Racializing the Canadian landscape: whiteness, uneven geographies and social justice’ LINDA PEAKE Division of Social Science, Faculty of Arts, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M3J 1 P3 (e-mail: Ipeake@yorku.ca) BRIAN RAY z zyx zyxwvutsrq Metropolis Project, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 365 Laurier Avenue West, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada KIA 1 L1 (e-mail: bryankray@aol.com) Canada is a land troubled by questions of race and space, whether we are speaking of First Nations land claims, Quebec nationalism, or the ‘absented presence’ of others. (Walcott 1997, 37) We begin with this quotation from Rinaldo Walcott’s essay “‘A tough geography”: towards a poetics of black space(s) in Canada’ because it succinctly points to the multi-dimensional nature of debates around racism, geography, and rights raised by several papers in this collection. In this short piece, we expand upon only one small aspect of Walcott’s ‘tough geography’ - the “‘absented presence” of others’ - to emphasize the ways in which material geographies and geographies of representation, of being ‘in’and ‘out’of place, of being ‘seen’and understood as legitimate participants in Canadian places, construct experiences of racism and discourses of social justice for people of colour. Geographers and other social scientists in Canada have made a tremendous contribution to our understanding of where social, ethnic and racialized groups live and work, their ‘presences’. Unfortunately, we have been less attuned to the ways in which people of colour resist and produce space(s) within the Canadian landscape as well as to how whiteness produces Other spaces and identities via racism, rendering people of colour “simultaneously invisible and over exposed (Mukherjee 1981, 36). Hence, we want to turn our attention to both the interiorized and exteriorized landscapes of racism, the geographies of ‘absence’ and ‘presence’, which invoke senses of the multiple (un)belongings among people of colour in Canadian society. In this sense, perhaps the one enduring meta-narrative in Canadian society is ’whitenesd.2 Whiteness in Canada is conveyed in a multitude of ways and we can only touch on a few.3 The institutionalization of whiteness is of course well known in terms of white Canada immigration policies (Calliste 1993-1994; Simmons 19981, the assimilation strategies used against First Nations peoples (Satzewich and Wotherspoon 1993) and in violent subjugation and/or segregation tactics (Walcott 1997, 85-87). Whiteness is also conveyed in a variety of seemingly less pernicious ways. Consider, for example, how the geographies of white Canada set an implicit (and frequently explicit) norm around which belonging is constructed. The residential geographies of AfroCaribbean immigrants in Canadian cities have frequently been described in terms of ‘ghetto’ or ‘nearghetto’ imagery, but the same descriptors have never been attributed to the even more ‘segregated’, but entirely normalized, geographies of white Canadians living in the distant suburbs of Toronto and Montreal. Such representations of urban space are not separate from the racialized discourse in which the geography of Canada as a nation is depicted. Variously labelled as ‘violent immigrants’ or ‘just off the boat’, the construction of people of colour as outside the nation places them as negative disruptions of the Canadian landscape. In the national imaginary the ‘real’ Canada - Canada as the great white north - lies beyond the nation’s largest cities in the countryside and small towns (also overwhelmingly white). As Clarke (1998, 106-107) notes, “Voltaire notoriously zyxwvuts The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 1 (2001) 18G186 0 / Canadian Association of Geographers / L‘Association canadienne des geographes zy zyxwvuts zyxwv Racializing the Canadian landscape: whiteness, uneven geographies and social justice 1 8 1 dismissed the country as ‘nothing more than thirty acres of snow’, and it’s certainly true that the bleak topography of winter - polar bears and permafrost, tuques and tundra - has fired the imagination of Canadian whiteness”. If we continually imagine the country in these terms, what are the rights to place for those on the physical and social peripheries of ‘normalized whiteness’? Do we have a concept of social justice that can truly embrace the multiple spatialisations around race and cultural plurality when to be ‘properly’ placed is still in many ways a function of skin colour? Can our geographical imaginations be usefully employed to dismantle whiteness? Normalized racism Our conception of racism - as a discourse and as a practice that posits relations of domination and subordination between racialized groups - does not begin and end with exceptional acts of hatred and prejudice, but instead emphasizes the everyday and entirely normalized qualities of racism in our culture and geographies. We draw upon Young’s (1990, 41) contention that oppression is exercised in “unquestioned norms, habits and symbols, in the assumptions underlying institutional rules and the collective consequences of following those rules.. ..in short, the normal processes of everyday life.” This position is reiterated by Goldberg (1997, 20) explicitly in terms of race: “Racist expressions ... are various - in kind, in disposition, in emotive affect, in intention, and in outcome. Moreover, racisms are not unusual or abnormal. To the contrary, racist expressions are normal to our culture, manifest not only in extreme epithets, but in insinuations and suggestions, in reasoning and representations, in short in the microexpressions of daily life.”4 Conceiving of racism in these terms in relation to Canadian society forces us to examine critically not only microexpressions, but the places of their normalization - those interiorized and exteriorized spaces of normalized whiteness. Such a task requires covering not only the traditional menu of geographies of urban and rural settlements but also the most intimate geographies, those of the body and psyche. Nast (2000), among others, for example, has illustrated how the embodiment of unconscious emotions and desires underlies the construction of racist landscapes in the United States. Specifically in relation to blackness, McKittrick (2000a) suggests that engagement with the white gaze results in an anxiety in black psyches and bod~~ The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 1 (2001) 8 ies that complicates their relation to place. It is through the body that the mediation of interiorised and exteriorised spaces takes place. As Kobyashi and Peake (2000, 394) have recently argued, “Whiteness is indicated less by its explicit racism than by the fact that it ignores, or even denies, racist indications. It occupies central ground by de-racializing and normalizing common events and beliefs, giving them legitimacy as part of a moral system depicted as natural and universal. In such a system, whiteness is embodied and becomes desire in the shape of the normative human body, for which ‘race’provides an unspecified template.” It is through the myriad of embodied encounters between whites and people of colour, which Razack (1998, 7) defines as “moments marked by ambivalence, desire, and the performance of domination,” that identities become solidified and their relation to place determined. Psychic negotiations of whiteness are therefore linked to the pervasive white Canadian landscapes that simultaneously mark (via geographical racisms) and deny (via white geographies) various non-white spaces: the places of Canada - the body, city, home, countryside and so on - while shaping narratives of ’absence’ and ‘presence’ are also asking people of colour to internally and externally (un)belong. As we have already indicated, performances of domination are conveyed in a multitude of quotidian and exceptional acts. But this makes them neither random nor surficial -the economic consequences of racism, for instance, are very real (Klodawsky this issue) because embodied encounters take place within dominant discourses of whiteness, which are deeply institutionalized and permeate all aspects of Canadian society. We want to signal but one iilustration, that of state naming practices, to make our point. Bannerji claims that the official terminology for people of colour, i.e. the terms ‘visible’ and ’minority’, “work as operative categories.. . They are injunctions, or codes of command, which bid us to be silent, to remove ourselves from areas or places where we may be seen. To be labeled ‘visible’is to be told to become invisible, to get lost. It matches the stares - not just of curiosity but of contempt -which we get in public places. This category is the abstraction of that ’look’ which cuts one out from that necessary anonymity without which no ordinary life can be carried on” (Bannerji 1993, 183). The same might well be said of the often-used term ‘non-traditional’ immigrants,that has now been used to describe nonEuropean immigrants to Canada for the last 40 years, zy zyx Q zyxwvutsrqp zyxwvut zyxw zyxwvu zyxwv 182 Linda Peake and Brian Ray and effectively labels what is today a significant chunk of the Canadian population as ‘exotic’ to the nature of the nation (Mukherjee 1981, 38).5 The charge of racism and colonialism embedded in Mukherjee’s critique of Canadian immigration policy and integration practices demands that we ask how people of colour contest this categorization and the extent to which human rights legislation and multiculturalism aid or hinder the struggle for the right to be placed in the racialized Canadian landscape. Geographies and Human Rights ‘Clues’ She gone - gone to where and don’t know Looking for me, looking for she; Is pinch somebody pinch and tell me, up where north marry cold I could find she Stateside, England, Canada - somewhere about, “she still looking for you - try the Black Bottom - Bathurst above Bloor, Oakwood and Eglinton - even the suburbs them, But don’t look for indigo hair and Skin of lime at Ontario Place, Or even the reggae shops; stop looking for don’t see and can’t you bind she up tight with hope, she own and yours knot up in together; although she tight with nowhere and gone she going find you, if you keep looking. (Philips 1989) There are some profound and very Canadian challenges posed in addressing issues of racism and whiteness, many of which relate to ‘uneven’qualities of Canadian society and geography, qualities that Nourbese Philips so aptly illustrates in the above poem. The skewed and highly urban character of the distribution of people of colour in Canada results in a low probability of white Canadians encountering or being aware of everyday experiences of racism and the ways in which race is normalized in representations of people and place. As Bourne and Rose (this issue) point out, if anything, the uneven qualities of population distribution and awareness of cultural difference will only be magnified as Canada moves through the twenty first century. Unevenness is also manifest in terms of the abilities of particular groups and individuals to be heard within a logic of multiculturalism. As a public policy and national identity, multiculturalism in many ways was intended as a celebration of cultural differences (Kobayashi 1993) but one that “was to be contained within the framework of the dominant value system of the two founding groups” (Tator et al. 1998, 249). For many people of colour a vocabulary of rights within Canada is framed by white culture, a culture that in many places, due to uneven geography, is not numerically dominant but which dominates in terms of social, political and economic power. Although since 1982 Canada has seen a ‘rights revolution’ with the entrenchment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and although much of Canadian political discourse revolves around a politics of rights (e.g. First Nations and gays and lesbians), “Section 27 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms provides no actionable ‘multicultural rights’ under the Constitution Act of 1982. That is, the doctrine of multiculturalism has not furnished people of colour with any means of redressing the power imbalances that led to their marginalisation” (Tator et a/. 1998, 249). Multiculturalism policy has not dealt with systemic racism, nor has it adequately addressed the normalized qualities of uneven geographies that are integral to racist representations and practices. The latter include, for example, the fact that charter rights are rooted in particular places - in the nation, in the province - and are also dependent upon spatialized representations (e.g. public versus private spheres) and spatial practices (e.g. mobility) (Blomley and Pratt this issue). In the remainder of this section we briefly sketch three examples that illustrate the racialized qualities of representation, spatial practices and place erasure to demonstrate how rights for people of colour, and specifically in these cases, for African Canadians, are bound to ‘tough geographies’. Our first example focuses on domestic workers, for whom there is a long history of being represented as ‘exotic’,out of place or on the sidelines of Canadian society even as they contribute to it through their labour (see Bakan and Stasiulis 1997). A particularly insightful illustration is a 1961 Maclean’s magazine article entitled: “The West Indians: Our Loneliest Immigrants”. It describes for readers the experiences of many West Indian women in Canada -women who come alone to Canada to work as domestics in the homes of upper-middle class white Canadian families. The author of the article, George Lamming (1961, 27), paints a geography of Afro-Caribbean women dominated by dispersion and ephemerality. He tells how the women were placed in major urban centres across Canada allowing “the vast continental zyxwvu The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 1 (2001) zyz Racializing the Canadian landscape: whiteness, uneven geographies and social justice 1 83 distances to swallow up their numbers: Hamilton, nine; London, two; Calgary, eight; Vancouver, two.” Lamming also describes how in Toronto West Indian domestics lived too far away from each other to meet after a long day of work. The only “day of reprieve” (ibid.,52) from their isolation was Thursday afternoon, their regular half-day off, when their dispersed geographies melted away, thanks to the bus and subway, and they met in a church basement in the downtown core to exchange stories of living and working conditions, and of the families who employed them. Like anything ephemeral, their making of a Caribbean space was short lived, a few hours of an afternoon soon replaced by the ‘normal’geography of dispersion, a geography allowing them not to be noticed in white Canada. Secondly we illustrate how the racialized coding of activities that occurs within particular places speaks to the mutual constitution of space and identities. Sue Ruddick (1996) examines the well-publicized ‘Just Desserts’ shooting in 1994 in which a white middle-class woman (herself the daughter of immigrant parents) was shot and killed by an African-Canadian ‘immigrant’man (who was but a small child when he moved to Canada) in the Just Desserts restaurant in the gentrified Annex neighbourhood of inner-city Toronto. She demonstrates the ways in which transgressions by people of colour into spaces assumed to be white and middle-class become signifiers of belonging and not belonging. Her analysis of this assault, and the avalanche of publicity that surrounds it, is juxtaposed against another violent assault which occurred five months earlier when two people were murdered in the Whip Burger fast-food restaurant in the city’s impoverished east-end by another immigrant male; an event which garnered “barely a comment within the larger community...” (Ruddick 1996, 132).The dominant tropes of the Just Desserts murder are of wealth, comfort and middleclass whiteness that are under threat by the ‘black other’ in spaces assumed to be safe because of their location in a predominantly white neighbourhood. Ruddick‘s (ibid., 146) analysis teases out the multiple codings that occurred in relation to the Just Desserts shooting (and not in the Whip Burger one) to demonstrate that “representation of public space is deeply implicated in the process of othering: the way in which certain others are represented in public spaces is not simply a byproduct of other structures of inequality; it is deeply constitutive of our sense of community - who is allowed in, who is excluded, and 8 what roles should be ascribed to ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’.’’ Our third example arises from Canada’s long history of practicing racialized geography through the erasure of people of colour from places, memory and the map. Perhaps the best known example is the destruction in the late 1960s of Africville, a long established community on the suburban edge of Halifax, for reasons of ’slum clearance’ and ’public safety’ (Clairmont and Magill 1974). This is but one instance in an extended history of erasure. A number of African-Canadian writers have commented on these attempts to erase a black presence in the Canadian imaginary (see, for example, Brand 1994; Bristow et a/. 1994; Winks 1997). Walcott (2000, 35) asserts that “The long and now broken silence in St. Armand Quebec, concerning the slave cemetery that was almost ploughed over - called ‘nigger rock‘ by locals; the destruction of Africville in Nova Scotia in the sixties; the demolition of Hogan’s Alley in Vancouver in the sixties; the changing of the name of Negro Creek Road to Moggie Road in Ontario in 1996 - all are random acts of a willful attempt to make a black presence in Canada absent”. We would also add to this list the destruction of much of Little Burgundy in Montreal (Williams 1997). Brand (1993, 271) emphasizes this point, stating: “The perception of Black peoples as existing in a state of migrancy further contributes to this construction of invisibility, a construction which legitimizes the racist underpinnings of Canadian society”. Indeed, few groups in Canada are presented as being so ephemeral and simultaneously as a threat to the nation; a ‘non-traditional’ migration that needs to be controlled, regulated, dispersed and erased. Blomley and Pratt (this issue) argue that the spatialization of rights determines social and political opportunities. Given the way that African Canadians and the spaces they occupy have been placed - either dispersed to the point that they can be ignored or rendered dangerous to the social order of the state rights claims have been made particularly challenging. Given these truisms of African-Canadian geographies it is crucial to emphasize that these geographies, and the rights issues embedded within them, have been and continue to be contested and open to struggle. For example, the confrontations by the African-Canadian community over the representation of ‘race’ in a number of cultural productions in the 1990s in Toronto - the Royal Ontario Museum’s display in 1990, Into the Heart of Africa, and the zyxwv zy zyxwvu The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 1 (2001) Q zyxwvut zyxwvut zyxwvutsr zyxwv zyxwv zyxwvu 184 Linda Peake and Brian Ray musical productions of Miss Saigon and Showboat in 1993 - provide a mapping of racialized politics, highlighting the black community’s active engagement in a cultural politics of difference and their desire to reclaim subjectivity, identity and history (Tator et a/. 1998). At the heart of African-Canadian political struggles and challenges to liberal conceptions of rights and justice is a desire to represent their experiences in ways that place them as producers of signification and not just signifiers. Geographies of Whiteness, racism and rights Social justice is contingent not only upon recognizing the unequal qualities of where people begin gender, sexuality, race - but also upon recognizing how the geographies of marginalized communities are represented and understood places them at the margins of visibility for justice and in the spotlight as a problematic geography. It has been suggested that liberal notions of rights are inadequate as channels for achieving social justice given their grounding in individual autonomy and freedom and denial of historical-geographical relations of power and the deep structural conditions which perpetuate inequality. They also deny more radical conceptions of rights predicated upon the positive valuing of difference that some critical theorists feel are essential to achieving social justice for those on the periphery of power. Liberal conceptions of rights are also formulated upon a fragmentation of spaces that do not necessarily reflect the realities of the uneven geographies of oppression. As Kobayashi and Ray (2000, 405) argue: Spatial justice relies upon re-casting the notion of ‘equality rights’ within a pluralist framework to recognize that degrees of [civil] risk, and therefore just outcomes that minimize risk, will vary according to one’s place and, especially, one’s degree of marginality within a spatial system. Such marginality may occur as the simple effect of physical distance, but needs to be understood using the much more complex concept of situation, as an individual or group’s spatial circumstances within an institutionally constructed landscape. One dimension of this constructed landscape in which rights must be negotiated is representation, or what has labeled as the invisibility of the gaze of whiteness. Given its normalized qualities, this is a gaze which Ibrahim (2000, 130) claims “renders any The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 1 (2001) attempt to address it or deconstruct it even more formidable”. He goes on to suggest doing so through what he terms a “pedagogyof the imaginary; a critical pedagogy that aims to de-essentialize and decolonize public spaces, both represented and imagined. It poses the following questions: how do we as a nation, groups, and individuals imagine ourselves as well as others; what impact does it have on others, and how can we as pedagogues work with this imaginary to make people imagine themselves and others differently?”(ibid., 130-131). Indeed, how do we use alternative pedagogies to bring into view the exclusions, erasures and unevenness that characterize the landscape formation processes of whiteness? As Ibrahim (2000, 132) suggests, “the encounter is of a particular significance in rupturing the normalising gaze”. Encounters are moments when realities of domination and oppression become embodied, but they are simultaneously opportunities to disrupt meta-narratives. Seeing through and disrupting the meta-narrative of whiteness is one way to work towards losing the sense of being ‘othered’. As McKittrick (2000b) has argued, social justice demands positioning black women [and men] through (rather than inside or outside) the boundaries set up by modernity, oppressive hierarchies, nations and systems of social difference”. Neither should our emphasis on disrupting hegemonic ways of seeing be read as an emphasis on interactions solely at the level of the individual. As Razack (1998,23)so forcefully reminds us: “Rightsin law are fundamentally about seeing and not seeing...”.Legal rights alone, however, do not allow us to trace relations of privilege and penalty or to assess the full impact of “being under the hegemonic gaze” (Razack 1998). In seeing and not seeing, we as geographers have placed a tremendous emphasis on seeing in terms of mapping groups and charting patterns that arise from periods of sustained encounters, calculating segregation indices, and ‘proving’ that Canadian spaces are not as segregated as those in the United Sates. In so doing we have not seen those crucial, often fleeting, encounters of everyday othering that are fundamental to inequitable geographies of representation and spatial practices which lie at the heart of how critical scholars of colour interpret landscapes of oppression and discourses of rights in Canada. In imagining a just society beyond a liberal conception of rights we agree with Young’s contention that this requires not the melting away of differI‘.... ‘I... z zyxwvutsrq zyxw zyxw zy zyxwvutsr zyxwvutsr zyxwv zyxwvutsrqp Racializing the Canadian landscape: whiteness, uneven geographies and social justice 185 ences, but institutions that promote reproduction of and respect for group differences”(Young 1990, 47). We would also suggest that such a just society is also dependent upon melting away the distinction between ‘real’and represented geographies, of being legitimately ‘in’and ‘out’of place as a Canadian, so as to address the very real ways in which uneven geographies are constitutive of social justice for people of colour. Acknowledgements We wish to thank Katherine McKittrick and two anonymous reviewers for the comments they provided on an earlier draft of this paper. Responsibility for all errors and misinterpretations are entirely our own. The analysis and critique presented here do not reflect positions taken by the Metropolis Project or Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Notes 1 The authors names are alphabetical, and they are equally responsible for the contents of this paper. 2 As white academics (in an overwhelmingly white discipline) we fully accept that there is a potential danger in writing about whiteness and relegating it into an area of study that deflects attention away from the very groups that whiteness denigrates, and which have only recently entered into academic lexicons as subjectivities. Hence our concern to address whiteness in relation to racism and to place an emphasis on the writings of academics of colour for the light they shine on the differential power dynamics constructed by whiteness. For recent works by geographers addressing concerns of racism and whiteness see Bonnett 1997; 2000; Potvin 1999; Peake and Schein 2001. 3 lack of space prevents us from dissecting the singularity of our references to ‘whiteness’ and the ‘white gaze’, hence our comments focus upon hegemonic constructions of Canada as a site of Western European whiteness (Sealy 2000). 4 Other researchers have labeled this as the ‘New Racism’ (Elliott and Fleras 1992), although we would argue this is an historically embedded, pervasive, and usually unremarked upon form that racism takes in Canada. Distinct from institutional or individual racism, New Racism recognizes the very strong tenor within Canadian society that traditions and norms must continue, even if these implicate racist practices and representations. 5 The irony of employing ‘non-traditional’ is especially heightened in cities such as Toronto and Vancouver where half if not more of their population is from ‘exotic’non-European ancestry. 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