B �éramique uLLetin � de Liaison de gyptienne 24 Responsable de la publication : Sylvie Marchand Avis aux futurs auteurs Bulletin de liaison de la céramique égyptienne BCE 25, Ifao, Le Caire Il serait souhaitable que les textes parviennent à l’Ifao in septembre 2014 au plus tard. Les normes pour la publication seront données aux futurs auteurs sur simple demande, nous sollicitons l’application stricte de ces normes dès la remise des manuscrits. Chaque article sera soumis à l’approbation du comité de lecture. Contact : smarchand@ifao.egnet.net B �éramique uLLetin � de Liaison de gyptienne 24 I n s t I t u t f r a n ç a I s d ’a r c h é o lo g I e o r I e n ta l e b c e 24 – 2 01 4 Comité de Lecture BCE Susan Allen, David A. Aston, Bettina Bader, Pascale Ballet, Janine Bourriau, Catherine Defernez, Jean-Yves Empereur, Peter French, Stan Hendrickx, Colin A. Hope, Pamela Rose, Dietrich Raue, Teodozja Rzeuska. © INSTITUT FRANÇAIS D’ARCHÉOLOGIE ORIENTALE, LE CAIRE, 2014 ISBN 978-2-7247-0650-5 ISSN 0255-0903 Sommaire W. Raymond Johnson In Memoriam Helen Jacquet-Gordon (1918-2013) .....................................................ix Alain Arnaudiès Bibliographie de Helen Jacquet-Gordon (1951-2012)........................................... xiii Sylvie Marchand Avant-propos ........................................................................................................................ xxiii Carte.................................................................................................................................................. xxiv Repères chronologiques ............................................................................................................xxv i. Parcours régional ............................................................................................... 1 Littoral méditerranéen ................................................................................................... 3 Julie Monchamp Céramiques romaines de Smouha (Alexandrie), iie siècle apr. J.-C. .......... 5 Delta........................................................................................................................................... 13 Nicholas Hudson Preliminary Report on the Pottery at Tell Timai (hmuis) ......................... 15 V bulletin de liaison de la céramique égyptienne Sylvain Dhennin, Sylvie Marchand, Julie Marchand, Aude Simony Prospection archéologique de Kôm Abou Billou/Térénouthis (Delta) - 2013............................................. 51 Région memphite.............................................................................................................. 69 Katarína Arias Kytnarová Ritual Ceramic Deposit from the Tomb of Prince Werkaure? A Tentative Interpretation ........................................................................................... 71 Susan J. Allen Pottery from the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III and Middle Kingdom Mastabas at Dahshur 2003-2010 (he Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) ............................................... 85 Région thébaine et Haute-Égypte ....................................................................... 93 Gábor Schreiber Late Dynastic Pottery from heban Tomb No. -61- ....................................... 95 Guy Lecuyot La céramique du Ramesseum et de ses abords, état des recherches ........................................................................................................ 101 Julia Budka Zîr Vessels from the Tomb of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab............................... 121 Valérie Le Provost Fouilles récentes d’un habitat à Tell Edfou, la céramique de la in de la Première Période Intermédiaire au début de la XIIe dynastie : une séquence de transition......................... 131 Oasis de el-Hayz ........................................................................................................... 151 Stanislava Kučová, Květa Smoláriková Roman Transport Amphorae from Bir Showish, el-Hayz, Bahariya Oasis ............................................................................................ 153 VI sommaire Oasis de Dakhla ............................................................................................................ 161 Clementina Caputo Amheida/Trimithis (Dakhla Oasis): Results from a Pottery Survey in Area 11........................................................... 163 Nord-Sinaï .......................................................................................................................... 179 Silvia Lupo, Claudia Kohen 2010 Season at Tell el-Ghaba, North Sinai. Preliminary Report ........... 181 2. Inventaire des sites de production céramique en Égypte et en Basse-Nubie ........................................................ 199 Sylvie Marchand Inventaire archéologique des sites de production céramique du Prédynastique à l’époque moderne. Égypte et Basse-Nubie ............. 201 Valérie Pichot, Kaan Şenol he Site of Akademia: he Amphora Workshop of Apol(l)ônios. First Excavation Campaign (July-August 2012)............................................. 225 Nicholas Hudson Late 4th Century BC Pottery from Tell Timai (hmuis) .......................... 241 Zulema Barahona Mendieta La producción cerámica en Medamud. Estudio de la cerámica procedente de los hornos del Reino Nuevo, Baja Época y Época Ptolemaica ............................................................................. 267 Bibliographie ................................................................................................................................. 281 Index chronologique.................................................................................................................. 313 Adresses des auteurs ................................................................................................................... 315 VII Julia Budka Zîr Vessels from the Tomb of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab* D uring the course of recent ieldwork by the German Archaeological Institute Cairo at Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, abundant ceramic vessels postdating the Early Dynastic Period of use of the royal cemetery were documented as part of the project “Cult of Osiris at Umm 1 el-Qaab”. According to both the ceramics and other inds (small inds, inscribed objects and various types of materials), a irst peak of activity is noticeable during the Nineteenth Dynasty. An increase in and a revival of cultic activity at the site took place especially during the Twenty-Fifth and Twenty-Sixth Dynasties.2 he general importance of Abydos during the irst millennium BC is also relected by the votive pottery deposited at Umm el-Qaab, and this holds true for the Libyan Period as well. A substantial amount of typical votive jars and ofering cups can be dated to the Twenty-Second Dynasty.3 In addition, various closed shapes that are well known from Late New Kingdom and Libyan Period contexts at settlements and temple sites are attested at Umm el-Qaab, e.g. globular jars, neckless jars and storage vessels of diferent kinds.4 his material also inds parallels in contemporaneous heban tombs and burial places at Abydos.5 Related to the various types of storage vessels is an intriguing vessel group of a very speciic character: the so called zîr vessels, presumably used for storing water. Well known from settlement contexts, such large and heavy water jars are not likely to appear within a corpus of votive pottery with a deined ritual character. Nevertheless, from time to time zîr vessels have been deposited around the tomb of * For improving the written English of this paper, I am very grateful to Kenneth Griin. 1. See Effland, Budka, Effland 2010. 2. See Effland 2006; Budka 2010a. 3. he absolute amount of the material still needs to be assessed in detail, but Libyan Period pottery might make up around 15 % (or more) of the total, cf. Budka 2010b, p. 52 with note 146. 4. Cf. e.g. Aston 1999, p. 20-21, pl. 7; Aston 2009, p. 323. 5. Cf. Budka 2010b, p. 52. 121 julia budka Osiris at Umm el-Qaab. Small numbers of zîr can be dated to the Eighteenth Dynasty,6 but a more substantial group of jars possibly used for the storage of water originates from the Libyan Period. he latter will be the focus of the present paper–their shape and size will be discussed as well as their possible function; irst ideas about their relevance for the study of the cult of Osiris in the irst millennium BC are presented. The Egyptian zîr or water jar Based on inds, primarily from settlement contexts and especially of the Middle Kingdom, Arnold, Bietak and others proposed a functional label for a speciic type of jar as water jar or zîr.7 Such ceramic containers of mostly ovoid to baggy shape are well known from various periods until the present time to store and cool water.8 hat this type of vessel was not always restricted to the use of water storage can be nicely illustrated by the multifunctional character of zîrs produced in Marl C.9 New Kingdom examples of large storage jars of the zîr type are common at various settlement sites like Memphis,10 Amarna,11 the Ahmose town and temple area at South Abydos12 and Elephantine.13 he typical shape of this Eighteenth Dynasty type is an ovoid or globular body with rounded bases, a tall neck and a modelled rim or outer lip. In many cases a collar marks the junction of the body and the neck (ig. 1).14 his is connected with the typical way of shaping these vessels: the lower part comprising the body is done in coiling technique, whereas the upper part was shaped with the help of a turning device. Particularly the rims with often angular rounded lips are 6. Cf. South Abydos, Ahmose town and temple area (Budka 2006, p. 94-95, ig. 6). At present, no water jars predating the Eighteenth Dynasty have been found at Umm el-Qaab, but zîrs of the Middle Kingdom (and Second Intermediate Period) are known from other contexts of the site of Abydos (in particular from the Senwosret III complex, see Wegner 2007, p. 247 f. (nr. 68-69); Manassa 2011, p. 81-87). 7. See Arnold Do. 1982, p. 54; Bietak 1991, p. 322, ig. 296; Bader 2001, p. 155. he Arabic term zîr was irst introduced for the Pharaonic vessels by Manfred Bietak (see Bietak 1991, p. 322). 8. For modern zîrs, see Redmount 2002, p. 182-184, ig. 10.2-3. 9. See Bader 2001, p. 155-158 for the functional diversity of these containers, used for various commodities in a range of diferent contexts. Cf. also Manassa 2011. 10. Bourriau 2010, p. 395, type 10.10.24, ig. 108. 11. Rose 2007, p. 105, nos. 453-454, SH 11.2, p. 252, cf. also p. 106, nr. 460, SH 12.4, p. 254. 12. Budka 2006, p. 94-95, ig. 6. 13. Seiler 1999, p. 216-219, ig. 51.3; Budka 2005, p. 95-96, ig. 29.6-7; 101, ig. 33.6-7. 14. See also examples from Malqata, Hope 1989, ig. 3g-h, and a vessel from Karnak-North, JacquetGordon 2012, p. 138, ig. 61g (Nile B2 with white wash). For examples of this type from a funerary context see Lacomy 2011. Cf. also Rose 2003, p. 206-207, ig. 4. For vessels of a similar type of much smaller size from a Ramesside tomb group, see Werlen 2011, p. 154-155, ig. 19 (“Trichterhalsvasen”). 122 z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b clearly wheel-thrown.15 A number of fabrics are attested for zîrs–Marl clays as well as Nile silts.16 Especially interesting is a particular Mixed clay, an innovation of the Eighteenth Dynasty and to our present state of knowledge restricted to such water jars.17 his speciic material obviously combined preferred properties of both Marl clays and Nile clays (hardness as well as porosity for cooling efects18) and resulted in inished products of less weight than for example contemporaneous Marl A4 variants.19 he zîrs from Umm el-Qaab originating from the Libyan Period are predominantly made in a very hard, dense Nile clay variant, which bears some resemblance to the earlier Mixed fabric and should ideally be studied microscopically in the future. The zîr jars at Umm el-Qaab A number of fragments from storage vessels of large size with coiling traces were observed since 2006 within the Osirian votive pottery from Umm el-Qaab. Initially, only inscribed fragments (see below) received special attention, 20 but from 2010 onwards we collected every sherd falling into this category, resulting in a large corpus of isolated pieces and fragments.21 he 2012 season witnessed a major advancement in reconstructing the actual vessel types.22 A total of 72 zîrs were classiied and we made good progress in assessing their diferent shape and sizes. In addition to the individual vessels reconstructed, more than 20 small fragments indicate a total amount of roughly 100 of these very large storage vessels of a speciic type. Although they show common features, there is a high variability in their capacity and size as well as in the shape of the rims (ig. 1-2)–e.g., the rim diameter ranges from 16,5 cm to 24 cm and the lips can be both angular and rounded. he shape and 15. For this typical production technique, see Arnold Do., Bourriau 1993, p. 30, ig. 27 and p. 33-34, ig. 32 (Middle Kingdom examples). See also Seiler 1999, p. 216-219, ig. 51. 16. Cf. Budka 2006, p. 94, ig. 6 for a collection in various fabrics from the Eighteenth Dynasty. 17. First observed by Seiler 1999, p. 217; conirmed by Budka 2005, p. 94 with note 321 and Budka 2006, p. 85 (labelled as III-a). 18. Modern zîrs are usually made in porous Nile silts for cooling of the water, see Redmount 2002, p. 182. 19. To illustrate the substantial heaviness of zîrs: the weight of a complete Eighteenth Dynasty vessel from Amarna in a Nile silt fabric is given as 22.5 kg, see Rose 2007, p. 105, nr. 454. 20. See Effland 2011, p. 144. 21. In addition to the generally wide scattering of the material throughout Umm el-Qaab, A. Eland could show that some newly excavated pieces join with fragments found by Amélineau, now kept at the Louvre (see Effland 2010a, p. 70, note 272). 22. his work is carried out by our skilled workmen from Quft and el-Araba in the spacious sherd yard of the German House; my sincere thanks go especially to Mohammed Awadalla, Hamdi Sabri and Mahmoud Abdin for their patience in tracing joining pieces. For realising drawings of the reconstructed vessels, I am grateful to Nicole Mosiniak and Julia D. Preisigke. 123 julia budka height of the neck shows much variation–from funnel-shaped tall necks (ig. 2, ZI 16), to slightly conical medium tall necks (ig. 1) and medium tall, almost vertical necks (ig. 2, ZI 15). According to the proportions, the wall thickness of the vessels difers and examples with a rim diameter of less or around 20 cm are quite thin-walled. In general, the vessels tend to be quite thin-walled towards the base–resulting in a lack of preserved lower parts within our sherd collection. Until today, we have been unable to reconstruct more than the complete proile of a singular vessel (ZI 14, ig. 1 and ig. 3). All of the zîrs from Umm el-Qaab documented so far are made in Nile silt wares– most common is a dense, hard Nile B2 variant with little organic inclusions, some limestone and with a ine texture (e.g. the examples shown on ig. 1).23 Also attested is a fabric that can be labelled as Nile C2 variant, as more chaf and organics are present. he surface treatment of the vessels difers–the majority shows a thin red wash (ig. 1), but a white wash (commonly found also on New Kingdom samples24) is also present (ig. 5)25 as well as uncoated examples. On 29 examples of the zîrs, hieratic dockets have been observed on the neck (ig. 4) or the shoulder of the vessels (ig. 5-6).26 hese dockets are dedications of kings and the High Priests of Amun (ig. 6) of the Twenty-second Dynasty.27 Ranging from king Osorkon I to the High Priest Takeloth F, the zîr dockets provide a irm dating of this group of vessels, lasting approximately 60 years.28 he common formula is jrj n (King XY), “made by King XY”, in rare cases with a day/year date. hese texts are currently being studied in detail by Andreas Eland.29 The signiicance of water jars at the tomb of Osiris he ritual aspects of water and especially its important role within the cult for Osiris are well known.30 Water poured at the tomb of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab might hold several implications: resembling the Nile lood and thus the fertility of the god, rejuvenating the god by refreshing his heart through libation31 or watering plants at 23. Labelled as I-d-3 in the local fabric system, see Budka 2010a, p. 39, table 1. Also at Amarna, zîrs are attested in a Nile D group silt, fabric I.4, see Rose 2007, p. 12. 24. See Budka 2006, p. 94 with references in note 80. 25. Cf. Effland 2012, p. 83, ig. 5. 26. Cf. Effland 2010a, p. 70; Effland 2013a, p. 37. 27. hree pieces mention a High Priest of Amun (see ig. 6; for one example see Effland 2010a, p. 70. 28. Effland 2012; Effland 2013, p. 37; Effland, Budka, Effland 2013, p. 4, ig. 4. 29. I would like to thank Andreas Eland for sharing information about these texts and for a very stimulating exchange and discussion of zîrs in general. 30. See e.g. Assmann 2003. 31. Cf. Effland in 2013b. 124 z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b the tomb as incarnations of the revived god respectively as parts of the sacred grove at the god’s tomb.32 he latter, watering real plants in the desert, allows for the possibility of a “profane” use of water as drinking water. Given the location of the tomb at Abydos, there was a need to store water not only for the libations, but also for individuals performing ritual acts and participating in processions. Except for a thin silty layer persevered on the interior of some of the jars, there are no traces of any contents of the storage vessels labelled here as zîrs from Umm elQaab. Although proof is lacking, I will argue in the following that a use of these jars as water vessels is very likely. Until today, zîr vessels are “used to store drinking water for human consumption.”33 he hieratic royal dedications on the storage vessels from Umm el-Qaab, “made by King XY”, would correspond at best with an explanation that the speciic jar and its sacred content played an important role in a ritual act at the tomb. Water is here the prime candidate given its signiicance for Osiris–Nile water stored in such jars and intended to be used ritually could explain the royal dedications. One might speculate further that it was a restricted royal sphere of activity, maybe motivated by the wish of Libyan rulers to use Abydos and the cult of Osiris as a stage for demonstrating their legitimacy.34 Aspects of Libyan Period cult for Osiris at Abydos It is still premature to present a conclusive reconstruction of the cult for Osiris at Abydos during the era of Libyan rule.35 But the important group of inscribed zîr vessels allows some preliminary thoughts that open up ideas about the general attitude of Libyans towards Osirian rituals. Similarly to the Kushites, Abydos seems to have played a major role in the ancestor cult of the Libyan kings.36 Because of the frequent appearance of hieratic dockets on the zîr vessels, a ritual context, most likely for storing water for libations, can be proposed for the vessels found at the tomb of Osiris. he ritual signiicance of the zîrs from Umm el-Qaab is further stressed from observations through the ceramicist’s eyes: to my present knowledge, there are no parallels anywhere in Egypt for this particular vessel type.37 32. For the possible sacred grove of the god at Abydos, cf. Effland 2010b, p. 90; for gardens in funerary/ ritual contexts and their association with Osiris, cf. Willems 2003. 33. Redmount 2002, p. 182. 34. Cf. Effland 2013c; Eland forthc. 35. See also Effland 2013c; Eland forthc. 36. Effland forthc. 37. See e.g. Aston 1996 and Wodzińska 2010 without parallels. I would like to thank David A. Aston who conirmed this lack of parallels on the occasion of a visit to the German House at Abydos in October 2010. 125 julia budka he only equivalents are the predecessors of the Eighteenth Dynasty mentioned above. Do we encounter here a gap due to the limited knowledge of Late New Kingdom and Early hird Intermediate Period material from settlement contexts? In view of a sequence available from Elephantine38 and other material like hird Intermediate Period pottery from el-Ashmunein,39 lacking this speciic type of water jar, I do not believe that this is the case. he zîrs from Umm el-Qaab are obviously a local phenomenon connected with the cult of Osiris, as indicated by the hieratic dockets. Furthermore, I am inclined to think that these vessels of the Twenty-second Dynasty illustrate the well-known phenomenon of Libyan “archaism”.40 A Kushite reuse and “modernisation” of ancient forms is well traceable within the pottery corpus from Umm el-Qaab,41 a similar practice already prior to the Twenty-ifth Dynasty seems likely. As stated elsewhere,42 during the Libyan Period cult-related pottery relects New Kingdom traditions, featuring some innovations like an increase in the size of vessels or the modiication of decorated vessels. I would like to propose that the Umm el-Qaab zîrs of the Twenty-second Dynasty further support a revival of earlier models with speciic Libyan modiications like royal hieratic dockets referring to votive activities for Osiris. 38. Cf. Aston 1999; further material from Late New Kingdom levels is currently studied and under the responsibility of the present author. 39. Cf. Spencer 1993, pl. 44-78 without parallels. 40. Cf., e.g., Morkot 2007. 41. Budka 2010a, p. 60; Budka 2010b, p. 58. For another possible example of “archaism” in painted Late Period pottery see Masson 2011. 42. Budka 2010b, p. 55. 126 z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b ZI 17 ZI 13 0 1 1/5 Fig. 1. Selected zîr vessels of most common types from Umm el-Qaab, Twenty-second Dynasty. 5 cm ZI 14 128 0 1 5 cm 1/5 julia budka ZI 16 ZI 15 Fig. 2. Less common types of zîr vessels from Umm el-Qaab, Twenty-second Dynasty. z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b Fig. 3. Reconstructed complete proile of zîr ZI 14 (Twenty-second Dynasty). Fig. 4. Example of zîr (ZI 24) with (almost faded) hieratic docket on neck (Twenty-second Dynasty). 129 julia budka Fig. 5. Example of zîr (ZI 20) with hieratic docket on shoulder (Twenty-second Dynasty): jr n pr-ʿȝ Ššnḳ, made by King Sheshonq (K2413). Fig. 6. Example of shoulder fragment of zîr with hieratic docket (K2418), mentioning a “High Priest of Amun-Ra-Sonter” (Twenty-second Dynasty). 130