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2021, THE JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH MADRAS
The Indian politics during NaMo hovers between right and left but pendulum generally remains right of the centre. It is commonly alleged that he inaugurated divisive politics of hate, deinstitutionalisation, de-democratisation and personalisation of power by taking undue advantage of weak and divided opposition and his unquestioned charisma. The regime is also being blamed for getting headed towards quasi-presidentialisation of our parliamentary system. There has been populism of hyper growth for better India acchedin that proved illusive .Mountain of Modi's popularity is melting .Notwithstanding his magic still matters and he is the tallest political personality in Indian politics at least in first quarter of this millennium.
The elections of 2014 were different in more ways than one. More than in any previous election the campaign launched by Modi was preceded by heavy propaganda at every stage of his elevation, his being nominated the chief of campaign Committee, his being named the Prime Ministerial candidate and finally the electoral campaign itself. He had prepared ground for his campaign through socia the ‘development’. His role in Gujarat carnage 2002 was hidden under the cloak ‘clean l media, where dedicated team of hundreds kept working for him. He had hired the US based agency APCO for building his image. This paper examines the background of Modi's coming to power and also analyses some of the policies and social-political implications of the same.
The International Spectator, 2015
In May 2014 Narendra Modi became India’s Prime Minister in the wake of a historic electoral victory. He has generated two kinds of expectations: on the one hand, his voters expect him to create millions of new jobs for a fast-growing working age population; on the other hand, Hindu extrem- ists hope that he will pursue an aggressive policy aimed at ‘hinduising’ India’s society. The first months of his premiership show that Modi is act- ing in both spheres, while pursuing a radical centralisation of power in his hands.
2014
Revolutionary changes have noticed in Indian economy vis avis polity in the last two and half decades. However, some of these changes are progressive and fruitful to the nation and society whereas the others are regressive and suicidal in character. Hung legislatures, coalition politics, unstable and minority governments, weak position of PM and Chief Ministers, decline in public life, rising opportunism, lack of statesmanship, emergence of extra constitutional power centres, downsizing of public sector and rising corporates under the impact of LPG process, parochial outlook and rising insurgency and trend of road justice are the major challenges and issues of the day. If they are not addressed well in time, these can put at stake the unity and integrity of the Nation. Moreover, the progressive tendencies like strengthening of constitutional bodies as Election Commission, Higher Judiciary, Comptroller and Auditor General, Legislatures etc. as well as the vigilant and participatory c...
Sakshi Post, 2022
The elections in UP, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Manipur and Goa are primarily a formal process for selecting a party or alliance based on voters feedback, but it will also provide a collateral assessment of the ideological dominance of Modi 'wave' in competitive politics. The term ‘wave’ means an electoral phenomenon that leads to major gains or losses for a political party saddled in power based on pro or anti-incumbency sentiments of the electorate. Its usage changed in General Elections 2014, phrased as ‘Modi’ wave, a decisive leader, who can solve the multiple crisis plaguing the country. Modi continues to be people’s first choice as India’s Prime Minister, a vindication of his magnetic personality transcending the party organization. His leadership has stood the test of time and the charismatic momentum still seems formidable in perpetuating single saffron party dominance. Modi’s vote mobilization potentiality is an important variable in the state elections and results, particularly of UP that has been the crucible of Modi wave, will determine its force multiplier effect in winning future elections.
2014 Lok Sabha elections were relatively a cake walk for Narendara Modi as there was a leadership vacuum at the national level coupled with a number of factors such as " scams " and anti-incumbency. BJP and its allies (LDF) under the leadership of Modi decimated Indian National Congress (INC) and its allies (UPA), what was described as a clean shave—a total wipe out of the opposition. Since then Modi-Shah juggernaut and BJP-RSS well-oiled electoral machinery started pulverizing the Vidana Sabha elections in almost all the state elections barring a few across the country. Saffron party has cut across the width and breadth and thus established its supremacy all over the country. Many started to wonder and think that that brand Modi is irreplaceable and therefore indispensable. Even now some live under that illusion. Nonetheless, politics is all about perception. At times we tend to perceive something based on objective factors, but often subjective factors influence our perceived reality. Perceptions could also be influenced either by subjective or objective factors and so we will have to draw clear lines the ways with which we analyze and interpret the things going around us. Around this time right-wing populism has been on the rise and thus gaining momentum—Brexit, now spearheaded by PM Teresa May, Benjamin Netanyahu, the PM of Israel, President Donald Trump of the United States to name a few. In India, Narendra Modi campaigned as a right-wing populist to win the 2014 Lok Sabha elections by thumping majority for the BJP. Modi wave after four years of rule at the Centre is gradually waning and PM Modi is indeed losing his magic wand. Sections of the Indian society belonging to minority communities, Dalits, tribals, women, farmers and unemployed youth in particular are up in arms against PM Modi " s government for having failed in not addressing to their problems. PM Modi did use cleverly the rhetoric of presenting himself as an outsider fighting against the dynasty politics and the elite structure; populist narratives to attract the new and younger voters to the polls, but after the four years of Modi " s rule people by and large are outraged following the government " s delayed response to the rape of two minor girls and also dilution of the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act by the Supreme Court. Likewise other sections of the Indian society are also equally disappointed. The ways with which they constructed their narratives and manufactured their rhetoric as we observe in the case of Modi that he was an outsider, hailing from a backward caste and also representing working class background totally delinked to any dynastic political family. This is also the case with the Donald Trump who " s new to politics. The populists such as PM Modi and President Trump projected themselves as outsiders fighting against the political elites and dynastic politics. They did construct narratives against the " imagined enemy " (Gandhi " s family and Clintons/Obama) who have been obstructing progress and development and in the process not allowed to realize the vision of " New India " and " America First ". Their rhetoric revolve on
2019
The BJP evolved over the last five years under the potent combination of Modi and Amit Shah, both stalwarts who emerged from state-level politics in Gujarat, into a committed, aggressive, sharp-witted and effective political juggernaut. Under the indelible spell of these two leaders, who radiated the unmistakable impression of operating in perfect sync with each other, the party morphed from being a scantly supported Hindi heartland entity that could win a mere 2 seats in the 1984 General Elections to a pan-India phenomenon, one that is today the undisputed ruler of New Delhi. The rapid geographical expansion of the BJP into regions alien, and in some cases even hostile, has been nothing short of spectacular. The political map of India, barring small aberrant spots of other hues, is completely shaded in the saffron of the BJP. Even while this outreach into virgin territory for the BJP was yielding rich dividends for it, the party did not lapse into complacence in the states that had given it its massive mandate in 2014 in the first place. The fact that the party succeeded in sustaining a continuous political campaign mode throughout the last five years, whether there were elections around the corner or not, played a big role in this.
The International Spectator, 2015
ABSTRACT Narendra Modi’s spectacular victory over Congress in the 2014 Indian general elections was made possible by many factors. However, the main and overarching cause of Modi’s victory was the process which, starting in 2009 with the backing of the Indian corporate sector, built up the image of Modi as a kind of fearless and unblemished hero who, having raised his home state, Gujarat, to an extraordinary level of economic development, was now in a position to replicate the same feat at the all-India level. ‘Modi’s legend’ first conquered the middle class’ imagination and, then, was spread among the masses and, transversally, among first-time voters by that same middle class, with the help of RSS volunteers. Thus, a juggernaut was created and deployed with devastating effects, not only against Congress but, as shown by the cases of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, against some of India’s strongest regional parties.
Unless the Indian state sets a framework of rights where each able citizen is able to participate in the market and earn a dignified livelihood, the politics around disillusionment will continue to persist, albeit taking newer forms and content. Hence, this is the most pressing challenge for political parties, especial- ly the ones who claim to represent the DBCs, to set an ideological framework for addressing the redistribu- tive concerns rather than merely bask in the avowed glory of their recent history of political empowerment.
Alfred von Domaszewski: latin epigraphy in the Roman Empire: acts of the colloquium held in Timişoara in December 14th–17th 2022 / edited by Sorin Nemeti and Călin Timoc. – Cluj-Napoca, 2024
Kantor, Benjamin. Review of The Reconfiguration of Hebrew in the Hellenistic Period, edited by Jan Joosten, Daniel Machiela, and Jean-Sébastien Rey. Revue de Qumrân 32 (1): 149–164, 2020
E. Laflı and M. Buora, Two Roman bronze Hermes/Mercury figurines from Asia Minor. M. Barufetti, Teresa Bruni, Alessandro Ervas and Alessandro Pacini (eds.), Dialoghi sulla scultura in bronzo: materiali - tecniche vocabolario. 20-21 aprile 2023 / Book of extended abstracts. Saonara: Il Prato Publi..., 2024
10th International Conference on Short and Medium Span Bridges, 2018
Purpureae Vestes VI. Textiles and Dyes in the Mediterranean Economy and Society, 2018
Open Philosophy, 2024
arXiv (Cornell University), 2022
arXiv (Cornell University), 2009
INCOSE International Symposium, 2003
Inorganic Chemistry, 2013
Journal of Hydrology: Regional Studies, 2017
Research Square (Research Square), 2023