration becomes a more viable option for
women as the perceived risks of migrating to an unknown place decrease if traveling with someone. The majority of women in our study
were also younger than males and tended to be unmarried without children before migrating. This may also indicate that young single women
have more personal freedom than females who are married or have children and are more confined to the domestic arena. Overall, our study
findings suggest that while participants had varying life circumstances,
the undocumented migration of adult married females or single mothers unaccompanied by their children tends to be low in comparison to
husbands, fathers, unmarried sons and single daughters.
It is also important to mention that experiences of physical and sexual violence disproportionately affected women in our study, both as a
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
29
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
precipitator to undocumented migration and as a result. For instance,
Renata experienced repeated sexual violence in her country of origin,
and combined with the financial stressors she and her partner faced,
this was her main reason for leaving.
“As a woman, I suffered a lot. A lot of assault, a lot of violence…
There wasn’t a single job where I wasn’t sexually assaulted. You
go out to the street and feel afraid that somebody will do something to you… not just get “jumped”, but something physical. I
mean, THEY TOUCH YOU, it’s horrible! … You know you cannot
live free.” (Renata)
Other participants’ experiences were characterized by sexual migration, a concept recently developed to capture international relocation that is motivated by the sexuality of those who migrate (Carrillo,
2004). Andrea, an openly homosexual female, recounted her experience
of being the target for violent homophobic harassment in a large urban
centre back home. Andrea also faced social rejection by her family as a
result of her sexual orientation, and her reason for migrating to Canada
was highly motivated by the search for greater social integration, sexual
freedom and rights.
“[There is] people’s rejection, your own family. And, by not being
there, it isn’t an issue (...). I look a lot like my sister … [and] one
day my sister was beaten [on her way home] because people
thought she was me. [They said] “That girl is a queer!” Moderator: And where you beaten in the streets in [country]? Andrea:
I was beaten many times in schools, but also [in the street]…
Moderator: And who would beat you up? Andrea: Boys, girls,
skinheads...” (Andrea)
For participants like Valeria, sexual violence came as a direct consequence of the undocumented migration journey. Valeria was one of the
few undocumented women in our study who had experience with clandestine border crossing, and in addition to having faced a very long and
treacherous journey to the United States from her home country, Valeria
described being threatened with rape by the male coyotes she trusted
in to get her across the border. The vulnerability of migrant females to
sexual abuse was also a common thread in other participants’ accounts
of the dangers associated with undocumented work. Days after arriving
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
30
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
to Canada with a group of undocumented workers, Fabio was asked by
three of his female housemates, who knew he was married and had a
daughter, if he could accompany them to a meeting related to a job offer. The people who owned the house where they rented rooms had told
some acquaintances about these girls’ arrival. Due to lack of concrete details about the job and fearing for their safety, they went to the meeting
location with Fabio as a chaperone. There they learnt these men owned a
bar where “dancers” were needed. As Fabio explained, the girls were reassured this was not prostitution, that no client would ever touch them,
but the job description seemed suspiciously easy and well-paid so they
left despite all promises made.
These stories illustrate that women are particularly vulnerable to all
types of violence and abuse during their journey and upon arriving to
destination countries such as Canada. Anecdotal evidence provided by
study participants about such vulnerabilities has also been corroborated
by our experienced community partners. Recent literature on sex trafficking in Canada, further suggests that migrant women are repeatedly
left in the hands of organized criminal groups or by individuals who take
advantage of their vulnerable legal situation in Canada to sexually exploit or rape them (Langevin & Belleau, 2002; Timoshkina, 2011).
Learning and professional development
Beyond economic or personal safety considerations, participants
also migrated to seek educational or language training opportunities in
Canada. Most often, such participants did not intend to become undocumented workers. For instance, after saving several thousand dollars to
cover her flight to Canada and enrolment in private English classes, Victoria described having very little money left over shortly after her arrival
to cover her living expenses as a student. She notes:
“Toronto is NOT cheap. It is VERY EXPENSIVE. Luckily I used to
pay little rent, let’s say $380 plus utilities…I started working
right away! That’s why I got into landscaping.” (Victoria)
For other participants, overstaying their student visa permitted time
or other forms of entry allowed many of them to take advantage of employment opportunities while exploring personal or professional interests that would translate to real benefits once they returned to their
home countries.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
31
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
For the few who had the resources, this meant enroling in private language courses prior to arriving to Canada or registering in college-level
certificate programs to complement degrees they had received in their
home countries. For instance, one of Maya’s main reasons to come to
Canada was the opportunity study English, a language she needed for
her future professional development in her country of origin. Victoria,
on the other hand, planned to apply to a master’s program in Canada
but needed additional English traning to be able to succeed as an international student. Andres, a recent university graduate, came to Canada
on a 3-month student visa to learn English as well:
“…This is what I thought when I first
came to Canada… ‘I am going to study,
meet people, interact with people…
people from different cultures’. I drew
a magnifying glass because… I was going to discover new things, explore new
things, learn new things. So, I think that
[the magnifying glass] represents that
very well.” (Andres)
Right: See Andres’ representation of the
magnifying glass in front of his face. Click here
to see his entire body map.
It is also important to situate migration within a much broader discourse brought about by today’s globalized and increasingly interconnected world, which is a genuine desire to explore the world and feed
one’s curiosity about countries and cultures. A common thread in participants’ narratives, and in their body-mapped stories, was a sincere
longing to see the world, learn new things, and be exposed to ways of doing and knowing that were different from their own. As Elena described
when speaking about what she expected before coming to Canada:
“I said to myself, ‘I am going to… ‘get my back tired’… and yes,
I will be doing things I’ve never done before, but I am going to
learn how to make that food, do things I’ve never done here
before, and have a chance to be in Canada’. So, it was like… a
dream.” (Elena)
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
32
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
1.2. Becoming undocumented
Most participants in our study came to Canada through legal immigration channels, and for many, the opportunity to enter ‘legally’ was the
main reason for coming to Canada versus other neighboring countries
(see Table 3). For Mariana, who came to Canada with a toddler, clandestine border crossing to the U.S. posed huge risks that she felt were not
worth taking. She noted:
“… Well, it is a risk. A lot of people have died this way, and well
no. No, NEVER, EVER, EVER! The idea of coming to Canada was
because we knew we were able to travel with a visa. So for sure
we could make it to Canada…” (Mariana)
Pepe also referred to the U.S. migration as a dangerous option because migrants can face death attempting to cross the Mexico-U.S. border. Some of his Central American coworkers had migrated to the U.S.
this way, and explained that it was very risky. He explained that the open
travel policy that existed between Mexico and Canada prior to 2009 gave
migrant workers a much safer option. Fabio explained how he was advised that Canada would a better option after inquirying about going to
the U.S. first:
“[He told me] “Why don’t you go to Canada?” And I said: ‘What?
Is this a joke? Are you a coyote?’ [He answered] ‘If you try to
go to the US, the only way is through Mexico with a coyote. He
will take you through the desert and you will starve [and] be
thirsty… But not with me; with me you have deluxe service [to
Canada], you take the plane’. [So I said] ‘Okay, fine. Let’s see
what happens...’” (Fabio)
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
33
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Table 3 Characterizing undocumentedness
Males (9) Females (11) % of Sample
N (20)
Forms of entry to Canada
Smuggled4
Work permit
Tourist or student visa
Border crossing
Main pathway to undocumentedness5
Failed in-land refugee claim
Overstayed visa
Broke terms of work permit
Immediately upon border crossing
2
0
6
1
0
1
10
0
10%
5%
80%
5%
2
1
16
1
1
7
0
1
2
8
1
0
15%
75%
5%
5%
3
15
1
1
While these experiences highlight the en-route conditions under
which people choose Canada, what is less clear is how the majority of
participants in our study shifted from having a relatively secure or ‘legal’
status upon arrival to having no status as undocumented workers. Goldring and colleagues (2009) have theorized the production of illegality
and precarious status in Canada, and argue that unlike the American
reality, Canadian immigration policy produces various categories of immigrants with varying levels of rights and entitlements. Our research
supports this trend, in that several participants experienced an array of
legal statuses before becoming undocumented. The multiple pathways
to undocumentedness outlined in the second part Table 3 above highlights this complexity. For instance, three participants came to Canada
with tourist visas and then submitted in-land refugee claims, which gave
them permission to work in Canada and have access to some health and
social services. They were then denied their claim, stripped of their refugee-status entitlements and given deportation orders. Two other participants thought they had been granted work permits in Canada, but
were deceived by immigration agents and given tourist visas instead. In
the next sections, we explore the intricacies of becoming undocumented
in an attempt to characterize undocumentedness as a complex, multifaceted phenomenon contrary to mainstream assumptions.
Trusting that Canada will protect you
Consistent among almost all of participants’ initial accounts for coming to Canada was a perception that Canada was safer than the U.S.
and that there existed more opportunities for regularizing their status
once in Canada. Particularly for those escaping systemic violence in
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
34
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
their countries of origin, coming to Canada provided an opportunity to
rebuild themselves in a safe society. Although Rafael did not submit a
refugee claim in Canada, his Case Study reveals that clients of smuggling
networks include not only economic migrants, but also legitimate refugees unable to make asylum claims from their country of origin because
of restrictive border rules or because they cannot produce the evidence
needed to submit a strong in-land claim. As Rafael explained:
“… It is quite difficult [to submit a refugee claim] … you don’t
know what kind of problems you are getting into with the
people over there...the people who threaten you. If you provide
their names here for protection… you don’t know. Delinquency
and money control everything. Sometimes you don’t feel safe
talking about your real story back home and about the reasons
why you needed to seek refuge. Because, if those people who
threatened you ever found out, they could even kill you. So the
best thing to do is to remain like this – go on without them
knowing until eventually they are imprisoned or they forget
about you. It’s better this way.” (Rafael)
Hence for migrants like Rafael, living and working in Canada is a safe
haven despite the limited legal and social protections available to them
as a result of their undocumented status. Yet for other migrant workers,
like Renata (see Case Study 2), falling out of status was a way of life that
she was not prepared to live after living as an in-land refugee claimant
for three years.
4
Entered with tourist visas but made to believe by a network of smugglers that they would get
work permits.
5
We refer to workers’ last legal status in Canada as the main pathway to becoming undocumented given that several participants experienced a combination of legal statuses.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
35
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Case Study 2 How Renata became an undocumented worker?
Renata is a young female who came to Canada with her partner four
years ago. Renata experienced direct forms of sexual violence and because
she and her partner could not get stable jobs to pay for tuition, they were
forced to drop out of university. They then came to Canada as visitors and
stayed with a distant friend who had been living here for years. They started working night shifts as cleaners, but sometimes they never got paid for
their work, and when they did get paid, it was far below minimum wage. For
months Renata could only afford canned food because she had to pay back
her family and friends who had lent them money to come to Canada. Then,
Renata’s friend started charging lucrative fees for shared rent. Renata saw
no way out. She was advised to apply for refugee status. In the meantime, it
would give her some job security and an opportunity to learn English. But
things didn’t get much better. Despite having a valid SIN, Renata could only
find undocumented work. No one wanted to hire refugees. They continued
to work night shifts and attended language classes during the day. They
were socially isolated and sleep deprived, and eventually Renata got very
depressed. On one occasion, Renata and her partner had to sleep on a park
bench because they had nowhere to go while their apartment was being
fumigated for bed bugs. Renata finally saw a counselor who advised her
to keep busy, so she began volunteering and getting closer to her church
community. Overtime, Renata made strong friendships and started to get
better jobs. Then, after three years, their refugee application was denied.
Although they feared for their life, they decided to stay and await the decision on their humanitarian grounds application. Canada had become home
for them, and they weren’t willing to go back without a fight. But the transition was hard. As Renata described: “[when you fall out of status] you’re
practically left in blank… the change is drastic, you feel it in all respects… you
have to change everything. You have to leave work; you have to move homes ...
cut communication with ‘certain’ people; be careful when speaking; not be so
exposed ... [because] you don’t know if they can report you. These are things
you don’t want to face”.
Renata’s Case Study highlights that falling out of status is not a
straightforward process, often involving a variety of complex immigration status situations. As her story suggests, depending on the pathway
to undocumented status, some workers do have access to services at certain stages in their immigration process. As a refugee claimant, Renata
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
36
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
was able to seek professional help for her mental health concerns, speak
to immigration professionals, see walk-in doctors free of charge as a result of her interim federal health benefits, and attend government-sponsored language classes. Yet once her application was denied, Renata had
to ‘relearn’ how to navigate life in Canada, but this time with limited access to essential services and near paralyzing fear of deportation. Falling
out of status implied several changes: relocating; forfeiting established
networks; stigma for staying in Canada unlawfully; unemployment and
switching jobs; and being stripped of all identification needed to move
around a large city. Regarding the latter point, Renata was required to
hand over all pieces of identification to immigration officials when she
was given a formal deportation order. This is done to ensure that deportees have a reason for complying with deportation orders or risk living in Canada without any form of identification, including those from
their own country of origin, such as a passport, drivers licence and credit
cards.
Renata’s immigration story also elucidates how contradictory and
incoherent legal statuses can be in Canada. While Renata had submitted an application to remain in the country on humanitarian and compassionate (H&C) grounds, this did not protect her from being removed
from Canada. In other words, persons who have a pending H&C claim are
still deportable under Canadian immigration law, and processing times
for such applications can take anywhere between 30-42 months (CIC,
2012). Frustrated and disappointed with such contradictory policies set
up by Canadian immigration authorities, Renata described:
“To me, that word, of being “illegal” in a country - I do not accept that... First of all, I feel that this- everything there is, God
created it for everyone. It is very difficult for me to understand
how governments can set these kinds of limits – that you are
forced to be in a place where you don’t want to be. I can tell you
that I don’t want to be in my home country… I don’t feel I am
from there…” (Renata)
This global citizenship philosophy, and rejection of the criminalization they faced as unoducumented workers in Canada, was a common
sentiment among several other participants and was often reflected in
their body-mapped stories.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
37
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Left: See the
ship on top of
Nelson’s head
which represents
his desire to see
the world and
his personal
slogan found on
his chest, which
reads “navegar é
preciso” (to sail is
necessary). Click
here to see his
entire body map.
Left: Elena’s
personal
slogan found
written across
her chest,
which reads
“todos somos
ciudadanos del
mundo” (we
are all citizens
of the world).
Click here to
see her entire
body map.
Roberto, one of three failed-refugee claimants in our study, particularly felt that Canada’s immigration process purposely divorced itself from
emotion by using paper-based accounts of migrants’ lives to determine
eligibility. He felt these methods of assessment were unfair because they
did not adequately capture who migrants were as people and their proposed contributions to Canadian society. Roberto described:
“When you just start applying you have the hope that one day
they will acknowledge something. But unfortunately, immigration does not see the personal. I mean, they don’t classify you
as a person who can be productive for the country… If they
had only given me a chance to show them! UUUFFF forget it! I
swear to you, if I had papers I wouldn’t be here (pointing to the
ground). I would be up in the sky. I swear.” (Roberto)
Mariana’s migration story also points to some interesting nuances in
Canada’s immigration system. Lacking the education and English language skills to apply through Canada’s points based system for permanent residency and lacking the financial means to obtain a student visa
to come to Canada temporarily, Mariana was left with very little alternatives but to apply through the only remaining avenue – that is, as a refugee. Not only was Mariana and her family advised to apply as refugees
by an immigration consultant back home, but once they arrived, they
were also required to regularize their status by the shelter in which they
stayed in. Although she and her family lived and worked for 3 years prior
to being given an negative decision on their claim, Mariana described
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having sold everything before coming to Canada, and being unable to go
back immediately because they had limited savings:
“We had NOTHING in [home country]. So we couldn’t go back
there because that would have been terrible. In [home country]
it is very difficult to get up from nothing. So we could not go
back there like that.” (Mariana)
However, refugee claimants are not the only class of migrants vulnerable to losing status since sponsorship breakdown can also lead to loss of
legal status in Canada. For instance, Maya was recruited from her home
country to come work in Canada and obtained a closed work permit
which was only valid if she worked as a child caregiver for a diplomat.
After a few months her employer failed to comply with the work permit
conditions and Maya was left unemployed with little chance of finding a
new employer that would meet the specific requirements of her permit
(i.e. another diplomat). She described:
“(...) I came as a worker, with a valid work permit to work for
a diplomat. I worked for four months as her child’s baby sitter
... the contract was for a year and a half. [One day] she suddenly told me she couldn’t get used to me (...) that she missed the
former baby sitter (…). [Then] she called this person back and
booked my flight back home. She simply didn’t respect the one
and a half-year contract. [A lawyer told me] that I could stay in
Canada, that I was a free person, that there was no problem if I
stayed, but that I couldn’t work (…) but I had debt back home,
I couldn’t go back yet, and I needed to learn English. I found
people who wanted to hire me but they were not diplomats.”
(Maya)
Maya’s case also shows how pathways to undocumentedness are also
gendered in nature. While there was only one case of this type of pathway in our study, this trend is consistent with a growing body of literature that ascertains how precarious legal status disproportionately affects women and members of racialized communities (Goldring, et al.,
2009; Oxman-Martinez, et al., 2005; Timoshkina, 2011).
As this section has highlighted, the process of falling out of status is
often complex, involving much more players than the migrant worker
alone. It is important to highlight that Table 3 challenges the common
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
belief that migrants are misusing Canada’s asylum system in order to
gain regular admission. Only 3 out of the 20 workers who participated
in our study applied for refugee status in Canada, and the remaining majority had plans to return to their countries of origin. As we saw in the
case of Renata, refugee claimants can remain in limbo for years, and as
we saw with Mariana, if their applications are rejected, many workers
lack the economic means to rebuild their lives back in their countries
of origin. Many failed refugee claimants thus face the combined risk of
persecution and undue economic hardship should they go back to their
countries of origin. Even those who did not apply for refugee status were
afraid of the violence or lack of legal and civil rights back home.
Readily available jobs are hard to resist
While some participants came to Canada with the hope of regularizing their status, like those who submitted in-land refugee claims and
held a valid work permit, a large number of participants knew that their
sole purpose for coming was to work. Such participants were very vocal
about the widening economic and social disparities in their countries of
origin, and spoke about the personal, familial and socio-economic pressures they faced to come to Canada for work at whatever cost. Although
they were not proud about having to disobey Canadian policies to achieve
this, they strongly felt that such policies did not reflect current labour
market realities. Nearly all workers knew they needed a work permit to
legally work in Canada, yet most were confronted with readily available
jobs in the cash economy once they arrived – thus demonstrating a clear
mismatch of labour market needs and admission requirements. For instance, Elena was recruited directly from her home country and Valeria
found a job less than 24 hours after arriving despite not knowing anyone in Canada. These examples highlight how the high availability of jobs
upon arrival is also sustained by an active demand for undocumented
workers before they arrive. Thus these experiences suggest that becoming and staying undocumented immediately after arrival, is a prerequisite for obtaining employment, rather than an unintended consequence.
For instance, Andres, who initially came to Canada with the plan to
only study English, said:
“I knew I needed a permit. Almost always-everything I read on
the Internet said I needed a permit – that I wasn’t allowed to
work without it and that it would be very difficult. But now
that I am here, I know it’s not that difficult.” (Andres)
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In Andres’ case, he overstayed his student visa permitted time because readily available jobs provided an opportunity to save money for
continued education. For those participants who worked via temporary
work agencies (also known as temp agencies), undocumented work was
not only available, but also easy to keep given that factories routinely
dealt with temp agencies to obtain on-demand labour typically for lowskilled manufacturing assignments. For Luna, signing up with a temporary work agency was quick and she could rest assured that the temp
agency would call her for work. She described:
“It was fast. Yes, it was fast. I went there [a temporary work
agency] and I applied. Of course, sometimes they ask you for
a copy of your ID. Just that…and I started. They would call me
and ask, ‘Are you available to work?’” (Luna)
Emiliano pointed out that the reason why many temp agencies opt
to hire only undocumented workers is because they make more profit
by giving these workers below minimum wages. Client companies also
benefit from this employment relationship because they get a regular
flow of cheap labour and are less accountable for working conditions
and employment standards.
“They pay us $8.50 BUT they are giving a part to our employers [the agencies] for every hour we work so that we are there
consistently… I know from a good source that the company is
paying them $13 for each agency worker.” (Emiliano)
For other participants, like Valeria and Nelson, finding an undocumented job in key sectors such as hospitality and construction was a very
straightforward process. The fact that both had previous experience in
these sectors as undocumented workers in another country may have facilitated this process. The usual steps involved reading newspapers and
connecting with their ethnic communities. Another participant, who did
not speak English, did not know where to start searching, but once he
went to church he was introduced to a network of employers in the construction sector and obtained a job immediately.
“[After church, one man said] “I want to introduce you to these
2 guys here”. I was there with a roommate; he was a student
living in the same house as me. “They need work”. So, someone
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
said: “Where are you from?”. I told him the State I come from
and he said: “@#*, we are compatriots”. I said “Really?” [laughing]. And he said: “You are hired!” (Fabio)
Despite having no established networks in Canada, after Valeria got
her first job, she connected with co-ethnic peers and described that “In
15 days I had 5 jobs in Canada [to choose from].” (See Case Study 4).
Interestingly, workers were rarely asked by their employer about
their legal immigration status in Canada. For instance, after Maya was
let go by her official employer and lost her work permit entitlements,
she decided to only look for work that paid cash, and was rarely turned
down by employers. As she started to work, she realized why it was easy
to find jobs:
Participant: “They are nice these Canadians, they are good
poeple, but I am aware they are doing something wrong, aren’t
they? (…) because they are giving ME a job (...) they always pay
cash. I believe in my conscience that they are doing something
wrong. Moderator: Do you think they don’t pay taxes? Participant: For sure they don’t! (…) They pay cash every day. When
he [the boss] registers the price in the machine the workers’
money is already out. I don’t know much English, (...) but in
my country I used to pay income tax really neatly, I have work
experience, my relatives have a business, I know he is evading
taxes.” (Maya)
Hence, the issue of status in Canada seems to be overshadowed by
the growing demand for cash economy workers. Employers benefit from
this cheap cash economy because, like temp agencies and their client
companies, labour for cash comes without any strings attached such as
employee benefits, taxes or liability insurance.
In the most extreme of cases, employers go as far as to actively recruit
migrant workers directly from their home countries. This was the case for
Elena, who was recruited through a network of neighbourhood connections in her home town to come to Canada to work as a cook for a familyowned restaurant. At the time, Elena did not have the economic means
to afford the flight, so the restaurant owners agreed to purchase it so she
could get here sooner. Elena described being one of the many Latin American women recruited by this restaurant to come work undocumented.
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
When asked why the owners did not hire locally, Elena responded:
“Obviously they should declare taxes because the conditions
wouldn’t be the same. Well, at the beginning they used to say
that no Canadian would work in the same way a Mexican person or a Latino person works, perhaps because they are in more
need or because they don’t have papers or… well, because we
know about our ethnic foods and so forth. I personally believe
that a [Canadian] wouldn’t work so many hours. A person with
legal status wouldn’t work so long. I am not saying the pay is
low, but there are places where you can work for much more.”
(Elena)
While Roberto did not migrate to Canada under the same conditions
as Elena, his experience working as an undocumented cleaner for several
years with the same company speaks to a direct preference by Canadian
companies to hire undocumented workers versus legal citizens. When
the company he worked for was short staffed, Roberto was asked by his
boss to find an undocumented worker as a replacement. Roberto noted:
“… She [the boss] doesn’t want people with papers… she wants perfection
and she can’t find it. She only finds it among immigrants, who, because of
their situation, try to be perfect.” (Roberto)
Elena and Roberto’s experiences highlight how undocumented workers have largely become Canada’s imported version of offshore labour.
Some scholars have a called this the “Nuevo Sur” (the “New South”)
(Deeb-Sossa & Bickham, 2008) – environments with minimal working
conditions not fully regulated by legal and civil rights of the high-income
countries where they are located – but in this e-book, we conceive it as
being part of the undocumented migration industry, where a vast number of intermediaries play a role, including employers who perpetuate
an active demand for undocumented workers while gaining profit and
the government that contributes to an ongoing ‘blame the victim’ discourse that criminalizes undocumented workers and further makes
these workers unable to defend themselves from exploitation.
1.3. Undocumented migration is here to stay
From our participants’ experiences in the preceding section, it is
clear that the demand for undocumented workers is at an all-time high
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
in Canada and growing. Yet, the rules governing migration to Canada get
increasingly tighter and there is a new emphasis on temporary work
arrangements that do not lead into permanent residency – this is occurring in an era when the politics and economics governing the flow
of money and the global movement of goods continue to proceed unrestrictedly. Thus the complex network of players benefitting from undocumented migration seems to be part and parcel of its continuance. As
governments manage migration through multi-level policies, their main
purpose for doing so is to regulate the foundation and economic gains
of a global migration business (Salt & Stein, 1997). Here, the main apparatuses for managing this industry’s business efficiency are government programs aimed to control who is allowed to enter and what each
of these categories of migrants are entitled. Maintaining this business
enterprise are global labour market trends that promote the continued
demand for cheap labour regardless of its source and its consequences
on human life. At an individual level, migrants’ limited income or difficult personal circumstances make them engage with globalization processes, producing undocumented migration flows to Canada, and maintaining workers in a precarious legal status once they are here.
The undocumented migration industry
Embedded in participants’ migration narratives was the recurring
theme of what we call, an “undocumented migration industry”. This
booming industry included a broad spectrum of people and organizations that benefited in overt and covert ways by organizing undocumented migration, advising workers on how to migrate, or by exploiting workers once they were here. These players were both in workers’ countries
of origin and in Canada, and included: travel agents, labour recruiters,
brokers, smugglers (i.e. coyotes), immigration lawyers, unscrupulous
landlords, employers, and at times, known acquaintances, family, and
friends. Thereby we envision undocumented migration as a monopolistically competitive industry with no end in sight.
Several participants in our study paid to obtain travel information
from agents or legal experts or to obtain ‘migration packages’ in their
country of origin. Rafael for instance, trusted in a recruitment agency he
found through a newspaper and which eventually persuaded him into
thinking that this was a more secure way to travel. Rafael recounted:
“I already wanted to come to Canada. I had planned it. I was
going to arrive with friends of friends of mine… but suddenly,
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I saw an agency ad in the paper, which said: ‘Do you want to
work? Do you want to migrate to Canada?’ So I went there. You
go to the agency and they tell you about the jobs. Everything
comes out to $3,500.” (Rafael)
As highlighted in Case Study 1, this was a ghost recruitment agency
that did not offer Rafael any of the things it promised once he arrived.
Similarly, Mariana and her family spoke to an immigration consultant in
their country of origin who offered a free consultation session about the
immigration process in Canada. Mariana noted:
“There was this person on TV who said he could get you work
permits, Canadian papers and so on… They [my family members] went to talk to him but… he charged a lot of money.”
(Mariana)
Mariana later noted that immigration consultants usually provide
free one-time consultations as a strategy to gain the trust of interested
migrants, and it is common for consultants to work with a broader network of smugglers who charge lucrative fees for getting people to Canada
once they agree to work with them. It is also important to point out that
‘expert consultants’ also frequently mislead migrants into believing that
obtaining legal status in Canada would be an easy,
straightforward process. When asked to provide a
message to the general audience through her body
map, Valeria included the following recommendation: “Migrants should get information when they
arrive to Canada. I did things wrong for lack of information”. When Valeria first arrived, she assumed
that the best way to obtain Canadian residency was
to get a job and later apply for landed immigrant
status. In her mind, it made perfect sense that those
who were already employed would be excellent
candidates to become permanent residents and
later citizens. Clearly, Valeria had a flawed under- Top: Valeria’s
standing of how the immigration system really message to others.
worked in Canada (e.g. applying from abroad, need Click here to see her
entire body map.
for higher education to achieve points, etc).
The use and cost of smuggling networks to come to Canada have also
been highly impacted by increased border security measures which
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
make it difficult for individuals to come without any assistance. Extra
smuggling fees were often imposed against the will of participants which
blurs the line between smuggling and coercive forms of human trafficking. For instance, Fabio agreed to pay an organized network of smugglers
a set fee to obtain a Canadian work permit, but then found out that the
smugglers were assisting other migrants by providing fraudulent documentation. Although Fabio was able to enter Canada with a valid tourist
visa, he was forced to pay his smugglers more money due to unexpected
costs trying to smuggle the other migrants. Fabio explained:
“He got me a visa for 10 days... By the time I met him to start
the trip, I realized there were 19 other people (...). Five out of
20 people had a real passport [with a visa], like me. (…) The
other 15, all forged... But the amount he charged wasn’t the
same [for everyone] (...) those with the fake passports paid
around ten thousand American dollars. In the end, he charged
me a bit more, five thousand dollars. It was supposed to be two
thousand but he tricked me, as the trip progressed [they passed
by more than one country] he kept changing [the amount].”
(Fabio)
While these examples highlight the potential profits made as a single
undocumented worker comes to Canada, it should also be noted that
several participants in our study experienced “back and forth” migration to Canada and within Canada, highlighting the multiplier effect on
profits made by circuitous migration and secondary migration patterns.
Particularly evident upon undocumented workers’ arrival to Canada
is that the undocumented migration industry can be further expanded to
include legitimate businesses in Canada that thrive off the provision of
services or goods related to migrants’ everyday needs. For instance, several participants described purchasing private travel insurance, opening
up bank accounts, enroling in private English classes costing over $3000
per term, paying hefty service charges to cash-transfer businesses to send
bi-weekly or monthly remittances back home. With respect to everyday
living costs, all participants used Toronto’s public transportation system
(some often purchasing monthly metropasses), paid rent to local residents, and maintained cell phone accounts with major Canadian service
providers. The Canadian government also profits from this underground
economy because undocumented workers pay taxes on purchased goods,
a few pay income taxes using other people’s social insurance number, but
Chapter 1: The production of undocumented migration
46
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
do not use services, paying out-of-pocket fees for essential health and
social services. Interestingly, these forms of economic contribution often
go unnoticed and are typically overshadowed by conservative practices,
policies and national debates which devolve into a discourse of loss; that
undocumented workers are a burden to social safety nets, that they take
away jobs, and that they abuse health systems.
The “American Dream” is stronger than the border
Globalization has generated an increase in worker migration worldwide which has been sustained by widening socio-economic gaps between nations and a concomitant rise in contingent work which now
characterizes the global state of the economy. In Canada, the conscious
decision to curtail irregular work migration has been largely devoid of
discussions about workers’ individual agency, thereby gravely underestimating their capacity and resourcefulness to affect their own social
and economic livelihoods in the face of highly conservative politics.
For the majority of participants we interviewed, migrating to Canada
was seen as a gateway to opportunity, a chance to realize the “American
dream”. Canada in this regard, has been skilfully constructed by returning
migrants and others alike as a place where freedom and economic prosperity are possible. As Emiliano noted:
“We had these friends who used to tell us over there [country]
about life here and no immigrant wants to tell a life of failure. So they always tell you this fairy tale of wonders and you
swallow it, even though you have been to other countries… you
swallow it because you want it to be true, right?” (Emiliano)
It is within these deeply entrenched beliefs and hopes for a better
life in the ‘First World’, that workers overlook the potential hardships of
migration and find the means to keep coming. For women in particular,
coming to Canada offers a sense of opportunity, usually not afforded to
women in their home country. As Elizabeth noted:
“because I am a woman, here the doors are more open. Here,
there isn’t as much discrimination as there is in [country]; even
to get a job, I noticed that. If someone was black or [different],
they wouldn’t read their resume. They would simply throw it in
the trash” (Elizabeth)
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Migrating to Canada and staying at whatever cost, is also sustained
by the promise of fulfilling material goals and aspirations that would be
impossible to attain back home. For some participants, this included the
purchase of a home in their country of origin. For others, it included paying off debt, paying their children’s primary or higher education, saving
enough money to open a business or pay for their own tuition when they
returned. One worker spoke about having saved over thirty thousand
dollars in 3 years while making less than $13 an hour. In almost all cases,
participants realized the multiplier effect of earning Canadian wages
after converting it to their local currency back home, and this often prolonged workers’ intended stay in Canada. As Roberto noted:
“I am able to recover $300 dollars in three days here, maybe in
a week if you want, but this is because I am here. There is a big
difference. [If I spent] $300 dollars [in my home country] I’d
lose it and never get it back. That is my point of reference, and
that’s the reason why I am still here.” (Roberto)
Similarly, when asked to compare the work she did back home to her
current work in Canada, Valeria noted:
“They are different only in financial terms, right?... Because in
[country] you work and you get paid in [local currency] (...) I
used to work a lot there too, but here I work a lot and I get paid
in dollars. So, since the dollar is worth much more than [local
currency], you can get ahead [and] buy the things you need. It’s
like... I’m working so I will buy things now, because if tomorrow
I stop working I already have these things I wanted.” (Valeria)
Workers also described how, overtime, their families began to depend
on regular remittances to sustain their improved lifestyles back home. For
instance, the children of undocumented workers were able to attend better
quality schools, enrol in paid extracurricular activites, attend private universities, and families were finally able to afford gravely needed health care.
Therefore, the decision to go back home, particularly for undocumented
men supporting their familes, had to be carefully balanced against the potential loss of their family’s improved quality of life. As Roberto explained:
“The quality of life my son has, the education… I mean, it is very
difficult. I know that the price I am paying is very high… being
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
apart. I know I am missing out on the best years of my child’s
life… but I know that one day I am going to sit with my child
and we are going to talk, and I am going to tell him the cause,
the motivation, the reason I couldn’t be with him all this time.”
(Roberto)
Imposing visa restrictions on migrant-sending countries, and thereby making migration more difficult, dangerous, and expensive to travel
back and forth, has also ‘locked’ workers in Canada for longer periods
than anticipated or wanted. For Julio, this has meant living in Canada for
over 9 years without being able to travel to his home country. For others,
like Fabio, it has meant forfeiting milestone celebrations with his children in order to meet ‘all or nothing’ remittance obligations given that
migration to Canada often presents itself as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that is either too costly, too dangerous, or too logistically impossible to repeat.
Yet most participants agreed that harsher immigration controls and
visa restrictions would only push migrants to find new, and most likely,
more dangerous, ways to travel or meet visa requirements. Some alluded to higher smuggling fees being imposed in some countries and others
spoke about the rise of trafficking networks. Emiliano also pointed to
the power of established social networks in making continued migration
possible, even after a recent visa requirement was imposed on his home
country:
“I am not afraid of the visa. I think I can get it. I am sure of
this because I have many contacts in my home country who
could give me a hand to get a Canadian visa… I have a friend
here who could invite me to come, right? Whatever the rules
they want to set for us, it doesn’t matter. I’ll come. I’ll comply. It
doesn’t matter.” (Emiliano)
In addition to the goals, aspirations, and new found responsibilities
that motivated people to come and stay, and the visa restrictions that
make it impossible to leave once they are here, participants also described a sense of pride in not going back home until they had accomplished what they came to do. For instance, Elena constantly extended
her return date, and when we asked her why she still remained in Canada, she described:
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
“I could already picture myself there… But then I started thinking and saying to myself: ‘When you left [your home country]
you said, ‘I am going to Canada to learn English and I will come
back having learned how to speak English’. You left and now
you are going back with no money and with no English”. So, it’s
because of personal pride that I am still here, not because I am
stubborn...but rather, because this process has already been too
painful and has cost me a lot. This is the last push. I only need
to feel satisfied… if it was already so painful and I was able to
handle it, I know I can hold on for a few more months...” (Elena)
Simliarly, when we asked Julio why he was still in Canada after so
many years, he responded:
“One time in my home country I was assaulted and almost
killed. But that wasn’t my day to die. This is why I believe in
destiny. When you’ve accomplished your goals, then you are
ready to go” (Julio)
As shown by these cases, several participants were propelled to stay in
Canada to satisfy their own dignity and self-worth. They wanted to feel like
“they had made it” before they left, and that the sacrifices they endured
were indeed worth it. Conversely, there were also sentiments of shame
and loss among workers who were planning to go back to their home
countries because they “had not made it”. For instance, when asked how
she felt about her migration experience to Canada, Mariana described:
“It has been very hard. Maybe it was worth it –speaking for my
parents – since they now have a chance to buy a house [back
home]… In my case, maybe it has been the less productive of
cases. Maybe we wasted a lot of time.” (Mariana)
When Canada becomes home and home becomes
nothing to go back to
Particularly for those who had lived in Canada longer or who had
escaped personal violence, there was a strong personal attachment to
Canada which strongly impacted their reason for staying, even if this
meant having limited social protections and entitlements. For instance,
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
when participants were asked where they felt their body, their heart and
their mind was relative to their countries of orgin, several called Canada
“home”, and one participant said, “I’m 100% in Canada today”. Therefore,
for many participants, the opportunity to come to Canada was much
more than a chance to gain material things, or improve the livelihoods of
the ones they loved back home, it was about a search for belonging and
creating anew what had been lost.
Participants also tended to migrate from Latin American countries
with limited democratic, social and economic participation and some
with fragile political systems, with little enforcement capacity to protect
citizens from violence and crime. As Rafael’s Case Study revealed, his
economic migration to Canada was closely linked to systemic violence in
his country of origin, and when asked if he would go back, his response
indicated a sense of emotional detachment and disappointment with
what “back home” had become:
“There is no future in my country. I mean, it is very dangerous.
There are no jobs. There is NOTHING. Going back means ending up involved in drug trafficking, kidnapping. The country
has really been ruined- there is a very bad economic crisis and
there is lots of drug trafficking, murder, and death. Given that
I have an opportunity to be here, I am trying to make the most
of it. I ask God alot, I ask Him to let me be here, to let me stay
here. My future involves me trying to stay here until I get my
papers.” (Rafael)
Similarly, for Renata (see Renata’s Case Study), Canada became a
place of refuge from sexual violence, economic and political uncertainty.
But more than just a safe haven from a place where she “couldn’t live
freely”, Canada became her home. When pressured with the decision to
leave once they were given a deportation order or to stay and live underground, Renata described:
“I used to say [to my partner]: “Let’s go back!” But at the same
time, we already had strong connections with the community.
We felt ‘at home’. We had our church... So it wasn’t easy to leave
that behind. We did leave a big part of what we had accomplished, but we said we didn’t want to give up the other piece
that was also so special to us”. (Renata)
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When combined, factors such as the availability of jobs in the cash
economy, currency exchange rate that allows for supporting family members or acquiring a house, living in a place without systemic violence,
and experiencing the solidarity of fellow church members, employers
or coworkers, can create an entanglement of structural conditions, social and personal circumstances, and subjective desires (e.g. explore the
world, learn languages, fulfil the ‘American dream’) that produce and
maintain undocument work migration.
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Life at the edge of a dream
“Migrants in an irregular situation are
even more vulnerable, particularly with
respect to employment. When migrants
are afraid of being detected, they are
unlikely to come forward to demand
fair treatment by employers.”
Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations
(UN General Assembly, 2006, p. 15)
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Chapter 2: Life at the edge of a dream
“I don’t consider myself to be a criminal. I can tell you I am
fighting for a dream, but to think that I’m a criminal? ...Well no,
because I have not killed anyone.” (Renata)
Workers held a range of jobs in the GTA which often included a combination of full-time or part-time work or additional income generating activities to meet their daily living and remittance sending obligations. Most of these work experiences were rife with several forms of
insecurity, including an absence of workers’ rights and entitlements,
inconsistent work schedules, low wages, poor on-site health and safety, and a range of physical and psychosocial stressors within their work
environment which were further exacerbated by common resettlement challenges as newcomers. However, a few participants described
work and safety conditions that did not differ much from that of their
Canadian counterparts, feeling overall that they had a good work experience.
Three major themes emerged from workers’ descriptions of work
life in the GTA. The first, and perhaps most substantive theme, was
workers’ reliance on trust as their only tool for navigating work opportunities and obtaining resources to meet everyday needs. However,
this blinded trust in others, quickly turned many workers into easy
targets for abuse, leaving them caught in a conflicting web of concomitant support and exploitation. The second major theme that emerged
was the broad range of employer strategies, in and outside of work
contexts, used to control and subdue workers to menial work and living conditions. Finally, descriptions of the everyday organization and
management of undocumented work, reveal that this underground industry provides the very kind of setting where human rights violations
can continue to go uncontested and where workers’ health and safety
are left at the whim of a self-regulating system.
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2.1. Getting caught in the web
Recent Canadian research suggests that immigrants’ first job lays the
foundation for future work opportunities despite changes to more secure immigration status overtime (Goldring & Landolt, 2011). Such finding helps to explain how insecure jobs in the short-term lead to a viscous
cycle of work precarity in the long-term. In our research, finding a job
and a place to live were two immediate priorities for workers upon arrival, and the added pressure of paying for the latter while quickly meeting remittance obligations, often forced workers to take whatever job
they could find first. Roberto particularly pointed out that immigrants
often do work they are ashamed of in order to survive, and suggested
that overtime, many workers come to terms with doing “degrading” or
“demoralizing work”, because being unknown and not belonging to a
community, means that no one will judge them.
“When you are an immigrant, necessity makes you do many
things. Sometimes, things you are ashamed of talking about,
but it’s because of necessity. Only you know what you’ve done…
these are things you keep to yourself…But sometimes, you end
up doing very ugly things, demeaning…things you say you
will never do again. There are many Latinas here that work
in those night jobs, that is, massage and that “kind” of work. I
understand them. Honestly. Because it is out of necessity that
you say, ‘In cleaning I make $50…there they pay me $100, $200
[and] nobody knows who I am’.” (Roberto)
Women are particularly vulnerable and often find themselves in situations of desperate need. For instance, in the absence of welfare state entitlements, pregnant women and new mothers in our study were more
economically dependant on family or partners and returned to work
immediately after giving birth (see section on “Pregnancy and women’s
health”). Furthermore, unlike men in our study, women engaged in extra income generating activities outside their regular work obligations,
such as participating in clinical trials, selling cultural food, baby-sitting
on evenings, or doing freelance work. For one female participant, participating in clinical trials was first met with ambivalence, but was soon
followed by recognition of the extra income potential it could provide.
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Anecdotal evidence provided by participant men, also suggests there is
a high number of undocumented women engaging in sex work, but we
were not able to recruit any former or current sex workers to participate
in this study, despite several recruitment attempts.
Expecting substantial change in one’s pre-migration job status upon
migrating to Canada was acknowledged, if not accepted, by all participants in our study. However, the degree to which participants coped with
the change, varied substantially. For instance, some workers described
being mentally prepared to do the worst jobs once they arrived. As Victoria described:
“My friend painted a TERRIBLE picture for me. So when I arrived, everything seems easy to me because I came very prepared for all those things. He would tell me, ‘you are going to
come and work in whatever…cleaning, landscaping, factory
work; you name it…you are no one here’. So, he prepared me
‘psychologically’...” (Victoria)
Yet for other workers like Julio, second-hand knowledge about
work-life in Canada was not enough to prepare him for what he experienced first-hand. Julio described: “…it’s one thing when they tell
you how things are like in a certain place… [its something completely
different] than you going and drawing your own conclusions… them
telling you is not the same as you seeing it.” The next sections in this
chapter are concerned with exploring workers’ first-hand work experiences and how they differed in most cases from pre-migration assumptions and expectations.
Trust as workers’ double edged sword for survival
For various obvious reasons, undocumented work is not advertised
publically and the ability or the ease with which workers found work
often depended on the extent of their social networks in the city. Preestablished networks often opened the door for expanded relations
with business owners or other contacts who could give workers jobs. As
Andres noted, “You always have a friend here who knows someone who
works in painting….they connect you, they introduce you. [Then] you say ‘I
know how to do this. If you ever need me to help, call me’.” Other workers
got a foot in the door as a result of having a strong network in Toronto
based on national ties.
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Yet for those participants who had limited contacts in Canada, finding a job required more creative strategies. Several workers described
searching for work through classified ads in ethnic-specific newspapers
or online job banks. One participant even admitted to placing an advertisement in a local newspaper soliciting construction work. Regardless
of how workers found work, nearly all workers used trust as a decisionmaking tool given the highly unfamiliar environments they found themselves in upon arrival. In this respect, workers’ generally limited ties in
the city, limited language skills and knowledge about existing supports
systems, led workers to engage in trusting behavior rather than informed
decision-making. In essence, workers commonly trusted that others, including friends, family and co-ethic peers, would be looking out for their
best interest. For instance, participants like Pepe, Valeria, and Rafael all
approached strangers who appeared to be from the same ethnic community and trusted that they would lead them in the right direction to
find work opportunities. Countless others were robbed of wages by coethnic bosses whom they confided in and had been working with for
several months to years. Even for those who had pre-existing relationships with individuals before migration, the support they received from
them often came with several strings attached, leaving workers caught
in a web of simultaneous support and coercion.
Renata was mislead by a friend in Canada, who, soon after her arrival began charging her half month’s rent despite initially agreeing to
help with housing until she was fully settled. Bringing as little as $180
with them for spending, until they found a job, Renata and her partner
were unable to pay the upfront cost imposed by her friend and were
instructed to purchase their own food and sleep in the hall instead of
the vacant room in the same apartment. Renata’s story is not an isolated case. After being lent some money by his cousin to cover migration
costs, Fabio learned upon his arrival in Canada, that his cousin would
charge him interest on the cash he lent him. Workers’ migration experiences were rife with this kind of betrayal. These cases highlight the way
in which workers become trapped in this web, since, in the absence of
hard-resources and local knowledge, trust is the only mechanism they
can use to get by.
Like Fabio, Elizabeth thought that migrating with her relatives was
a safe deal. She came to Canada with her aunt and uncle as a teenager,
and was made to believe she would be able to attend English language
classes and eventually get formal education. Soon after she arrived, her
family revealed different expectations. As Elizabeth described: “... I didn’t
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have much freedom. I had to be at home at a certain time. It was church,
home, school, home... [They] have three children. [I would] clean the house,
cook, take the kids to school, pick them up… my aunt was very rigid. And,
she expected me to miss school...”
Other workers’ experiences shed light on the nuances of getting caught
in this web. As workers trust in others, they also expect that others trust
in them. This illustrates the co-dependant nature of trust among undocumented workers, which is needed in order to cope with common resettlement stressors and income insecurity. For instance, upon coming back to
Toronto after working in another major Canadian city with little success,
Rafael described pleading to his new landlady to trust him by giving him
an extension for the first month’s rent because he had no savings.
“…‘give me a chance to pay you next week. I am going to ask my
boss for an advance. Just give me a chance’. She said, ‘yes’…she
gave me an opportunity, she believed in me and I started working. The first week, I asked my boss for an advance to give her
the rent. I’ll never forget that because I went nearly a whole
month eating lentils in the morning, afternoon and evening. I
used to love lentils. Now, I don’t like it anymore…” (Rafael)
Learning the way of the land
In addition to finding a job and housing upon arrival, participants
also spoke about the difficulty of adapting to life in Canada and identified several “living essentials” that were needed to go about their lives
as invisibly as possible. For instance, having a cell phone was deemed
an essential “worktool” by nearly all participants, especially those working in construction who consistently received calls about changes in
their worksite location or work schedule due to weather. Some workers had registered mobile phone plans, yet most preferred “pay-as-yougo” schemes to avoid papertrail. For the majority of participants in our
study, opening a registered business was essential, given that employers
often forced this upon workers so they could be paid as independent
contractors. In Ontario, employers are required to pay different taxes
and costs (e.g. EI, CPP, workers’ comp, etc.) based on the wages of a
worker that is classified as an employee. However, these same costs are
generally not paid by the employer on the wages of a worker classified
as an independent contractor (WAC, 2007). Undocumented workers are
thereby forcibly misclassified by employers who avoid following basic
labour laws and paying employee benefits and other costs.
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With respect to housing, nearly all participants described frugal
housing and living arrangements to maximize their savings, and several
others described spouts of homelessness as a result of unexpected losses
in income. As Emiliano noted, “Here with $8.50 an hour, I can’t really live.
It’s little. You have to live with two or three people to be able to save and
have something for anything else.” This sentiment was echoed by several
participants who described living with complete strangers, or moving
homes as much as three to four times in a year as they found cheaper
living arrangements. One participant even managed to find three roommates to share his rent with, so he could save extra money, and another
took up the offer of renting a room with a double bunk that he would
have to share with a co-worker. However, in an effort to remain cost-effective, workers’ shared living arrangements often increased their likelihood of being caught by immigration authorities given that their roommates were most likely to be undocumented as well (see Chapter 4). This
can be considered another dimension of living or being unintendedly
caught in a conflicting web, in this case characterized by the financial
security of having a roommate on the one hand, and a real threat of being deported on the other. Despite these real-life contradictions, renting
out single rooms with a shared kitchen and bath was the norm, and the
average rent paid by workers in our study was $300-400 per month. For
those who lived with their partner or preferred to live alone in a fully
equipped apartment, rent usually cost $550-$750 per month, and were
usually basement apartments or were located outside the city core.
In addition to these arrangements, workers in our study described
a range of sub-standard housing conditions and an overall lack of tenant rights. For instance, soon after arrival, Roberto experienced several
weeks of unpaid wages and had no option but to sleep in an unheated
basement, he described “… I didn’t have a place to sleep….a basement, and
it was sooo cold. I got my suitcase, all my clothes, I got inside my suitcase
and I covered myself with my clothes. Three nights like this because of the
cold.” Renata also spoke about having to get her apartment fumigated
as a result of a bed-bug infestation and described the serious financial
losses she and her partner incurred as a result of having to throw away
newly acquired furniture. Being an undocumented tenant also meant
having to deal with unexpected living situations while having no protection through lease agreements, which were avoided in most cases because workers feared making their real identities known. Valeria was
only given a five day notice to vacate her room rental, which caused her
significant financial and personal hardship given that she had to unChapter 2: Life at the edge of a dream
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
expectedly pay first and last month’s rent elsewhere and still send her
month’s remittance back home. Other participants spoke about the challenges of having to rely on friends who were legal residents to sign their
rental agreements. If their friend moved or if there was a urgent housing
issue that needed to be addressed, workers were either forced to find
alternative housing quickly or live with housing problems.
Despite having a driver’s license and having owned a vehicle back
home, most workers perceived public transportation as the safest way
to travel, and metropasses were cited by the majority of workers as their
main ticket around the city. In one extreme case, one worker noted walking over an hour to and from work, because she did not have enough
money for public transportation, and in only one case did a worker in
our study cite driving his own car. Yet several workers described getting
lost and feeling afraid to ask for directions out of fear that their identity
would become known. Limited English language skills also contributed
to participants’ inability ask for more detailed instructions. After time
however, most workers became familiarized with their route to work
and felt they could master travel within the city. Interestingly, this highlights another layer of participants’ life in “the web”. While workers perceived to experience life in the GTA like average residents, their limited
participation in life outside of work became ever-more evident by how
little they knew about or had been to common places in Toronto despite
living here for years. In many cases, travelling to meet with interviewers
for this study was their first time in the downtown area of Toronto.
By in large, workers’ places of residence, workplaces, and the spaces
they would frequent for everyday living needs (e.g. grocery stores, laundromats, malls, etc) were as disperse as ethnic communities are and more
frequently located in the peripheries of the city. This finding further suggests that undocumented workers face geographical exclusion that not
only constitutes a cause for social exclusion, but is also a vivid expression of it. The limited spatial arrangement of workers’ everyday lives in
the GTA further constrains who they come to know and trust. This is further exacerbated by the material deprivation various participants faced
as a result of barely making an income to support remittances and daily
living, let alone having the disposable income to participate socially. For
instance, as a result of her work schedule and financial stressors, Elena
rarely engaged in meaningful interactions with people outside of work,
which limited her to conversations with other immigrant co-workers,
thus perpetuating a cycle of insecurity, fear, limited knowledge about
rights and available services, and blinded trust in others.
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“I didn’t know people who could tell me, ‘Hey, go that way, to
so and so place. There is a school there with a flexible schedule. At this one they don’t charge too much’…When I arrived, I
started living a block away from the restaurant. At that time,
I didn’t eve use the “subway”, nor the bus…I didn’t know how.
Back then, it was a challenge for me to go to the supermarket
[or] the mall to buy something.” (Elena)
Lack of English language skills and the inability to accommodate formal language training in their busy worklives further contributed to the
struggles faced by participants as they settled in the GTA. Several participants pointed to the mental stress and anxiety they felt from not understanding English or being unable to learn quickly enough. In the case of
Rafael, the pressure was so great that after a year of trying to learn, he
gave up altogether:
“... at about the one and a half year mark, I did not like speaking English. My head hurt when I heard English being spoken ...
I would get home very tired [from work] and whatever I could
memorize at night, that was all I had. I got desperate because
everyone could speak English. When people asked me something, they would speak to me in English [and] I felt embarrassed for being unable to answer. So then, I tried to study, but
sometimes, things just wouldn’t stick. I had to study things related to work: how to do carpentry, ‘roofing’ …. I got saturated
with information ...” (Rafael)
Other workers, like Renata, completely overlooked the fact that migrating to Canada would require her to learn a new language and other workers,
like Julio, spoke about how their lack of English skills left them defenceless
to verbal abuses and insults during their early work experiences in Canada:
“I’ll tell you an anecdote. I [once] went to work in a building.
I knew nothing. I had just started [language] school and was
barely learning my ABCs. Wow! ... I was vacuuming a floor and
a guy came up to me and told me who knows what atrocities.
He was probably insulting me…He was in a bad mood and took
it out on me ... So what kind of reaction can you have? [You just
have to] lower your head and listen. I picked up my things and
went to another area.” (Julio)
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Accordingly, a common sentiment of regret and
frustration for not having learned English came
through in participants’ interviews and a recommendation for other immigrants to learn English
before migrating was a common message imparted
on their body maps.
Right: See Julio’s message to others, found in the
handwritten text box, is for people who want to come
to Canada. He advises them to learn English before
they get here. Click here to see his entire body map.
2.2. Their rules, no game
In addition to the resettlement stressors facing undocumented migrants, there are various other means by which workers were maintained
in a state of constant vulnerability. Employers particulary used a range
of strategies to control, exploit, and subdue workers to menial working conditions, which were also typically dirty and dangerous (i.e. 3-D
jobs: dirty, dangerous and degrading). Employers also excluded workers
from participating in everday life. We discuss some of these strategies or
“rules” imposed by employers that left workers with a limited ability to
“game” or escape the system.
Capitalizing on inexperience and fear
When asked about their current employment relationship, nearly
all workers we interviewed admitted that their direct employers were
aware of their legal status in Canada, yet the only prerequisite for employment was their willingness to receive cash payments. What this
points to is a clearly intentioned demand for undocumented workers,
rather than a general need for low-wage workers available through the
formal labour market. The fact that several workers were denied official
letters of offers by their long-time employers (sometimes as long as 5
years), which if obtained, could help them regularlize their status, also
points to an active preference by Canadian employers to keep workers
undocumented.
In keeping with such trends, the experiences described by study participants suggest that employers consistently evade standards and regulations to increase their profit margins and employ a range of everyday
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self-protection strategies to hide their hiring practices. As was already
discussed, virtually all workers were asked to open a business, so employers could avoid paying taxes, premiums and other dues. In some extreme cases, workers were even asked to rent a social insurance number,
so that the employer could be protected from audits. What was less evident was the way in which employers frequently misrepresented how
the system worked, and thereby capitalized on workers’ inexperience by
skimming off their wages, introducing arbitrary service charges or withdrawing “taxes” from their pay (see section on “Wage theft schemes”).
When, and if, workers did question such practices, employers tended to
evoke a paternalistic work ethic, citing that this was “the way the system worked”, that they should “just trust them”, and that they should “be
grateful for even being given a chance”. As one worker noted:
“The people who are here, those who already have papers or
are Canadian, they think ‘I’m helping [them]’. You can’t ask for
more money because they think they are already giving you a
hand because you don’t have papers or anything. That’s the
way they see it.” (Pepe)
Employers also engaged in fear mongering tactics which not only
functioned to silence workers from speaking up, but also perpetuated
a cycle of mistrust in others, which was useful for gaining workers’ exclusive trust and for avoiding unwarranted inspections at their worksite. For instance, Elena and her undocumented co-workers were told
by their employer to not tell others where they worked because it could
lead to them being traced and deported by authorities. When workers
did challenge their working conditions or expressed any push-back to
their bosses’ demands, some employers threatened workers with deportation and responded with several forms of reprisal. This was most
common when workers voiced discrepancies in their pay. Undocumented temp workers were commonly blacklisted from returning to a client
worksite if they were deemed too slow for the job, too “chatty”, or if they
complained about their work conditions, such as the pace of the work or
the work environment.
Bonded labour situations and pseudo ties
Some literature has demonstrated positive effects of fictive (i.e.
pseudo) kin relationships among newcomer communities (Ebaugh
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& Curry, 2000; Kim, 2009). While such relationships can help create a
support system that would otherwise be unavailable to those living far
from home, other research has shown how such relations, particularly
if formed between workers and their employers, can easily blur work
and intimate social life by creating an environment where trust can be
exploited and abused for financial gain (Ahonen, et al., 2010). Our study
findings suggest that bonded labour situations, which includes debtbondage or live-in situations, create the kind of conditions where economic and emotional dependence on the employer can co-exist, thereby
putting workers at risk of being trapped and subdued to poor work and
living conditions.
For two participants in this study, work and living arrangements were
specifically tied to one another, albeit under varying circumstances. For
example, Rafael and his co-worker were persuaded to move into their
employer’s family home because it could save them money and travel
time to and from work. Trusting in the good-faith of his employer, Rafael
and his co-worker took up the offer, but were soon required to pay unusually high rental fees. Rafael had very little privacy in his employer’s
home and because he just rented a room, he was barred from using any
kitchen space or appliances, and had very little contol over his diet, since
his meals were forcibly prepared by his landlord. When he and his coworker began looking for alternative housing, they were immediately
threatened with job loss:
“We would tell her that we were going to leave, but she told us
‘If you guys go, forget about work’. So then we calmed down
and looked for work somewhere else. The thing was that they
got mad and they ended up owing us our week’s deposit... They
owed me and they threatened me; that if they ever saw me,
they were going to rip my face off.” (Rafael)
In Elena’s case (see Case Study 3), she became a bonded labourer as
soon as she was recruited from her home country to come to Canada,
and her labour was demanded as a means of repayment for her flight and
initial resettlement costs. What makes Elena’s case unique, is that unlike numerous accounts of human trafficking and bonded labour, Elena
developed a strong familial bond with her employers, often referring to
them as her “Canadian family”, and spending intimate moments, including holidays and social gatherings with them. Elena was also grateful because they offered her shelter and constant reassurance that they would
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not let anything happen to her. Although her weekly earnings were low,
her payments were stable and consistent and Elena often justified and
accepted the high intensity of her job by putting her employers’ busy
schedules and financial struggles into context. Overtime, Elena acknowledged the limited control she had over her work and personal life and
how the pseudo-ties she had developed with her employers allowed for
manipulation. For instance, Elena did not have to pay for food during
work hours, but described the objectifying treatment she received as she
was given this “added work benefit”:
“Well, you don’t have a lunch hour. It is not like, ‘Okay go eat’,
but instead it’s at the time in which the person tells you ‘Yeah,
yeah come. Here, I’m going to give you this’. So, geez, you see
50 different types of meals, and they are giving you a burrito!
… You have to tell yourself, ‘Eat it, lower your head, and don’t
think about complaining’. [Backhome], I would have never
taken that!” (Elena)
Elena also became aware of the active forms of surveillance her
“family” used to monitor and control her activities outside of work, a
practice she initially believed was essential for keeping her safe from illintended strangers who could report her to police. But perhaps the most
important element of Elena’s story is how the strong emotional bond
and personal indebtedness she felt towards her employers stopped her
from speaking out against the recurring sexual harrassment she faced by
a co-worker, who was a true family relative of her employers. As Elena
described:
“… it got very difficult for me, because on the one hand, you
had [this co-worker] and then [my bosses], whom I considered
family, and whom I owed my home, my job, friendship, and care
to. It was very difficult… they weren’t going to believe me…
even if they did believe me, I was going to hurt them.” (Elena)
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Case Study 3 Elena’s bonded labour experience
Elena has been living without status in Canada for a year and a half. Unlike most of the participants who had to search for work upon arrival, Elena
came to Canada after she and a close friend were recruited to come work
as cooks for a family-owned restaurant in Toronto. The restaurant owners
paid for her trip, and offered her and her friend a room to stay in that was
steps away from their work. Immediately after arriving, Elena began to
work 11 hour shifts 6 days per week. Although she would get one day off
a week, it was never the same day as her friend because her bosses felt
that having two workers off at the same time would slow down production.
Elena was paid a daily rate of $90 which did not fluctuate if she worked
overtime or on holidays. When her bosses were away, Elena was forced to
work 7 days a week and more hours, but was still paid the same rate. Nearly
every day Elena was bullied and sexually harassed by a male co-worker
and was consistently ridiculed in front of other co-workers and customers. Whenever Elena tried to address the problem, things only got worse,
and she began getting falsely accused for mistakes in the kitchen as a form
of payback. Then, Elena found out that her private life was being grossly
invaded by the restaurant owners since they had placed a security camera
outside her place of residence to monitor their employees’ day-to-day activities outside work hours. By then, Elena was living alone and feared for
her safety. She also got very depressed. If she moved she would lose her job.
She also felt indebted to her employers because they gave her shelter and a
job and didn’t want to disappoint them by quitting because they were like
family. Yet, the sexual harassment kept getting worse, and one day Elena
reached her breaking point and left everything behind. Now Elena works
as a nanny for less pay, but finally has the time to take English classes and
make friends.
Wage-theft schemes
Desperation to keep a job made some workers easy targets for unscrupulous employers. Most workers in our study described at least one
incident where their wages were unfairly withheld or outright stolen by
their employers. For some, paycheques did not reflect their total hours
worked, for others it meant being forced to work overtime hours for no
pay, getting “processing fees” deducted from their pay, or having to pay
for benefits they were not entitled to receive. In other cases, mostly in
the construction sector, workers got paid only after the job was complete
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which lended itself to unexpected deductions by employers for any “errors” committed by the worker (e.g. improperly cut wood, dirtying the
worksite), or claims by the employer that they had underestimated the
cost of the work and had no money to pay workers until they landed
another contract. Sadly, many workers in such situations continued to
work with the same employer due to limited employment opportunities
elsewhere at that particular time or because they empathized with their
employer’s misfortune. In Renata’s case, she continued to work for her
employer even after receiving late payments because she was afraid that
if she quit, her employer would not pay her remaining hours as a form
of reprisal.
“The first month working with him, he took a long time to
pay us. At the end, he paid us. Then, for the second month…He
swore…he double swore to us that he would [pay]. The second
month came and it was the same. He gave us some money, but
not the full amount…my partner started looking for work elsewhere, but we also didn’t want to quit because we thought, ‘If
we quit, he’s not going to give us anything’. We worked with
him for another half month, and at the end he didn’t pay us
for what he already owed us and for half month we worked.”
(Renata)
Yet in most instances of wage-theft, workers had little hope of getting
the money they were owed because several months had passed, and employers had either vanished, declared bankruptcy (but reopened months
later under a different company name), changed their phone numbers,
or had threatened workers with reporting them to immigration officials
if they persisted. Several others did not know they had some workers’
rights protections despite their status or were too fearful to speak up.
For instance, Pepe along with five co-workers were each withheld over
$2000 in unpaid wages by the same employer, and despite having a potentially good case to bring forward to authorites, Pepe described the
helplessness he felt to act because of his status:
“Those people [the employers], it’s like they say, ‘You are in my
hands and I’ll do as I please…if not, I won’t give you work or I
won’t pay you, it’s that simple’. Lots of people like this didn’t
pay me. They owed me $2000 and didn’t pay me. They would
tell me, ‘I’ll call immigration…’ If you are illegal, what do you
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think? [You think] about your family and everything… It’s better to leave it the way it is.” (Pepe)
Experiences such as these were quite common among workers and
contributed to a common mistrust towards employers and questioning behaviour among participants. For instance, Pepe later described
having $50 deducted from his monthly pay from another employer, but
was suspicious that his employer was pocketing this money instead of
paying union dues, as promised (this sums up to $400 a month for 8
workers). Other workers, who were certain that their employers were
skimming high percentages off their paycheque, opted to stay quiet and
accept some losses in their income rather than risk being completely
out of work. For instance, when Rafael was working in another Canadian
province, he was told that because his earnings were being paid by an
Ontario employer, they would have to deduct $50 from every paycheque
due to money transfer fees and an additional 10% off for “GST”. In the
end, Rafael reasoned:
“...I’d lose $100, $150. But it doesn’t matter. Money comes and
goes, but [at least] you don’t risk losing more money by getting
aggressive and saying something to them that gets them upset
or gives them an excuse for not paying you the rest. I preferred
to keep quiet ... It’s dreadful, because you work hard, for them
to just steal from you little by little. They think they are going
to get rich stealing from people like us.” (Rafael)
In addition to the construction sector, temporary work agencies were
particularly notorious for deducting several fees off workers’ pay and for
paying below the minimum wage. It was common for workers working
through agencies to be picked up or dropped off at client worksites and
to get mandatory deductions off their pay for this “transportation service”. Workers also noted being paid much lower than permanent workers for performing the same work; the range of pay for undocumented
workers being anywhere between $7.75 and $10.25 for assembly line
work at food factories. Emiliano also notes that temp workers working
at the same worksite could be getting paid different rates for the same
work because they were registered with different agencies. When Emiliano asked to be switched to a higher-paying temp agency, his client employer refused. Emiliano later realized that any switch between agencies
would compromise the client’s business relationship with lower paying
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agencies, who would regularly give them perks and discounts that higher paying agencies were not willing to provide.
Suppressing worker development
In addition to working for below minimum wage, experiencing wagetheft, and performing work that was characteristically menial, employers also stunted opportunities for further growth and development
that could otherwise improve workers’ job prospects. One male worker
pointed out that employers, particularly in the construction industry,
were reluctant to train undocumented workers because they felt that
it was a waste of time and resources given that undocumented workers
could get deported at any time or switch jobs. It was therefore very common for workers to get stuck doing demolition work for several months,
or work as helpers in construction sites, which involved carrying and
loading materials, with very limited opportunity to get hands-on training.
In other situations, employers adamantly refused to give workers
time off work or to allow them to make-up hours in order to attend language classes. Upon arriving, Maya worked as a live-in-caregiver and her
employer regularly made excuses for why she could not get time off.
“I told her [referring to employer]: “I have found a school that
has classes at these days and times, but for me to attend you
have to be at home by 6pm”. But she never arrived at home
by 6pm. I never had time to go to school! ... I told her: “I know
you are a very busy person, I will take classes on Saturday (…)
morning”. But she didn’t clearly tell me that I couldn’t study. I
told her: “At least, you could give me Saturdays”. (…) basically,
she wanted someone who would work 24 hours a day.” (Maya)
Hostile work environments and overt negative treatment to co-workers also seemed to discourage some workers from even requesting some
flexibility in their work schedule to attend language classes out of fear of
reprisal. For instance, after requesting to get unpaid time off work, one
of Elena’s co-workers was told by their employer, “You didn’t come here
to study. You came here to work.” This immediately discouraged Elena to
search for available language classes in her neighbourhood.
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2.3. Invisible hazards, precarious work
The workers in our study were employed in mostly low-paid unskilled
jobs that carried greater health hazards and often resulted in workplace
injuries or related health consequences (also see section on “Workplace
injuries and risk”). Their hourly earnings were, in most cases, below
minimum wage and their working hours were generally higher than
the standard 44 hour work week, as a result of working multiple jobs
simultaneously or doing overtime work. While the triple “D” (i.e. dirty,
dangerous and degrading) nature of their work, clearly posed physical
and psychosocial risks, it was at the intersection of this type of work
and workers’ lack of legal status in Canada that created a ripe environment for a range of abuses to continue uncontestedly. Workers fear of
deportation, employers’ general lack of interest in maintaining safety for
a transient group, and systemic pitfalls that make it possible for a selfregulating industry to exist, all contributed to the power asymmetries in
workers’ employment relationships and the invisibility of their precarious working conditions.
Precarious employment status
All participants in our study described one or more aspects of precarious employment in their current and past work experiences in Canada
that significantly diverged from standard, full-time, continuous work relationships. With respect to wage rates, factory workers working through
temporary agencies typically made the lowest amount, ranging from
$7.75-$12 per hour, followed by cooking work ($8.50-$13 per hour),
cleaning work ($10-$12 per hour), and construction work (e.g. framing,
roofing, demolition, landscaping) being the highest ($11-$19 per hour).
In addition to low-wages, workers also described getting deductions off
their pay for benefits they would never see or for arbitrary fees imposed
by their employers. One worker also described how additional tips made
at the restaurant where she worked were kept by her boss.
With respect to forms of payment, nearly all workers got paid cash
or through cheque by their direct employer, in which case, they were
required to pay additional fees for processing at a cash transfer house.
For some workers, like nannies and cooks, payments were made on a
per-day, rather than per- hour basis, which made it difficult to get compensated for overtime work. For other workers, like cleaners, they were
often paid by a sub-contractor, which meant having limited connection
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to the direct employer and receiving substantially less pay as a result of
being further down the chain. Temporary workers also experienced an
added layer of income insecurity because their hourly rate fluctuated
with the type of job they performed and they were never assured a set
schedule.
When asked if they were able to negotiate some aspects of their employment relationship, such as their initial hourly wage or a raise, nearly
all workers expressed limited negotiation capacity because their precarious legal status made them feel like disposable commodities. The following examples illustrate this sentiment:
“No, no you can’t. When you are an employee, you can’t try to
negotiate your salary. You can’t. You either take it or leave it.
There are 10 people behind you.” (Emiliano)
“In carpentry, it is neither too much nor too little [referring
to remuneration]. [If] you have no papers…they pay you what
they want. The person who is trying you out, might say, ‘You
know what? I’ll pay you [better] if you have papers’. Most are
earning $17 or $18 an hour…I was getting paid $11 or $12
an hour... They think, ‘I’m doing them a favor’ …But you know
what? We are giving them a service.” (Pepe)
“I’m afraid [to ask for a raise] because they can [say], ‘Okay,
sure’ but then you don’t get paid. How can you demand that
they pay you, when you don’t have a social insurance? You
have nothing. For them, it’s easy. They can pick up the phone…
‘You know what? I have a person here’. Maybe they’ll call immigration. For them it’s very easy because … it’s easy to replace
people.” (Luna)
With respect to benefits, nearly all workers lacked regular employee
benefits and entitlements such as sick or personal days, and all workers described working while sick, because they feared reprisal from
their boss or because they could not afford the financial loss of missing a day of work. While some workers in the construction industry
described paying union dues and claiming benefits, the negative cost of
union membership often outweighed potential benefits and access to
certain union entitlements were limited due to participants’ status. Participants also mentioned having to work on statuatory holidays for their
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same rate of pay, and were frequently
required to cover vacations or other
staff shortages by working overtime
hours without getting paid.
The precarious nature and the
lack of control workers had over their
work time was another organizational dimension discussed by participants. Nearly all workers reported
working long hours (12-13 hours/
day), sometimes with no days off
because they had several jobs simultaneously or because they lacked the
power to refuse overtime work, or
both. For instance, one worker described working a second job at a factory on the weekends to pay his debt
quicker, and claimed that after completing a full-day shift on a Saturday,
he was forced to work a back-to-back
night shift, and was still expected to
show up for his regular shift the next
day, Sunday. Other workers like Valeria and Renata, held night shift jobs
for several months, and exhibited
symptoms of sleep deprivation and
then, chronic insomnia.
Top: Valeria’s body map: the
For workers in the construction downward facing position she has
sector, their schedules were particu- chosen to depict herself in, represents
larly tied to seasonal demands and her need for sleep and rest.
fluctuating weather conditions. For
instance, roofers constantly spoke of being off work when it rained and
during the winter months, at which time they switched to indoor demolition work or framing. However, these changing work patterns were
unknown to workers when they first arrived, causing them significant
financial hardship as demonstrated by reverse remittances (i.e. remittances being sent from back home to Canada), moving to other provinces in search of work, or by taking up new jobs. Working long hours
during high seasons, like spring and summer for landscaping, was also
associated with extreme fatigue from working outdoors and uncertainty
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regarding food availability as a result of working in unknown locations.
Victoria described:
“We’d plant flowers until 7 at night, 10 at night…until it got
dark. It was the most terrible heat in the world. I was tempted
refresh myself with that water, but it had chemicals….You eat
really bad…Burger King, Tim Hortons…whatever you find. But
then comes the satisfaction of a pay cheque.” (Victoria)
When employed through temp agencies, participants consistently
mentioned the general lack of regard for their scheduling needs, with
the temporary agency frequently expecting that workers be at their
disposal when production demands suddenly increased. Rafael particularly described how temp workers get trapped in a cycle of job insecurity:
“…work slowed down. Then, the next day the agency [would
say], ‘Come tomorrow at 7am’. I’d go at 7am with my lunch
bag and everything and ‘No, there isn’t work. Come tomorrow.
Tomorrow we’ll call you’. Saturday. Sunday. Monday would
come: ‘Come tomorrow’. Tuesday, ‘Do we work tomorrow?’, ‘No,
come tomorrow’. Wednesday would come: ‘No, there isn’t work’.
That’s how it was.” (Rafael)
Production demands also tended to dictate the frequency (or infrequency) and the nature of workers’ break time. Participants, especially
those who worked in busy restaurants, often mentioned working full
days with limited or no scheduled breaks, and eat standing while attending other areas of the kitchen. For instance, Maya, a kitchen helper,
described getting a 10-15 minute break for a 10-hour shift, when the
restaurant traffic slowed down around 3pm. For another female cook,
washroom breaks depended on other work tasks, like going to the stockroom to get work supplies.
Yet, workers in other sectors also demonstrated precarious break
schedules, albeit for varying reasons. In construction, it was common
for workers to be told they would not get breaks in exchange for getting off work early. However, “early end-times” often meant 3pm or 4pm
with a start time of 6am, illustrating clear worker abuse. Similarly in
other sectors, break time was non-existent or built-in fluidly into work
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formal “breaks” on the road as she and her work team travelled to other
worksites:
“Well, in the car... you kind of have lunch. If you are thirsty, you
take some water or juice. If you are hungry, you eat something.
And you also talk a lot... (laughing). You chat a lot, make fun of
each other, but this is the only break you’ll get. Because to get
to some of these houses it may take half an hour; for others,
it takes longer. It could be 45 minutes to an hour driving. But
others are quite close, like five to ten minutes away. Moderator: Okay, but when is the lunch break? Well, there is no lunch
break.” (Elizabeth)
Psychosocial work hazards8
Workers consistently spoke about the stress they faced on a daily
basis in their jobs, out of fear that they would be reported to police by
their employers, or that their real identity would become known should
they be subject to a routine police investigation or safety inspection onsite. For those who maintained jobs in the public eye, dealing the threat
of deportation became more real during periods of police raids and warranted searches for individuals that had been given deportation orders.
For instance, during the course of this study local news reported raids in
several immigrant-dense locations such as malls, construction sites and
ethnic-specific establishments. Therefore, for business managers like
Renata, living on high alert also meant being on the watch for the safety
of other undocumented workers under her supervision. Renata recalled
the pressure she faced to provide answers to fearful employees while
struggling to keep herself safe and composed:
“Your people begin to ask, ‘What’s going to happen? What are
we going to do? Are they going to expose us? What if this is
happening?’ So, you get up and say… ‘First, what do I do about
myself? And then, what I am going to do with the rest of these
people’.” (Renata)
Taken from ILO (2009) “In the longer term, stress can contribute to peptic ulcers, inflammatory
bowel diseases and musculoskeletal problems as well as hypertension, and as a consequence to
the development of heart and cardiovascular diseases. It may also alter immune functions, which
may in turn facilitate the development of cancer. Taken together, these disorders are responsible
for the great majority of disease, death, disability and medical care use in most industrialized
countries. They are also significant causes of death in developing countries.”
6
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Conversely, for one female worker who was responsible for managing workers with status, there seemed to be a constant pressure to outperform them while staying on their good side out of fear that they could
report her if they found out her status.
In addition to the direct stress of having to hide from authorities while
on the job or struggling to “blend in”, participants also spoke about the
added pressures of learning a job for the first time and meeting up to
their employers’ expectations or risk dismissal. Interestingly, this situation points to a subtle theme in workers’ descriptions of their jobs, that is,
while most of the work performed by undocumented workers is deemed
“low” or “unskilled” work, workers’ descriptions of their everyday realities starkingly refutes this understanding. Particularly for workers in
high paced work environments, such as restaurants, this meant skillfully
mastering the use of sharp knives and kitchen equipment, and quickly
learning a range of dishes to be served. As Valeria recalled:
“My sister was a cook at a Portuguese restaurant and she told
me: “You will love to cook Portuguese food”. (...) So, I started
cooking [with her] and she told me: “I need to take holidays.
Can you replace me?” I said: “Sure”. Her boss told me: “You have
15 days to learn all 40 dishes on the menu for me to let your
sister go on holidays.” (Valeria)
In addition to having to learn quickly, high work demands were also
coupled with a lack of influence over the amount of work they were given
and how to perform it. For instance, those in temp work arrangements
described being unable to predict their work responsibilities, and being
subject to the automated demands of a factory environment. As Luna
and Rafael described:
“No, there aren’t options. They tell you, ‘Today there is work’
or ‘Get in, and that’s it’. You can imagine the kind of work it is…
they are factories. [Interviewer: So it’s never clear to you what
you will be doing until you get to the site and they tell you?].
Yes, that’s how it is. They simply tell you, ‘Go there’, ‘Go sweep’,
‘Go pick up the trays’, or ‘Go to the freezers’.” (Luna)
“…at the factory they treat you bad. They put you on a production line where there should be two people, where twenty
packages of bagels come out in less than four seconds. I mean,
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FOUR SECONDS, TWENTY PACKAGES! You have to grab six and
six…and well it’s four seconds – one, two, three, four and you
already have the other set here [showing the movements]…”
(Rafael)
In addition to the increased exposure to hazards as a result of doing
consistently unfamiliar work as factory worker, the discontinuous nature
of temp work also seemed to prevent workers from establishing meaningful relationships at one job. Workers who did temp work through
agencies also described the stigmatizing treatment they received at
client employer sites. For instance, they were not given uniforms like the
other workers, not allowed the same length of breaks, were told to clock
in and out separately and in some cases, were not allowed to take product home for personal consumption like the rest of the workers. Most
temp workers also felt they lacked clarity in terms of the responsibilities
they were given and how to perform them, but feared to ask because
they could be sent back easily for appearing “stupid”. Temp workers
also had multiple bosses onsite in addition to the agency who employed
them, and this created confusion as to who to ask for what.
In general, participants also seemed to experience a high level of workplace bullying, verbal, emotional, and sexual harassment and prejudice.
Men particularly spoke about ageism in construction work and noted
how women in factory work contexts were repeatedly harassed by male
employers. Elena’s Case Study particularly illustrated how co-worker
sexual harassment could lead to long-term mental health consequences,
given that workers often lack the power to speak up and fear losing their
jobs and being deported. As described in later sections below (see section on “Gendered work organization and occupational risks”), bullying and harassment also tended to fall along clear gender lines within
specific occupations.
Finally, with the exception of those workers in management positions
or those who were able to achieve some occupational mobility in construction, nearly all workers felt stagnated in their work. Many expressed
a sense of loss in personhood from no longer being the professional that
they once were back home. The repetitive and menial nature of the work
they performed, the fear of being unable to demand anything other than
what was given to them and the deep sense of dampened professional
development from a lack of education and language training opportunities in Canada, made many workers feel trapped. As Emiliano described:
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“A job that’s mechanical, static, where they humiliate you, where
you get screamed at, where you cannot talk – they forbid talking – where you count the seconds of your break, where, if you
go to the bathroom they tell you, you already went... [This] can
do nothing more than grind you. I was going to say “depress”,
but “grind” is more appropriate... It drags you completely and
you end up accepting (it). This process harms you… you start
accepting that you are a damn worker, meager, that everyone
can kick you, scream at you, tell you nasty things.” (Emiliano)
This also shined through in participants’ body
maps, when discussing how their current work had
impacted their body and their feelings.
Right: The image of the man cleaning the window in
the cold while others are inside represents Andre’s
experience working as a temp worker at a factory. He
was expected to work harder while other people, like
the supervisors and permanent staff, watched him do
all the work. Click here to see his entire body map.
Such feelings of helplessness were further exacerbated by the extreme social isolation in their workplaces. For instance, those workers
working in factories frequently mentioned not being allowed to socialize with other workers or take break together, because it was thought to
slow down production. In other cases, the isolation was a direct result of
the physically hidden nature of their workspaces. For instance, kitchen
work was usually “back kitchen work” which involved no interaction
with customers, and cleaning work usually occurred after hours, once
office workers had gone home.
Physical and environmental risks
The majority of workers felt they were easily disposable and acknowledged that the significant power asymmetries they faced in relation to
co-workers and bosses who had status, inhibited them from speaking up
about hazards and injuries when they did happen. Workers also sensed
that their employers had no real incentive to provide them with training
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
other undocumented worker if they got injured. One worker described
how a co-worker, who was also undocumented, was given $500 cash and
told not to come back by their employer, when he cut off his finger on the
job. Cases like this were common, and workers often described continuing to work with an injury out of fear that they would lose their job. Several others tried to modify their work practices or purchase their own
safety equipment in light of the limited supports they received.
In addition to the lack of preventive measures and the inability to
request better conditions due to their status, undocumented workers
inherently performed dangerous and dirty work and were exposed to
several hazards, often because they worked multiple risky jobs simultaneously. Participants also described being given the hardest work in
comparison to co-workers who were legal in Canada, or held permanent
positions, as in the case of temp workers.
As for the direct risks and hazards of their work, those who mainly
performed kitchen and factory work, commonly described musculoskeletal strains as a result of fast-paced, repetitive, upper body movements
such as chopping, reaching for heavy pots and pans above eye level, and
adopting awkward postures to keep up with products quickly coming in
through the assembly line. One worker developed arthrosis in her hands
as a result of repeated chopping and peeling and leg edema as direct
result of standing for long hours in the kitchen, and another developed
lower back pain from constant pivoting while doing factory work. These
work-related strains appeared on their body maps.
Left: Valeria
represent her
swollen legs and
varicose veins
developed over
the years as a
cook. Click here
to see her entire
body map.
Chapter 2: Life at the edge of a dream
Left: Roberto
shows the tight
wrap he wears
around his
lower back to
help manage his
pain. Click here
to see his entire
body map.
78
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Factory workers also described switching between physically distinct
work environments. For instance, they could be working in the industrial oven section of the factory one minute, and then be asked to work in
the freezers the next. Hand numbness was often attributed to this type
of cold-heat stress.
Those whose work responsibilities involved cleaning, consistenly
spoke about the lack of training they received on how to handle hazardous cleaning products. Participants’ limited English literacy also put
them at a disadvantage, given that most labelled instructions were in
English. Furthermore, most cleaners worked in small teams or independently during afterhours which limited who they could ask for help. For
instance, Mariana was placed to work alone in an office building and was
never told how to handle the the unlabelled products onsite:
“There was a small room and there were TONS of products.
Then I would say, ‘What is this for?’ …The person that hired
me, who in reality I never met, told me, ‘There’s a supervisor
that will go check up on you…’ So, he would go once in a while,
but he would always be in a hurry. I would ask him, ‘What can
I use this for?’ [He would say] ‘No, this is for this’. Everything
was so fast. They never trained me…You just start learning.”
(Mariana)
Yet, there was also a gender bias in the perceived danger and the
documented health effects from cleaning products. Female cleaners in
our study frequently admitted to having acute physical reactions, mostly
skin or respiratory, which they attributed to the harsh chemicals they
used, such as bleach and ammonia. They described skin irritations and
burns, watery eyes and rhinitis. Male cleaners on the other hand, rarely spoke about the dangers of working with chemicals and often gave
presendence to the physical dangers of lifting heavy garbage bins, handling heavy cleaning machinery and managing minor repairs. While these
differences in perceived risk may stem from a real gendered division
of work and therefore a division in exposure to hazards, Lina’s experience working with males performing the same work points to a different
story. In her experience working with male painters and a male boss,
she acknowledged that there was no incentive to use respiratory masks
when sanding walls for paint preparation, eventhough all workers complained of difficulty breathing. As Lina remarked:
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“…they should enforce a mask for here [pointing to her mouth]
and here [pointing to her nose]. But perhaps they don’t see it
as protection. If you put that on, they see it as, ‘Oh no…what a
girlie girl!’” (Luna)
Therefore among the participants we interviewed, there was a clear
gendered distinction between “soft” (e.g. chemical or unseen) hazards
and “hard” (e.g. physical) hazards. In the male dominated field of construction, for instance, nearly all the hazards described were “hard” in
nature. For instance, the risks from falling from heights, cutting off an extremity, getting nailed with a pressure gun, were most commonly cited.
However, the risks of not using eye protection, gloves, masks, hard-hats,
sunscreen or handling toxic material during demolition work, was rarely mentioned. This also came through in male workers’ illustrations of
work hazards on their body map.
Left: in Pepe’s
body map, the
ladder to the
right represents
the potential
danger of falling
from a height.
Click here to see
his entire body
map.
Left: Nelson’s
waist belt
represents how
he enjoys his
job building
furniture and
rarely sees any
risk involved.
Click here to see
his entire body
map.
Gendered work organization and occupational risks
As seen from the preceding section, both male and female participants
expressed gendered working conditions and organization, although this
often was not the main intent of their descriptions. For instance, when
asked about gender differences in work, workers most commonly cited
gendered wage-differentials, where female participants generally made
$2-3 less than men performing the same work.
Yet, gendered employment relations extended beyond remuneration
by directly impacting workers’ exposure to workplace risks, sexual violence and psychological harassment, particularly in construction and
cleaning sectors. For instance, Rafael consistently spoke about his co-
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workers’ overt displays of sexism, physical strength, and homophobia
which functioned as a way to show how construction workers ought to
be as well as what it was to be to a ‘Latin American man’ more generally.
Rafael’s life as single male working in Canada to provide for his parents
back home did not “fit” this prototype and consequently, he was bullied
by his co-workers, often being called “gay” because he was not married
and had no children like most of his co-workers. Similarly, Fabio noted
that one of his co-workers once commented at work how he had purchased a fancy make-up set for his sister and this turned into an aggressive joke with someone accusing him of being gay and using the make-up
himself. Eventually, the situation escalated into violence.
These gendered work role expectations are particularly significant
for health and safety, given that the pressures for demonstrating physical masculinity are combined with a lack of protection from bullying,
psychosocial harassment and workers being forced to ignore safety procedures in order to prove that they are “man enough” to do the job. For
instance, many male participants in our study spoke about refraining
from using safety equipment out of fear that they would be singled out
by their employers. Others, like Emiliano below, would physically exert
themselves in order to prove that they could keep up with the high work
pace set by other men:
“Here... while working in construction, I got sick! It was so
much work and so heavy! I didn’t quit out of pure pride. I came
in to work and they brought in a GINORMOUS Brazilian guy
and we had to dig a hole. The giant and me. I said to myself, ‘I
am not going to give up. I don’t care. I’ll die if I have to’. I ended
up working at the same pace as him, but that night, I ended up
with tons of knots in my nerves and I got a fever!” (Emiliano)
Sexual harassment was another gendered dimension of workers’ employment relations in Canada, and particular hazard for undocumented
females. As a woman in an overwhelmingly male industry, Victoria explained how her landscaping co-workers repeatedly made her feel uncomfortable as a result of verbal advances and sexual remarks. As Elena’s
Case Study (Case Study 3) revealed, women are also subject to more direct
forms of sexual violence and gender-based discrimination in the workplace, and this is particularly sustained through gendered divisions of
work that grant men more power in the workplace. For instance, Elena’s
male co-workers were strictly prohibited from doing any kitchen work:
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“…for them [the bosses], it is unacceptable that a man cook.
Perhaps it’s the way they see things. Perhaps they don’t like
it if a man cooks or even touches the food….They liked seeing
women cook, women serving them. This is why they didn’t let
the male employees get close to the kitchen.” (Elena)
Similarly, Victoria described that the selection and planting of flowers
was perceived to be “feminine work”, and strictly reserved for female
landscapers. In cleaning contexts, both male and female workers noted
a clear division of work tasks as well. Men routinely handled heavy machinery, such as floor buffing, carpet cleaning or snow removal machines,
and were typically responsible for garbage removal, mopping, and any
heavy lifting. Female cleaners, on the other hand, were perceived by
male cleaners as responsible for easy work, such as dusting and sweeping. As Roberto noted:
“The ladies only pick up the garbage and put in on their cart.
They dust the desks, clean the coffee maker, do a quick clean of
the kitchen and sweep the floors. We [the men], then have to
come and pick everything up. We take the garbage away. They
just put it in the hallway. When heavy things need to be carried,
when boxes come in, we do it.” (Roberto)
Favourable conditions are the exception, not the rule
Workers in our study rarely described getting a raise unless they
switched jobs. However, in a few cases, workers described other forms
of compensation. Roberto clearly acknowledged that despite working
for his company for over two years, he would never be able to get a raise
because it would prompt internal investigations of the company’s hiring
practices. According to Roberto, his supervisor instead did other things
to acknowledge his hard work, he described:
“… I do get a lot of privileges. My original schedule is from
5:30pm to 10:30pm. I come in at 6:00pm, 6:30pm, and 7:00pm.
If one day I am not feeling well, that is, emotionally not feeling well, because when you are here alone... the depression and
everything, right? So sometimes, I come in at 6:30pm and she
asks me, “How are you?” and I respond, “So, So”. When I say “so,
so” she already knows that something is up. So she says, “Here
are the keys. Go. Do whatever you want today, Bye!” (Roberto)
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In rarer occasions, workers described having genuinely “good” bosses. For instance, some construction workers noted that they had bosses,
who on occasion, would buy them lunch or coffee, or would organize
weekend soccer games to bring the work crew closer together. Rafael
noted that one of his bosses played a major role in getting him closer to
the church, and for Valeria, her boss was a major source of support, often
helping her locate and pay for alternative treatments, such as acupuncture for her musculoskeletal problems (see Valeria’s Case Study). Workers also spoke about having compassionate bosses from time to time,
who would give them cash advances to make emergency remittances or
to pay for late rent.
Also, workers who worked with the same boss for a prolonged period
of time tended to describe more work role independence. For instance,
Nelson had only two employers in almost 5 years and felt both valued his
skills. While these workers did not get paid more, they often were able
to negotiate some aspects of their work, such as getting personal time
off, scheduling their own work hours, or negotiating their work load. As
Roberto described:
“… Sometimes she [the boss] makes me do lots of things in an
hour. She tells me, ‘Clean the tracks of all five elevators’. To which
I respond, ‘Sure, but five times twelve? What’s that? I have an
hour and you want me to vacuum, mop…’ [She says] ‘Okay fine,
three today, two tomorrow’. So, in a way, I’ve earned these kinds
of things… At the beginning, I was a slave.” (Roberto)
Having specific work or language skills also gave workers an advantage in their workplaces but in most cases, “promotions” were horizontal in nature and provided no added job security or better pay. Workers
recognized the deceit but accepted the added responsibility for multiple,
often conflicting, reasons. For instance, Emiliano was offered a forklift
operator position for the same rate of pay, and while he recognized that
he was chosen because of his advanced English speaking abilities and
should be compensated accordingly, he accepted the position because
it was less physically demanding and would give him more skilled work
experience.
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Tactics for survival
“The benefits of international
migration, not only for migrants
themselves, but equally for receiving
societies, are contingent on the
protection of migrant rights. Labour
rights are the mainstay in the
prevention of exploitation and ought
to be fiercely safeguarded.”
Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations
(UN General Assembly, 2006, p. 15)
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Chapter 3: Tactics8 for survival
“I’ve always thought that life without problems is not life because that is the reason why human beings live... to have something to fight for and to get ahead.” (Roberto)
In order to provide a real account of how undocumented workers live
their lives, it is important to shed light on and understand how they navigate the complex situations and circumstances they are confronted with.
While worker “strategies” for coping with adverse and precarious work
conditions has been cited elsewhere, we have identified that the precarious legal and work situation undocumented workers face is generally
unconducive for any preemptive planning or strategizing efforts. We
therefore depart from this notion of organized coping and identify the
range of tactics that undocumented workers employ to confront or deal
with their everyday hardships, fear and isolation. We particularly illustrate the ways in which undocumented workers address ongoing job and
income precarity and how they adopt a range of tactics to promote their
own mental health, overcome fear and isolation, and maintain dignity
and self-protection in the face of their ongoing criminalization as “illegals” and commodification as “disposable” workers.
3.1. Securing and generating additional income
Workers employed a range of tactics to secure work and generate
additional income, largely in response the low-paid and insecure nature
of the employment possibilities they had. In most cases, workers simply
spoke about the need to comply with employer demands and remain
flexible in order to keep whatever job they had because this was better
than being unemployed altogether. As Renata described:
7
Taken from Cleaveland and Pierson (2009, p. 518): “Members of marginalized groups typically develop survival tactics that include identifying and abiding by norms that are deined by those in more
privileged positions and iguring out how to attain their own ends by maneuvering within them. Actors orient themselves according to their perceptions of social space, deciding which spaces to avoid
and determining how to act in others (Lefebvre, 1991). Consideration of undocumented immigration
in relation to spatial practices that beneit dominant groups and classes helps to develop a framework
for critiques of policy and economics that acknowledges the tactical agency of subordinated groups.”
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
“…My [work] situation is difficult… because I know that one way
or another, it is secure. I know they are going to pay me… [but]
if I leave my job there, I don’t know. I wouldn’t know where to
go or who else would be willing to employ me.” (Renata)
Therefore remaining complicit was a tactic in its own right, given that
workers were not accustomed to accepting low employment positions
with little decision-making power. Thus, while negotiating their hourly
rate or their working conditions seemed to be off limits, several workers did describe keeping a record of their hours to avoid wage theft, but
could only hope that their employers believed them. More creative tactics were also employed by certain workers to balance their precarious
work positions and their obvious need for a reliable source of income.
After being warned by co-workers that his new employer would consistently pay workers late, Rafael created a persona as a payment assurance
tactic:
“I went to my boss and I told him: ‘Hey, tell me the truth, are you
going to pay me 15 days from now? Because I have a family, I
have kids.’ I mean, in order to get ahead, I made up a family. I
made up that I have a daughter, a son and that I have a wife.”
(Rafael)
By falsely representing himself as a breadwinner in need of consistent income to provide for his family, Rafael also managed to circumvent
workplace bullying associated with being an unmarried male (see section on “Gendered work organization and occupational risks”).
More traditional tactics for securing an income or for earning additional income were exercised by other participants. Multiple part-time
jobs or additional income-generating activities to counteract the temporary, part-time, or low-wage nature of available work or to make extra
money were common among participants, particularly among females.
For instance, in addition to holding a full-time job as a manager for a
local business, Renata would also teach private cooking classes and
would sell baked goods. Another female engaged in a range of additional
income-generating activities to avoid interfering with her English language classes during the day. For instance, she participated in clinical
trials on more than one occasion, did coat-checking at a downtown Toronto nightclub, and did part-time work on the weekends at a banquet
hall. Other female participants such as Luna and Maya did babysitting in
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
addition to their regular work at a factory and a restaurant, respectively.
Valeria worked up to 3 jobs at once to maximize her earnings at the expense of sleep, rest and good health (see Case Study 4)
As shown on Table 2, males on the other hand, tended have more than
one regular job, but rarely spoke about income-generating activities
that were discrete rather than ongoing in nature. For instance, Rafael
did construction work during the week, and picked up factory work on
the weekends with a temporary agency. Roberto similarly held a regular
cleaning job in the evenings, a dishwashing job on the weekends at a local restaurant, and was looking for a third job at the time of this study.
Interestingly, because workers picked up many small jobs simultaneously, job-sharing was a common tactic used by workers to not loose their
pre-existing employment should they have to miss work unexpectedly.
For instance, Roberto shared his dishwashing job at the restaurant when
he was offered extra and higher paid work at his regular cleaning job,
yet he was still considered the primary worker for the position and was
required to pay his replacement.
Another tactic used by workers in our study, was to constantly be on
the lookout for new job opportunities and move between jobs if they
were offered a better rate of pay or better working conditions. Consequently, there was a high rate of mobility between jobs among workers, so much so, that workers often did not recall how many jobs they
had held in the last year, and less so how many they had since first arriving in Canada. It was very common for workers to describe transitioning
into new jobs during the course of study or having to rearrange interview times to accommodate new work schedules. As Rafael’s Case Study
highlights, relocating to a new city was another job search tactic, which
proved to be beneficial for some and detrimental to others. For instance,
Mariana’s partner had been working in another Canadian province for
several months and refused to come back to Toronto because it would
mean forfeiting a high paying job and being unable to provide for his
family.
Workers also employed a range of microeconomic and transnational
tactics to secure, supplement, or top-up the income they already made.
For instance, Roberto used his transnational connections and savings to
establish a side business back home with a business partner who had
once lived in Canada as an undocumented worker. When workers experienced financial constraints, it was also common to receive reverse
remittances. Rafael for instance, asked his relatives to send money from
his savings account back home to pay for a return flight back to Toronto
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when he realized he had limited job prospects in Alberta. Emiliano also
relied on his transnational connections to purchase a flight back home
for emergency health treatment, and being an unemployed and single
mother to-be, Victoria relied on family remittances to prepare for the
birth of her first child in Canada.
Microeconomic tactics within the household were also common. As
already described (see section on “Learning the way of the land”), participants’ applied several tactics to save on common household expenses
such as food, rent and bills. Yet, those with dependent children in Canada, employed additional genered tactics to deal with their childcare responsibilities while still having to meet their work obligations. For instance, Mariana was primarily a homemaker, but would occasionally do
cleaning work to help support her family when their work was slow. To
balance her responsibilities in light of the high costs of private childcare,
Mariana would work night shifts so that her children could be cared for
by her mother. Elizabeth, on the otherhand, described staying home instead of looking for additional work during the winter months when she
was off her regular work, in order to take care of her son and manage
regular duties she could not do while she was working full-time:
“From December 23rd to early March it’s [the business] closed
due to winter (...) many find other jobs, work in other areas, but
I prefer to stay at home with him [her son] (smiling). [Moneywise] it’s Okay because my husband is working in construction,
which is helpful. Moderator: Do you like to be at home? Elizabeth: Not really (...) sometimes I baby sit the children of my
husband’s relatives and (...) I run errands, take my child to the
clinic, I use this time to do these things.” (Elizabeth)
3.2. Work pride
Despite the strenuous and often demoralizing working conditions
participants were subjected to, workers in our study generally shared
a sense of dignity from being hard workers. This sense of fulfilment or
work pride seemed to function as a buffer against the negative psychological effects of engaging in continuously low-paid, dangerous and
sometimes, low-skilled and menial work. For instance, many participants spoke about striving to “be the best”, even if this meant being the
best at doing the worst jobs, like cleaning. Some workers reasserted that
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it was through their hard-earned dollars alone, and not anybody’s sympathy that they were able to get by, as Emiliano explained:
“When I go to a place to work, I don’t like anyone telling me
that they are giving me money. I earn it. I work, I work hard.
What I get paid, I really earned.” (Emiliano)
Other workers kept artifacts or keepsakes for
when they returned back home, that would serve
as a reminder to them and to their families of the
hard work they endured. These often included
remittance receipts and diary notes, but also included marks on the body. For instance, when
asked why she had not gotten treatment for the
several burn marks on her arms from working in
a kitchen, Valeria noted that she wanted her children to see what their new life back home had
physically cost her.
Yet work pride also served as a tactic for workers to confront or come to terms with the nature
of the work they would be doing. For Elena, accepting to come to Canada to work as a cook specifically required reframing the experience as a respectable learning opportunity rather than simply
low-skilled work she was not accustomed to:
Top: Valeria’s burn marks
on hands and arms are an
accurate representation
of the number of scars
she physically had. Click
here to see her entire
body map.
“My mom always used to tell me how was I going to come to
Canada to work at a restaurant when [back home] I never
helped her wash the dishes, I never chopped an onion, or lettuce! These were things I had never done; it’s true. But in (my
home country) I had this idea that ‘Okay, but I am going to go
there to learn something’… I’ve always believed that whatever
you do is never demeaning in any context.” (Elena)
For other workers, work pride took the form of inner self-confidence
when confronted with limited job-prospects. Emiliano described:
“I meet lots of Latinos who say: ‘It is pretty hard to find a job’
and yes, I believe them. Then, the media talks about the global
crisis, so you end up feeling pretty panicked. But then when
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I lay in bed, I say to myself: “But, I am pretty good. I am an
awesome writer. I am a really good journalist, so TOMORROW
they’ll know about me, for sureeee!’.” (Emiliano)
Workers’ self-confidence and pride also had a clear utility when it
came to securing work and resisting their disposability as undocumented
workers. By demonstrating a “hard worker” work ethic (e.g. doing overtime, performing heavy work, willingness to do anything asked of them,
etc), several workers were able to build a good reputation with their employer and improve their job security. This was the case for several factory
temp workers who consistently had to out-perform permanent workers
in order to secure ongoing placements at the client employer worksite.
Valeria also recalled how her hard work in the kitchen resulted in her
boss depending solely on her for the business to run. She explained:
“What can the restaurant owner do? I am the only cook. I cook
lunch and dinner. Who would cook? I can’t just think about
myself! When you have a profession, when you graduate with
something, you have to deliver. I know how to be a professional; I don’t have a Canadian diploma, (…) but I know about my
responsibilities.” (Valeria)
In addition to helping workers keep their job, this “hard worker”
tactic also seemed to reduce workers’ competition for new jobs since
employers would only hire undocumented workers to get the job done
right. This is clearly tied to the production and maintenance of the undocumented migration industry as described in Chapter 1, and highlights how workers themselves reproduce an undocumented worker
stereotype, one that reinforces that such workers are willing and able to
do hard cheap labour at whatever cost. Several participants in our study
described this unintended effect:
“They bring or connect with Mexican people… first, because they
have this idea… that Mexicans are people with a lot of grit; hardworking people, who always put up a fight… They also do this
with young people… because they think they are more productive at work; they are healthier and they get less tired.” (Elena)
Yet it would be an incomplete picture to suggest that workers passively evoked a hard worker ethic and work pride to simply secure jobs
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and promote their self-worth. Data from our study also suggests that
workers’ willingness to work hard and comply with employers’ demands
also had its limits, highlighting yet another realm of tactics workers employed to resist exploitative conditions when they reached their tipping point. Elena’s Case Study particularly revealed how undocumented
workers can be pushed to take drastic measures to escape situations
that threaten their personal safety. After experiencing months of sexual
harrassment, surveillance, and violence in her workplace, Elena made
the spontaneous decision to cut all social ties with people at work and
quit without notice.
Although not frequently done, some workers similarly took matters
into their own hands, often putting at risk their employment and their
stay in Canada for the sake of resisting abusive treatment. Emiliano recalled threatening to rip apart a former employer’s car if he didn’t pay
him his unpaid wages. When he was threatened with deportation, as
commonly occurs in cases of confrontation, Emiliano noted:
“It doesn’t matter what status I have. Even though I came in
with a tourist visa, I had no right [to work], no work permit.
Abusive people take advantage of that. I know a lot of cases like
this that people have told me about. But I said to him [the boss],
‘I don’t care, you’ll do it [i.e. pay him], and it will be the last time
you do it because after this you’ll see that not all of us are that
stupid’. He quickly paid me.” (Emiliano)
Although small in number, courageous accounts such as these highlight how workers consistently engaged in outward tactics to reaffirm
their self-respect and human rights. Many other participants resorted to
less risky and more personal forms of maintaining their self-dignity and
respect as workers in Canada. For instance, while several participants
recognized they were transgressing some aspect of the law by working
without papers, they often reasserted their economic contribution to
Canadian society as a way of demonstrating their work pride and resisting being conceived as a “criminal” or as a “parasite”that feeds off
Canada’s safety net. As Julio noted:
“…the only thing I’ve done here is work for the country, even
though it has been cleaning. I provide certain commodity to
people who need it. I have never stolen, I’ve never cheated anybody, and I haven’t lived off the government. I haven’t paid
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“taxes” directly, but I have, indirectly, by buying food, clothing…
I’ve put hard effort into my work. The fact that I am not qualified [for status] does not mean I am a parasite here. I’ve proven
that I am not a parasite.” (Julio)
3.3. Good citizen acts
Nearly all the workers we interviewed felt that everyday activities
like working, driving, and going to school, or crossing the street, were at
risk of being transformed into criminal or questionable acts with severe
consequences like detention and deportation. Therefore many workers
transformed themselves into the most extreme ‘law-abiding’ citizens
while going about the city, avoiding minor transgressions of the law
such as jay-walking or loitering. For instance, Julio who had lived undocumented in Canada for nearly a decade and had an impeccable driving record, noted that if he got a parking ticket, he would pay it well in
advance to avoid having his name entered in “the system”.
Upon having their refugee application denied, one participant described having to transform their relatively open and trustful way of living to now having to become more alert and watchful of potentially dangerous situations that could make them a target to police. For instance,
they would not accept casual car rides from people unless they were
familiar with their driving habits, would immediately put on their seat
belt and be “more alert”.
While participants adopted these ‘good citizen acts’ for self protection against being caught, they also seemed to adopt similar strategies
to promote their mental health and dignity and to resist the criminalization they faced as “illegals” who “cheated” the system. For instance, our
research found that many workers filed annual income taxes for their
business. When asked why they did this, Renata explained that it was
about being honest and wanting to belong like everyone else.
“First of all, I am a HONEST person. And if I am living in a country that…well…I want to respect that country’s laws. I WANT
TO BELONG. The reason I am here is not only because I want to
receive. I want to belong and I want to do things the best I can.
I don’t want for later in the future for them to come to me and
say, ‘You haven’t been [a part]’.” (Renata)
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Other participants also spoke about trying to regularize their status in
the most “honest” and “frank” way as possible. For some workers, like Emiliano, this included forgoing opportunities to submit a false refugee claim
eventhough everyone advised them that should. As Emiliano explained:
“Look, many friends [have advised that I use]…my history as a
Journalist, which has to do with ‘guerrillas’, terrorism, military
and gangs. I could have a wonderful story to make up and be
able to stay…Why don’t I do it? Because IT’S NOT TRUE… I’d
feel extremely ashamed if I’d happen to get paper based on lies
I made up from MY job.” (Emiliano)
In more extreme cases, this also meant actively refusing to marry
someone for papers, eventhough they received multiple offers by Canadian residents, and recognized that this was becoming the only plausible way to regularize their status. As Rafael described:
“Well…I would like to be as honest as possible. I want something
normal. I don’t want to get married to someone – get married
without love, just for papers, and then have a child in between
and destroy the life of the person who I got married with…and
destroy the life of that child. I wouldn’t like that. I would like it
all proper. I would only marry someone, if it were for love and
about sharing our lives together.” (Rafael)
This sincere longing to belong to Canadian society by taking part in
regular citizen acts or by exhibiting an honest character was a cross-cutting theme that also took on other forms. For instance, Tania enrolled in
a college level certificate program to gain specialized knowledge in her
profession from her country of origin, but also to have a more ‘normal’
experience of Canada and be like the rest.
Finally, among many workers there was an overall sentiment that no
matter what they did, they would still be criminalized. As Valeria explained, Canada had not given workers a chance to formally contribute,
and if given that chance, most undocumented workers would voluntarily
comply because it would validate their work contribution and give them
the flexibility to go and come back:
“All the undocumented people I spoke to are willing to pay
[taxes]. For all these people, as soon as you mention this situa-
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
tion (…) they say: “If we could pay taxes, we would be able to
go and come back [referring to going back and forth between
countries].” (Valeria)
3.4. Staying busy and having hope
While the fear of deportation expressed by most workers in our study
functioned to paralyze any meaningful establishment of friendships or
participation in social life, workers in our study did express some notable
tactics to counter the everyday social exclusion they faced. These mostly
revolved around maintaining ties with their home country, keeping busy
through a range of activities, and building trustworthy support mechanisms locally to support their psychological well-being and to meet their
everyday needs such as finding a job and other resources. Participants’
descriptions of social life also reveal the ways in which their social exclusion is related to their socioeconomic status, gender and other contextual factors such as age, martial status and occupation. Finally, several
workers highlighted the importance of belonging to a faith-based organization or maintaining a strong belief in God as a source of strength and
protection.
Staying connected and maintaining supports
Nearly all participants spoke about the significant hardship they endured in the absence of a
strong social support system in Canada. For these
reasons, nearly all workers, especially those who
migrated alone, maintained strong ties with
family and friends from their country of origin
or other places that had lived and worked via the
Internet or the phone. Purchasing long distance
calling cards or buying a laptop with wireless connection was a common feature of participants’
early settlement experiences in Canada which
came through in their body-mapped stories.
For those participants that did establish social support networks in Canada, which mostly
included other immigrant groups or co-workers,
they described these as mostly serving a tangible
function, like providing job search or housing
Chapter 3: Tactics for survival
Top: Luna draws a large
phone line to represent
keeping in touch with
close friends and family
abroad. Click here to see
her entire body map.
94
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
help. Victoria particularly noted how these were “conditional friendships”, and this was a common sentiment among participants, who felt
they had aquaintances in Canada, but not true friends they could rely on
for moral support and comfort.
Participants’ social relations were also gendered in nature, with
women exhibiting wider social support networks motivated by their
affective value rather than their male counterparts who often only focused on establishing ties for networking purposes. Mariana who was a
homemaker, tended to socialize with other mothers who she met at her
child’s school or at the park and described the emotional support these
relations provided especially when she travelled away from her Torontobased network to reunite with her husband in Edmonton. According to
Mariana:
“Here [in Toronto]… we go to the park with their kids or we
make arrangements to see each other another day, but not
always since they have their own children and husbands. We
go out for coffee or something like that… [But] my social life
[in Edmonton] used to be through the Internet… From the moment I got up I would have the computer and my MSN on, always talking to my mom about any little detail. My family, my
friends…they were always there.” (Mariana)
For participants who actively transitioned from having legal status as
a refugee, to having no status once their claims were denied, having a
close network of friends and supports was invaluable for staying “under
the radar”. Renata and Mariana were quickly able to relocate homes
to avoid being apprehended by authorities as result of having trusted
friends who could sign their lease agreements. Renata was also able to
receive more thorough legal advice through friends who had connections with immigration specialists, and counted on her network to look
for a new job.
Volunteering also gave participants an opportunity to expand their
social support networks and get some form of distraction from their
mundane work activities. A few participants (5 out of 20) did some
form of voluntary work, usually within their faith-based community or
with organizations working with the Latin American community. Some
people volunteered regularly and many of these organizations depended
on their volunteer labour to keep functioning. For instance, Renata
worked several hours per week cooking lunch for a community program
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
for seniors, while Nelson and Fabio were occasionally involved with an
organization that provided language and resettlement support to other
newcomers.
Religion and hope as a tools for getting by
Religion, spirituality and hope were also powerful resources in the
provision of comfort and reassurance for participants during their migration journeys and after they arrived. One female participant recalled
actively praying while attempting to cross the border, and several others
described asking God for protection and strength when they faced interrogation by immigration officials. One participant noted, “You learn
to love God in foreign land”, and this was a common sentiment among
participants as they progressively got closer to their faith-based communities as a means of coping. Nearly half of participants interviewed,
attended religious services on a near regular basis or expressed a genuine belief that God was their source of strength and support. Representations of God and religious faith also appeared in several of participants’
body-mapped stories, sometimes as a crucifix, in others as the lyrics to
religious music or as pictures of places of worship.
Left: In Valeria’s
body map the
sun represents
God and her
slogan on
her back are
the lyrics of a
religious hymn.
Click here to see
her entire body
map.
Left: See Elena’s
large wings and
the green hand
print on the top
represents God
watching over
her. Click here
to see her entire
body map.
For the majority of these participants, religion particularly played a
role in helping them come to terms with their lived reality as undocumented workers in a place that did not recognize their labour or their
human rights. There was an inherent belief in “God’s plan”, that is, that
both the hardships and the successes they experienced in Canada were
part of a larger life lesson. This tended to offer those participants a deep-
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
er connection to their life’s and migration’s purpose, make them more
appreciative for the things they had, and more accepting of the hardships
and exploitive conditions they could not change. As Rafael explained:
“Yes, it is hard. It angers you that they take your money … [but]
money comes and goes. If they take my money while God gives
me more health, I am thankful for that… just having a chance
to see another day. …That alone I would be a reward. I can’t
ask for more… I already had wealth. I have my parents. I was
once very happy. I already know what love is like. I have a religion, I breathe, I see. I have my five senses. That is my reward. I
can’t ask Him for more.” (Rafael)
Concrete descriptions or examples of how God protected them in
Canada were also common. For instance, Rafael once endured a major
hand sprain while handling a power drill and felt that in the days following his injury, God had kept watch over him because coincidentally, he
wasn’t required to do any heavy lifting at work which gave his injury sufficient time to heal without having to take time off work. Similarly, Elena
described getting help from a stranger named “Angel” while being transferred from hospital to hospital for emergency care. When representing
this story on her body map, Elena decided to place angel wings behind
her back to figuratively represent the belief that God always watched
over her, and had sent a guardian angel to help her that day. Valeria similarly explained that God had protected her from a much more serious
burn in the kitchen where she worked:
“One day, I was very busy (...) there were many clients... I was
frying dough. When I realized, I had already thrown a scoop of
boiling oil on my hand. Moderator: Did it burn the whole hand?
Valeria: It didn’t burn much... it got the way you see it now. My
boss came in to check because a co-worker had told him about
the accident. (...) He said: “Let me see how is your hand?” I said:
“It wasn’t much”. He said: “Not much?!? This is boiling oil.” And
I replied: “God has placed a handkerchief on my hand.” Nothing
happened… that could have damaged my hand forever.” (Valeria)
Becoming closer to the church also seemed to connect participants
to trusted networks of support that proved to be indispensable when it
came to looking for a job or receiving emotional reassurance. Renata was
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overwhelmed by the support she received by her church community,
where she found people who were willing to give her their “half month’s
wages, if she needed it”, and where her pastor provided advice on how
to deal status issues in Canada. Other participants spoke about material
supports available through the church, like food basket donations.
Yet while several participants expressed a belief in God as a source of
protection or in their church communities as an invaluable source of support, several others described “hope” more generally, or “inner strength”
as a means to get by. When asked to map out where on her body she got
her personal strength, Luna explained that it was purely “mental strength”
that got her by, and decided to represent this on her body map with a
picture of a person doing yoga (see Luna’s body map). For Roberto, his
strength came from having something worth fighting for:
“I believe that life without problems is no life because for human beings that is the reason to live for… having something to
fight for and move ahead.” (Roberto)
Other participants simply evoked a “positive outlook” personality
which helped them get through life and see hardships differently. Frequently this involved comparing their life circumstances to those in
worse situations, or simply, to how far worse life would be, back home.
For instance, Nelson compared his previous job experiences to his current occupation and thought it was much healthier and more gratifying
to be a carpenter than a sales person always pressured by increasing
sale targets or a small business owner living at the mercy of economic
shifts. He described himself as a person with a positive attitude whose
children were old enough to understand his distance and as lucky man
because he was appreciated for his craftsmanship, worked with good
people, and was paid a fair amount. Finally, several participants spoke
about the need to believe or have hope that their situation was only temporary.
Leisure time
Leisure time was a rare commodity for participants in our study, mostly due to lack of time off work and because as many people remarked,
“Going out is expensive here…”. On their days off, workers commonly
spoke about catching up on their sleep, reading news from back home
over the Internet, or doing low-cost activities such as renting movies.
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For the most part, everything was measured up against fear of exposure
and financial cost. Workers were generally afraid to expose themselves
publicly at bars or clubs, out of fear that they would be asked for identification to get in or that they would find themselves being “at the wrong
place at the wrong time”. Participants also acknowledged that social outings were expensive and carried hidden costs, such as time away from
work or sleep. For these reasons, participants were far more likely to
spend quiet evenings indoors with their co-workers, partners or friends,
and when the weather was better, backyard barbeques were common.
The kinds of leisure activities performed were also tied to participants’ work schedules and their age. Older workers such as Valeria, Julio,
Roberto, Nelson and Fabio were primarily concerned with staying connected to their children or spouses back home, and rarely spoke about
having the time or interest in participating in social outings. As Valeria
described:
“Some people tell me: “Rather than a heart, you have a stone in
your chest”. (...) But this is not true; I have left my children behind, also my parents and my siblings. I came here to work. So,
I work as much as I can. I won’t look for a bar to drink; I won’t
look for a man to date. By working this hard, how can I have
time for parties or relationships?” (Valeria)
Younger workers, on the other hand, were more amenable to going
out for coffee, drinks or dancing with friends, one participant even called
it a “safety valve”. With respect to work schedules, night shift workers
or early morning workers rarely spoke about going to nightclubs, while
daytime workers commonly spoke about the nocturnal lifestyle they
adopted:
“You leave the restaurant, go home quickly, take a shower and
get to their house by 11:30pm, midnight. My life became much
more nocturnal. That was the only time I was available.” (Elena)
For a small number of workers in our study, their time off work was
an opportunity to focus on their passions and hobbies. Emiliano described himself as a journalist at heart, and frequently spoke about his
adventures around the city, snapping photos of Canadian life and documenting events such as the G20 protests and city festivals such as Pride
and Caribana. He described:
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“… The little free time I have, I sometimes use it for resting or
reading. Many times, I read or listen to music at home or at
some place I like – a coffee shop or an outdoor space… or I go
out and take pictures of society.” (Emiliano)
Several others such as Andres, Andrea, Lina, and Renata also spoke
about sightseeing around the city or going to parks, usually by foot or bicycle, taking pictures they would later send to their families back home.
Participants’ leisure activities also revealed the ways that education,
gender, class, and ethnicity interacted to ultimately shape their lived experiences in the city. While a few participants, particularly those who
came from affluent backgrounds, spoke about attending free outdoor
concerts, going to museums, professional sports games or skating at City
Hall, the majority of participants seemed unaware of these alternative
spaces for engagement and spent their time almost exclusively within
their neighbourhood, visiting ethnic-specific or mainstream establishments. For instance, one female described taking her children to McDonald’s playgrounds in the winter because she didn’t know of many free
places where her children could play, and Emiliano noted that many of
his undocumented Latin American co-workers, who had been living in
Canada for several years, still preferred to buy food at ethnic food locales, as a kind of hobby.
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The impact of
lack of status
“Unauthorized im/migrants’ lack of access
to necessary health care services thus
constitutes a burgeoning yet insufficiently
addressed global health challenge.”
Willen, Mulligan, & Castañeda (2011, p. 332)
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Chapter 4: The impact of lack of status
“…you don’t even want to go out. You’re afraid. You feel the uncertainty of going out. You think, ‘Someone will find me…I’ll be
seen”. You live with that in your heart.” (Renata)
The experiences of undocumented workers in Canada can best be
understood as a complex web or matrix of simultaneously oppressive
and supportive structures that transcend the sphere of home, work and
community. We refer to this as a web of exploitation and solidarity which
ultimately functions to constrain workers’ physical, economic and personal mobility and exclude them from meaningfully participating in Canadian society. Workers in our study experienced a combination of linked
problems – precarious employment, low incomes, poor housing, health
breakdown, and lack of access to services, among many others. Therefore the vulnerability of undocumented workers is characterized by the
inter-relatedness of problems that are mutually reinforcing. Combined,
these issues make up a complex web, which is difficult to escape or disentangle because of the evolving nature of those participating, or at worse,
benefitting from their exploitation. Some workers learn the rules of living in this web, which they describe as surviving in sub-spaces. They
live and work in Toronto, but they never experience it the way others
do. Many others use trust and informal networks as a means for survival
which provides only weak social security for workers.
In this chapter, we present findings related to the health and everyday
impacts of living without status. We preface this discussion by first outlining the embeddedness of social exclusion and fear in the lived realities
of undocumented workers, and how such conditions lead to immediate
and long-term material and subjective consequences which negatively
impact their physical and mental health. We then discuss health outcomes which include both psychosocial and physical health concerns,
women’s health issues and workplace injuries and risks. We briefly discuss long-term implications for health, and end the chapter by identifying key barriers, facilitators and experiences of access, including undocumented workers’ health seeking behaviours. Throughout, we draw from
participants’ body-mapped stories to illustrate how participants embody
and situate such experiences in relation to their transnational lives.
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4.1. Living with fear and exclusion
Several scholars have noted in recent literature that the immigration process itself contributes to losses in social networks and support
systems, and the impact of which is compounded by layers of social exclusion and marginalization resulting from language barriers, underemployment, substandard housing, and different forms of prejudice
(Crooks, Hynie, Killian, Giesbrecht, & Castleden, 2011; Guruge & Collins,
2008; Guruge & Humphreys, 2009).
Living on high alert
For undocumented workers, however, the anxiety of living without
status began almost immediately upon arrival, particularly for those that
had limited social supports and English language skills. Participants spoke
about the moment they got off the plane from their respective homelands
and feeling tremendous angst when passing through immigration inspection where their motives for visiting Toronto would be called to question.
For some, such experiences were so engraved in their migration experiences that they represented such moments on their body maps.
Right: The wiggly lines on Roberto’s knees
represent the fear and nervousness he felt when
going through immigration questioning. The
floor plan on the left represents his arrival at the
airport. Click here to see his entire body map.
The anxiety that marked their initial entry to
Canada continued to overshadow workers as they
went about their lives in Toronto. Participants in
our study consistently spoke about the need stay
hidden and on high alert for their own safety. This
is despite the fact that Canada Border Services
Agency (CBSA) virtually has no record of them and
no specific program in place to locate “visitors” who overstay their visa
permitted time. Yet the majority of workers we interviewed seemed to
internalize this criminalization and became hypervigilent of being exposed to authorities. As Emiliano pointed out “[we believe] that somehow
people will recognize us. We think we have it written here (pointing to
forehead)”. Similarly, Valeria described that at one point she felt intense
fear while crossing a street intersection because she thought the police
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had put up cameras to photograph suspicious pedestrians to locate undocumented migrants. Later she realized this was a psychological symptom of her condition.
Thus unlikelihood of being located by immigration authorities seems
to be largely unknown to most of the undocumented workers we interviewed, and so the perceived fear of arrest and deportation is very real
and reinforced by narratives of deportation among the Latin American
community in Toronto. For instance, several workers spoke about having to be weary of ‘informers’ which could be other immigrants or coworkers who could turn them in for monetary rewards. Luna particularly spoke about trying to stay on her employers’ good side because
they could use deportation as a form of payback.
Also consistent among participants’ narratives was a perceived sense
of mistrust in everyone which contributed to their overall lack of social
participation. For instance, when asked if they had sought legal advice,
many participants described actively avoiding consultation with lawyers
or legal experts out of fear that they would be taken advantage of or that
they would be immigration officers in disguise. For instance, after being
asked why he had not sought legal help for over $2000 in unpaid wages,
Pepe recounted the story of an undocumented co-worker who had complained about unpaid wages:
“He went to complain. The same lady told him, ‘What do you
come here to complain about? ...You know what? Give me you
number, I’ll take care of it.’ … He gave her his home phone number and three days later, immigration went to this guy’s house
and took him….You see things and you hesitate [to act] for the
same reason.” (Pepe)
These real accounts of betrayal therefore promote mistrust even towards organizations or institutions that provide advice and support to
non-status workers. Workers also felt reluctant to provide their real addresses to strangers. For this reason, many workers described keeping
two sets of addresses; one which they would put on forms and a second,
which they would only give to close friends or relatives, which was where
they actually lived. For other workers, staying under the police’s radar
meant trying to “blend in” as much as possible and avoid characteristics that seemed to trigger profiling by police. For instance, many would
stay away from Latin American establishments, would bring a change
of clean clothes to work so as to not appear as low-wage construction
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worker on their way to and from work, or would try at whatever cost to
speak English in public.
Yet for those living with other undocumented migrants, like Elena,
this meant having close encounters with immigration officials. In one
particular instance, two immigration officers came to her home with an
arrest warrant for one of her roommates and requested to see identification from the rest of those living in the home. At the time, Elena and
another undocumented roommate were not home, but were informed of
the incident and quickly decided to relocate.
Becoming socially excluded
Social exclusion can be provoked by normalizing attitudes about citizenship in both personal and institutional contexts. For instance, programs
and services rarely consider status as a potential barrier for participation
because there exists a “universalist” ethic for the inclusion and incorporation of everyone, but in practice, eligibility for inclusion is continuously
verified in ways that would pass unnoticed to most. For instance, one participant described the alienation she felt when asked to provide proof of
residency through a bill statement to enroll her daughter in school:
“They force you to present some documentation, a bill, whatever it is, but it has to have your name and the address of where
you live in order for you to prove [that you reside here]. I didn’t
have anything…I don’t get any bills in the mail, not even a cell
phone bill, nothing! So it was very tedious. I tried to explain, “I
can’t because I don’t have anything. I don’t have any paper to
show.’ They would say, ‘You don’t have a bank card?’ [I would
say] ‘No, I don’t have anything.’ [They would say] ‘Why don’t
you go open a bank account so that you can get a bill, and then
come [register] with us’” (Mariana)
At other times, normalizing attitudes about status are initiated inadvertently in interpersonal contexts. One participant described avoiding social gatherings because one of the main subjects of conversation
among immigrant groups is their legal status in Canada and travelling
back home for vacation.
“When you are at social gatherings a lot of people start talking
about how they went to such and such place, to do such and
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such thing, that they are citizens, or residents, blah, blah, blah.
In those situations I feel excluded.... It’s better if I go to another
place and find other points of conversation.” (Julio)
For those participants with young children, normalizing attitudes about
eligibility for child benefits were particularly hard to escape. Spending time
in public spaces with their children meant that non-status mothers had to
continuously interact with other mothers who would share information
about available government sponsored benefits. As Mariana explained:
“For me, it is really uncomfortable because they start asking, ‘Do you go to
such and such program?’ ‘Did you apply
for that thing that provides some child
care assistance?’ These are things, that
obviously, I can’t do right now. So, it bothers me to have to be lying. ‘Ah, yes, yes, I
went’ or ‘I did this and that’” (Mariana)
Right: The two women speaking to each other
represent Mariana’s discomfort in having to
hide her status situation from other mothers
who always ask related questions. Click here to
see her entire body map.
In other cases, social exclusion is self-mediated to avoid unnecessary
public exposure, particularly during times of heightened immigration
enforcement. Upon finding out that immigration raids were happening
across the city, Renata recalled opting to stay indoors and cancel plans to
go out with a group of friends.
“It was very sad to have to say the day before, ‘You know what?
We won’t be able to go with you because we can’t go out in public’. Our friends have status, we don’t. So, we have to be very discreet. We must be very careful, and that’s horri-ii-ble.” (Renata)
Emiliano on the other hand expressed a sincere longing for spaces
to culturally and socially engage, but was cognizant of the fact that even
if they did exist, the fear that undocumented workers have over being
exposed and potentially being detained would prevent them from participating.
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“…there aren’t spaces for social interaction. There are none.
And if there were, many of us are are afraid [to participate]
because we are illegal immigrants…We aren’t going to risk going to this amazing place because they’ll send me back [referring to deportation] and I still haven’t saved the 10 pesos that
I need.” (Emiliano)
Emiliano’s quote also captures the fact that economic goals often
supersede personal goals for belonging and socially engaging.
The impact of social exclusion and lack of rights
Undocumented workers experience heightened job insecurity which
in many cases led to greater workplace stress, tension, exhaustion and
signs of depression. Whether due to working multiple jobs, conflicting
work schedules, working long hours or spending free time looking for
work, most participants had little time to interact with others outside
their job. In many cases this created negative feelings of self worth and
personal integrity resulting in their withdrawal from meaningful nonwork social relationships. Emiliano particularly noted that being undocumented is progressively “limiting”. For him, this didn’t mean that
you couldn’t “using public buses, or the subway, or that you couldn’t go
downtown or to Dufferin Mall to shop, or to drink at someplace and go out
in a cab” but rather, the impact of having no status was more about the
emotional toll of living an uncertain life, thinking at every step of the way
that “they are going to find me”. This sentiment was also felt among other
workers such as Renata, who said that, “[as an undocumented worker]
you don’t even want to go out. You’re afraid. You feel the uncertainty of
going out. You think, ‘Someone will find me…I’ll be seen”. You live with that
in your heart.”
Social isolation also has material consequences in addition to impacting the mental and emotional health of workers. As illustrated in
Case Study 2, Renata and her partner slept on a park bench when their
apartment was being fumigated for bed bugs, and this experience not
only points to workers’ constrained economic situation to afford temporary housing in times of crisis, but also suggests a severe absence of supportive social networks that workers can rely on in times of hardship.
Pepe, who had no social networks in Canada also, described experiencing
several days of homelessness upon arrival, which suggests a clear link
between network connections and much needed resources for survival.
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Social isolation and lack of rights also has varying effects based on
gender. Particularly among homemakers the loss of social networks
upon migration and the inability to participate socially due to caregiving obligations and fear, seemed to have a more negative impact on
women than on men. As Mariana described, “work absorbs you terribly
here…You don’t always have that much communication with people. Yes, I
have my friends but [between] work, the kids, and other things, I’m almost
always alone at home.”
For females with Canadian born-children, several right-based issues
emerged. For instance, Victoria felt that her lack of citizenship based
rights in Canada would put her at real disadvantage if she had to fight
for custody for her Canadian-born child. For Elizabeth, not having legal
status in Canada excluded her from being able to participate in government-sponsored savings programs for her child’s education. As Elizabeth
noted, “Because I don’t have documents here, I can’t register [for children’s
programs]. In order to do so, I should have a SIN card; they ask for your
social insurance number.”
Maya was hurt by a co-worker who grabbed her arm with such
strength that caused hematomes and needed immobilization for several days, after she complained the co-worker was being rude to her. She
described how an incident of this kind was an acute reminder of her
powerlessness and her inability to defend herself in Canada. She said
she felt humiliated and, to make it worse, she could not go to the police
or to the hospital and she was not sure her employer would not punish
both of them for the incident.
4.2. Health consequences
To capture participants’ change in health upon migrating to Canada,
we asked participants to self-rate their current health on a 5-point scale
ranging from very good, good, neither bad nor good, bad or very bad.
From the socio-demographic data collected, nearly 75% of participants
rated their current health as good (50% of participants) or very good
(25% of participants) (see Figure 1). Yet, when asked to compare their
current health to that before migrating, 60% of all participants indicated
their health was worse (see Figure 2). While females cited worse mental
health as a main factor contributing to their declining health, men tended to attribute their loss in health advantage overtime to the physical
strain on their bodies and aging.
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These findings support growing evidence showing immigrants’ deteriorating ‘healthy immigrant effect’ overtime, reflected in poorer longterm physical and mental health (Hyman & Jackson, 2010; Ng, Wilkins,
Gendron, & Berthelot, 2005). But more importantly, this data contributes to new evidence suggesting that undocumented workers in Canada
follow a similar trajectory than that of established newcomers, without
the accompanying rights and entitlements to health care as that afforded
to other immigrant groups, thus making their health outcomes potentially much poorer.
Figure 1 Self-rated health status by sex
Figure 2 Self-rated health status compared to pre-migration by sex
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Undocumented workers’ physical and mental health
Many undocumented workers described physical and mental health
problems resulting from the enormous stress of living without status and
having to cope with the common resettlement stressors such as finding a
job, housing, learning a new language and navigating their way through
a new landscape with a new set of rules. Focus on survival meant little
time to take care of the self.
Several participants showed signs of depression; including reduced
appetite, insomnia, fluctuations in weight, unexplained crying, lack of
motivation to work, and feelings of helplessness, among many other
symptoms. One participant even disclosed seeking professional help
after having suicidal thoughts and another participant described selfmedicating with anti-depressants she had brought from her country of
origin. In most cases, these symptoms had a direct relationship to work
and income insecurity. The pressure to send regular remittances or pay
off debt in the face of precarious employment, frequently resulted in
feelings of failure or disappointment when workers found themselves
unemployed. In other cases, poor mental health was directly tied to
home-sickness, isolation in Canada, and feelings of guilt for leaving children or family behind.
Unlike men, females particularly bared the burden of close friends or
family’s emotional or economic hardships which also contributed to their
poor mental health. In most cases, female participant’s felt indebted to
these people and felt a moral obligation to help them by providing various forms of support at whatever cost to them. One participant nearly
risked being detained when forced to call police to protect a friend who
was experiencing domestic violence. Another worried nearly every day
about her family’s economic situation back home and felt that she was
not doing enough to support them. In the case of males, it was common
for them to not talk about their problems, and several participants affirmed that substance abuse, as a coping mechanism was more common
among undocumented men.
For some participants, the anxiety and fear of living without status
also took on clear physical manifestations. After learning about ongoing
immigration raids in their area and trying to avoid public exposure,
one participant described losing her voice involuntarily out of fear and
stress. Digestive problems, such as ulcers, gastritis, and bile reflux, were
also cited by a number of participants as a direct effect of living with
long-term stress. As Rafael and Renata described:
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“The stress is horrible. You vomit, yellow vomit…and [get]
stomach pains – gastritis, from being so upset and helpless…
You can’t do anything! It’s an injustice what they do.” (Rafael)
“…the other day I was talking to people at my church and they
told me, ‘Have faith. With faith you will move forward’. And I
told them, ‘Well, yes, I have faith, but please explain that to my
liver and my stomach’. It doesn’t stop having an effect on you,
eventhough you are strong.” (Renata)
When asked to describe any physical changes they had experienced
since migrating, participants’ overwhelmingly spoke about weight gain
or weight loss, highlighting the potential effect of chronic stress due to
overwork and limited access to timely supports. Valeria’s experience
supports this chronic stress link, given that she gained over 15 pounds in
less than a year after arriving. Paradoxically, she described having barely
enough time to eat during the day, despite working as a cook in a busy
restaurant. She described:
“I’ve grown a belly, something I didn’t have before, all this fat
around here. And I didn’t sleep much, I was working all the
time. I’ve gained 15 kilos.” (Valeria)
For Renata, dirty and unsanitary working conditions as a cleaner led
to severe food aversions, which caused significant weightloss.
“There were days when I wouldn’t eat because I’d be repulsed
from cleaning washrooms all night. In the morning I felt disgust. I wouldn’t eat. It had a hard impact on my diet, also emotionally… I lost a lot of weight. Back home, I was a size 13…now,
I am a 7.” (Renata)
As indicated in Renata’s Case Study, her nutrition was further compromised by episodes of profound food insecurity requiring the use of
food banks for non-perishable food consumption. The high cost of nutritious foods, or the inability to find culturally appropriate foods in less
urban centres, was also cited by other participants, and seemed to be
a common feature in participants’ body maps. Maya, conversely, lost 7
kilos since coming to Canada and could not explain how it happened.
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Left: Pepe’s black stomach
represents poor eating habits and
nutrition in Canada. Click here to
see his entire body map.
Right: The dotted lines near
Renata’s waist represent
significant weight loss in Canada
as a result of stress and the purple
stomach with the word “stress”
represents gastrointestinal
problems as a result of prolonged
stress (i.e. ulcers). Click here to
see her entire body map.
Workers’ health was also compounded by poor sleeping patterns. As
was the case for Valeria (see Case Study 4), as well as for other workers
such as Renata and Roberto, sleep deprivation seemed to be a common
effect of having to work multiple jobs. Valeria for instance, would barely
have time to get home, shower, eat and sleep for 2-3 hours before having
to go to work again. As she explained:
“Oh my god, I couldn’t chat, I had to sleep. I would sleep until
4:30 am and I would get up and go to my next job.” (Valeria)
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Case Study 4 Valeria’s chronic health problems
Valeria is a middle-aged single mom who came to Canada to save money
to buy a home for her and her children back home. Upon arrival, Valeria
knew very little English and unlike her experience living undocumented in
the U.S. for three years, where she had social ties and could find a job easily through her social network, Valeria didn’t know anyone in Canada and
stayed at a hotel upon arrival. But this did not stop her from getting a job.
She went into the hotel kitchen and asked if anyone spoke Spanish or Portuguese and explained she was looking for a job. A cook took her to a relative’s restaurant that same day and, as Valeria described, “I have arrived in
Canada at 7am… By 5pm I was already at work”. After connecting with her
ethnic community, Valeria was able to secure three jobs on the same day,
one as a cook and two as an overnight cleaner. For 2 years, Valeria worked
a combination of 3 jobs, 7 days a week, and slept 3 hours a night. At first,
she was severely sleep deprived and then became insomniatic and started
taking medication for depression to be able to fall asleep. Beyond working
intensively, Valeria spoke to her children daily over the phone and to her
parents who were taking care of the kids. She was very worried about being able to explain to her younger child why she spent so much time away
and she was consumed by the idea of saving money to be able to go back.
She kept submitting herself to a very intensive work rythm and she began
to experience chronic health problems that were only exacerbated by her
strenuous working conditions. As the only cook during the lunch and dinner shifts for a busy restaurant, Valeria would stand for long hours lifting
heavy pots and pans and chopping meat and bones. Valeria developed arthrosis in her hand joints, and the repetitive motion of peeling potatoes for
long hours made the pain and the stiffness worse to the point that, after
several years, she could no longer do it. Although her boss helped her pay
for acupuncture therapy and to purchase socks and shoes to improve circulation, things didn’t seem to improve. On her free time, she would contact
her family, visit a few friends or go to church on occasions. Finally, Valeria
was able to save to pay off her apartment and save money to get surgery for
her varicose veins back home.
Pregnancy and women’s health
Unlike men, the majority of women in our study expressed the need
to have access to a family physician, and the most often cited reason was
for gynaecological care and access to birth control. In very few cases did
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women know they could obtain free access to women’s health centres
for routine sexual and reproductive health care. Yet as Andrea, a business manager who knew of such services, explained, these centres were
able to meet most her needs – “in case you need more specific procedures
that they can’t perform there, they refer you to other services. I’ve done it
[screening] sometimes, I just go and get it done.”
The fact that many women in our study did not know where to go
for women’s health needs is particularly significant given that additional
data from our study suggests that undocumented women may be more
vulnerable to the risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases. The
experience of one female participant shows how housing precarity, social isolation and a range of other factors may lead to engaging in casual, unprotected sex. Although it was not a direct finding from our study,
anecdotal evidence provided by our study participants also suggests
that undocumented women working in the service and entertainment
sectors may face particular sexual health vulnerabilities.
Two female participants were also pregnant at the time of the study
and spoke about the additional challenges resulting from limited prenatal benefits and limited knowledge of how to access child benefit programs for their Canadian-born children. For Victoria, who frequently
participated in clinical trials for income, having an unplanned pregnancy
meant having to use savings and quickly think of alternative forms of
income generation that would not be strenuous on her body. The stress
caused by Victoria’s economic uncertainty made her very depressed and
as a result, she experienced weight loss in her first few months of pregnancy, pointing to undocumented women’s risk of experiencing high
risk pregnancies. The experience of another woman in our study who
returned to work just under three weeks after giving birth, also points to
limited postpartum recovery among undocumented women.
Another issue directly related to pregnancy and lack of status was the
issue cost, particularly for pre-natal care and the overall cost of labour
and delivery. Having opted to have specialist care versus midwifery or
community-based care, Victoria noted: “It is very expensive, super expensive! I tell you, a lot of the money I had saved has gone into…things
for the baby. Not medications, but certainly, specialist appointments.” In
Elizabeth’s case, the hospital covered some medical procedures during
delivery such as the epidural, but she was required to pay $2000 by the
end of her stay, mostly due to over-night fees imposed by the hospital.
Women also described a combination of cost and status-related barriers
related to child planning. One female particularly noted she would like to
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have more children, but her precarious legal status, and the uncertainty
of her stay in Canada made this difficult to plan.
Other women’s health issues mentioned included partner and coworker violence. One female participant in our study described a long
history of intimate partner violence and the fear over more direct forms
of aggression against her or her child prevented her from reporting or
leaving the relationship. For females who faced sexual abuse and harassment from co-workers, fear of dismissal or not being believed by their
employer prevented reporting and resulted in long-term sexual abuse
situations at work.
Workplace injuries and risk
(also see section on “Invisible hazards, precarious work”)
Minor workplace accidents were quite common among participants
and frequently resulted in workers having to continue working their
shift with minimal support from co-workers or supervisors for on-site
first aid or follow-up treatment. For instance, while working as a cook
Luna suffered a major workplace accident, but refused to tell someone
out of fear that she would be forced to take unpaid days off to rest. Luna
resorted to self-treatment and resumed her regular work schedule.
“They saw that the water fell on me, but I didn’t tell them what
had happened because they were going to tell the supervisor
and she would probably make me rest. I didn’t know how many
days that would be, and I needed to work.” (Luna)
Workers in particularly hazardous industries such as construction
also faced significant workplace risks, several of which resulted in real
injuries. For instance, Rafael described that the most common risks
in construction included cutting off an extremity, getting nailed with
a pressure gun, eye accidents, back injuries due to improper lifting or
overwork and falling from heights. Interestingly, many of the reported
injuries in our study resulted from working in high pace work environments, with little focus on prevention and training. For instance, Rafael
described needing to wear prescription glasses, but preferred working without them because they quickly got sweaty or foggy from the
high work pace. One participant also described having his arm hyperextended as a result of improperly handling a hand drill. Another commonly cited risk of construction work was working outdoors (usually as
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roofers or landscapers) with minimal protection from the sun or having
limited chances to stay hydrated.
For those participants who worked as cooks or as kitchen helpers,
deep cuts from sharp knives and burns from scorching hot oil or water
were commonly reported. Participants also described wet floors as a
very dangerous workplace hazard in small kitchens. As with factory or
assembly type work, repetitive strain injuries were also common among
cooks. As Valeria’s Case Study revealed, repeated heavy lifting, peeling
and chopping all resulted in soft tissue damage. Particularly among those
workers who worked in bread factories, cold-heat stress was also common and was exacerbated by poor equipment provision and a lack of
rotation among workers for hazardous work tasks. For instance, unlike
permanent staff, undocumented temp workers were often required to
do the most dangerous and dirtiest work, including stocking heavy supplies, working in the deep freezers with limited protection gear, or having to work all-day by industrial sized ovens. While exposure to chemicals was most common among cleaners, one participant who worked
in landscaping spoke about working with pesticides and other harmful
chemicals and another factory worker spoke about the harmful effects
of working with raw food products that had been treated with artificial
preservatives and chemicals.
Table 4 Types of health-related effects faced by undocumented workers
Psychosocial
Isolation, limited social participation, pervasive fear, long-term
stress, depression, anxiety, low self-worth, loss of dignity, substance
abuse, carrying others’ burden, internalized criminalization, stigma,
psychological harassment at work
Physical
Poor nutrition/diet, insomnia, sleep deprivation, exhaustion, ulcers,
gastritis, vomiting, weight loss/gain, edema, arthritis, chronic medical
conditions, dental emergencies
Pregnancy and
women’s health
Sexual abuse/harassment, unplanned pregnancies, sexually transmitted
diseases, limited sexual and reproductive health access (lack of
preventive screening, limited birth control), high cost of pre-natal and
labour and delivery costs, limited postpartum recovery
Work related
risks/injuries
Cuts, burns, repetitive strain/movements/heavy lifting, long hours
standing, broken bones, improper equipment handling, lack of training,
lack of protection gear (e.g. masks, gloves, safety boots), improper
handling of chemicals, exposure to heat-cold stress, high work pace
Health seeking
behavior
Delayed health seeking, emergency care over primary care, lack of
continuity in care, limited use of community services, heightened use
of: transnational health care, self-medication and over-the-counter
medication, alternative medicine, and walk-in consultations
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Long-term implications for health
Undocumented workers’ need for non-acute medical care is often balanced against more immediate needs, such as food and shelter, leading
to chronic problems being neglected until they become emergencies.
Emiliano boldly captured this cross-cutting theme: “Why do you need a
doctor? Why you need a dentist? I’m not going to treat my cavities when
they are bothering me… I’m going to go when I need a tooth extraction
that is killing me, right?”
As a result, almost every participant in our study had a story of how
they ignored ill health because they faced other priorities or because
they lacked knowledge of where to access care. For other workers like
Luna, Pepe or Rafael, admitting they were sick to an employer meant
compromising continued employment and earnings. Therefore, undocumented workers experience cumulative health effects which are in turn
exacerbated by delayed health seeking, poor continuity of care and contextual factors such as having a pre-existing injury or aging. For instance,
Emilano worried that the stress and anxiety caused by his precarious
and low-paying job as a factory worker would exacerbate his pre-existing
medical condition. As a consequence, Emiliano regularly took lorazepam
medication prescribed by his doctors’ back home to stay calm, despite
their recommendation that this drug be used sparingly.
As workers become older, they also suffer from the ramifications of
their precarious work arrangements to a greater degree than younger
workers. For Roberto, doing cleaning work versus construction was a
choice he made after critically evaluating his age and physical limitations:
“I can get hurt more [in construction]. I don’t have a social, I
don’t have health insurance. Going to a doctor is $200, $300. So,
you say to yourself, ‘Well, I came here to make money. I didn’t
come… to be sick’. So you try to find a job that matches your
abilities…My physical ability is not at 100%; when I migrated
I came at 75%. So, I prefer to be like this for five years, at 75%
and not earn so much for a year, but [avoid] having to go [back
home] for treatment [because I got worse].” (Roberto)
However, it is important to stress that the majority of workers do not
engage in this critical self-assessment of their health and continue to
work past the point at which they would have otherwise slowed down in
order fulfill remittance sending obligations and in order compete with
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equally willing and abled young workers. Valeria’s Case Study particularly shows how older workers are at particular risk of experiencing
exacerbated health problems with little chance of health treatment or
appropriate recovery due to personal and familial obligations that forces
them to keep on working.
4.3. Characterizing experiences of (in)access
For undocumented migrants, the border is not just a physical point
at the airport or at land crossings where their identity is verified and
their access determined (Berinstein, McDonald, Nyers, Wright, & Sahar
Zerehi, 2006). The border transcends these spaces and is ever-present
whenever workers try to access social services or a range of needed resources to live about their daily lives. While many participants used a
range of community-based or private sector services, several others did
not know where to find such services, or that such services existed for
people with precarious legal status. In this section we provide a brief
overview of the types of services accessed by participants and we propose a model (see Figure 3) for understanding their health seeking patterns which identifies individual level factors, their perceptions of risk
and key enablers and barriers to access.
Types and experiences of access
Local public health units were identified by some participants as providing health services, mostly immunization services, post/pre-natal,
and Early Years programs for children. One participant described getting his annual flu shot from a local unit and not being required to show
identification. When asked about how he knew of such programs, he said
he would see public notices in the buildings where he worked and in the
newspaper. For two female participants, their community health centre
(CHC) played an active role in giving them information about available
public health programs, but described that they were not always free.
Overall, only a few participants in our study described using community-based health and social services8. These primarily included undocu8
Community services and supports can be a space of at least temporary safety for otherwise
invisible workers who are marginalised, excluded, and isolated within dominant social support
systems. However, such spaces can also become spaces of essentialization, reinforcing a “needy”
stereotype for workers. The concept of Spaces of Oppression/Representation is useful for analyzing the social relations of (political) oppression and domination which underpin the dynamics
of cities. Spaces can be simultaneously inclusive and oppressive.
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mented women and their partners, or those who had Canadian-born
children and were directed to such services and supports as a result of
their pregnancy. One interesting finding that emerged from participants’
experience with CHCs was that while they have a Don’t Ask Don’t Tell
(DADT) policy in place, this does not always mean that such a policy is as
inclusive in practice. For instance, Mariana described taking her child to
a CHC for an annual check-up and being given a list of follow-up exams
and referrals by the attending physician. It was only upon checking-out
with the medical secretary that Mariana learned that nearly half of these
recommended follow-ups required out-of-pocket payment. This highlights how DADT policies may not be as sufficient given that they fail to
promote sensitive practices among practitioners.
For the remaining majority of participants, the use of community
health services and primary care seemed to be very limited. This was a
major difference for those participants who had experience as undocumented workers in the U.S, where they felt they had more health care options given the higher concentration of Latin American professionals and
immigrant social networks. As Emiliano noted, “[in the U.S.] the networks
that have been established allow you to know which doctor is better than
another.” Thus when health concerns did arise for workers in Canada,
they typically reported paying out-of-pocket to see an English-speaking
physician at a nearby walk-in clinic. Hospital emergency departments
were largely avoided out of fear of being reported or denied service.
Interestingly, for those few participants who reported having gone to a
hospital ER, nearly all had first obtained a written referral to go to a hospital by a walk-in doctor who believed their conditions were too severe
for regular treatment. Thereby, some of the reasons participants’ sought
emergency care included severe abdominal pain, neurological condition,
outpatient surgical procedure, and two cases of kidney infection. With
respect to cost, one participant described being charged $700 just for
being triaged. This same participant decided to leave the hospital before
receiving a final diagnosis out of fear that the cost of medical exams and
overnight stay would be too high. Another participant was told by the
emergency receptionist “the hospital may fall in love with your credit
card” and he left and was taken by co-workers to a walk-in clinic.
Because of these barriers many study participants had to find less
formal, more creative avenues of care seeking, particularly for everyday health needs. For instance, Emiliano brought with him large quantities of prescription medication for a pre-existing condition and several
others described receiving medication from relatives abroad. Several
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participants also gave anecdotal evidence suggesting that undocumented workers regularly make use of the black health market. That is, they
received medical consultations and treatment from non-licensed health
professionals (usually immigrants themselves) and purchased foreign
drugs that had entered Canada clandestinely. When asked why such
underground forms of care were sought, Emiliano replied, “…we believe,
not only that this is more economical, but also more effective”. As seen
by Valeria’s Case Study it was also common for participants to go back
home for medical treatment. All of these practices suggest that undocumented workers’ use transnational health care as a primary avenue of
care. As will be described in later sections, a few participants also sought
care through benefit programs through their union or private insurance
which gave them access to alternative medical, dental and optometrist
care.
Yet, for more common ailments such as colds, flu’s, or muscular pain,
participants often described using self-care strategies. As Mariana pointed out: “not having ‘status’ gives you limited access to services with physicians, so you often have to delay [care] or find a way to solve [the problem] in a non-medical way.” Therefore, self-care strategies often included
home remedies, over-the-counter medication, special food preparations, Internet searches for health-related tips or exchanging treatment
options with co-workers and friends. Maintaining healthy lifestyles
through diet and exercise was also common among participants, particularly for those who could afford gym memberships or had easier access to healthy food through their work as cooks or dishwashers. One
participant even described having quit smoking in Canada as way to stay
healthy and to save money.
Self-care strategies also included steps participants took to modify
their regular work practices to make them safer or to cope with a preexisting injury that was being affected by their work. For instance, Lina
worked for several months painting homes that were still under construction. Since her employer never had enough dust masks available
onsite, Lina decided to purchase her own dust mask to deal with her
recurring allergy symptoms brought on by her poor working conditions.
Other participants similarly described having bought work gloves, safety
glasses or safety boots for work when they were not provided by their
employer. Roberto, an older worker with recurring back and abdominal
pain, described working with a weightlifting belt to reduce the stress
his cleaning work placed on his back. Elena and her co-workers also described purchasing first-aid items, such as bandages, tape, and gauze,
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because deep cuts were common injuries sustained in the kitchen where
she worked.
Undocumented workers’ health seeking patterns
Undocumented workers’ health seeking patterns were influenced by
four main factors, which included individual level predisposing factors,
barriers and enablers to service which could be institutional, contextual or affective in nature, and finally, participants’ perception of risks,
including their perceived susceptibility to injury or illness and their perceived need for health services (see Figure 3).
Figure 3 Health seeking model for undocumented workers
BARRIERS (-)
PREDISPOSING
FACTORS (+/-)
• Age
• Gender
• SES
• Language
• Family
dependants
• Pathway to undocumentedness
• Degree of social
networks
• Knowledge of
the system
PERCEPTIONS
OF RISKS AND
HEALTH NEED
• Severity of
illness, injury or
concern
• Perceived risk
to illness or
injury
• Level of
health vs life
prioriies
Chapter 4: The impact of lack of status
• Fear of
exposure
• Documents
required
• Cost of service
• Internalized
sense of
criminalizaion
• Negaive
experience with
mainstream
access
• Proximity /
service hours
ENABLERS (+)
• Trust/
gatekeeper
• Having private
insurance
• Having union
beneits
• Proximity /
service hours
• Not asked for
documents/ID
TYPES OF ACCESS
(In order of most used)
1. Transnaional
(informaion/
medicaion
from abroad)
2. Self-care
(Internet, home
remedies, gym,
etc)
3. Alternaive
(Chiropractor,
naturopath,
etc)
4. Mainstream
(CHCs, Hospital,
Walk-in, etc)
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i. Predisposing factors
Individual socio-demographic factors seemed to play a role in how
and what types of services or care undocumented workers accessed.
Having dependents with specific health needs (e.g. child vaccinations),
typically promoted access to mainstream health services for the whole
family. It is also important to point out the role that gender played in
this finding, given that females were generally the ones who initiated a
family’s or partner’s registration at a CHC. Consistent with health literature documenting men’s generally low health seeking behavior in comparison to women (Galdas, Cheater, & Marshall, 2005), undocumented
men in our study rarely obtained routine check-ups, preventive care or
health counselling, and ignored, to a greater degree than women, emerging signs or symptoms of physical and mental health problems.
Data from our study also suggests that participants’ socioeconomic
status both in Canada and in their home country may be an important
determinant of care seeking. As will be described further below under
Enablers of Access, participants belonging to higher socioeconomic
groups could afford private health insurance which granted them access
to alternative medical professionals and dental care. For one particular
female in our study who had a relatively high social position before migrating, her family would send her remittances so she could access specialized care. Yet for the majority of study participants, the cost of paying
out-of-pocket for health services was a major barrier to access.
Interestingly, participants’ varying pathways to undocumentedness
played a role in their health seeking patterns. In general, those who had
gone through the refugee system seemed to have a better sense of how
to navigate the system and often received the support of their initial
settlement service providers to access available community services. As
Mariana described:
“The person who told me about that place [community health
centre] was a social worker that I’ve known for several years…
She was the one who told me, ‘You can go to this centre and
there they can help you. They have to register you, even though
your legal situation has changed’. I went, but I was still afraid.”
(Mariana)
Similarly, Renata and Roberto knew where they could go to receive
health information and free health services. This was largely unlike those
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participants who had no prior connection to health or social services and
who became undocumented by overstaying their visa permitted time.
Having basic to moderate conversational skills in English played a significant role in participants’ health seeking behaviour, particularly because it facilitated participants’ ability to inquire about types or costs of
services and to effectively communicate their needs. For instance, it was
common for participants to explain their symptoms to a pharmacist in
order to buy appropriate over-the-counter medication. At other times,
participants knew exactly what kind of medication they needed but did
not know the name of its English equivalent, so they would describe the
needed medication. For instance, when Luna experienced a severe burn
at work, she immediately went to the store and described needing an
ointment. Participants felt that knowing English also gave them a sense
of authority and prevented them from being treated like second-class
citizens. As Emiliano explained, knowing English “also gives you a sense
of ‘I’ to ‘I’ with them. There is no one translating in between”.
Yet when participants lacked basic English language abilities, which
was most common among recently arrived or older workers, their treatment options became limited and the care they received was also compromised because of their limited understanding of instructions. For
instance, one female participant experienced a benign cyst formation
shortly after arriving and described going to the same walk-in doctor
three times within a week because she needed clarification on the doctor’s instructions and because the symptoms became worse. Finally she
was referred to a hospital emergency department, which relocated her
to two different hospitals until she finally got treatment. Overcome with
fear and a limited understanding of the procedures she would undertake, a complete stranger accompanied her and acted as her translator.
Language skills also intersected with participants’ overall knowledge
or understanding of available services and how the system worked. As
Renata described, finding out what steps were needed to file taxes and
get returns was complicated because they would explain things using
the same legal jargon. Other participants expressed similar sentiments
in relation to health and social services. Lack of knowledge about services was also tied to participants’ degree of social networks. For instance,
when we asked Luna why she had not gotten medical attention after a
workplace injury, she described: “I didn’t even know where to go, or how
much I would have to pay. I knew nothing, nothing! I didn’t know anyone.”
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hood. As Mariana described, this was further complicated by this city’s
relative inexperience dealing with immigrants with special access needs.
“It’s a bit complicated. There aren’t too many illegal people
[there] and there aren’t too many people with refugee claims.
So, people don’t seem to know that there are people without
status.” (Mariana)
Yet for other participants with extensive social networks in Canada
like Victoria or who had direct family members like Julio, accessing available health services and supports was facilitated by these network connections.
ii. Enablers to access
Some participants noted that individual service providers within organizations would provide pro-bono services to them regardless of their
immigration status. This was the case for Renata, who continued to receive counseling services and advice from several places after falling
out of status. As illustrated by Mariana’s case, referrals made by trusted
gatekeepers also help ease the fear of going to relatively unknown places
to obtain service. One of the problems with this approach is that it puts
an obvious and undue pressure on professionals to make personal decisions regarding who to give service to and when to go above-and-beyond their obligations. The result of which may be unfair, inconsistent or
unreliable service later on for the same undocumented client or future
ones needing equal service provision.
Having private health insurance or belonging to a union also seemed
to improve participants’ access to services, particularly because these
memberships significantly reduced the cost of paying high out-of-pocket fees. For instance, two participants in our study regularly purchased
travel insurance from their home countries and used their benefit plan
to get routine dental check-ups. As Andres described:
“I already stayed for much longer. Normally, in my home country, I go to the dentist once or twice a year because I don’t like
ignoring that part [of my health].” (Andres)
However, it is important to point out that for the majority of participants in our study dental care was perceived as a luxury, and took a
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backseat relative to more immediate health concerns such emergencies
or workplace injuries.
Union entitlements on the other hand tended to afford participants
dental care in addition to other entitlements such as vision care, safety
training, reduced prescription costs, and alternative medical coverage.
However, Rafael pointed out that while belonging to a union provided
good coverage it did not result in significant savings given the high cost
of membership (i.e. $500 one-time annual registration and $25/month).
He described:
“I’ve seldom gotten sick. I mean the receipts…but we didn’t have
a doctor. We had nothing. I would go to the doctor and I had to
pay there. I would get the medication for free. But, ‘when was it
really free?’ I am paying $25 [a month]. It is cheaper for me to
not pay anything at all.” (Rafael)
Furthermore, when Rafael became unemployed and wanted to take
advantage of his union’s job search program and unemployment benefits, he was asked for his SIN. This highlights a major contradiction in
how union services are provided using the assumption that all members
are citizens and consequently have a SIN and access to OHIP, which excludes undocumented workers. This adds unions to a large list of players
benefiting economically from undocumented workers in Canada.
Finally, living close to services or having resources within participants’ reach facilitated use of such services. For instance, Andres and
Lina each had a gym facility in the building complex where they lived
and this promoted free regular physical activity. Similarly, Roberto and
Victoria maintained low-cost memberships at their local community
gym. For Roberto, this granted him access to exercise therapists who
could also give him advice on how to treat his abdominal pain. Proximity
and flexibility in service hours primarily offered by local walk-in clinics
also contributed to its heightened use by participants.
iii. Barriers to access
Participants highlighted several practice-based, material and psychological barriers to accessing health and social services. A pervasive fear
of deportation which commonly intersected with requirements to show
identification was the most prominent barrier restricting workers’ ability to access needed services or resources. For obvious reasons, many
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undocumented workers in our study lacked basic identity documents
such as a drivers licence or feared that by showing their id, they would
be recorded under a central system of surveillance.
Some participants also seemed to exhibit an internalized sense of
criminalization or felt that they were somehow less deserving than
“legal” citizens to use health services or to voice complaints about poor
health care treatment. As Emiliano noted: “With what right [can I complain], if I did not build this hospital? I did not build this country. I do not
pay taxes to get treated that way [referring to high quality of care].”
Being denied service or being referred to an alternate place for care
was also common among participants and contributed to delayed health
care provision. Emiliano once went to a local health centre for a health
condition and after being questioned by the attending staff, he disclosed
his undocumented status in Canada in hopes of being attended more
readily. The staff member explained that they did not deal with such
cases and referred him to another place. Yet as Emiliano explained, “they
were going to give me the phone number [for that other place], but it was
Sunday, and I would have had to wait until Monday to call.” Rafael similarly described choosing not to proceed with union approved services
because they were overbooked for three months. Participants had also
been told stories about long wait-times for registration at local CHCs
which discouraged some workers from submitting an application. In
many participants’ view, their health service needs were on-demand in
nature, meaning that they only perceived to need care when they were
really sick or had an unavoidable health emergency.
Finally, the high cost of health service (both real and perceived) was
a significant obstacle to mainstream health-care access for several participants in the study, including for those workers who wanted regular check-ups and for those who were sick or pregnant (see section on
“Pregnancy and women’s health”).
iv. Perceptions of risk and health needs
As already discussed in the long term implications, the participants
we interviewed frequently prioritized more immediate needs, such as
stable income, food and shelter, rather than their health needs or safety. While this was an active decision for some participants, for several
others, there seemed to be dissociation between the potential consequences of illness or injury and how this was managed. Hence, the perception of work-related risks, injuries or general health seemed to be
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low in various cases, and this largely affected participants’ health seeking patterns. For instance, Luna had described keeping $3000 available
with her at all times in case of a health or unexpected emergency. Yet,
when she described having severe molar pain, possibly requiring a root
canal, she explained that while this money was indeed “for emergencies”
she felt, “[that] she had dedicated so much time into saving it.” Luna therefore delayed treatment and did not use this money for dental care.
Particularly among younger workers, there seemed to be a perceived
sense of invincibility – that is, that they were somehow protected against
illness or health problems. Yet for older workers, there seemed to be a
heightened sense of vulnerability to illness or further injury. One older
worker particularly looked for less strenuous work because he had preexisting health conditions and was willing to spend money to get specialist care for his undiagnosed abdominal pain.
Gender also seems to impact the manner in which risks are perceived
and acted upon by undocumented workers. For instance, Luna took great
pride in doing work traditionally given to men, such as lifting heavy bags
of flour on her own, which sometimes weighed over forty kilograms. As
Luna described, “I really like heavy work. I don’t know… I like it. Besides, it
is good exercise”. Similarly, Rafael believed that his health had improved
upon arrival because the heavy demands of construction work helped
keep him in shape. He described, “My work in [home country] was office
work. Here, I am doing physical exercise which makes me feel better. That
is, [I’m] stronger, with more strength”. Rafael’s positive outlook on the
impact of his work implies a clear gendered risk perception which may
influence the steps workers take (or do not take) to address or ameliorate unsafe work conditions.
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Final remarks
and key messages
“It should be of the highest priority to ensure that
government policies do not unfairly increase avoidable
health inequalities. What applies to policies of governments
should also apply to global decision making whether on
trade, overseas development assistance, or financial flows –
put health equity at the heart of all policy making.”
Marmot (2012, p. 2034)
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Final Remarks and Key Messages
“In principle, access to social services such as health and education is governed by the UN international convention on the
protection and rights of all migrant workers, which was ratified in 2007 by 37 (mainly low- and middle-income) countries.
High-income countries can be reluctant to sign the convention, because it provides many entitlements for migrant workers. Clearly, the issue of migrants’ access to social security is
irrevocably linked to politics and the way that political sentiment is used to interpret rules and rights.” (Sabates-Wheeler
& Taylor, 2010, p. 7)
“…I hope that this study and everything you are doing, in a not
so far away future, gives results that will help people and the
generations that come after me. I don’t think I will be a part of
it, but I hope that my participation has been useful” (Roberto)
This study was conducted primarily to document the working and
living circumstances (i.e. the social determinants of health) of undocumented workers in the GTA to provide evidence for academic and social
dialogue. While we know several structural, policy, and practice changes
are required internationally and in Canada to warrant both decent work
and supportive social conditions for this group of workers, we recognize
that this is a complex and sensitive issue, making it difficult to propose a
single course of action to address current exploitative circumstances. In
the following three tables we list key ideas people should keep in mind
when discussing the issue of undocumentedness, propose guidelines for
employers, and recommend potential areas for collective action. We do so
subscribing to international agendas put forward by the United Nations,
the International Labour Organization, and PICUM – Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants.
Final Remarks and Key Messages
129
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Table 5 Key messages for discussing undocumentedness
•
The fast movement of capital around the globe requires a mobile, flexible
workforce. If goods and capital may migrate freely across boundaries,
why are obstacles placed on the movement of people? Presently, workers’
migration is an unstoppable trend
•
We need to rethink the relationship between human rights and citizenship.
Migrant workers should be considered occupational citizens
•
Current economic globalization patterns have created profound inequities
for migrant workers mainly due to the restrictions faced by the international
labour movement and the lack of social protection which is offered exclusively
to citizens of receiving countries
•
Most economists see positive economic effects for the countries receiving
undocumented workers
•
Migrants come to work in Canada because jobs are available and/or because
they have been targeted and recruited by Canadian employers abroad
•
National governments have not been able to offer legal solutions to this new
social phenomenon and mainly opt to criminalize these foreign workers
•
While some fall out of status as a consequence of rigid immigration rules,
most find work due to the availability of cash economy jobs
•
The cash or informal economy plays a central role in the maintenance of
undocumentedness and promotes undocumented work even for those groups
with regular immigration status
•
Undocumented workers do mainly 3-D jobs (dirty, dangerous, and degrading)
•
Canadians and foreigners who have committed crimes in Canada are not
denied access to health care, but people who are criminalized as “illegal”
migrants do not have access to preventive and curative health care in Canada,
despite their contribution to the economy
•
Living in social isolation, fear, and without social protections has severe
health consequences
Given the centrality of working conditions as a social determinant of
health for undocumented workers, our team has proposed guidelines for
Canadian employers. We have utilized a code of behaviour one of our
participants was given by her employer in the hospitality sector (left column) to produce a code for employers (right column), utilizing similar
categories, such as punctuality, cleanliness, communication, and work
relations, to envision how employers should act to create decent employment.
Final Remarks and Key Messages
130
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Table 6 Comparative code of behaviour for employees and employers
Current Code of Behaviour for Employees
Working in Hospitality Services
Proposed Code of Behaviour for Employers
of Undocumented Workers
1. Arrive on time. You must be dressed and ready to
work at the time that you are scheduled to start. If
you start at 5, and you need 10 minutes to get ready,
then you must come to work 10 minutes early.
Pay on time and pay fairly. Pay for all the hours
workers were on the job and provide a decent
wage. When workers work overtime hours or on
public holidays, adhere to employment standards.
2. Leave on time. If your shift ends at 5, you
leave your work area at 5. Do not leave your
work area at 4:45 and spend 15 minutes in the
washrooms. Tardiness and leaving early will be
deducted from your pay.
Provide a regular work schedule. Give workers
a clear picture of their regular work hours.
Do not impede co-workers who are partners
or friends from having the same day off. Give
workers breaks as stipulated by the law.
3. You must be in full uniform. Hat, work shirt,
apron, black pants, black shoes and hairnet.
Your midsection and back must be covered.
Your uniform must be clean and must look
clean to the customers. It is your responsibility
to take it home and wash it when it is dirty.
Provide safety training and equipment. If work
involves chemicals or known hazards, provide
protective gear for hands, eyes, mouth, and nose
and appropriate training.
4. Be nice and polite to the customers and your
co-workers. No cursing, arguing or vulgarity in
front of the customers or with the customers.
Be nice to your employees. Do not abuse, harass
or bully your employees, threat them with
deportation or terminate them without payment.
Do not take advantage of co-workers or foment
competition or violence in the workplace.
5. Keep your area clean and presentable. When
work is slow and you have nothing to do, clean
your section and sweep to keep things looking
nice.
Keep the worksite safe. Promote a physically,
emotionally, and environmentally safe work
place. Make sure to notify WSIB of any health
problems workers have informed you about or
accidents you have witnessed.
6. Use a cart to clean the tables every time.
Use liquid soap and a cloth to clean the tables
and any dirty chairs after you’ve picked up the
dishes. Sweep when you see dirt on the floor.
7. Check your cell phones at the door. Keep
your cell phone in the back, and only use the
restaurant phone for emergencies. If you need
to use your cell phone, wait until you’re on
break.
Do not think of workers as disposable objects.
Offer them working conditions that promote
dignity and wellbeing. Do not fire workers because
they had an accident, got sick, or felt burnt out.
Be available for communication. Do not ignore
comments about health and safety or abuse. If
a worker needs help finding health care or has
other needs, refer them to services that you
know of or contact your local community centre.
8. Keep busy. There is always something to do.
Do not stand around or read magazines if it’s
slow. Start cleaning. Do prep work. Keep busy.
Run a fair and inclusive workspace. Pay a
fair hourly rate. Do not offer incentives such
as food or housing for workers in exchange
for extra hours creating a workload that
can potentially harm their health. Do not
discriminate based on nationality, ethnicity,
religious beliefs, sexual orientation or gender.
9. You will receive a written warning if you
break any of these rules. 3 written warnings
and you will be terminated.
If you are concerned about an employees’
work performance, give them feedback and
an opportunity to improve. Remember, you
are your own boss. Examine your practices
periodically and look for ways to improve.
Source: Maya’s Boss
Source: Research Team and Community Advisors
Final Remarks and Key Messages
131
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Finally, we propose an agenda for action. In a globalized world, action
at the local, national and international levels is required to address such
a complex phenomenon. Our agenda points to some potential avenues
for collective initiatives to be undertaken, but it does not encompass all
possible ways of addressing these circumstances.
Table 7 Agenda for action
•
To adopt a human rights, health for all, and equity framework in search
of alternatives to the current criminalization strategy used to shame
undocumented work
•
To address the intersectoral nature of the phenomenon through healthy
public policy or interventions (e.g. housing, food insecurity, workers’
rights), that consider individual experiences as symptomatic of a larger
process and that improvements can also potentially benefit other
newcomer groups (e.g. permanent residents, refugees) and citizens.
•
To promote social integration of migrant workers rather than create groups
or services exclusively for undocumented workers which may further
reinforce exclusion and stigmatization. The principle of Health for All
should be the foundation for health care services policies and programs
•
To consider the unintended negative consequences of the Don’t Ask Don’t
Tell policy in social and health services and explore alternatives, such as
Access Without Fear, which could also be adopted by unions to enhance the
provision of care to its undocumented members
•
To engage in social dialogue by taking into account that there are many
Canadians who show solidarity towards undocumented workers and
conversely, others who benefit economically from their presence, including
those who exploit them
•
To join the UN agenda for de-criminalizing undocumented work
•
To send information about undocumented workers’ experiences in Canada
to countries of origin so that family members and people considering
migrating have a better understanding of the hardship and consequences of
this process
•
To cultivate connections between undocumented workers in Canada and their
respective consulates to stimulate a sense of belonging, collectiveness, and to
receive the protective effects of their homeland citizenship in a foreign land
•
To ensure that the Decent Work Agenda proposed by the International
Labour Organization (2005) is implemented in all workplaces across
Canada, independently of whom works there
•
To ensure access to health care (not only emergency care) and education
for children as a human right
•
To create a pathway for undocumented workers to regularize their status
and bring their skills and training into the Canadian workforce
Final Remarks and Key Messages
132
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Additional information
For more information, please consult the following documents:
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Health Inequalities: Final report to the WHO Commission on Social
Determinants of Health. Final Report to the WHO Commission on Social
Determinants of Health (CSDH). Geneva: Employment Conditions
Knowledge Network of the Commission on Social Determinants of
Health (EMCONET).
Carens, J.H. (2010). Immigrants and the right to stay. Cambridge, US: MIT
Press.
Caulford, P., & Vali, Y. (2006). Providing health care to medically uninsured
immigrants and refugees. Canadian Medical Association Journal 174
(9), 1253-1254.
Dauvergne, C. (2008). Making people illegal: What globalization means for
migration and law. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Gastaldo, D., & Magalhães, L. (2010). International migration versus national
health-care. Nursing Inquiry, 17 (3), 185-185.
Khan, M., Lalani, N., Plamadeala, C., Sun, E. & Gardner, B. (2010) Highlights:
February 12, 2010 Research Conference on Healthcare for the
Uninsured and Undocumented. Wellesley Institute, Women’s College
Hospital, York University, Bloomberg Faculty of Nursing – University
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Magalhães, L., Carrasco, C., & Gastaldo, D. (2010). Undocumented Migrants in
Canada: A Scope Literature Review on Health, Access to Services, and
Working Conditions. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 12
(1), 132-151.
Oxman-Martinez, J., Hanley, J., Lach, L., Khanlou, N., Weerasinghe, S., &
Agnew, V. (2005). Intersection of Canadian Policy Parameters
Affecting Women with Precarious Immigration Status: A Baseline for
Understanding Barriers to Health. Journal of Immigrant Health, 7(4),
247-258.
PICUM – Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented
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DecentWorkforUndocumentedMigrants.pdf
Additional Information
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Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
PICUM – Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants
(2007). Undocumented migrants – symptom, not the problem –
Policy Brief. http://picum.org/picum.org/uploads/publication/
Undocumented_Migrants_Symptom_Not_The_Problem.pdf
Sassen, S. (2006). Territory, authority, rights: from medieval to global
assemblages. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Standing, G. (2009). Work after globalization: Building occupational
citizenship. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar.
Standing, G. (2011). The precariat: The new dangerous class. London:
Bloomsbury Academic.
Voski, L. F. (2010). Managing the margins: Gender, citizenship, and the
international regulation of precarious employment. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Wellman, C.H. and Coler, P. (2011). Debating the ethics of immigration: Is there
a right to exclude? Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Willen, S.; Mulligan, J. & Castaneda, H. (2011). How can medical
anthropologists contribute to contemporary conversations on
“illegal” im/migration and health? Medical Anthropology Quarterly,
25 (3): 331-356.
Additional Information
134
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
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Study Gallery
20 Body-Mapped Stories
“Can one land ever really be home to more
than one people? To native and newcomer,
for instance? (…) Can the world ever be
home to all of us? I think so. But not until
we have reimagined Them and Us.”
J. Edward Chamberlin (2004, p. 4)
Final Remarks and Key Messages
139
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Andrea
I am Andrea and I came to Canada 7
years ago because I am gay and I faced a
lot of discrimination in my home country.
When I arrived here, my English was
pretty bad. So I decided to make friends
with people who don’t speak my native
language. It really worked! My English
is much better now and I have tons of
multicultural friends. I work 11 hours
a day as a manager in a gas station. It
is a hard work, but I like my job and I
have a great relationship with my boss!
He appreciates my work and respects
who I am. His attitude and support
really motivate me to work hard. What
I ind most dificult about my job is
supervising people who have legal status
because they think they’re in a better
situation than me. This makes me feel
defenseless and afraid because they can
report me to police. People in Canada
accept my sexual orientation and I feel
free to be what I want to be, and I am
able to go wherever I want to go. I feel
totally adapted to Canada now, and
can’t imagine having the same life that I
have here in my home country.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I positioned myself standing up with both hands in
my pockets because this is my daily
posture at work.
Colours: My body map outline is
purple because I like this colour and
my hands are green, because this is
my favourite colour. Green also reminds me of nature and the beautiful places I have been to.
Migration journey: To represent my home country, I placed
several pictures on the right side of
my body map. The drink represents
a traditional beverage from back
home as well as national celebrations and parties. I also chose a picture of surfers on the beach to represent the hot weather we get. I also
placed a chilli pepper to symbolize
my country’s warmth as well as
my family. The pizza reminds me of
how I used to spend my weekends
in my home country, since I would
always go out with my family and
friends to eat pizza. Mango is widely
cultivated in my country that is why
I included the word. The chemistry
flasks represent what I studied back
home and the picture of a plantation represents my personal investments in education and my growing
financial investments back home.
To represent Canada, I placed
several images on the left side of
my body map. The picture of a salad
explains how I changed my eating
habits here, and the white flowers
next to it represent being happy in
Canada and how beautiful Canada
is, especially in the spring. The word
“freedom” on the left side, and the
large rainbow over my head represent the sense of liberation I feel
in Canada as a lesbian woman. The
words “grow up” symbolize how I
learned how to survive on my own
in Canada; in a way, I grew up and
matured. I exercise regularly to relieve stress and this is why I chose a
picture of a woman riding a bicycle.
The reason I placed all of the images
representing Canada to the left, is
because this is my right-hand side
and should represent my present
situation. You will notice that all the
images of back home appear on my
left-hand side, because these images
represent the past.
Finally, to represent the work
I’ve done in Canada, I placed a water
hose on my shoulder because I use
it all day long to wash cars. I placed
it here because it causes a lot of
stress on my shoulder. To link my
country to Canada I drew orange
arrows to show that I matured a lot
in Canada and this is linked to my
education back home as well as my
investments, since I learned how to
save money here. I also link the side
of my body map representing Canada to the picture of the pepper on
the right side to symbolize how my
relationship with my family has improved or ‘warmed up’ since coming to Canada.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbols are the two pink
feathers inside my feet. I chose pink
because I feel that this is a colour that
conveys joy. The feathers themselves
represent the urge to be carried away
by the wind and be given a lesser burden to carry because of my status.
My personal slogan is on my forehead, and it says, “If God is with us,
who is against us?” My mother would
always say this to me and it continues
to give me hope in Canada.
Marks on/under the skin:
The two red areas on my forearms
symbolize the muscular pain I feel
because of a workplace accident I
had. The same marks are found on
my shoulders because of all of the
stress I put on my shoulders to do
my work.
Future: I chose to represent my
future using two pictures: a graduating woman and a calculator which
can be found inside my body in between my hands. They represent
the studies I want to pursue, since
I am unhappy with my first degree.
Message to others: My message
to others, located on my chest in
green writing, is for undocumented
workers living in Canada in the same
situation as me. It reads, “Be hopeful
that your goals will be reached with
the help of other people”.
Body scan and personal
strength: My personal strength
comes from my spirituality and
faith, represented by the Catholic
necklace found around my neck
and in my heart. Whenever I feel insecure I hold it in my hands and this
comforts me.
Support structures: My main
support structure is my cell phone
that I placed near my hand on the
left side. I do everything with it; talk
to my family and friends, do online
banking, and even handle work related matters.
Click the play button to listen
to Andrea’s testimonio
140
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Andres
I’m Andres and I came to study
English in a private school after
I graduated from university. My
girlfriend was already here and
I now live with her and a friend
in a condo. For two years now I
have been working as a painter,
and when work is slow I pick up
factory jobs with an agency to
cover my living expenses. But I
hate factory work! They treat you
like garbage, and I don’t stand for
that. My family, they are against
me being here. They say I should
go back and ind work in my
ield. My mom worries about me
and even buys me private health
insurance. But for the meantime, I
am having fun here. I am meeting
a lot of people, learning a lot about
Canadian culture and practicing
my English, which will help me
when I apply for a master’s degree
in another country. I really like
Canada, but what’s restraining
is that I can’t ind professional
work here because of my status.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: In my body map I have
my arms wide open to represent my receptiveness to new learning opportunities in Canada. Coming to Canada has
allowed me to mature as a person, learn
English, meet new people, and work in
different occupations. I live a very relaxed
lifestyle in Canada and I believe that I’ll
be able to get ahead in life, even though
the majority jobs available for workers
like me, is considered hard labour.
Colours: I chose light blue for my
body outline because this colour captures the sense of calmness I feel in
Canada. I painted my hands in yellow to
represent the financial prosperity that
Canada has given me.
Migration journey: When I think
about back home, I get vivid memories
of my life there, so I have represented
some of these images beside my head.
The reason for coming to Canada was
to meet new people from different cultures and improve my language skills.
This is encapsulated in the bubble
above my head. I’ve had a range of jobs
in Canada, including painting, cleaning
and factory work. I placed these jobs on
the bottom left near my foot because I
wanted to show that these are low paying jobs and that they are considered
“low-skilled” jobs. But, I didn’t place
them below my feet because these jobs
are not necessarily degrading or dirty
jobs. They are respectable jobs.
Personal symbol and slogan: I chose
a magnifying glass as my migration symbol, and I placed it in front of my face,
and enlarged my eyes and ears to repre-
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Back to page 77
sent why I came to Canada, which was to
see and learn new things. I believe that
everything in life is part of a process, and
I have chosen this as my slogan since my
experience in Canada has been nothing
more than a stage in my life rather than
something permanent. I wrote my slogan on my forehead because this is very
central to the choices I make in life.
Marks on/under the skin: My experience as an undocumented worker
in Canada has been very difficult because I feel that undocumented workers
are expected to work harder than the
rest. The image of the man cleaning the
window in the cold on the bottom right,
near my foot represents my experience
working as a temp worker at a factory.
Here I was expected to work harder
while other people, like the supervisors
and permanent staff watched me do all
of the work, much like the people sitting indoors in this picture. The people
watching from the inside also represent
the better job opportunities that would
be available to me if I had legal status in
Canada or if I went back home to work
since I have a university education.
When I compare the jobs I’ve had,
factory and cleaning jobs stand out as
the worst ones because unlike painting, construction, or other contracting
jobs where you can learn a trade, you
rarely have the chance to become your
own boss in painting or cleaning, and
you don’t earn that much money. I
represent this occupational difference
by placing hardware tools and equipment that are used in contracting sectors above those that represent factory
and cleaning work. I also added red ar-
rows from the better jobs towards the
image that says “Every dollar counts”,
and black arrows between the other
jobs which limit occupational mobility.
Even though I know construction work
is better paid, I’ve never done construction work because they are also very
dangerous. I can’t afford to get seriously injured here, so I represent staying
away from hazardous jobs by placing
a poison control sign on my hand. The
World Health Organization logo and
the medical symbol near my heart represent being in good health and that I
have private health insurance.
Body scan and personal strength:
I get my personal strength from my own
determination which is related to my
slogan. I feel that I am able to overcome
barriers in Canada because I know that
being here is just one of the many experiences I will encounter in life. I try to see
my experience in Canada positively. Canada has given me a range of work experiences, and even though these jobs haven’t
been in my field, they have given me an
opportunity to meet people and a chance
to strengthen personal values and goals.
Support structures: I represent the
social dimensions of life in Canada using
diverse faces to capture multiculturalism,
and a fist to capture the struggles that
undocumented migrants face, including
lack of access to services and unequal
gender relations. I place these symbols
near the bubble above my head to contrast my lived experience in Canada with
what I originally hoped to find. The female near my heart represents me living
with my partner and my support system.
The house with the Canadian symbol on
the roof represents “feeling at home” in
Canada. I feel that Canada is a very welcoming country and although I’ve never
personally experienced any direct forms
of discrimination, I know that many immigrants use community centres or
other forms of support so I represent the
availability of such services with pictures
of diverse families and a health provider
found outside my body near my heart.
Future: It is hard to think about where
I will be and this is why I have a question mark over my head. I know I want a
professional job and go to grad school. I
know that being undocumented in Canada won’t make this possible, so I plan to
keep traveling for better opportunities. I
put a diploma and a graduation hat on my
right hand because I feel like the future is
in my hands. The flag and the airplane on
my right hand represent travelling back
home and then to other places.
Message to others: My message is
for other immigrants in Canada because
I feel that most Canadians wouldn’t be
interested in hearing what I have to say.
I placed my message near the bubble by
my head which represents my reasons
for coming to Canada and it reads, “It is
difficult being undocumented in a country that isn’t yours. There are very little
opportunities to find permanent employment. But if you have the desire to get
ahead, it is a big obstacle, but not impossible to achieve”.
Click the play button to listen
to Andres’ testimonio
141
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Elena
I am Elena and I came here 2
years ago with a friend to work
as a cook for a small family
restaurant. This was my chance to
help my mother pay her debt and
save money for university when I
got back. Our bosses paid for our
trip and gave us a room to stay
in. They were like family. The day
after I arrived, I started working
11-hour shifts, 6 days a week for
$8/hour. I never got the same day
off as my friend. Then, things got
worse. I got harassed at work
verbally, sexually, emotionally –
even a plate was thrown at me!
My bosses then started recording
me through a security camera
outside my room. If I moved, I
would lose my job. I felt desperate
and got very depressed. I prayed
to God to give me the courage to
leave that place and after a few
months, I did. Now I work as a
nanny. I get paid less but I inally
have time to make friends and
take English classes.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I chose to lie down
with my arms wide open because this
represents my receptiveness to new possibilities. By facing up, I am also looking
up to heaven and paying tribute to God.
Colours: I chose blue for my body outline, and red for my hands because I like
these colours. But my hands themselves
represent the work that I do– the fruit of
my labour. Back home, I only needed my
head and my mouth to do the work that I
did. Here, I only need my hands.
Migration journey: The woman
under the rainbow represents who I was
in my home country. I was a happy person, full of dreams, and free-spirited like
the birds near the rainbow. But in Canada I changed. Back home I had a professional job as a legal assistant, and I would
always go out with friends to social gatherings. I would wear my hair down, get
dressed up, and I had tons of high heels
and purses. Here, I got used to wearing
sneakers all the time and tying my hair
up in a bun because my first job was as
a cook. Now, I don’t even bother leaving my hair down, even on my days off.
It isn’t about looking beautiful anymore;
it’s about working hard. The airplane between my feet symbolizes some of the
new steps I’ve taken in life as a result of
coming to Canada. Even though I have
everything I need to survive here, I still
feel like I am in a foreign place. It’s not
because of the winter weather or the language, it’s more than that. I feel like the
grizzly bear in the dessert found on the
right side of my body map– I’ve learned
to survive in Canada, but this isn’t my
habitat. I’m not allowed to be here.
Back to page 38
Back to page 96
Personal symbol and slogan: The
two flags by my heart are my migration
symbols. Canada carries a special place
in my heart because it has been the only
country, other than my own, which has
given me shelter and I am very grateful
for that. Even though I have been living
illegally for two years, the hardships I’ve
had to endure have made me develop a
strong bond to Canada. If I didn’t feel that
bond, I could have bought the first flight
back home. It is cheaper to buy a plane
ticket than to be living in fear and carrying this burden. The banner across my
body represents my personal slogan. It
reads, “We are all citizens of the world”. I
believe that all human beings are equal
and that we all share a common home –
Earth. All the good and bad things we do
to this planet will affect us, regardless of
the borders we artificially put up.
Marks on/under the skin: When I
first got to Canada, I worked in a restaurant as a cook. At first, my bosses were
great. They gave me shelter and food in
return for work, and through this job I
paid off my family’s debt. The money I
earned is represented by the green dollar symbol on my left hand. But then, one
of my bosses started sexually harassing
me and made my life impossible. I felt
trapped, I felt like I had no other option
but to stay there. I was even scared about
meeting other people, because my bosses told me that if I talked to anyone, they
would know about my legal status. I represent this work experience through the
blood, sweat and tears found on my body
map and by the stick figure found on the
left side trying to sexually harass me. I
eventually left that job and started work-
ing in other restaurants. Now I work as
a nanny. But kitchen work was very dangerous. The scars on my hips and hands
represent the burns I got from a deep
fryer while working in a small kitchen.
Aside from work, I have also endured
personal struggles. The red wall represents a time in my life here in Canada
when I felt completely devastated. My
partner had been diagnosed with HIV,
and I was sure I would test positive too.
I drew this wall to express the pain and
fear I felt at that moment. I had surpassed many hurdles and difficult moments in Canada, but I had always found
a way out. But I didn’t see an exit for this.
I was distraught, scared, paralyzed. That
was the biggest obstacle I had ever faced.
I was lost, and nothing I could do could
fix it. I felt sad for my family, sad for my
mom. What was I going to do? Go back
home defeated, in a worse state than
when I had left? God only knows why, but
I eventually tested negative.
Body scan and personal strength:
I get my personal strength from God, and
the wings behind me represent the feeling that God is always watching over me.
A few months after I arrived in Canada,
I had a health emergency and had to
go a hospital. I spoke very little English
and barely understood what the doctors
were telling me. I desperately got into a
taxi and told the driver, in my native language, to take me to the hospital where
they had referred me to. To my surprise,
he replied in my native language, “My
name is Angel”. That day Angel drove me
to two other hospitals and waited with
me until I was admitted. It was like God
had sent me a guardian angel. The large
angel wings behind my body map represent this.
Support structures: The green
hands on my body map represent God,
and I put these on top of the angel wings
because God has always put people in
my life, to help me in times of need. The
other hands represent key people that
have given me advice or support.
Future: When I think about my future, I think about how tough it will be
to reintegrate myself if I go back home,
because I am no longer the same person
I was. By coming to Canada, I changed
my family, my language, the way I ate, the
way I slept, lived, thought, dressed, acted,
everything that made me, me. It’s hard to
capture this feeling and I have no symbol
to represent it.
Message to others: My message is
for the general public and is captured
in the sign I am holding up. It reads, “We
should all try to eliminate the discrimination and intolerance towards ourselves,
towards the human race because we all
share the same place. In the end, everyone
– whether rich, poor, or from wherever,
will die one day and be unable to take any
of this with us. We have to be a little more
giving, we have to enjoy life, be happy as
long as we are living and not make other
people’s life more difficult”.
Click the play button to listen
to Elena’s testimonio
142
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Elizabeth
My name is Elizabeth, and I was just a
teenager when I came to Canada with my aunt
and uncle to take care of my little cousins.
My life was very hard at the beginning
because I was lonely and I struggled with
the language and the cold weather. My
aunt was very strict and didn’t let me study
English or socialize with people outside our
church. She became very aggressive, and I
finally made the decision to leave when she
started beating me. After that, I worked in
different jobs. I was a nanny, a waiter, and
now I clean windows. Now I am married and
have a baby. My pregnancy was really tough.
My husband drank a lot and became very
violent and jealous. He didn’t give me much
support and because we were in economic
trouble, I had to go back to work 20 days
after giving birth. My life isn’t easy, but as
a black woman, I feel that I have more job
opportunities and face less discrimination
here than in my home country. I wish I could
stay because my son will have more chances
of succeeding in life than back home.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I choose to
lay facing up with my arms
down because this posture is
the most comfortable for me.
Colours: My body outline is
green, because this is my favourite colour. The red down
my spinal column represents
my back pain and I drew blue
tears coming down my face to
represent my emotional struggles. I have put little red hands
and blue feet to represent my
son.
Migration journey: The
images on the left depict my
home country. The skyscraper
represents the big buildings in
my home province. The soccer
player, the ocean and river picture represent my home country. The ladder in between, is
there to link my country to
Canada as part of my migration
journey. To represent Canada,
I chose a picture of a woman
dressed with exotic clothes and
with heavy makeup because I
find it interesting that people
here can wear whatever they
want and nobody cares; this is
really different from what it’s
like in my home country. The
picture of the dog represents
my happiness for being in Canada, whereas the iceberg represents Canadian winters. The
chalet picture and the building
remind me some places where I
work as a cleaner.
Personal symbol and slogan: My personal slogan is a
religious hymn placed on my
chest, underneath my heart.
I chose this as my slogan because this hymn mirrors my
struggle of survival in Canada –
even though I am undocumented and face a lot of hardships,
I am confident that God hasn’t
brought me this far to just abandon me. I find strength in these
lyrics, since I feel that as long
as I am fighting for my happiness, I will be okay. I like pictures of landscapes; they make
me feel relaxed and calm. These
pictures are a good match with
my personal slogan.
Marks on/under the skin:
The most significant mark on
my body is under my skin and
cannot be seen from the outside. I drew my entire spine in
red to represent my back pain.
The blue tears on my face can
also be considered marks under
my skin, since come as a re-
sult of suffering due my health
issues, financial problems and
the arguments that I have with
my husband at home.
Future: A mother playing
with her son symbolizes my
future. I link this symbol to my
body with a thought cloud, just
like the ones they use in comic
books. My hope is to work with
children in the future.
Message to others: My
message is that “No one has
been defeated unless they defeat themselves”. I address
this message to everyone who
goes through a difficult time,
not only undocumented workers, but everybody. I wrote this
message in red and placed the
message over my head to make
sure people know it is an important message.
Click the play button to listen
to Elizabeth’s testimonio
143
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Emiliano
I am Emiliano, a dreamer, an activist,
a journalist! I’d much rather read books
over eat food. I’ve lived in several
countries and I’ve done a range of jobs
– from farm work and construction to
teaching English to youth at risk. This
is my third time in Canada. The second
time I was here I got really sick and had
to go back home for treatment. I felt like
my time was cut short, so I had to come
back. The money you can make working
here also made me want to come back.
But I have a hard time relating to my
co-workers at the factory where I work.
They’re working machines and very
sexist. It bothers me that they have no
interest in learning about Canada or
engaging in activities outside of work.
I want more than that, much more! I
want to transform the spaces I live in, I
want to learn, and I want to make the
world a better place. My status makes
this very hard and sometimes I feel like
giving up. Unlike most people who come
here, I don’t want to become a permanent
resident. In my view, the world is too
big to be tied down to only one place.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I appear face down
with my hands chained behind my back
and my lips sealed with tape because I
feel that my legal status in Canada doesn’t
allow me to show the world who I really
am. I am here, I exist, but I am silenced
and made invisible because of my status.
Colours: I chose the colour red for
my body outline because it best represents me as a person. Red represents
energy, fire and passion. These things
make me who I am.
Migration journey: The last job I had
in my home country was in the public
sector, managing several community projects. But I’ve always been a journalist,
and this is what has inspired me to see
the world. I have been to several countries and I’ve lived as an undocumented
worker in Canada and the United States
several times. Even though I speak and
write English very well, I have done a
range of manual labour jobs to survive.
I’ve worked in oil refineries, construction, and now I work at a factory. But in
my heart, I will always be a journalist. For
this reason I placed images of hammers
to represent the range of jobs that I have
been forced to do to survive outside my
body, but I chose to represent my passion for journalism in my heart with the
picture of a camera, books and a clipping
that reads, “La Passion”. I included a picture of a mask on the left side of my body
map, because I believe everyone has multiple identities and roles to play in life.
To describe my life here, I included
a map of Toronto near my feet because
all of my migration experiences to Canada have always been to Toronto. The
metro passes I included on the bottom
of my map capture the length of time I
have been here this time, and show that
even though I take ‘public’ transportation, I am still invisible.
One of the biggest frustrations I feel in
Canada is the lack of spaces for expression and the limited interest other immigrants have in learning new things or
engaging socially. At the factory where
I work, many immigrant co-workers
don’t even attempt to learn more than 20
words of English, because that’s all they
need to do their work. This is captured
by the short message and list of words
(“no good”, “rapido, rapido”) on the right.
But I’m different. I speak English when
I go out, and at home, I practice French.
That’s why near my head it says, “homme
du monde” (man of the world).
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbol is the tape sealing my
lips and the chains around my hands. I
feel that the work that undocumented
workers do silences us because if you
speak up about bad working conditions, you can be easily replaced by
the next worker, so you stay quiet. But
I don’t want to be given voice to complain. I want to be given voice so my
existence can be acknowledged, so I
can meaningfully participate in society
and make the world a better place.
My slogan is, “Dream. I am ready” and
is found on my arm like a tattoo. I feel that
if you don’t dream for something better,
you aren’t living. I also think it is important to be receptive to other peoples’
dreams and ambitions. My dream is to
live for thousands of years and keep exploring the world. People should be motivated to create their own message and
find their own meaning in life. By putting
it on my arm, I am challenging people to
find, rather than be told, my message.
Marks on/under skin: The second
time I was in Canada, I got sick and I had
to go back home for emergency treatment. I am better now and I take medication I brought with me. This doesn’t
appear on my body map because I preferred to document the impacts of work
on my body which aggravate my preexisting health condition through stress.
For instance, I included images of clocks
on top of my head because in factory
work, everything is measured by time.
Time hangs over our heads. It is the only
thing worth anything. Because of that,
workers only pay attention to their work
and don’t have or make the time to get to
know one another. There is no camaraderie. This is also related to the work boots
I am wearing and the message found in
between, which says, “Having and using
the right equipment is important but…if
a co-worker suffers an accident, are you
willing help?” I’ll never forget a coworker
who was badly injured and wasn’t given
any time off work. When I asked why, he
said he couldn’t afford unpaid time off
and the factory denied him sick days or
workers’ compensation. I suggested that
as coworkers, we should raise a week’s
wages for this worker so he could rest,
but no one agreed to help. The lack of
solidarity caused by time pressure, work
demands, and fear, limits our ability to
collectively demand our rights. As undocumented workers, we worry only
about our own survival, and this makes
me frustrated and sad.
Another thing that has affected me
is the poor treatment of women in my
workplace. On the right side of my body
map I included a sign that says ‘men
only’, a drawing of a boxing glove, and
an image of a female being fired from
work because my female coworkers experience a lot of sexual abuse and harassment and have fewer opportunities
for job advancement. Even for women
with legal status, there are few jobs
they can get for better pay.
Support structures: I mostly get
support from my siblings, my mother,
my partner, my friends back home, and
a friend who is now a permanent resident. The blue hands on the left side of
my body represent each of their support, and I chose blue because it is a
colour of strength. Nearly all my friends
back home are engaged in community
organizing, and I get support and inspiration through their work.
Future: When I think about my future, I think, “I want to know it, but it has
already begun”. I capture this thought
at the bottom of my feet.
Message to others: My message is to
the general public and I chose a message
found in between my feet that says, “We
all walk in different shoes”. I chose this
message because I think that people have
different life experiences and journeys.
But, we need to make an effort to understand each other. The world is full of
problems, but we can’t forget that there
is always someone supporting you, and
that you too, must be a support to others.
Click the play button to listen
to Emiliano’s testimonio
144
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Fabio
I’m Fabio. I was a warehouse manager but
I became a construction worker in Canada to
make a living for my wife and two children back
home. After I lost my job, I looked for work
for over a year. Even though I had experience,
they wanted a degree. So I borrowed money
with high interest and hired a travel agent to
help me get here. I thought I would get a work
visa but I got a tourist visa instead. I felt so
betrayed and upset! But what could I do? I
had to come. After a group of us arrived, our
agent disappeared. He had promised all of us
jobs. So with no English I searched for work
by myself. My irst construction bosses were
bad and did a poor job for their clients. It has
been almost 5 years, and looking backwards, I
am sure those houses are in trouble now. Over
the years I got better bosses and they taught
me a lot. Now I work for a good company, I
have a few friends, volunteer, go to church,
and speak to my wife on a daily basis. I just
wish she could be here with me. I promised to
be back for my daughter’s 15th birthday, but
I didn’t. My family still needs me here so they
can study and pay the bills.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I don’t know
how to draw or write well, I
never do that, so I chose a simple posture, that of my body
resting. My hand is supporting
my head.
Colours: For my body outline, I had no strong colour
preference, but blue is a colour
I like, so I chose that.
Migration journey: My migration story is a complicated
one, but in summary, I couldn’t
find a job for over a year back
home, so I borrowed money and
paid a travel agent to get me a
visa. First, I thought I would get
a work visa but when he came
back with my passport, I got a
tourist visa instead that was
only valid for a few days. I had
already given him my money,
he had bought the ticket, so I
thought, “how could I not go?”
Once I arrived, the guy disappeared in two days. After
some time, I got safety boots
and a helmet, and people I met
helped me find construction
work.
Personal symbol and slogan: My migration symbol is a
twenty dollar bill in my hand,
because I believe that it is
money that brings us here and
we live for the money. My slogan, found on top of my head,
is a common saying from the
place I come from, it says, “Here
you earn gold, but you leave your
skin behind”. This basically captures the idea that you can earn
a lot of money through work
migration, but you are never
the same person again.
Marks on/under the skin:
I wrote English on my forehead
because not speaking English
is a constant problem for me, a
problem for everything I do. As
a construction worker, I have
to carry very heavy things like
wood and drywall sheets, and
now I have an abdominal hernia, which I drew in the inside
of my body. I also handle cement
and other products that are very
harmful to my skin. I used sandpaper to represent my rough
and cracked hands. On the positive side, construction work has
made me physically stronger.
You can see this especially in my
arms, which are a lot more built
now than before.
Body scan and personal
strength: In Canada, I get my
personal strength from my
arms and legs, because this is
all I need to be able to do my
job. It’s all about strong arms
and legs.
Support structures: Keeping in touch with my wife over
the phone or internet and talking to my children on a regular
basis is very important to me.
I hope my wife can come visit
me one day. I also have some
friends here in Toronto, which
keeps me busy. That’s why in
my heart area I have the words
family and friends to represent
their support.
Future: I can’t really think
about what the future holds, so
I put a question mark above my
head.
Message to others: I don’t
have any message for others, I
don’t want to give people any
advice.
Click the play button to listen
to Fabio’s testimonio
145
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Julio
I’m Julio and I was once a business
owner but now I’m a janitor for a
residential building. The recession
back home hurt everyone and I was
unemployed for months. I had a sister
here, so my plan was to come work for
a few years and save money. It turns
out I’ve been here for 10 years! Time
really does ly by. But I live a fairly
normal life here – I drive, have my
own car, and I rent a small apartment.
But what really worries me is that
I’m getting older and I might get
sick. For now, I go to walk-in clinics
if I have to and get my lu shot every
year. But people always ask me why
I don’t take vacations or go see my
children back home, so I avoid going
to social events and I don’t have
too many friends. No one knows the
truth except my boss and my sister.
My children came to visit once but
we don’t have a good relationship.
They blame me for leaving them, but
I’m proud of what I did because they
will be able to go to university now.
I hope they’ll understand one day.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: My body is positioned
like someone walking through life, always moving forward.
Colours: My hands are green because
I feel that green represents life. Especially
when I think about Canada, I didn’t want
to use a colour like white to represent life,
because it reminds me of snow and long
Canadian winters. Yet green is a colour
of optimism, and people feel a lot more
optimistic in the summer here, when it’s
warm and things are growing. My body
outline is brown to resemble human skin.
Migration journey: Several years ago,
I owned a business which collapsed after
a huge economic crisis back home. Even
though I had family in Canada, I knew I’d
be denied a visa because I had limited
assets. I had a lot of debt, had a family to
provide for, I was going through a divorce,
and I got desperate. My only option was
to cross the border. But that was nearly
10 years ago, so my memory of life before
migrating is very vague. So I’ve put a picture under my feet of mountains and valleys to represent my home country.
What I do remember about my journey is the huge sense of loss I felt when
I arrived. I knew I was going to be away
from my children, but it hit me for the
first time when I set foot in Canada. The
idea of not seeing them, not playing with
them, not watching them grow was a
huge emotional shock. It was also hard for
my kids growing up all these years without a father. I still remember the night I
said goodbye to them. I remember telling
them to stay at home, because I knew it
would be too hard to say goodbye at the
airport. The memory is so strong it’s like
a series of photographs flashing before
me. This is why I have a roll of film and a
lightning bolt near my head to represent
Back to page 62
the emotional shock and the memories I
have of our separation.
To represent my life in Canada
throughout these years, I put a map and
pictures of nature below my feet. I find the
natural environment here to be very relaxing, and in the summer, I always spend
time out in parks. I don’t like going downtown because there are too many people
and I hate crowds. With respect to work,
I’ve had many jobs over the years. I first
worked doing contracting type work, and
then moved into cleaning. For more than 5
years now, I’ve been working as a janitor.
Personal symbol and slogan: The
best migration symbols I can think of are
my children, which I’ve represented inside
a heart in front of me. The reason they are
positioned here, rather than behind me,
is because they are the main reason I migrated to Canada. I wanted to give them
a better future, and they kept me moving
forward. My slogan, found in a thought
cloud above my head says, “Be optimistic”.
I believe that you always have to move forward, regardless of the challenges you are
faced with. You have to believe that things
won’t always be bad, and that there will
always be a better future. You just have to
try to resolve your problems and achieve
your goals with whatever tools you are
given. The picture of the proud boy below
my slogan represents the success that follows after being persistent.
Marks on/under skin: As a building
janitor, I make small repairs and I am responsible for general maintenance which
includes waxing floors, vacuuming, cleaning and clearing snow. The boots I’m wearing on my body map and the gloves under
my arm represent the fact that my boss
has never given me this equipment, even
though I need it. I buy these things myself,
but it gets very expensive. I included a picture of a snow blower and a landscape full
of snow, because in the winter I spend a lot
of time outdoors clearing snow as part of
my job. Recently, they got a snow blower
to speed up the work, but it is much more
difficult to use than it looks and I got very
little training. I think my boss doesn’t
teach me certain things because he
doesn’t want to see me get ahead. There is
a lot of competition where I work, and the
image of a human pyramid on the left side
of my body map represents the hierarchy
among workers at my workplace.
The other thing that really affects me is
being away from my kids. Now we prefer
not to talk about it. Why bring up the past?
But it does come up sometimes. My children and I were very close before, but not
anymore. I speak to them on the phone
almost every week and they were able
to come visit me a few years ago, but in
reality, we are like strangers. They blame
me for having left them and on top of that,
their customs, their ways of speaking and
acting, are different. They weren’t raised
the way I would have liked. I still speak to
their mother because I think it’s important for parents to communicate.
Body scan/personal strength:
Power is mental. Sometimes I don’t feel
like getting up to go to work, but I know I
have to. Unlike a lot of coworkers who call
in sick and miss work frequently, I work
even when I’m sick. I believe that strength
comes from the mind, nothing else. The
red arrows above my head represent that
mental strength to keep going.
Support structures: I have family
here and a few acquaintances, but I get
the strength, more than support, from
knowing that I am helping my kids
achieve their goals. This is connected
to my personal symbol. If my kids were
here, they would see the real cost of their
education. Like other immigrants, I have
done things that I would have never done
back home. I don’t care if I don’t have too
many friends because of my status, I am
here because of them.
Future: My goals for the future are
written in a stepwise manner beside the
ladder on the right side of my body map,
which says, from the bottom up, “Status”,
“English”, “Work”, and “Security”. My primary goal is to get legal status in Canada,
then to fully learn English, and then to find
a better job as a building superintendent.
All of this will lead to my ultimate goal of
having personal and income security. But
I need papers before I can get a good job. I
think I will stay in Canada until my family
is able to come again or until my body
deteriorates and I am not longer able to
work. But I try not to think about that, it
scares me.
Message to others: My message is
found in the handwritten text on the bottom of my body map and is for people
who want to come to Canada. I want to tell
them that every change in life has a cost,
whether it’s social, familial or economic. I
want to advise them to learn English before
they get here if they can. Being able to communicate in English has a lot of advantages
that people often overlook. If I had learned
English before I arrived, my experience
would have been totally different.
Click the play button to listen
to Julio’s testimonio
146
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Lina
I’m Lina, and I have been here
for 2 years. I initially came to study,
but I decided to stay to save money
and practice my English. The truth
is, I make less than $1500 a month
working a range of jobs. I even quit
smoking because it’s too expensive
here. Sometimes I work factory jobs
through an agency, sometimes I
babysit, and lately I’ve been cleaning.
But I hate factory work. I only do it
when I have to. The other temps at
the factory let the bosses scream at
them and give them harder work, but
I do the minimum. Cleaning work
is also bad. They don’t teach you
how to mix cleaning products and I
always get eye irritation and rashes
on my hands. Back home, I worked
for a telecommunications company,
but my status doesn’t let me get a
similar job here. I really like Toronto
and I feel like I blend in very well.
I like going to bars and clubs and,
on the weekends, I go sightseeing
around the city. I think I might stay
a little longer.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: The position I have
put my body in is one that is receptive
– ready to experience different cultures
and to learn more about Canada.
Colours: I chose the colour white
for my body outline because I feel that
I blend in very well with Canadian society. White also represents tranquility
and I have always been a calm person.
My hands are black because they are
always dirty from working as a cleaner.
Migration journey: Before I came
to Canada, my mind was already here.
My plan was to come and study English
so that I could go back home and graduate university– I only had a few courses
left to graduate. My parents paid for my
trip using their savings, and I am still
paying them back. But I deviated from
my plans by staying longer than my student visa allowed. I wanted to see more
of Canada and spend time with my new
friends. I have definitely changed since
arriving. Mostly, I have learned to value
money by doing a range of jobs. Sometimes I am worried that I’ll be caught
for being here illegally, but I have faith
that if you are a good person, nothing
bad will happen to you.
My migration journey is represented
on the left side of my body map near my
hips, by pictures of a plane flying into
Toronto, of learning English and of a
diagram of finding work (busqueda de
trabajo) through friends and newspapers. The Calvin Klein photo represents my boyfriend and I. We live
together here. Even though I live very
comfortably in Canada, I always think
about my home country, which I carry
in my heart. I think of the friends I left
behind, my family and my studies. I put
logos from the university I went to and
the company I used to work for inside
my heart, to represent my life before
Canada.
Personal slogan: My personal slogan is located near my head and says,
“These are not punishments for a warrior”. I put it near my head because it is
something I tell myself daily. It means
that if you are strong and intelligent,
you can do anything.
Marks on/under skin: The images
on top of my hand on the left side represent the range of jobs I’ve had in Canada like cleaning (limpieza), painting
(pintura), and factory work (fabrica).
They are above my hands because my
hands represent the hard labour I’ve
done. I also included pictures of crossed
out gloves and masks with the words
“no protection” because my employers don’t always supply me with these
safety items. Safety equipment is seen
as a sign of weakness, and as a consequence, I’ve had to deal with constant
skin irritations from using harsh cleaning products and respiratory problems
from working in dusty construction
sites as a painter. The picture of hand
cream represents how I take care of my
irritated hands.
The images on top of my other hand
on the right side represent the hard
time I’ve had with co-workers. Female
co-workers at the factories where I’ve
worked have been the worst, and this
is why I included pictures of women
fighting and the words “difficult co-
workers”. The ones that were there as
permanent workers thought that temporary workers, like me, were stupid.
They constantly screamed at me and
made me do the hardest work. Most
factory workers were from a different
ethnic background too, which made it
very hard to communicate and relate to
one another. Painting work is also hard.
The image of the male worker repairing
a wall represents the male dominated
environment I work in as a painter.
Body scan and personal strength:
When think about the things I’ve overcome here in Canada, I think about the
TTC and my health. I included a picture
and map of the TTC because I had never
been on an underground subway system before migrating. I put it near my
head because the TTC map was very intimidating at the beginning, and one of
my biggest fears was not being able to
find my way around the city. Now I’m a
TTC expert!
The picture of a cigarette in my
mouth represented how I quit smoking in Canada because it became too
expensive. There is a picture of a smile
by my mouth as well, accompanied by
the words “lack of dental insurance” because I there was a time when I needed
to see a dentist for an emergency, but
my travel insurance did not cover the
full cost.
Support structures: I spend the
majority of my time on the internet,
speaking to family back home about
how I’m doing. So, on the right side of
my body I included a photo of someone on a computer, as well as images
representing other activities I do when
I’m not working like listening to music,
sightseeing, going to nightclubs, taking photos, cooking and eating. I also
spend a lot of time at home, because
my work hours are not very consistent
and sometimes I can’t to go out. I also
get support from my friends, especially
with finding work.
Future: The airplane going toward
my home country near my feet represents my future. My family wants me to
return home and finish university because they know I don’t have a future
here in Canada without papers. I would
continue my studies here if I could, but
it’s impossible without papers.
Message to others: My message to
Canadians, located on the top right corner of my body map, is that a program
is needed to make it easier for migrant
workers to get legal status in Canada.
There are so many immigrant workers
in Canada from so many places of the
world, and a plan is urgently needed.
There should also be more support for
people applying for refugee status.
I also have a message to other Latin
American immigrants in Canada, located in the same spot which reads, “Don’t
forget where you came from and where
you are going”.
Click the play button to listen
to Lina’s testimonio
147
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Luna
Hi, I’m Luna. I studied to be an
aesthetician back home, but now I
work at a bread factory through a
temporary agency. I’ve been in Canada
for only one year, but before I came here
I lived in the United States for three
years. I thought it would be the same,
but it’s not all. Most of my friends
in the United States spoke Spanish,
my husband’s family was there and I
really enjoyed my job as a cook. Here, I
feel really lonely. Temporally workers
are treated differently. We can’t take
breaks together and we aren’t allowed
to talk while we work. Because our
supervisor says it slows us down. The
one good thing about my job is that it
keeps me in shape. I enjoy lifting heavy
bags and helping the men when I can.
Although the pay is bad, I know others
are in worse situations so, I try to make
the best of my experience. I keep $3,000
in case of a health emergency or in case
I have to go back home unexpectedly.
I would need this to start-up again
because I don’t have the support of my
family since I got divorced.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I am positioned with
my hands over my face, because without
status it’s as if I am faceless and nameless,
without an identity, without anything.
Colours: I chose pink for the outline
of my body because I am a woman, so I
wanted to use a colour that is soft and delicate. I chose black for my hands because
it a strong colour that represents the hard
work that I do with my hands every day to
make money to send home to my family.
Migration journey: My migration
story is represented in chronological
order on the left side of my body map,
underneath the words “viaje” (travel)
and the pictures of a plane, the earth and
a laptop. I lived in the United States for
several years before coming to Canada.
This is represented by a map of where I
lived and cooking utensils, because I used
to work as a cook there. Below that is my
current life in Canada, represented by a
picture of a factory to show my work as a
bread factory worker, and pictures of top
tourist attractions to represent living in
“Toronto”. I like Canada, but I prefer the
United States. I made many friends there
who I left behind – people from my home
country who, like me, didn’t have status.
People there were friendlier and I felt
more united with my co-workers. People
in Toronto are cold and they are always in
a hurry. I don’t trust people here. I know
I need to give myself a chance to get to
know people, but it’s difficult because I’ve
changed jobs frequently and because I
don’t have time to go out.
Life for my siblings back home is very
different. They are educated and have
their own careers. I, on the other hand,
have no chance of getting better education
because I live here without status. But, I
wanted a life that was different. I really like
the language here, and working in Canada
is a way to earn more money, faster.
Back to page 94
Back to page 98
Personal symbol and slogan: In my
heart there is a picture of a family and a
house. When I think of my house, my parents and siblings come to mind. To me,
these images represent peace and tranquility. My slogan is found above my head
to the left and is a more of a message for
me and other immigrants. It reads, “Fight
for what you want, don’t let yourself be
defeated, you can do it! It doesn’t matter if
you’re alone, with different customs and different languages (around you). This is what
I want and I have to achieve it. Something
good will come”. I often say this to myself,
and it makes me think positively and gives
me the strength to continue living here.
Marks on/under the skin: I included
a stomach filled with food because eating
well is important for health. I like trying
food from different places, but I miss food
from back home. I also find the food in Canada to not be so fresh. I added pictures of
winter and a thermometer near the middle
of my body because Canadian winters were
one of the hardest things I had to adjust to.
I had to learn to buy lots of warm clothing
and learn how to cook nutritious foods to
stay healthy. Luckily I haven’t gotten sick,
but I do have a dental problem that I need
help for. To represent this, I included a picture of a smile and mouthwash because
It’s really difficult to get dental assistance
that is affordable. Plus, I don’t know who to
trust. The words that appear on the right
corner of my body map in green point out
that undocumented workers lack information about services (“falta de informacion”)
and face several cost-related barriers (“servicios muy caros”) because we have to pay
out of pocket for services and supports
like, education, medical, dental, and legal.
My work experiences as an undocumented worker have also been tough.
Near one of my feet I included a pot of
boiling water and the word “burn” (“quemadura”) because I seriously burned my
foot onetime I worked as a cook in the
U.S. I wasn’t wearing proper work boots,
and I accidently spilled boiling water over
myself. I developed blisters all over and
my foot was so inflamed I couldn’t walk. I
never saw a doctor because I was afraid I
would be asked for papers, so I used homemade remedies instead. Although I haven’t
had a work accident in Canada, the image
of a scale below my feet represents the
negative work relationships I have with
my co-workers here. The side with more
people represents the people who have
been working in the factories for a long
time, and the other side represents temporary workers, like me. We are treated
like second-class workers. There are also a
lot of people in Canada who have negative
stereotypes about people from my country.
They think we are dangerous and bad for
Canadian society. The discrimination I’ve
faced is represented by the crossed out
country name in blue near my feet on the
right side.
Body scan and personal strength:
There is a picture near the top of my body
map to the left of a woman showing her
muscles. I included this picture because I
consider myself to be a strong woman, and
I enjoy doing hard work. Other women
I work with admire how much I can lift,
but they tell me that I should be careful
because young women, like me, shouldn’t
work too hard because it may have a negative effect on their fertility. But I prefer to
do things on my own, even if it means lifting heavy things – I like a challenge. But it
isn’t just muscular strength. When I think
about all of the struggles I’ve had to face,
I know I get a lot of my strength from my
mind. This is why I wrote the words “fuerza mental” (mental strength) and included
a picture of a brain and someone doing
yoga underneath my arm on the right side
of my body map. It was through my mind
that I found the courage to come to a for-
eign place, work, and overcome the fear of
living without papers.
Support structures: All my key support people, my best friends from childhood, live back home. They are a part of
me. They give me strength because I discuss everything with them. The telephone
cable on the right side represents keeping
in touch with them and my friends in the
U.S. I also included pictures of “telenovelas”
(Latin soap operas) near the phone cable,
because I watch a lot of TV and I often talk
about them with my friends. These things
keep me busy when I am not working.
Future: The stairs near my head represent me climbing up to my future. There
are pictures of makeup above my head
because I want to get back to my work as
aesthetician. I always keep this goal in my
mind, which is why I put it near my head.
This will require that I go back home because it is very difficult to do this kind of
work here without papers.
Message to others: My message is to
Canadians and to all those looking at my
body map. It is typed out near my hips on
the left side and reads, “My life has been
somewhat different from that of my family’s.
It has been a fight for a better life. I feel like
I don’t take anything from anybody – I earn
it through my work. As for my jobs, this isn’t
what I want for the rest of my life, but I enjoy
every moment of it. Right now (because of
my status), I lack the power to get ahead.
That is, to get a good education and study
what I enjoy. But, I try to leave the best of me
everywhere I go”.
Click the play button to listen
to Luna’s testimonio
148
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Mariana
I’m Mariana and I came four
years ago with my family after an
immigration advisor told us to apply
as refugees. My dad and brother came
irst and then we followed. We lived
in shelters at irst and got our food
from food banks. The irst winter was
horrible! We didn’t have a car and
we had all these appointments with
lawyers, doctors and social workers.
Pushing my daughter’s carriage
through the snow was a nightmare.
Then my family started cleaning
buildings. Sometimes I did the night
shift, but I was mostly a stay-athome mom. Then I got pregnant. I had
health coverage then, but now I am
ive months pregnant with my third
child and I have no health beneits
because our application was rejected
last year. Luckily our social worker got
me and my family into a community
health centre. It’s also been hard
being away from my husband who is
working in another province. He is
also undocumented. Now we are just
saving enough money to go back.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I am lying down in a
fetal position on my body map to show
how limited and vulnerable I feel because
I lack legal status in Canada. This position
also shows the physical changes I have
experienced being pregnant.
Colours: I chose blue for my body outline because, to me, it’s a colour that represents freshness and freedom – something
I wish I had. It’s also a colour that makes
me feel calm. My hand is red because my
hands are what I use for working, and I feel
that the colour red is strong and hard just
like some of the cleaning work I’ve done.
Migration journey: I represent the
beginning of my migration story with the
images on the left side behind my head.
The thought of coming to Canada was exciting, but this quickly went away when
my family and I arrived in a shelter and
claimed refugee status. The winter jacket
and the snow globe behind my head capture our first winter in Canada. We were
very poor, so the shelter gave us some
clothes for the cold, and we bought some
extra things we needed from a thrift store.
A few months went by and things got better. I wanted to begin studying right away,
but I was told I needed a certain level of
English to go to school. The female student and the books behind my back represent me taking ESL classes when I first
got here. But I was never able to finish because I got pregnant with my second child
and felt sick all the time. The words “community connections” represents how I met
my husband, while doing volunteer work.
The box with the gloves and cleaning items
represents the short period of time when
I worked as a cleaner to help my family.
The picture of chicken fingers behind my
feet to the left side represents another
time when I worked part-time at a factory
packaging frozen food. Now I am mostly a
homemaker.
Back to page 106
The images on the bottom of my body
map represent a time when relocated to
another Canadian city to live with my husband and children. By this time, I had no
status and was a homemaker while my
husband worked full-time. The money
symbol represents living away from my
parents and having to learn how to manage money on my own. I also learned to
cook. There is a picture of a couple because
I also learned a lot about how to resolve
marital problems independently. Although
I enjoyed being with my husband and my
children as a family, like the pictures you
see on the bottom, I felt very lonely and isolated there. I included a picture of a laptop
because that was my only form of social
interaction. The Internet was my support
system. I eventually came back to Toronto
because I found out I was pregnant and I
have the support of my family in Toronto.
My husband stayed back working to save
money for when we go back home.
When I came back to Toronto, things
were different, mostly because I didn’t
have a legal status anymore. I had a hard
time enrolling my child in school, and no
one understood why I didn’t have bills
under my name or a credit card. This is
why I included a blank piece of paper with
the letters I.D. on the right side of my body
map. People seem less friendly now that
I don’t have status, and I am scared to go
out and do the things I used to do. People
always ask why I can’t do certain activities. The image of the two females on the
right captures the stigma I feel. The caption of the lady on the left reads, “Hey, did
you apply for that government program
for your children? You should apply, I’ll go
with you…”. The caption of the blonde lady
on the right represents how I feel in these
situation and reads, “Okay, thanks, I’ll get
around to it. I have to go now. Bye”.
Personal symbol and slogan: To
represent my migration journey, I put a
picture of a family in my heart. My husband and my children give me strength,
but I often I worry about our futures. The
English translation to the slogan that appears over my head in yellow says, “You
haven’t failed if you have tried”. We didn’t
get status but we began a new stage of
our lives here. I put this slogan near my
head because I always keep this in mind
when I’m faced with a new challenge.
Marks on/under the skin: It’s very
clear from my body map that I am pregnant – you can see the image of a baby
inside me– and this is my second pregnancy in Canada. My first child was born
back home, and I had my second child as
a refugee claimant. This pregnancy is different now that I don’t have status. I don’t
have many choices related to the kind of
care I am getting and I have to pay for a lot
of services and medicines that I used to
have coverage for. Although a translator
accompanies me to most of my appointments, it is not the same as being able to
ask questions on your own. For instance,
I had to go alone to get an ultrasound, and
the technician was very rude, and they
wouldn’t tell me whether I was having a
boy or a girl. I wanted to know! The image
of the female on a chair being questioned
by a health provider on the right side represents these experiences.
Support structures: On my body
map you can see three hands supporting
my back which represent my friends
(“amigas” in green), my family (“familia”
in blue) and a health centre (“centro de salud” in yellow) that has given me a lot of
support in Canada. Friends have helped
me and my family find needed resources
like housing and jobs, and have provided
advice when we’ve needed it. As for my
family – my mother, father and sibling
who are here with me, we try to support
each other because we have no extended
family here. One particular health centre
has helped make it easier for us to get essential services when we’ve needed it.
Future: The images on the top right
corner of my body map represent my
near future (“mi futuro”) since I plan to go
back home once the baby is born. Our migration story has been a very sad one, and
having been denied status makes it very
difficult to lead a normal life. At least if I go
back, I can rebuild my life close to the rest
of my family. Like the pictures show, if I go
back home I may be finally able to own a
home (“mi casa”), reunite with my family
(“reunirme con mi familia”), go to beauty
school (“estudiar”), find work (“trabajar”)
be with my husband and my children in
one place (“estar con mi esposo y hijos”). I
know the economic situation and the violence back home will be tough, but being
undocumented has taught me that you
can’t realize your full potential when you
live in constant fear. I don’t want that kind
of future for me or my children.
Message to others: My message is to
other refugee claimants in Canada. It is
found on the left side, behind my head,
and says, “Taking into account my current
situation, it is very difficult – I am afraid
that at any moment I can be deported. My
recommendation would be for those who
are still in the process of claiming refugee
status, to fight as hard as you can to stay in
Canada legally, because the situation back
home in our home countries is very difficult. There are opportunities here. If I had
been allowed to stay, I would have taken
advantage of these opportunities”.
Click the play button to listen
to Mariana’s testimonio
149
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Maya
I am Maya, a nanny and a kitchen helper.
I was recruited from Latin America by a
irst-world diplomat living in Canada to
come work as a nanny. A few months after
I arrived, I was ired because I complained
about being left alone for 10 days without
the health card of a toddler who got sick.
Then, my problems got worse. Although I had
other families willing to hire me, my work
visa only allowed me to work for a diplomat.
I couldn’t go back right away; I had no job
to go back to. I came here to experience this
beautiful country, to learn how to live on my
own, and to study English. My only friend
felt sorry for me and helped me ind a job.
Now I work in a restaurant 4 days a week
for 10 hours a day for 8.50$/hour, and I get
a 10-minute break for lunch. On weekends
I work as a nanny. I haven’t told my coworkers or my boss that l don’t have papers;
people try to take advantage of you if they
know. I haven’t told my family either; I
don’t want them to worry. Now, I am trying
to take better care of myself – I need to
gain weight and see a dentist and a doctor.
Finally though, after a year and a half, I’ve
saved enough to attend language classes.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body position: In my body map,
I am in a lying down in a fetal position. Lying in this position helps
me think as I stroke my hair, like my
parents used to do – my family is
very loving and affectionate. In this
position, I also cry quietly at night
as I remember my family.
Colours: My body outline is pink
because it is the colour of femininity but it also symbolizes love. My
hands are green because I love to be
in touch with nature and the earth.
Migration journey: To represent my home country, I included
several symbols behind my head
in a green bubble– good food,
beachwear and television shows
are the first things that come to
mind when I think of back home.
Close to my hand on the left side,
I also drew a package of colourful
candy to symbolize how much I love
sweets. I also feel that candy represents kids very well, and I came to
Canada to work as a nanny, so this
symbol captures my reason for migrating as well. The book below my
feet also represents how I came to
Canada to study and learn English
– I wanted to get ahead professionally by coming to Canada.
I have also included some pictures of landscapes on my body
map to represent Canada. These
are located on the left side of my
body map, inside a red bubble. I
chose red because I realized after
living here, that Canada is based on
a lot on capitalist values and is very
dependent on what goes on in the
Unites States. To me, red captures
this feeling.
visit the whole country, from coast
to coast. The human soul needs
to fly. If you think big, if you want
more from life, you need to have an
open, free soul.
Personal symbol and slogan:
My personal migration symbol is
the winged heart placed inside my
chest. When I migrated to Canada, I
left behind my beloved family members to take care of another person
here – to become a nanny. Therefore, my migration experience was
all about love – leaving people I
loved behind, but also, opening my
heart to new experiences here in
Canada.
My person slogan, located inside
my feet, comes from the lyrics of
a song that says: “walking against
the wind, without a handkerchief or
documents”. These words capture
my experience in Canada, since I try
my best to keep walking, working,
and living, but deep inside I feel like
an intruder here. I feel uncomfortable because I cannot really walk
freely; sometimes this is a very oppressive feeling.
I also have another slogan,
placed above my head which says,
“Everything is worth it when the
soul is not small”. In less than two
years in Canada, I have lived and experienced more than many people
will live in 20 years. I feel a bit Canadian, I wanted to get to know Canada, this is such a beautiful country,
and now that I am here, I hope to
Marks on/under the skin: The
big sunflower along the right side
of my body map represents someone in my family who was killed
back in my home country due to
urban violence – it’s a big part of
me that is missing. On my body
map, I have also drawn the many
health problems I have faced since
I migrated to Canada. For instance,
I have lost a lot of weight since I arrived, and this is represented by the
empty brown plate near my leg on
the left. The one-legged “saci” near
my foot on the left side of my body
map, also represents the ligament
problems I’ve had. The orange
tiger paw on the top left side represents other people’s aggression
towards me because of my status.
It also represents me living in fear
and the workplace violence I once
experienced here in Canada. The
broken heart by my elbow symbolizes an intimate relationship I had
here in Canada that didn’t work
out. One side of the heart is red to
illustrate the intensity of that relationship and half pink to represent
how, even though the relationship
ended, I am doing okay.
Support structures: When I
think about the things that give
me support in Canada, I think of
a group of friends that I have and
people who love me. I think that
people who don’t have friends are
in trouble. This is why I drew a circle of friends on my back to demonstrate the support my friends give
me both personally and at work.
Message to others: My message
is to other immigrants, and I’ve
placed it in my belly because this is
where people generally feel emotions. It reads, “You should not feel
fear; do not give up on your goals
for anything or anyone. Believe in
yourself and have faith and courage. Live the moment and let life
happen. There are few opportunities
for happiness. Take advantage of all
of them. Always remember that we
cannot go back to the past and that
time doesn’t stop. Every experience
is unique.”
Future: I feel like my future cannot be represented, because it is
in my heart. I know it involves me
studying again and learning English.
Click the play button to listen
to Maya’s testimonio
150
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Nelson
Hi, I am Nelson, a carpenter. In my
home country, I owned a small business
and my wife had a job, which gave us and
our family enough to get by. However,
my children got older and needed to go
to university, so I came to Canada to
work. Working with wood was a hobby
of mine in my home country, and I really
like my work as a carpenter now. I
work very hard, but I am not like other
illegal workers. I have a good boss and
co-workers. Being a carpenter keeps me
it, and I am proud of my work; no more
sitting down for 12-hour work days.
Sometimes, though, I get exhausted and
I have back and body pain. If I could
make the same amount of money back
home, I’d prefer to be there. But, I must
confess, every day I like it here more
and more. I like having four seasons, I
like the city, I like the culture, I have
made many friends, I watch hockey and
I support Canada. I hope to stay long
enough so that my children can get their
degrees. I believe it doesn’t matter what
life throws at you; you have to keep
going, keep sailing.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: In my body
map I am standing up, just like I
do at work.
Colour: My body outline is
blue because this is my favourite
colour and my hands are black to
represent the gloves I frequently
use at work.
Migration journey: I came to
Canada to make money. I wanted
to give my children, represented
by the picture on the top right,
more than I could provide them
if I stayed back home. I wanted
them to go to university, this way
they would never need to migrate
to another country for better opportunities, and if they decide to,
they would be skilled and get papers. This is why I chose a dollar
sign symbol, close to my pocket
inside my body, to represent my
journey. The job opportunities
I’ve had here are shown in the
blue picture next to it.
Personal symbol and slogan:
By coming to Canada I have discovered a new time in my life, a
new culture, new friends, and
new dreams. My personal symbol
is a ship; it represents discovering
a new world. I think meaningful
things should be placed either on
your head or in your heart, so I
decided to put the ship on the top
Back to page 38
Back to page 80
of my head. My personal slogan is
placed on my chest; it is a quote
from a famous poem which, when
translated to English, says, “sailing is necessary” (“navegar é preciso”). This quote summarizes a
proverb I once read that said the
harbour is the safest place for a
ship because there, it is protected
from storms on the open sea; yet,
if the ship doesn’t sail away, its
vessel corrodes”. I truly believe
you either face the challenges
your life brings your way or you’ll
be destroyed by them.
Marks on/under the skin: I
know undocumented workers’
lives are not easy. I have heard
horrible stories, but I have been
okay. The only thing that bothers
me is being away from my family.
If the government would give me
documents just to travel once a
year and nothing else (that is, no
health care), I would be fine – that
is all I need; to kiss my children
once a year.
Body scan and personal
strength: Sometimes I have pain,
represented by the red areas in
between my lower back bones
and the knee to the right. I also
have pain on my arms when I
work long hours and I have some
lumps on my body, like the one on
the arm to the right. My person-
al strength comes mainly from
faith, hope for a better future,
and determination; the yellow
light around my head shows this
strength.
Support structures: I usually don’t ask anyone for help. I
think people should take care of
their own problems. But there are
things I like here in Canada, that I
enjoy doing. For example, most of
my employers to date have been
good to me and my co-workers
have been fine too. I placed them
below my slogan, on my chest. I
like my job, especially when I get
to build furniture; this is why I
drew a carpenter’s belt around
my waist and placed a picture of a
bookcase close to my heart. I like
to make furniture because I feel
proud of work that is well done,
particularly when clients get really happy when they see it ready.
It is really nice to see how much
they like it. I have also made many
friends in Toronto, who I placed
in my heart because I believe it
is very important to have a rich
social life. The picture on the left
side has many hands supporting
one person, showing how friends
are important.
Future: I drew a black cloud
on the top left because I know I
have to be here for 5 more years
for my children to finish their
studies. But being undocumented
makes me worry. There is always
some level of insecurity. Let’s say,
if I am sent home, they may never
finish their degrees. So, I don’t
know what the future holds for
me. I like Canada; I would like to
stay here. I have “tattooed” an eye
on my arm to represent the future.
Message to others: I prefer
not to leave a message.
Click the play button to listen
to Nelson’s testimonio
151
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Paulo
I am Paulo and I came to Canada
3 years ago to learn English because
I wanted to travel around the world.
At that time I didn’t plan to stay
for so long, but I started to make
connections and now I feel that my
heart is here; I don’t want to go back
to my home country. Although I
enjoy living here, I have a hard life.
Construction work is stressful and at
the end of day, I am exhausted and
without any energy to study English.
On top of that, I often have to deal
with aggressive bosses and employers
who take advantage of my situation;
some give me too much work and
others don’t pay me after the job is
done. At my job site, workers don’t
get along and the boredom of repeated
work makes me feel frustrated and
hopeless. Because I am illegal, I try
to be very discreet. I avoid using my
work clothes in public spaces, like on
the subway. I realized that if I want
to reach my goals and maintain my
self-esteem, I have to be strong and
take care of my health.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: In my body map, I
appear with my hands on my hips because I want to show the world that I
am ready to fight for my life in Canada,
regardless the hardships I have to face.
Colours: I chose red for my body
outline, because this colour reminds
me of strength and fury, qualities
which are needed if I want to contribute and make a difference in the world.
As for my hands, I chose white because
I want to show people that even though
my hands are always dirty because of
the construction work I do, I am a clean
person. The colour white also represents my honesty and transparency.
Migration journey: My home
country is symbolically represented
by a mother and a child underneath
my arm on the left, since I always carry
my country with me, no matter where I
am. To represent my migration experience to Canada, I’ve included several
pictures on my body map to capture
the things I’ve learned and observed
here about Canadian society. The light
bulb on top of my head represents my
new ideas and values, especially about
the role of women in the society. I realized that I was very sexist back home,
and only in Canada did I learn to appreciate women’s power, strength
and intelligence. I placed a picture of
a known lesbian show host, Ellen DeGeneres, near my head to represent
Canadian society as inclusive– something I respect a lot now.
Yet, I also feel that certain people in
Canada are very selfish and lose sight
of the real meaning of a charity work.
I placed a picture of a charity golf tournament near my feet to represent this
aspect of Canadian society. I also included a picture of an expensive natural juice beside this to capture the irony
behind people who claim to be “green”
while relying on consumption to do it.
The natural juice represents the “artificial” way people try to lead a healthy
life here. Under my feet, I also placed
an advertisement of women’s purses to
symbolize consumerism in Canada.
Personal symbol and slogan: I
choose an airplane as a symbol for my
migration journey because I only needed to take an airplane to come to Canada. I came to Canada because I wanted
to study English, so I drew an airplane
travelling around the earth to Canada
which is located on the top right side of
my body map near my head.
I choose the lyrics to the song “Out
of Time” as my personal slogan, which
is located on the right side of my body
map. One part of the song says, “Feel the
sunshine on your face/it’s in a computer
now”. This part of the song represents
modern way of life, new technologies
and the way people are connected in
today’s world. My migration experience is a reflection of this new way of
life – For instance, I am able to connect quickly with people back home
through the Internet. I also know a lot
of people in Canada that have found
their partners through online dating.
This is something that scares me be-
cause it seems that people can’t form
relationships in person through everyday activities anymore.
and keeps me going. I prefer to represent people who support me through
their words of gratitude, love and reciprocity. In the middle of my body map
I circled the word, “love” (“amor”) and
I wrote, “Not for everybody”, because I
feel that love and support are unique
feelings and not everybody understands or experiences these things.
Marks on/under the skin: In the
centre of my body map, on my chest,
I put a picture of different vegetables
to represent the healthy eating habits
I have developed in Canada. The radiating lines and the two big arrows going in opposite directions, one coming
from my mouth to the centre of my
body and the other one going up to
my face, symbolically show how the
healthy food I eat, feed my body and
mind. The tape on my mouth represents the lack of voice I have in Canada as an undocumented worker. Even
though I try to speak up and communicate with others, I am always fearful of
who is paying attention. The red marks
coming out of my ears, represents the
sexist comments and aggressive remarks that I constantly hear at my
construction job. In my work environment, there is a lot of “machismo”, and
I constantly have to put up with abuse.
On several places on my arms and legs,
I have included red cuts to represent
how injuries are part of my everyday
work; it is almost impossible to not get
hurt doing construction work.
Message to others: My message is
for other immigrants and is located on
the left side beside my leg. My message
begins by saying, “First of all, learn English”. Through my own experience, I feel
that if you can speak English, you have
more opportunities and are better able
to connect with Canadians and other
immigrants who can help you. Without
English you have limited options. Later
in my message I say, “Then, try to find
out if what you are doing, is something
that you want to do”. Through my experience, I feel that it is important for
immigrants to set goals and be aware
of their options.
Support structures: When I think
about social support, I have a hard
time thinking about specific people or
things that help me get through hard
times. I feel like I get my strength from
within. I am passionate about helping
others in society and that motivates me
Click the play button to listen
to Paulo’s testimonio
Future: The picture of a mother
holding her baby, which I used to represent my home country, also represents my future. I know someday I will
see my home country again.
152
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Pepe
I’m Pepe. I used to be a college
student, but when my dad died and
our family business shut down, I had
to come to Canada to support my mom.
I lived in coffee shops for 3 days when
I got here, and barely had enough for
food. Then I met a Latin American man
and he offered me a job and a place to
stay. For the irst 2 years, I worked in
bread factories through temp agencies.
Then I found construction and cleaning
jobs. I’ll never go back to factory
work! They make you work harder and
faster than the permanent workers
and the most they’ll pay is $7/hour –
they even deduct travel! My kidney
condition also got worse because of all
the turning and twisting they made
me do. My diet doesn’t make it any
better either. But food is so expensive
here and I don’t know how to cook. I
take the pain killers my landlord tells
me to buy at the pharmacy. I know I
should see a doctor but my co-workers
tell me that others have been caught
when they go to a hospital. Besides, I
don’t have extra money.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I am lying down in a
comfortable fetal position to contrast
the uncomfortable situation I find myself in here in Canada because of my
status.
Colours: I drew my body outline in
blue because that is my favourite colour.
My hands are red because I feel that red
represents life. I’ve suffered a lot here
through the work I’ve done, so I wanted
to use red to show my appreciation of
life, my appreciation for still being here.
Migration journey: I was a student
before migrating to Canada, and only
worked part-time, helping my family
run our small business. The image on
the bottom left corner of my map, of
a yellow subway train represents the
method of transportation I used back
home to get to work and school. The cars
above the train represent what everyone wishes they had instead. The soccer
jersey and soccer ball represent my culture and my family business. When my
father passed away, our family business
gradually slowed down and we eventually had to shut down. We had nothing,
and my only option was to come to Canada to support my mother.
On the bottom of my body map, near
my feet, I drew a plane and a suitcase
to represent my journey to Canada. It
was very hard at first because I didn’t
know anyone and I had nothing but a
few dollars in my pocket and a suitcase.
Eventually I met someone who gave me
work and a place to stay. The images on
the bottom right of my body map of the
broom and dustpan, the carpenters and
the house, all represent the jobs I’ve had
in Canada – which are cleaning, fram-
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Back to page 112
ing and roofing. They are basically the
only jobs that undocumented workers
can get here. The pictures on the right
corner represent where I live now – in a
rented, furnished room with an old television. I live with other Latin American
workers and we share a kitchen. I spend
$80-$100 per week on food and this
barely leaves me with enough money to
send back home. I have changed my way
of thinking since coming here. I value
life and the simple things a lot more, like
having a meal with my family.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbol is the colourful suitcase I am holding in my hand on the
left side. Half of the suit case is full of
smiley faces and the other half is full of
dollar signs to represent that I migrated
to Canada in search of a new life (“nueva vida”) for me and my family and an
opportunity to work and make money
(“dinero”). I could never achieve these
things in my home country.
My slogan is more of a statement
about my experience in Canada and is
written across my forehead in red. It
reads, “A lot of loneliness”. I placed my
slogan here, because I hold memories of
my family in my mind, and I tend to feel
very lonely when I think about my family
and realize that they are so far away.
would explain how to cook things over
the phone. I learned how to cook some
things, but most of the food available is
pre-made and healthy food is expensive
here. Sometimes I think my health problems are related to my poor diet and
that is why I drew a black stomach and
digestive tract on my body map.
The inflamed kidneys (“inflamacíon
de riñon”) on my body map represent
the kidney problems I’ve had in Canada.
I am afraid to go see a doctor or go to
the hospital when the pain gets severe,
so for now, I manage my pain with painkillers. I think the heavy twisting and
turning I did when I worked in factories
aggravated my kidney problems. This is
why I coloured red discs and arrows on
my spine to represent the radiating back
pain (“dolor”) I’ve had through factory
work. Out of all the jobs I’ve had, I’ve
liked cleaning the best because it is the
most relaxed. I drew a large sun and a
ladder on the right side of my body map
because falling and getting burned by
working long days outside are common
risks in construction jobs. I have never
fallen on the job, but I have seen others
fall. I put a hard hat on my head, because
I used one for safety when working as
framer but not when I was in roofing.
throughout my migration journey. The
handprints on the inside of my lower
legs specifically represent the support I
get from my male (“amigos”) and female
(“amigas”) friends, which also includes
my landlord. In my last construction job,
I got along very well with my coworkers, and on our time off, we would go to
major tourist attractions in and around
Toronto. The pictures of the Eaton centre, the Sky Dome and Casino near my
feet, to the right, represent the little
travelling and sightseeing I’ve done. The
white work van above these images represents my coworkers.
Marks on/under the skin: On one
of my arms, in yellow, you can see burns
from cooking. When I first arrived, I
didn’t know how to cook and I had a
lot of accidents. My landlord helped me
search for a good ointment to buy to put
on my burns, but I still have scars. Back
home my mother did everything for me!
Sometimes, I would call her, and she
Support structures: My family and
friends have been tremendous supports
Click the play button to listen
to Pepe’s testimonio
Body scan and personal strength:
Under my hands I put an image of
family and of good food, because that
is what I think of when I think of home,
and both are out of reach here in Canada. These are symbols of my personal
strength, since it is for my family that I
am still here.
Future: If I stay here, I would like to
become a Canadian citizen so I can do
the things I want to do in life. But I know
this is very difficult, and this is why I
mostly see myself back home in the future. I want to be closer to my family and
lead a healthy life. This is represented in
the heart above my head.
Message to others: My message is
found on the top left corner in a thought
cloud, and is for people looking at my
body map and for people thinking about
migrating to Canada. It says, “When I
first arrived, it was easy to work because
most temporary work agencies didn’t ask
for papers. Now, most of them require
work permits, so it’s hard to find work”.
153
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Rafael
I am Rafael, I used to be a manager
but now I am a carpenter. After our
family business collapsed, my choices
back home were really limited. If I
stayed, I would be forced to work
in the drug trade to survive. So I
came three years ago to Canada with
a recruitment agency. The agency
promised me a work permit and a
place to stay, but it was all a lie and I
lost a lot of money. At the beginning
I did temp work at a factory for less
than $8/hour. Then I found rooing
and framing jobs which paid better.
Some bosses were nice, but others
didn’t pay me. One boss even tricked
me into going to work in Alberta. My
co-workers drink a lot and almost
all of them have wives and children
back home. I have very little friends
here, and although I want to start
a family, I have nothing to offer a
woman. My parents are very old and
I am the youngest of three brothers,
so I have to take care of them. When
I feel lonely I go to church or work
extra hours at the factory.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: My body is positioned like a person who has just won
a victory. The reason I positioned myself this way is because I believe coming
to Canada has given be me a chance to
realize my dreams. I feel grateful every
day because I am alive and healthy to do
work and support my family.
Colours: I chose a light blue colour
for my body outline because I believe
this best represents my soul – peaceful,
serene, and grateful. My hands are white
because my hands do no harm. I am a
clean and honest person. I don’t fight,
steal, or do anything harmful to anyone.
Migration journey: To represent my
home country, I drew several images on
the left side of my body map. Crime is
very common in my home country, so
I included images of gun violence and
someone getting mugged to capture
how insecure and unsafe my life was
back home. A lot of dirty business goes
on where I am from, and it is very easy
for people who have lost everything to
get caught working for drug cartels. This
is why I came to Canada. After our family
business collapsed, there was nothing
we could do – we were left nearly homeless and it was impossible for me to find
a decent job to support my parents. The
large floor plan of a factory near my
arm, on the top left side, represents my
family business. Further down the left
side I drew the layout of a home, to represent living with my parents before I
came to Canada.
On the right side of my body map, I
drew images to represent Canada. I included a picture of a policeman and of
money on the top, because unlike my
home country, here I found safety, security, opportunity, and a well-organized
society. My dream is to stay in Canada
and restart my business here. But of
course, not everything has been perfect
in Canada. As a construction worker, I’ve
had many abusive bosses. Some didn’t
pay me, others tricked me, and the
working conditions were sometimes
very bad. When I first came to Canada
I was tricked into believing I would get
a work permit, but instead, I got a visa
and was forced to live in a small home
with several other migrant workers
who also had been scammed. The floor
plan of several bedrooms, on the right
side of my body map represents how I
lived with several men in a small house
when I first arrived. The man with the
hard hat on the right side represents my
current job as a construction worker.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbol, which I drew on my
chest, inside my heart, is Jesus, the son
of God. Jesus represents my migration
journey because every day I ask him for
help so I can continue on in Canada. I
talk to him in prayer about my experiences, and it is through these intimate moments that I get a clear sense of
the steps I need to take to make a life
here. By carrying him in my heart, it
also serves as a reminder to love and
respect everyone, even though I often
don’t get the same treatment back because of my status.
The English translation to my slogan, which is written on my forehead, is
“When there is a will, there is a way”. I believe that all that you plan in life you can
make happen, and I put this message on
my forehead because this belief keeps
me going. I’ve already seen results in my
own life. I came to Canada and I’ve been
able to work, pay off my debts and take
care of my family. Sometimes I think that
the further you fall, the harder it is to get
back up. But if you try to get back up,
you end up going farther. God wanted
me to try, and I succeeded.
Marks on/under the skin: Even
though my job as a construction worker
is hard, I carry out my work with enthusiasm, happiness and dedication. I
was once a business owner, so I value
the importance of making clients and
the people I work for, happy. That’s a
goal I keep in my head and in my heart.
When I lost my business and was left
without a job back home, I felt worthless. Work gives me a sense of identity.
This is why when I think about the jobs
I’ve done in Canada, I try to see them
in a positive way. Sometimes, when
you have nothing is when you begin to
value everything. But I’ve also had really
negative experiences through work. For
instance, a few years ago I had a workplace accident and hurt my nose. I may
have even broken it, but I never went to
see a doctor to find out because I didn’t
want to miss work. This injury is represented by the bleeding and swollen nose
on my body map. The inside of my body
is also shaded in red to capture the impact of my work and my migration experience on my body. It represents cuts,
burns, bruises, but also the sorrow of being away from my family and very lonely in Canada. I haven’t wanted to make
friends in Canada because I feel that
they bring nothing but trouble and extra
spending that I can’t afford. I would love
to be in a relationship and have children,
but until I pay off my debt, I feel like I
have nothing to offer a woman, and I refuse to get married for papers.
Support structures: My parents
support me by giving me the motivation to keep working hard, but only
God supports me in an emotional and
spiritual sense. This is connected to my
personal symbol found in my heart.
Future: The thought of leaving soon
is always in my mind, but it is hard to
show this on my body map.
Message to others: My message is
to all Canadians, and is found inside
my body because this is where I feel
the emotional burden of living without
status. It reads:
“My living conditions totally changed
when I came to Canada because, back
home, I could at least count on benefits,
both from my family and from the government. Instead, in this country, I have
a job, but I am not entitled to any benefits as a result of not having legal status
in this country.
My life in Canada is all about working without having the power to set
goals to improve my living conditions
because I lack status. I work fifty hours
(a week) with the risk of not being paid,
and I will never be given benefits until I
am given a status.”
Click the play button to listen
to Rafael’s testimonio
154
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Renata
I’m Renata and I came with
my partner 4 years ago because
back home was very insecure. I
was sexually assaulted several
times at work and both my
partner and I had to drop out of
university because we couldn’t
afford it. In our irst year
here we worked night shifts
cleaning and went to English
classes during the day. I would
get 4 hours of sleep and eat
canned food. Then I got sick. I
was depressed, had insomnia,
and lost a lot of weight. The
counsellor told me to keep busy,
so now I volunteer as a cook and
work as a food store manager.
My dream is to open a restaurant
here. But last year our refugee
application was denied. We
can’t go back. This is home now.
Here we have our church and
our friends. Every day I fear
being caught, but I trust in God
that our humanitarian grounds
application will be successful.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: In my body map I am
lying face up because it represents how I
want to feel at the end of all of this – free.
Sometimes I think, “If at some point they
come looking for me, I want to show my
face and say ‘Yes, that’s me”. Because I am
not committing a crime, I am just fighting
for something better – a dream.
Colours: My body outline is blue to represent tranquility, just like a blue sky. As
an undocumented worker, there are days
when you can feel calm, but things always
get in the way and make you feel stressed
and unstable. My hands are red because I
feel that red represents passion and I love
the work that I do. I love cooking! Red also
represents hard work.
Migration journey: The pictures on the
left of my body map, near my hand, represent my life before I migrated to Canada. The
pictures of different women and the words
“papas” represent my siblings and my parents. The picture of a dessert and food represents my part-time work as a cook back
home. Even though I worked part-time, this
was not enough to pay for my university
studies and I eventually had to drop out in
order to survive. My partner had to do the
same. I also suffered a lot of sexual abuse at
work and on the streets. My home country
was not a safe place to live. We contemplated coming to Canada, but it was impossible
to save the money needed to buy our tickets. Then, one day, my partner surprised me
with two tickets to Canada. A family friend
who worked at a travel agency agreed to
finance the tickets. The picture of a young
man, a debit machine and two tickets with
the word “Canada” on them represents how
our journey to Canada began.
We got here two weeks after my partner
got us the tickets – we loved the city immediately! But things were not easy like we
thought it would be. We stayed with a friend
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in her apartment, but were soon asked to
pay rent or get out. The apartment near
my foot on the left represents this. We got
jobs as quickly as possible to start paying
our tickets and our rent. Our first job was
as cleaners at a fitness gym, where we were
paid below minimum wage and worked
night shifts. The treadmills and equipment
on the left side represent this first work experience. Then we were advised to apply
for refugee status. While our application
was being reviewed we were given work
permits, and finally, I was able to get a job
in my field. I worked at a bakery and took
several classes to perfect my baking. The
before (“antes”) and after (“despues”) pictures of my cake design represent the time
when I had legal status and had dreams to
one day open my own business. During this
time, my partner and I moved into our own
apartment, met lots of friends, and used
to ride our bicycles around the city – we
couldn’t be happier.
But then our refugee application was denied and everything changed. The picture of
the two men in black suits on the bottom of
my body map represent the time when we
were told the news by the immigration officials. We were forced to hand over all of our
identification, and were given a deportation
date. That’s when we made the decision to
stay to wait for our humanitarian grounds
application. I went an entire year without
using my bike because I was afraid to go out
in public. I remember the first time I used
it thereafter; I felt so exposed and quickly
turned back home and stored it away. I
barely use it now, and I made sure to remove the basket and other things it had so
that it wouldn’t attract too much attention.
The pictures of people riding their bikes
and of a couple going on a picnic on the bottom of my body map represent what I can
no longer do as freely as before. The crossed
out picture of people having fun, represent
how now, we must avoid public exposure.
Personal symbol and slogan: My personal symbol is the apple tree inside my
heart. I used to live in a big urban centre,
and I had never seen so many beautiful
trees until I came to Canada. The tree also
represents my strength, and the apples
figuratively represent the fruit of my hard
labour in Canada. My personal slogan is:
“Wherever I am, wherever I’ll be, I’ll be okay
because you’ll be with me”. I wrote this near
my heart because sometimes I feel like I
don’t know where I am heading. I often
repeat this slogan to myself to remind me
that I have to be patient and have faith that
God is always watching over me.
Marks on/under the skin: I drew
purple dotted lines outside my waist to
represent the significant weight loss I have
experienced in Canada. My stomach is
also purple and written on it is the word
“stress” (“estrés”) because since we were
denied refugee status, I have endured a
lot of stress, and this has taken a toll on
my digestive system. I have a gastric ulcer
and rarely have an appetite. The arrow
connecting my stomach to the pictures on
the right side represent the stress and fear
I experience almost every day as an undocumented worker. The picture of a man
watching over a wall represents my fear
of being found and detained (“temor a una
dentencion”) and because I am a manager
for a local business, I get stressed because I
am also responsible for the safety of other
undocumented coworkers who I supervise
(“en el trabajo, responsabilidad para los
trabajadores”). This is represented by the
picture of a crying woman.
Body scan and personal strength: At
this moment in my life, I am very attached
spiritually to God. I find strength in my faith
and I know that God will give me everything
I need. My thoughts and feelings are always
in light of my faith and my actions come
from this – it’s like a circle. This is represented by the green arrows connecting my
thoughts in my head to my feelings in my
heart and my list of actions on the left. My
actions include building a home (“hogar”),
working (“trabajar”), belonging to my faithbased community (“iglesia-communidad”),
and doing volunteer work (“trabajo voluntario”), which in turn, allows me to support
others (“apoyo a los demas”) and provide
service and love (“servicio y amor”).
Support structures: The yellow outline of my head represents my faith and
the support God gives me to keep moving
forward. The colour yellow represents God
illuminating my path. My faith-based community has also been a great source of support since I fell out of status, and they are
represented by the pictures of a church,
priest, and groups of people in between my
feet on the bottom.
Future: I don’t know what I future holds,
but I have faith in God that something good
will come.
Message to others: My message, located on the top of my body map is for other
undocumented workers in Canada. It reads:
“To be – or to choose to be “undocumented”
in a country, is not easy. On the contrary, it
is very difficult. There are times when you
feel alone and you don’t know where you are
heading. I want to tell people, to make this
sacrifice worth it. Continue to enjoy life without frustrations. Instead, be proud of your
achievements and hard work!”
Click the play button to listen
to Renata’s testimonio
155
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Roberto
I’m Roberto, a cleaner and a father
of two. I was a cargo manager for more
than a decade until I was let go because
of my age. It was very hard to ind a
job after that and it led to problems in
my marriage. I got very depressed and I
couldn’t support my children, so I came
to Canada to ind work. I already had
back problems so cleaning was better for
me than construction. One of my irst
jobs was with a Latin American boss. I
trusted him, but then he didn’t pay me
for 2 months of work. Now I work 3
jobs and I have 3 roommates living in my
apartment to make extra money. I also
share my job as a dishwasher sometimes
so I don’t lose it. Cleaning is harder than
I thought. Men use heavy machines to
buff loors and clean out large garbage
bins. I feel really guilty for not being
there to see my children grow up, so I
work harder so they can come visit me
here. They’ve been here 4 times already! I
am the happiest man alive when they are
here, but it last for only a little while.
Some days I feel sad and cry for no reason
and have no motivation to go to work.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: In my body map I appear standing face forward because I
want to show everyone who I am – a man
with no fear of hiding his identity.
Colours: I chose blue around my body
to represent my straightforward personality and the time I spend trying to keep
myself healthy. I also used the colour
white on my hands to represent my job
as a cleaner in Canada.
Migration journey: The pictures
from top to bottom on the left side of my
body map represent my migration journey in chronological order. The first picture of palm trees represents my hometown, and further down the left side, I
drew a picture of a cargo ship because I
was a cargo manager for over 10 years
back home. After I lost my job, I started
having problems with my wife and to
make matters worse, I had a hard time
finding work because of my age. That’s
when I decided to come to Canada. Back
home, it’s well known that you can get a
job here without papers. But no one prepared me for the journey. The picture of
the airport and the word “inmigracion”
(immigration) represent the fear I faced
when I landed at the airport and went
through “la aduana” (customs). The
wiggly lines on my knees and the words
“nervios”, represent how weak and nervous I felt at that time.
The next drawing of a University of
Toronto building and a man buffing floors
represents how I got a job in my first week
here cleaning university buildings as a
subcontractor. I worked full-time hours
for two months and then my boss refused
to pay me. He never returned my phone
calls and I got desperate because I had
no money for food and could only afford
to rent a small room in a cold basement.
After that bad experience, I learned not
to trust people. Now I work as a cleaner
in the evenings and as a dishwasher at a
restaurant on the weekends. I face a lot
of discrimination at my jobs for being an
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immigrant and for being unable to speak
English very well, but I try to ignore it.
This is why I placed these barriers outside my body in between my legs, rather
than inside, where it can affect my mental
health.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbol is found on the inside of
my heart. The triangle shape represents
a playground I hope to make for my children when I go back home so that they
can run and do exercise. If I get the opportunity to build it, I will paint it red and
white to represent Canada, a country that
I will always keep in my heart.
With respect to my slogan, I don’t
really have one, but I have a goal written
near my heart which represents what
keeps me here. I believe it applies to all
immigrants who have left their children
behind. It reads, “To offer our children an
education and the principles to make them
the future of tomorrow and to give them a
better quality of life”.
Marks on/under the skin: With the
two jobs that I have right now, I work
10 hours or more a day with no days
off. I’ve noticed that my stress levels are
very bad, and the back pain I used to
have before I came to Canada got worse
here because of the factory jobs I did for
several months before getting into cleaning work. The heavy lifting I do now as a
cleaner only makes it worse, and that’s
why you can see me wearing a tight wrap
around my lower back in my body map.
I wear this and take Tylenol regularly to
alleviate my pain so that I can work. I’ve
seen several alternative medicine specialists, but nothing seems to work and I’ve
spent a lot of money. For the meantime, I
try to eat healthy and work out regularly,
which is why I placed a picture of a treadmill on the right side and a picture of the
medical symbol on the inside of my body.
Body scan and personal strength:
My strength comes from my heart, the or-
gan that provides me the willpower to do
many things, with no shame. I’m a person
who dares to show his face, because I have
nothing to hide. I’m not doing anything
wrong, just my job. (Note to the reader: At
time of the interview, Roberto provided a
full colour picture of himself to be included
on his body map to demonstrate he was
not afraid of making his identity publicly
known. For ethical reasons, the research
team was unable to include the picture in
its original format, and therefore only a
partial, de-identified section of the photo
appears on the body map.)
Support structures: The drawing of
a family and several tourist attractions in
Toronto, located on the bottom left corner of my body map, represent the many
times my children have come here to visit
me. Saving the extra money for them to
travel meant having to work overtime
hours, but I don’t regret it. Nothing can
make me happier than being with my
children. It is very difficult to be away
from them, but I get pleasure from spoiling them when they come visit. Their
happiness gives me the strength and motivation to work even harder.
The pictures in between my legs capture the things that keep me busy when I
am not working. Through my dishwashing jobs at top restaurants, I have learned a lot about cooking, and enjoy doing
this on my spare time. I also spend a lot
of time keeping up to date with news
from back home by reading online newspapers. This is why I included a picture
of a laptop– it keeps me connected to the
world I once belonged to.
Although I didn’t draw my boss on
my body map, the picture of two holding hands on the right side captures the
important role she plays in my life here
in Canada. She knows my status, she
understands when I’m sick, and gives
me support even with my language barrier. I have a special feeling of gratitude
towards her. There is also a great sense
of teamwork among coworkers at the
restaurant where I work, which is why I
pictured a group of cooks on the bottom
right corner.
Future: I’d like my children to study,
to be healthy and to have a better quality
of life. This is captured by the handwritten words connects to my heart with an
arrow. I don’t ask God for love or money
for myself because I’ve already experienced these things. I just want him to give
me health and the strength to continue
living.
Message to others: I have several
messages on my body map for different
audiences. The message located on top of
my head is for all Canadians, and reads: “I
hope we (immigrants) are given an opportunity to demonstrate to all of you the ability and the eagerness we have to get ahead
in life, in a place different from our own,
with a different language and customs. I
wish you would let us prove our worth as
individuals and as workers, who, without
having received any support we have been
able to succeed. Do not judge us for what
we look like. Give us an opportunity to
show you who we are.”
To future immigrants, I hope my story
is useful for you and you don’t suffer how
I did.
Finally, to everyone looking at my
body map, I’d like your help to avoid the
stereotypes often made of migrant workers, like the picture of the man wearing
a Mexican sombrero, located on the top
right corner of my body map. The message below it reads, “Not everyone is like
this. Please don’t judge us until you know
who we are”.
Click the play button to listen
to Roberto’s testimonio
156
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Tania
My name is Tania and I came to
Canada two years ago to get some
money to be able study. I wanted
to specialize in something beyond
my university degree. My irst jobs
in Canada were horrible! I had a
boss who was very rude and used to
scream at me in front of customers.
Another one refused to pay me for
the hundred hours I worked! I used
to be a very outgoing person, with
a smile on my face all the time.
But after being sexually harassed
by two bosses and one co-worker,
I became distrustful of people and
now I’m very reserved. I am sure
they took advantage of me because
they knew I had no legal status.
Now I work as a cleaner in a store
from 2am to 10 am; it’s a crazy
schedule but it’s a better job. When
I am not working, I like spending
time at home cooking with my
roommate, reading or working on
visual arts. I don’t want to go
back to my country, but I am not
sure I want to stay here either.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I decided to lie
down on my back with my arms down
and my hands wide open because this
is a comfortable position for me.
Colours: I chose red for my hands,
because the fury of the colour red captures the intensity of the manual labour
I have done in Canada. My body outline
is blue because this is my favourite colour. My personal slogan, located beside
my face, is written in green, because
this colour reminds me of hope.
Migration journey: To represent
my migration journey, I preferred to
search for pictures in magazines instead of drawing; I am not very good
at drawing. To characterize my home
country I placed several pictures inside my body, on the left. I included
a picture of the countryside, several
pictures of nature and a picture of a
cow because these images remind me
a lot of the region where I’m from. I
also placed pictures of books on this
side of my body because I used to have
a lot of free time to read back home,
something that I miss doing in Canada. I chose a picture of people playing
volleyball because it is a very popular
sport in my country. The dog represents a close friend that I left there.
To link the images of my home country to Canada, I put a door and a window
in between the left side and the right
side of my body. These images clearly
capture my migration experience since
coming to Canada was a chance for me
to get ahead in life – a window of opportunity. Sometimes, though, I think
the real reason I came to Canada was
because of my sexual orientation.
To represent Canada, I placed several pictures on the right side of my body.
I included pictures of women from
different races to depict Canada and
Toronto’s multiculturalism. These pictures represent other things to me as
well. The woman with the red hair symbolizes the beauty of Canadian women
and the picture of the elderly woman
represents how I have worked with
elderly people here. During my time
here, I’ve also noticed that Canadian
women seem to be stressed all the time
and this is why I placed a picture of a
woman who looks worried. I also placed
a picture of a woman holding a cat because I was surprised by the number of
cats there were in Canada. I also placed
a lottery ticket to represent Canadian
society as a whole. I think a there are
a lot of greedy people here who will do
anything to make easy money. The vacuum represents my work as a cleaner
and the bicycle represents how I get to
work. The fries and dip represent my
bad eating habits. In Canada, I drink a
lot more wine than I did back home, so
this is why I have included a picture of
a wine bottle. The picture of someone
cutting vegetables represents the cooking I do on my free time.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal slogan appears on the right
side, beside my face in green writing.
It is a verse of a popular song in my
country called “Emotions” and it says,
“In faith I find optimism”. My personal
symbol is the long grey and red road
located on the bottom left corner of
my body map to represent my complicated migration journey. I also placed
a big heart there to symbolize my
emotional struggles.
friend. The large orange tree behind
me, on the right side represents my
mother always watching over me. The
hand extending from the left side of my
body map, represents my close friend.
Marks on/under the skin: If you
look closely at my legs, I included purple varicose veins to show the effect of
the strenuous work I do on my body.
The grey brick that appears over my
shoulders also represents the stress
and exhaustion I’ve had to deal with in
Canada from work overload. Another
mark on my body is the fat localized
around my waist in orange. I included
this to represent the weight I’ve gained
in Canada. I also included a small orange spot on my spinal column to represent the constant back pain I deal
with. The small exclamation sign and
question mark above my head represents the poor mental health I feel
some days.
Future: In a thought cloud over my
head, I tried to draw Edvard Munch’s
painting “The Scream” to represent my
fear of dying in a foreign place without
any of my family close by. I represent
the future with a person carrying a
camera, beside the thought cloud on
the left side. Finally, the large yellow
and orange sun on the top left corner
represents my hope for a brighter future, whatever that may be.
Body scan and personal strength:
The diamond located outside my body
map, between the sun and the tree,
represents my inner strength which
helps me carry on with my duties and
my life in Canada. I chose a diamond
because it is a symbol of my faith. I
also drew a person with light coming out of their heart, to symbolize
God’s strength found within everyone.
This is where I get my own personal
strength.
Support structures: Two very important people in my support structure are my mother and my close
Message to others: I placed my
message to other immigrants from
my home country along the side of the
tree. My message or recommendation
to them is that they surround themselves with good people, that they
keep a positive outlook and that they
continue to believe in their choices. I
also included a message for my friends
and family back home located on the
left side near my shoulder. My message
to them is that I am okay here, that it
was my choice to come to Canada, but
that I wish they were here with me.
Click the play button to listen
to Tania’s testimonio
157
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Valeria
I’m Valeria, a cook and a single
mom. I have 2 children back home.
I came here to make money to buy a
home for us after I saw how much
money I could save when I worked in
the US. In the irst 2 years, I worked
3 jobs, 7 days a week, and I slept 3
hours a night. I was tired all the time
and when I was at work, I would
even peel potatoes asleep! Now, the
apartment is inally paid off and I
have money to go back and get surgery
for my varicose veins. My legs are very
swollen because I’m the only cook for
the lunch and dinner shifts. Kitchen
work is really hard! You have to lift
huge pans, chop meat and bones, and
you do this all standing up! I believe
God has given me the strength to do
this hard work all these years. I wish
someone would record a day in my
life so that my children could see how
much their school and our home have
really cost me. Now, my only hope is
that my children will forgive me for
leaving them behind and that we can
live happily together in our new home.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I wanted to show
myself in the position I fall asleep
every night because sleeping was
something I rarely did in Canada.
For years I just slept a few hours per
night because I had back-to-back
jobs. It was so bad that I couldn’t
do any work sitting down because I
would fall asleep even when people
were talking to me. Looking at my
body in this position, I see a peaceful, restful person, and wish I could
have just a third of such peace. My
body map represents a rested body
and people who work as hard as I
do, deserve to rest and feel in peace.
If I had a visa, I would go home every
year for two months and rest.
Colours: For my body outline,
I first thought of brown because I
believe it is the colour of my skin.
But, a meaningful colour for me is
red, like a ruby, which is my favourite stone and colour. I’ve painted my
hands in blue because my hands are
always working.
Migration journey: The pictures
from left to right around my legs
represent my migration journey. I
entered Canada with a tourist visa.
When immigration officers asked me
about the reason for my visit, I told
them I was attending an orchid fair.
I came to Canada in ‘search of an orchid’ – a better future for my family. I
was a salesperson back home, when
I planned my trip to Canada, and
48 hours after I arrived, I became a
cleaner. After working several cleaning jobs simultaneously, I eventually
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got a job as cook for six days a week
and kept only one of my cleaning
jobs. My savings from all this work
allowed me to buy an apartment for
me and my children back home. At
the beginning and the end of my migration journey is my family; family
is where everything starts.
Personal symbol and slogan:
The orchid that appears on top of
my head is my migration symbol
because it represents my ‘reason’
for coming to Canada and the opportunity to stay. An orchid blooms
every year and since I came to Canada my life has changed. My slogan
is ‘God never abandons you’. I like
the lyrics of a song called ‘Footprints
In the Sand’; it says that in times of
great despair people are under the
impression God has abandoned
them, because when they look at
the footprints in the sand they only
see the prints of a single individual,
they feel alone, but God replies that
in those difficult moments it was
God who was carrying her/him, and
this is why there is only one set of
footprints. I kept listening to this
music to keep moving forward. I’ve
placed the title of the music in my
heart and the lyrics at my feet.
Marks on/under the skin: The
red dots around my left leg represent
the edema that happens six days a
week when I work as a cook, standing for most of the workday. On my
forearms, I have 13 scars of burns
that I have gotten with the oven and
stove. The picture on the left, close
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to my arm, represents me working 7
days a week and sleeping an average
of 3 hours per night for over 2 years.
I have also chosen to mark my joints
because I am no longer able to fully
extend or close them because of the
very heavy and demanding nature of
my work; now I can’t peel potatoes
or garlic anymore. When I was doing
the hand painting exercise for my
body map, I wasn’t able to fully extend my fingers and that’s why there
are missing parts on my handprint.
The picture of people fighting on the
left represents the difficult work relations I have with my co-workers.
For instance, I always end up having
extra duties and more responsibilities at work because the people,
who are hired to work as my assistants, often have never worked in a
kitchen before.
all happiness. The big smiles on the
right corner symbolize my happiness and victory; happiness because
my family will be finally together.
The future rests close to my hands
because it will become true in a few
months when I return to my country and reunite with my two children. Right now my children are
upset because I left them behind,
but I believe that one day they will
understand, that all the sacrifices I
made, were for a good cause.
Overall, I think my body map
could have been done better, but
because I was sleep deprived for so
many years, my brain is not the same
anymore; it is slow and I struggle to
do activities in a timely manner. I
think people will look at this body
map and say: “This woman has had
no life, she only worked non-stop”.
Body scan and personal
strength: I believe my strength
comes from my brain. Sometimes
I think that all I’ve done, all I’ve
achieved, was done by God- not by
me, but by God. This is why I pictured God as a sun on the top left
corner of my body map. I think no
one has as much strength to do all
that I’ve done in this country.
Message to others: When I came
to Canada, I did not get information
about my immigration status and
became undocumented as a consequence. This is why my message,
found on the top right, is for other
immigrants. It says, “Immigrants
should search for information when
they arrive. I did it wrong due to a
lack of information”.
Support structures: I think my
boss has been the person who has
helped me the most in Canada. The
orange hand on the right side, pushing me up to overcome hurdles, represents my boss.
Future: I know my future will be
Back to page 96
Click the play button to listen
to Valeria’s testimonio
158
Entangled in a Web of Exploitation and Solidarity
Victoria
I am Victoria. I have a business
degree and I came here to study English
two years ago. I am pretty luent now.
When I was in school I worked as a
landscaper because it paid well and
I needed to cover my living expenses.
The bad thing was that I worked long
hours outside in the summer heat and
almost all of my co-workers were men.
They always went for beers after work
and they made very sexist comments.
I’ve also worked at a bar and I’ve
participated in clinical trials to get extra
money. After my student visa expired,
I decided to stay to save money for grad
school, but then I got pregnant. His
family thinks I got pregnant for papers
and we’re no longer together. I moved
out of the house I lived in because it
wasn’t a good environment to raise a
baby. My roommates drank, smoked
and partied all the time. Now I rent my
own apartment, and I do bookkeeping
for a living. I am not too worried about
being caught, but I am scared that my
baby’s father will use my status against
me to take my baby away.
Study Gallery: 20 Body-Mapped Stories
Body posture: I am lying in a position
that shows I’m pregnant because this has
been the most important thing that has
happened in my life, and one of the most
difficult things I’ve had to face in Canada.
Colours: I used green for my hands to
represent the work I did as a landscaper,
and red for my body outline to represent a
well-balanced, healthy body.
Migration journey: To represent my
life back home I included a picture of a
tennis racket on the right side to capture
how I played several sports back home
and was always active. When I completed my studies, I did administrative
work for several big companies, and this
is represented by the picture of a black
laptop, an outdoor pool and a picture of
brownies found on the right. I came to
Canada because I wanted to improve my
English. I had been in the United States
several years before, and I really liked the
experience, but I barely had a chance to
practise my English there because I had
to work. The picture of the American flag
and vegetables on the right side captures
my work experience in the U.S., since I
worked at a food market. That was my
first time away from home, and I learned
how to live on my own.
After living in the U.S., I went back
home and decided to save money so I
could come to Canada and focus on only
learning English, not work. Then after several months, I enrolled in a private English
course and came to Canada with several
thousand dollars in savings –but it didn’t
last long. I soon found myself desperately looking for work in order to pay for
rent and have some emergency savings. I
worked several part-time jobs when I got
here, and did a range of income generating activities on the side. The pictures on
the left side of my body map, behind my
back represent the range of jobs I’ve done.
I placed them here because they’ve mostly
been manual labour jobs and a person’s
back typically symbolizes hard labour. In
between working and having finished my
English course, my visa expired. I stayed
because I wanted to save more money and
see if I could apply for school here. I also
met my baby’s father during this time.
I worked for the longest amount of
time in landscaping. I put two gardening
shovels near my hand, on the top, to represent this work experience. Unlike the administrative work I did back home, I only
needed physical strength to do this kind
of work. This why I put one of the shovels
in my hand and drew work boots on my
feet. Landscaping was very exhausting
work, not just because of the long work
days in the summer heat, but also because
there weren’t many females and my male
coworkers were very sexist. The beer bottle and the female symbol enclosed in the
larger male symbol to the left represent
how I worked in a male dominated environment. Now, I do bookkeeping for several small businesses because I am pregnant and can’t risk doing physical jobs.
Personal symbol and slogan: My
personal symbol is found above my head
and represents my goals in life. The book
represents education, the hard hat represents work, and the small squares below
show how these are the building blocks
for a rich and prosperous life depicted by
the dollar sign at the end. I drew these images above my head because this is my life
philosophy and it guides everything I do.
The purple arrow connecting this to the
images representing my work back home
on the right side, symbolize how following
this life philosophy is difficult. Migrating
to Canada was a step towards achieving
my goals, but I fell out of status, and now, I
lack many opportunities.
My slogan is found in a thought cloud
above my head which reads, “If life
knocks you down, it is up to you to get up
or stay down”. This slogan depicts my resilience to the challenges I’ve faced in life,
especially when I migrated here. I had to
constantly remind myself to keep going
in order to fight the frustration of being
unable to get a professional job and not
make that much money.
Marks on/under the skin: Most of
the marks on my body represent strains
caused by the work I did as a landscaper.
I often spent whole days bent over gardening or lifting heavy equipment which
caused an enormous stress on my arms
and legs. This is depicted by the double
orange lines on my arms and legs and
the orange area in my lower back. After
some time, these areas of my body became very muscular – landscaping was
more intense than working out. Being
outdoors and using harsh gardening
chemicals also gave me serious allergic
and respiratory reactions, which I represented on my body map by the red double
line around my nose. With respect to my
pregnancy, I feel very vulnerable, emotionally speaking. Everything affects me
negatively and this is why I drew a heart
inside my body and an arrow connecting
it to my developing baby.
Body scan and personal strength: My
strength lies in my will to make things
happen. It’s the way I think –a philosophy,
and you can see it reflected in my slogan
and in my personal symbol.
Support structures: Since coming
to Canada, I’ve grown spiritually and
this helps me reflect on my goals and
how I am towards others. My family and
my baby are the most important things
in my life right now. In addition to my
family’s emotional support, they have
also been a big source of material support for me during my pregnancy. I don’t
have coverage here because of my status,
and having a baby is very expensive. I pay
out-of-pocket each time I see a specialist,
and I’ve had to purchase several items
like a crib and a carriage to prepare for
the arrival of my baby. My family has sent
me some money to cover these costs. My
baby’s father is involved as well, but we
are no longer together and this has been
very stressful for me.
Future: I’ve represented my future
near my feet with several pictures. The
picture of a mother, father and a baby
represents me raising my child and possibly having more children and getting
married. The image which says “It’s All
About U” as well as the image of graduates represents me eventually getting
higher education. Finally, the man in the
business suit represents me becoming
successful in my career.
Message to others: My message is
to all those looking at my body map and
to other immigrants. It is found near my
baby on the right side and reads, “You
should always have a purpose in life, it
doesn’t matter the pauses you have make”.
I placed my message near my growing
baby because even though I am pregnant,
I have many goals I want to accomplish
in life. For now, I’ve put these dreams on
pause, in order to concentrate on giving
my child everything it needs.
Click the play button to listen
to Victoria’s testimonio
159
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