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gyptienne
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Responsable de la publication : Sylvie Marchand
Avis aux futurs auteurs
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Contact : smarchand@ifao.egnet.net
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I n s t I t u t f r a n ç a I s d ’a r c h é o lo g I e o r I e n ta l e
b c e 24 – 2 01 4
Comité de Lecture
BCE
Susan Allen, David A. Aston, Bettina Bader, Pascale Ballet,
Janine Bourriau, Catherine Defernez, Jean-Yves Empereur,
Peter French, Stan Hendrickx, Colin A. Hope, Pamela Rose,
Dietrich Raue, Teodozja Rzeuska.
© INSTITUT FRANÇAIS D’ARCHÉOLOGIE ORIENTALE, LE CAIRE, 2014
ISBN 978-2-7247-0650-5
ISSN 0255-0903
Sommaire
W. Raymond Johnson
In Memoriam Helen Jacquet-Gordon (1918-2013) .....................................................ix
Alain Arnaudiès
Bibliographie de Helen Jacquet-Gordon (1951-2012)........................................... xiii
Sylvie Marchand
Avant-propos ........................................................................................................................ xxiii
Carte.................................................................................................................................................. xxiv
Repères chronologiques ............................................................................................................xxv
i. Parcours régional ............................................................................................... 1
Littoral méditerranéen ................................................................................................... 3
Julie Monchamp
Céramiques romaines de Smouha (Alexandrie), iie siècle apr. J.-C. .......... 5
Delta........................................................................................................................................... 13
Nicholas Hudson
Preliminary Report on the Pottery at Tell Timai (hmuis) ......................... 15
V
bulletin de liaison de la céramique égyptienne
Sylvain Dhennin, Sylvie Marchand, Julie Marchand, Aude Simony
Prospection archéologique
de Kôm Abou Billou/Térénouthis (Delta) - 2013............................................. 51
Région memphite.............................................................................................................. 69
Katarína Arias Kytnarová
Ritual Ceramic Deposit from the Tomb of Prince Werkaure?
A Tentative Interpretation ........................................................................................... 71
Susan J. Allen
Pottery from the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III
and Middle Kingdom Mastabas at Dahshur 2003-2010
(he Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) ............................................... 85
Région thébaine et Haute-Égypte ....................................................................... 93
Gábor Schreiber
Late Dynastic Pottery from heban Tomb No. -61- ....................................... 95
Guy Lecuyot
La céramique du Ramesseum et de ses abords,
état des recherches ........................................................................................................ 101
Julia Budka
Zîr Vessels from the Tomb of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab............................... 121
Valérie Le Provost
Fouilles récentes d’un habitat à Tell Edfou,
la céramique de la in de la Première Période Intermédiaire
au début de la XIIe dynastie : une séquence de transition......................... 131
Oasis de el-Hayz ........................................................................................................... 151
Stanislava Kučová, Květa Smoláriková
Roman Transport Amphorae from Bir Showish,
el-Hayz, Bahariya Oasis ............................................................................................ 153
VI
sommaire
Oasis de Dakhla ............................................................................................................ 161
Clementina Caputo
Amheida/Trimithis (Dakhla Oasis):
Results from a Pottery Survey in Area 11........................................................... 163
Nord-Sinaï .......................................................................................................................... 179
Silvia Lupo, Claudia Kohen
2010 Season at Tell el-Ghaba, North Sinai. Preliminary Report ........... 181
2.
Inventaire des sites de production céramique
en Égypte et en Basse-Nubie ........................................................ 199
Sylvie Marchand
Inventaire archéologique des sites de production céramique
du Prédynastique à l’époque moderne. Égypte et Basse-Nubie ............. 201
Valérie Pichot, Kaan Şenol
he Site of Akademia: he Amphora Workshop of Apol(l)ônios.
First Excavation Campaign (July-August 2012)............................................. 225
Nicholas Hudson
Late 4th Century BC Pottery from Tell Timai (hmuis) .......................... 241
Zulema Barahona Mendieta
La producción cerámica en Medamud.
Estudio de la cerámica procedente de los hornos del Reino Nuevo,
Baja Época y Época Ptolemaica ............................................................................. 267
Bibliographie ................................................................................................................................. 281
Index chronologique.................................................................................................................. 313
Adresses des auteurs ................................................................................................................... 315
VII
Julia Budka
Zîr Vessels from the Tomb of Osiris
at Umm el-Qaab*
D
uring the course of recent ieldwork by the German Archaeological
Institute Cairo at Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, abundant ceramic vessels
postdating the Early Dynastic Period of use of the royal cemetery
were documented as part of the project “Cult of Osiris at Umm
1
el-Qaab”. According to both the ceramics and other inds (small inds, inscribed
objects and various types of materials), a irst peak of activity is noticeable during the
Nineteenth Dynasty. An increase in and a revival of cultic activity at the site took
place especially during the Twenty-Fifth and Twenty-Sixth Dynasties.2 he general
importance of Abydos during the irst millennium BC is also relected by the votive
pottery deposited at Umm el-Qaab, and this holds true for the Libyan Period as well.
A substantial amount of typical votive jars and ofering cups can be dated to the
Twenty-Second Dynasty.3 In addition, various closed shapes that are well known from
Late New Kingdom and Libyan Period contexts at settlements and temple sites are
attested at Umm el-Qaab, e.g. globular jars, neckless jars and storage vessels of diferent
kinds.4 his material also inds parallels in contemporaneous heban tombs and burial
places at Abydos.5 Related to the various types of storage vessels is an intriguing vessel
group of a very speciic character: the so called zîr vessels, presumably used for storing
water. Well known from settlement contexts, such large and heavy water jars are not
likely to appear within a corpus of votive pottery with a deined ritual character.
Nevertheless, from time to time zîr vessels have been deposited around the tomb of
* For improving the written English of this paper, I am very grateful to Kenneth Griin.
1. See Effland, Budka, Effland 2010.
2. See Effland 2006; Budka 2010a.
3. he absolute amount of the material still needs to be assessed in detail, but Libyan Period pottery
might make up around 15 % (or more) of the total, cf. Budka 2010b, p. 52 with note 146.
4. Cf. e.g. Aston 1999, p. 20-21, pl. 7; Aston 2009, p. 323.
5. Cf. Budka 2010b, p. 52.
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Osiris at Umm el-Qaab. Small numbers of zîr can be dated to the Eighteenth Dynasty,6
but a more substantial group of jars possibly used for the storage of water originates
from the Libyan Period. he latter will be the focus of the present paper–their shape
and size will be discussed as well as their possible function; irst ideas about their
relevance for the study of the cult of Osiris in the irst millennium BC are presented.
The Egyptian zîr or water jar
Based on inds, primarily from settlement contexts and especially of the Middle
Kingdom, Arnold, Bietak and others proposed a functional label for a speciic type
of jar as water jar or zîr.7 Such ceramic containers of mostly ovoid to baggy shape are
well known from various periods until the present time to store and cool water.8 hat
this type of vessel was not always restricted to the use of water storage can be nicely
illustrated by the multifunctional character of zîrs produced in Marl C.9
New Kingdom examples of large storage jars of the zîr type are common at various
settlement sites like Memphis,10 Amarna,11 the Ahmose town and temple area at South
Abydos12 and Elephantine.13 he typical shape of this Eighteenth Dynasty type is an
ovoid or globular body with rounded bases, a tall neck and a modelled rim or outer
lip. In many cases a collar marks the junction of the body and the neck (ig. 1).14 his
is connected with the typical way of shaping these vessels: the lower part comprising
the body is done in coiling technique, whereas the upper part was shaped with the
help of a turning device. Particularly the rims with often angular rounded lips are
6. Cf. South Abydos, Ahmose town and temple area (Budka 2006, p. 94-95, ig. 6). At present, no water
jars predating the Eighteenth Dynasty have been found at Umm el-Qaab, but zîrs of the Middle Kingdom
(and Second Intermediate Period) are known from other contexts of the site of Abydos (in particular from
the Senwosret III complex, see Wegner 2007, p. 247 f. (nr. 68-69); Manassa 2011, p. 81-87).
7. See Arnold Do. 1982, p. 54; Bietak 1991, p. 322, ig. 296; Bader 2001, p. 155. he Arabic term zîr
was irst introduced for the Pharaonic vessels by Manfred Bietak (see Bietak 1991, p. 322).
8. For modern zîrs, see Redmount 2002, p. 182-184, ig. 10.2-3.
9. See Bader 2001, p. 155-158 for the functional diversity of these containers, used for various commodities in a range of diferent contexts. Cf. also Manassa 2011.
10. Bourriau 2010, p. 395, type 10.10.24, ig. 108.
11. Rose 2007, p. 105, nos. 453-454, SH 11.2, p. 252, cf. also p. 106, nr. 460, SH 12.4, p. 254.
12. Budka 2006, p. 94-95, ig. 6.
13. Seiler 1999, p. 216-219, ig. 51.3; Budka 2005, p. 95-96, ig. 29.6-7; 101, ig. 33.6-7.
14. See also examples from Malqata, Hope 1989, ig. 3g-h, and a vessel from Karnak-North, JacquetGordon 2012, p. 138, ig. 61g (Nile B2 with white wash). For examples of this type from a funerary
context see Lacomy 2011. Cf. also Rose 2003, p. 206-207, ig. 4. For vessels of a similar type of much
smaller size from a Ramesside tomb group, see Werlen 2011, p. 154-155, ig. 19 (“Trichterhalsvasen”).
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clearly wheel-thrown.15 A number of fabrics are attested for zîrs–Marl clays as well
as Nile silts.16 Especially interesting is a particular Mixed clay, an innovation of the
Eighteenth Dynasty and to our present state of knowledge restricted to such water
jars.17 his speciic material obviously combined preferred properties of both Marl
clays and Nile clays (hardness as well as porosity for cooling efects18) and resulted in
inished products of less weight than for example contemporaneous Marl A4 variants.19
he zîrs from Umm el-Qaab originating from the Libyan Period are predominantly
made in a very hard, dense Nile clay variant, which bears some resemblance to the
earlier Mixed fabric and should ideally be studied microscopically in the future.
The zîr jars at Umm el-Qaab
A number of fragments from storage vessels of large size with coiling traces were
observed since 2006 within the Osirian votive pottery from Umm el-Qaab. Initially,
only inscribed fragments (see below) received special attention, 20 but from 2010
onwards we collected every sherd falling into this category, resulting in a large corpus
of isolated pieces and fragments.21 he 2012 season witnessed a major advancement in
reconstructing the actual vessel types.22 A total of 72 zîrs were classiied and we made
good progress in assessing their diferent shape and sizes. In addition to the individual
vessels reconstructed, more than 20 small fragments indicate a total amount of roughly
100 of these very large storage vessels of a speciic type.
Although they show common features, there is a high variability in their capacity
and size as well as in the shape of the rims (ig. 1-2)–e.g., the rim diameter ranges
from 16,5 cm to 24 cm and the lips can be both angular and rounded. he shape and
15. For this typical production technique, see Arnold Do., Bourriau 1993, p. 30, ig. 27 and p. 33-34,
ig. 32 (Middle Kingdom examples). See also Seiler 1999, p. 216-219, ig. 51.
16. Cf. Budka 2006, p. 94, ig. 6 for a collection in various fabrics from the Eighteenth Dynasty.
17. First observed by Seiler 1999, p. 217; conirmed by Budka 2005, p. 94 with note 321 and Budka 2006,
p. 85 (labelled as III-a).
18. Modern zîrs are usually made in porous Nile silts for cooling of the water, see Redmount 2002, p. 182.
19. To illustrate the substantial heaviness of zîrs: the weight of a complete Eighteenth Dynasty vessel
from Amarna in a Nile silt fabric is given as 22.5 kg, see Rose 2007, p. 105, nr. 454.
20. See Effland 2011, p. 144.
21. In addition to the generally wide scattering of the material throughout Umm el-Qaab, A. Eland
could show that some newly excavated pieces join with fragments found by Amélineau, now kept at the
Louvre (see Effland 2010a, p. 70, note 272).
22. his work is carried out by our skilled workmen from Quft and el-Araba in the spacious sherd
yard of the German House; my sincere thanks go especially to Mohammed Awadalla, Hamdi Sabri and
Mahmoud Abdin for their patience in tracing joining pieces. For realising drawings of the reconstructed
vessels, I am grateful to Nicole Mosiniak and Julia D. Preisigke.
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height of the neck shows much variation–from funnel-shaped tall necks (ig. 2, ZI 16),
to slightly conical medium tall necks (ig. 1) and medium tall, almost vertical necks
(ig. 2, ZI 15). According to the proportions, the wall thickness of the vessels difers
and examples with a rim diameter of less or around 20 cm are quite thin-walled. In
general, the vessels tend to be quite thin-walled towards the base–resulting in a lack of
preserved lower parts within our sherd collection. Until today, we have been unable to
reconstruct more than the complete proile of a singular vessel (ZI 14, ig. 1 and ig. 3).
All of the zîrs from Umm el-Qaab documented so far are made in Nile silt wares–
most common is a dense, hard Nile B2 variant with little organic inclusions, some
limestone and with a ine texture (e.g. the examples shown on ig. 1).23 Also attested is
a fabric that can be labelled as Nile C2 variant, as more chaf and organics are present.
he surface treatment of the vessels difers–the majority shows a thin red wash (ig. 1),
but a white wash (commonly found also on New Kingdom samples24) is also present
(ig. 5)25 as well as uncoated examples.
On 29 examples of the zîrs, hieratic dockets have been observed on the neck (ig. 4)
or the shoulder of the vessels (ig. 5-6).26 hese dockets are dedications of kings and
the High Priests of Amun (ig. 6) of the Twenty-second Dynasty.27 Ranging from
king Osorkon I to the High Priest Takeloth F, the zîr dockets provide a irm dating
of this group of vessels, lasting approximately 60 years.28 he common formula is
jrj n (King XY), “made by King XY”, in rare cases with a day/year date. hese texts
are currently being studied in detail by Andreas Eland.29
The signiicance of water jars at the tomb of Osiris
he ritual aspects of water and especially its important role within the cult for
Osiris are well known.30 Water poured at the tomb of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab might
hold several implications: resembling the Nile lood and thus the fertility of the god,
rejuvenating the god by refreshing his heart through libation31 or watering plants at
23. Labelled as I-d-3 in the local fabric system, see Budka 2010a, p. 39, table 1. Also at Amarna, zîrs are
attested in a Nile D group silt, fabric I.4, see Rose 2007, p. 12.
24. See Budka 2006, p. 94 with references in note 80.
25. Cf. Effland 2012, p. 83, ig. 5.
26. Cf. Effland 2010a, p. 70; Effland 2013a, p. 37.
27. hree pieces mention a High Priest of Amun (see ig. 6; for one example see Effland 2010a, p. 70.
28. Effland 2012; Effland 2013, p. 37; Effland, Budka, Effland 2013, p. 4, ig. 4.
29. I would like to thank Andreas Eland for sharing information about these texts and for a very
stimulating exchange and discussion of zîrs in general.
30. See e.g. Assmann 2003.
31. Cf. Effland in 2013b.
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z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b
the tomb as incarnations of the revived god respectively as parts of the sacred grove
at the god’s tomb.32 he latter, watering real plants in the desert, allows for the possibility of a “profane” use of water as drinking water. Given the location of the tomb
at Abydos, there was a need to store water not only for the libations, but also for
individuals performing ritual acts and participating in processions.
Except for a thin silty layer persevered on the interior of some of the jars, there
are no traces of any contents of the storage vessels labelled here as zîrs from Umm elQaab. Although proof is lacking, I will argue in the following that a use of these jars
as water vessels is very likely. Until today, zîr vessels are “used to store drinking water
for human consumption.”33 he hieratic royal dedications on the storage vessels from
Umm el-Qaab, “made by King XY”, would correspond at best with an explanation
that the speciic jar and its sacred content played an important role in a ritual act at
the tomb. Water is here the prime candidate given its signiicance for Osiris–Nile water
stored in such jars and intended to be used ritually could explain the royal dedications.
One might speculate further that it was a restricted royal sphere of activity, maybe
motivated by the wish of Libyan rulers to use Abydos and the cult of Osiris as a stage
for demonstrating their legitimacy.34
Aspects of Libyan Period cult for Osiris at Abydos
It is still premature to present a conclusive reconstruction of the cult for Osiris
at Abydos during the era of Libyan rule.35 But the important group of inscribed zîr
vessels allows some preliminary thoughts that open up ideas about the general attitude
of Libyans towards Osirian rituals. Similarly to the Kushites, Abydos seems to have
played a major role in the ancestor cult of the Libyan kings.36
Because of the frequent appearance of hieratic dockets on the zîr vessels, a ritual
context, most likely for storing water for libations, can be proposed for the vessels
found at the tomb of Osiris. he ritual signiicance of the zîrs from Umm el-Qaab
is further stressed from observations through the ceramicist’s eyes: to my present
knowledge, there are no parallels anywhere in Egypt for this particular vessel type.37
32. For the possible sacred grove of the god at Abydos, cf. Effland 2010b, p. 90; for gardens in funerary/
ritual contexts and their association with Osiris, cf. Willems 2003.
33. Redmount 2002, p. 182.
34. Cf. Effland 2013c; Eland forthc.
35. See also Effland 2013c; Eland forthc.
36. Effland forthc.
37. See e.g. Aston 1996 and Wodzińska 2010 without parallels. I would like to thank David A. Aston who
conirmed this lack of parallels on the occasion of a visit to the German House at Abydos in October 2010.
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he only equivalents are the predecessors of the Eighteenth Dynasty mentioned above.
Do we encounter here a gap due to the limited knowledge of Late New Kingdom
and Early hird Intermediate Period material from settlement contexts? In view of a
sequence available from Elephantine38 and other material like hird Intermediate Period
pottery from el-Ashmunein,39 lacking this speciic type of water jar, I do not believe
that this is the case. he zîrs from Umm el-Qaab are obviously a local phenomenon
connected with the cult of Osiris, as indicated by the hieratic dockets. Furthermore,
I am inclined to think that these vessels of the Twenty-second Dynasty illustrate the
well-known phenomenon of Libyan “archaism”.40 A Kushite reuse and “modernisation”
of ancient forms is well traceable within the pottery corpus from Umm el-Qaab,41 a
similar practice already prior to the Twenty-ifth Dynasty seems likely.
As stated elsewhere,42 during the Libyan Period cult-related pottery relects
New Kingdom traditions, featuring some innovations like an increase in the size
of vessels or the modiication of decorated vessels. I would like to propose that the
Umm el-Qaab zîrs of the Twenty-second Dynasty further support a revival of earlier
models with speciic Libyan modiications like royal hieratic dockets referring to
votive activities for Osiris.
38. Cf. Aston 1999; further material from Late New Kingdom levels is currently studied and under the
responsibility of the present author.
39. Cf. Spencer 1993, pl. 44-78 without parallels.
40. Cf., e.g., Morkot 2007.
41. Budka 2010a, p. 60; Budka 2010b, p. 58. For another possible example of “archaism” in painted Late
Period pottery see Masson 2011.
42. Budka 2010b, p. 55.
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z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b
ZI 17
ZI 13
0 1
1/5
Fig. 1. Selected zîr vessels of most common types from Umm el-Qaab, Twenty-second Dynasty.
5 cm
ZI 14
128
0 1
5 cm
1/5
julia budka
ZI 16
ZI 15
Fig. 2. Less common types of zîr vessels from Umm el-Qaab, Twenty-second Dynasty.
z î r v e s s e l s f r o m t h e t o m b o f o s i r i s at u m m e l - q a a b
Fig. 3. Reconstructed complete proile of zîr ZI 14
(Twenty-second Dynasty).
Fig. 4. Example of zîr (ZI 24) with (almost faded)
hieratic docket on neck (Twenty-second Dynasty).
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Fig. 5. Example of zîr (ZI 20) with hieratic
docket on shoulder (Twenty-second Dynasty):
jr n pr-ʿȝ Ššnḳ, made by King Sheshonq (K2413).
Fig. 6. Example of shoulder fragment of
zîr with hieratic docket (K2418), mentioning a “High Priest of Amun-Ra-Sonter”
(Twenty-second Dynasty).
130