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AMSTERDAM
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GRAMMATICAL CHANGE
IN INDO-EUROPEAN
LANGUAGES
STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND
HISTORY
OF LINGUISTIC
SCIENCE
General Editor
E.F.K. KOERNER
Zentrum fur Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie
und Universalienforschung, Berlin
efk.koerner@rz.hu-berlin.de
PAPERS PRESENTED AT THE WORKSHOP
ON INDO-EUROPEAN
Series IV - CURRENT
ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC
LINGUISTICS AT THE
THEORY edcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
XVIIITH INTERNATIONAL
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A d viso ry E d ito ria l B o a rd
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Edited by
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VIT BUBENIK
JOHNHEWSON
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[oseph e. Salmons (Madison, Wis.)
M em o ria l U n iversity o J N ew Jo u n d la n d
Volume 305
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G ra m m a tica l C h a n g e in In d o -E u ro p ea n L a n g u a g es.
JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING
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2007
COMPANY
• . AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA
The origin of the feminine gender in PIEtsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZ
An old problem in a new perspective
Silvia Luraghi
Università di Pavia
The PIE gender system consisted of two genders, most likely animate and
neuter; the earliest manifcstations of feminine gender were derivational and
, which in origin derived abstract nouns. This suffix also
involved the suffix *-h2edcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
gave origin to the neuter nomìnativeaccusative plural, formerly a collective
rather than a count plural. The semantic development is accompanied by
morphological change: in the case of the neuter nomìnative-accusative
plural, a
derivational suffix became an inflectional ending, while, in the case of feminine
gender, a derivational suffix became the marker of an inflectional class. The two
morphological developments are different, and there is no reason for assuming
that one of them implied the other. However, when discussing the semantic
aspect of the change, it is generally assumed that either collective preceded
feminine or the other way around. In my paper I suggest a different solution by
considering that the two developments must be kept separated.
Keywords: abstract, collective, feminine, gender, individuation, animacy,
derivational suffix, inflectional suffix
1.
Introduction
In the present paper I review once again the problem
nine gender, of the origìnal function
its two developments,
the feminine
a century
of the suffix
Le. neuter plural ending,
of research
and theme vowel associated
on the matter.: I wili start with some well known
in current
chronology
of the changes in which the suffix
one should
give up trying
to establish
with
more than
facts, and
theories about the relative
*-h is involved. I will suggest that
2
a relative
A survey ofthe issue can be found in I.cdo-Lcmos
femi-
,
2
gender. Given the limits of the paper, I cannot summarize
proceed to discuss what I think is misleading
l.
of the Indo- European
*-h and of the relation between
chronology
(2003).
between
the two
4
Silvia Luraghi
The origin of the feminine gender in PIE
developments,
because they remained
it is the originaI function
separate
from the very beginning,
of the suffix as a marker
of abstract
nouns
plain how it could turn into the ending of the nominative/accusative
on one si de, and into an inflectional
class marker
and that
that can exneuter plural
At this stage, the inflectional
ending edcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
-a was reinterpreted
as a (derivational) gen-
der marker. Abstract nouns were attracted
relation between
Beside other problems,
and gender marker on the other,
into the feminine
collective and abstract remains
current
explanations
feminine: some coilective nouns happened
foilowing different paths.
source of the 'spread' of the feminine.
gender, so the initial
unexplained.
imply an accidental
For example, according
to Tichy (1993) it ail
started with the word * h 2 w id h éw eh 2 , an ancient collcctive, indicating
2.
Some previous
from Brugmann's
("seit langem bekannten
as follows what he calls some generally accepted facts
und allgemein
akzeptierte
a.
the feminine
the suffix involved was in origin a collective suffix.
gender is a recent innovation;
ferent. While (a) is indeed a fact, supported
is not reconstructed
as abstract,
dency to treat abstract
at describing
an inflectional
in some way derives
of the suffix .•.- h 2 take for
from the collective.
were reinterpreted
Thus, Tichy
as feminine
(i.e. before it became the inflectional
ending
before being
reinterpreted
while
ending of the
as the marker
that connect the collective with the feminine,
suffìx, or as an inflectional
that Tìchy's description
ending,
of the development
cord, in which the reconstructed
fìxes is unknown
elsewhere
raise problems.
implies
demonstrative
pened when the suffix was derivational,
of the
nominative/accusative
the feminine,
Litscher
ending
this led to the creation
the -zi- declension),
nouns
on the model of masculine
to which
the word for 'woman,
unattested
verb
as gender marker.
of
Konzepte als
were felt as referring
endings
to
In Section 2 we have seen various problematic
co llective
aspects of the aileged development
> [em in in e: either one has to reconstruct
agreement
or to ignore that the fact that abstract nouns are associated
in the Indo- European
Ianguages is a consequence
declension.
through
derivation,
with feminine
gender
of the originaI value of the suffix
* -h 2, which should not be disposed of so easìly. Besides, there is apparently
other way to expIain this development
that should preferably
between
secondarily
a.
but that both deveIopments
also have a coilective meaning.
Stages l and 2 are chronologically
2.
If we give up the idea of deriving the
rises, summarized
Table 1. Developmcnt
suffix turns into an inflectional
one, preserving
of Suffix '-h z
suffix (non-obligatory)
2. a. neuter nouns:
inflectìonal
-a-
suffix (nominative/accusative
plural, obligatory)
stems:
marker of inflectional class ('theme vowel, obligatory)
ii
in Table l:
ordered, whereas stages 2a and 2b represent
meaning;
b. i
go back to
developments:
a derivational
l. derivational
no
an expIanation
of the suffix, i.e. to build derived abstract nouns, which could
from the collective, a new scenario
two separate
coincidence,
I would like to suggest that there is no relation
the collective and the feminine,
the originaI function
feminine
than through
be avoided.
In arder to find a new solution,
as neuters
(Le. the endings of
nouns of the thematic
Setting the issue in a new perspective
of the
as the marker
could no Ionger be treated
of new feminine
3.
suf-
is to reconstruct
into the inflectional
After these 'concepts'
beings, the corresponding
con-
by means of derivational
again because "einzelne durch Kollektiva ausgedriickte
wurden"
points out
a major role, hap-
His own solution
neuter plural, but was then reinterpreted
belebte Wesen aufgefasst
inflectionally:
either as a der-
that the rise of gender
"ta h ; played
but concord
in Indo-European.
a change by which the collective suffix turned
animate
point, because the ten-
gender.
All explanations
ivational
work,
neuter plural), while Litscher (2004) suggests that the suffìx
nominative/accusative
feminine
the evolution
that some collective nouns
the suffix was still derivational
became
morpho-
of the suffix
and collective as a single value of the suffix has resulted in
that the feminine
(1993) assumes
by an array of well known
in fact, the originaI meaning
collective. This is an important
the fact that most attempts
granted
are quite dif-
simply as collective, but rather, already in Brugmann's
and secondarily
according
and
as they may seem at first look, the two statements
logical data, (b) hides an interpretation:
(1891) hypothesis,
*gW ena (*gW enh), was in origin an abstract noun from an otherwise
'give birth, which caused the suffix to be re-interpreted
Fakten"):
b.
As uncontroversial
the relatives of
a dead person, and later 'widow'. In this respect, current theories do not differ much
explanations
Litscher (2004) summarizes
origin of the
to refer to feminine beings, and were the
first class adjectives:
marker ofinflectional
class and feminine gender (obligatory)
(part of) its
6
The orìgin of the feminine
Silvia Luraghi
b.
a non-obligatory,
grammatical,
meaningful
obligatory
suffix turns into a theme vowel, i.e. a purely
itern, which is also interpreted
noun class (i.e. of a grammaticai
and collective
Indo-European
my hypothesis,
by showing
reIate to each other, and (b) how nominal
changed
from a system
system based on referential
based
on degrees
(a) how ab-
classification
of individuation
in
to a
gender (sex and, partly, animacy).
Abstract
and collective
is certainIy not a new idea 2
concepts
nouns are of severaI types: in particular,
love in English, or they can be formed out of another
the nature of PIE nouns
how do we know that the semantic
not the other way around?
onstrate
extension
[rom concrete
that change can proceed
fice il to mention
of institutions
lars do. Since they cannot be internally
word with a derivational
was from abstract
to abstract
in the direction
in the case of abstract
nouns,
(see for example Sweetser
to concrete:
referents
languages
ing through
meaning,
mass and collective
in spite of being rnultiplex,
and
entity, mass and coUective nouns are less
entities. For this reason,
abstract
=
-istics (linguistica
concrete
referents,
Recently,
from
noun, and
the suffix has
of collective nouns, without necessarily
nouns that have turned
pass-
a new functionl
into collective nouns. Below
(1)
P er ottenere il passaporto com pilare la relativa m odulistica.
(2)
M anca su questa m ateria un'adeguata
'In order to receive a passport
suf-
Ianguages. While such nouns in
into an abstract
unguistics).
ones: Le. it is the suffix that has acquired
not some abstract
extension
from nouns, similar to Eng-
of the adjective can be turned
to English
semantic
-istica. This suffix is conltalian edcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFE
are some examples:
(3)
into nouns
one must fili in the relevant
handbooks.'
Sconto del 20% su tutta la sanitaristica
'20% discount
on all sanitary
forms.'
m a n u a lìstica .
in esposizione.
ware on display'
The above exarnples contain nouns formed with the suffix -isiica. They are gram-
of
matically
as
derived count nouns has thc same meaning:
sìngular, but refer to a plurality,
The corresponding
piurai of the non-
3
structure
that have no internai
2.
See for example Ledo-Lernos
3·
lhe
structure:
some im-
of abstract and collective
as well as mass nouns. Let us start with the latter. Mass nouns
who mentions
analyzed,
'On this topic there are no adequate
they also indicate
which concern the internai
concrete meaning
structure,
than count pIurals and count sìngu-
to coIlective, I would like to mention
started to be used for the derivation
change Ieading from ab-
As for the relation between abstract and collective, one can observe
entities,
internai
than count nouns, even ìf they refer to concrete
corresponds
formed with the suffixes -tio and
nouns in the Romance
in the Romance
similarities,
of
they
suffixes often come to indicate coilectives: as their narne implies, abstract
lish - istic, the feminine
or nobility (names
actions (e.g. ingressus 'the action of entering', 'the beginning
ltalian ingresso 'entrance'
because
but to a mass (exactly as mass nouns),
As an example of a suffix that is currentIy undergoing
abstract
suffixes, there is plenty of
from abstract
semantic
as is the case of Latin deverbal nouns
Latin only indicate
portant
suf-
to collective, and
is well attested, as in the case of action nouns turning
-tus and the corresponding
an activity'),
as
change seem to dern-
English nouns such as police, adm inistration,
stract to concrete
a collection
again are continuous,
nouns rank Iower on a scale of individuation
or cIasses that also indicate their members).
In generai,
of individuals,
to count plurals:
i.e. they indicate
nected with -istico, which derives relational adjectives
formed with the suffix ,..- h2" But
Indeed, some studies of semantic
that change proceeds
of 'result'
mechanisms
they can be non-derived,
1990). However, in the specific case of abstract/collective
evidence
referents
7
entities, too, have a low degree of concrcteness.
change.
fu. This was apparently
entities, coilective
do not indicate a single, well individuated
However, it can be useful to discuss the issue, in order to understand
Abstract
uniplex
discrete,
Because they do not present an analyzable
abstract
That abstract and collective are neighboring
of semantic
The same is true of collectives, as opposed
do not refer to a collection
concrete
4-
continuous."
while count plural nouns are multiplex
separate
gender).
In what folIows, I wili try to substantiate
stract
as the marker of a
multiplex
gender in PIE
indicate
(2003: 123-125), with some examples from Latin.
a passage from Tacitus. Examples of several Indo-European
(1986).
P er ottenere il passaporto com pilare i relativi m oduli.
(2)'
M ancano su questa m ateria adeguati m anuali.
(3)'
Sconto de/20% su tutti i sanitari in esposizione.
in the terms of TaImy (2000) they are
already existed in Latin, but only al a late epoch, see Fruyt (1996),
thìs change are given in Nussbaurn
(l)'
suffixcs thar attest to
4.
Talmy (2000) indicates plexity and continuity
among possible fcatures of referents. Plexìry
refers to the presence of units: one unit referents are uniplex, other referents are multiplex. MultipI ex referents,
by an arnorphous
in their turri, can be conceived
rnuss (coutinuous).
as formed by separate
units (discontinuous)
or
-r-
8
'Ihe origin of the feminine gender in PIE
Silvia Luraghi
-istica in the examples are only collective: in other words,
Note that the nouns with edcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Nouns
there are no abstract nouns m o d u listica ,
where they are syntactically
m a n u a listica and sa n ita ristica .
not the case that some abstract nouns have turned
nected with the meaning
into collective for reasons con-
of the base of derivation;
which
has acquired
a new meaning,
thìnk,
should also be reconstructed
namely
on the contrary,
that of concrete
as a parallel
Again, it is
it is the suffix
collective.
to the semantic
This, I
development
of
* -h 2 in its sernantic extensìon from abstract to collective.
After thc extension to collective, the suffix * -h 2 carne to have two quite differ-
the suffix
ent functions:
a.
beings are frequently
topics. Note however that nouns with human
patients:
collective: used with concrete
that cannot
further
inanimate
be analyzed: it indicates
value (the same referents
abstract:
derives action nouns
function
is classificatory.
the inflection
in other words, human
a feature of referents
that could
mediary,
meanings,
nouns,
took two different paths
obligatory,
it was integrated
which did not have a count plural,
what we know from the Indo-European
plural neuter. From (b) it developed
languages
into the marker
into
and became
as the nominative/accusative
of a noun class, as we will see
in the next section.
referents
entities
direct objects/patients,
entities are acted upon by human
manipuJated
that the PIE gender system was at an early stage a system of nomi-
nai dassification
Ostrowsky
based on different degrees of individuation
(1985)5 I would lìke to elaborate
status of abstract
on this idea, focusing
011
On an individuation
scale, the entities that rank higher (Le. the most individubeings, which have the following features:
intentionality/rationality:
human
beings are thought
to act voluntarily,
based
on rational thought:
b.
control: human
c.
discourse
other
entities is that they can bc
extent of their participation
in events,
the scale of individuation.
However, not all inanimate
entities correspond
to the above description.
For
natural forces can bring about events, even if they do not act volutarily/
example,
rationally:
they can be manipulated
acted upon or used by human
to have an in-between
ties are the referents
only to a limited extent, so they usually are not
beings. Among inanimate
status berween human
referents that can be said
beings and inanimate
of abstract nouns. Consider
concrete
for example emotions:
enti-
emotions
beings, not only because they cannot be manipulated
forces can bel, but also because
beings to act. The following sentences
represent
some
beings about emotions:
(4)
H is a m b itio n
(5 )
S h e is d evo u red
(6 )
F a ith ca n m o ve m o u n ta in s.
L ed h im to d isa ster.
b y en vy.
Another
frequent typc of abstract nouns is represented
by action nouns (which afe
precisely the group of nouns typically ferninine
in the Indo-European
Action
actions),
nouns
refer to events (not necessarily
tences in which their effects on human
languages).
and often occur in sen-
beings are focused, such as:
beings can cause a state of affairs to come into beìng,
prominence:
human
inanimate
as
beings, not only as the goal of their activity, but
a typical feature of inanimate
nouns rank low
sentences
topics. Usually, inanimate
on the special
referents.
ated ones) are human
a.
was first suggestcd by
by the
as causees, or inter-
entities often occur in transitive
by agents. Given the limited
typical beliefs of human
'Ihe bypothesis
objects/
as shown
cannot exert control and bring about states of af-
and most often are not discourse
they typically cause human
and individuation
versatile,
on the other hand are much less versatile: typically, they
(not even to the limited extent to which natural
Noun classificatìon
are also frequently
beings are extremely
cannot move, and consequently
are very relevant for human
5,
sentences,
or even instruments.
Inanimate
often also as instruments:
a type of referent: the
in transitive
agents, besides being often
fact that they can even be caused to act, i.e. they can function
inanimate
Frorn (a) it became increasingly
of neuter
a mass, a plurality
could be singular):
from verbs; it indicates
At this point, the suffix, with its two different
of developrnent.
nouns to indicate
found
subjects and semantically
fairs. Nouns that refer to inanimate
also have another
b.
that refer to human
beings,
because
human
beings
they are frequent
topics
are especially
of discourse,
interested
in
as opposed
to
entities (and animals).
(7 )
V icto ry
in th e p revio u s
(8 )
A g o o d w a /k w ill keep yo u h ea lth y.
(9 )
In jla tio n
ca u sed m a n y
gam e
en co u ra g ed
th e h o m e tea m .
to g o o u t o J b u sin ess.
Abstract referents are not as versatile as human beings, but they are certainly much
5.
Throughout
Corbctt (1991).
the paper, J use the ter ms "noun class" anù "gender" as synonyms,
following
more Iikely to appear in a variety of states of affairs, playing different
inanimate
concrete
entities.
'Ihey are also much
more
roles, than
likely to bc ch osen
as
9
~
lO
The origin of the feminine gender in PIE
Silvia Luraghi
discourse
topics.
rational,
Action
nouns
so their possible
of affairs in which
er cases, abstract
often imply a human
agency derives
the corresponding
nouns
and
ferninme,
of the state
changed,
intentional
nature
whose causes are generally
beings
forces,
as is the case ofedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
in jìa tio n in (9).6 For al! these reasons, some abstract
rank
higher
for this reason,
than
concrete
they look very much
felt by
human
nouns
while the gender
of non-individuated
entities
remained
virtually
un-
as shown in Table 3:7
verb can occur, as in (7) and (8). In oth-
can refer to events
as unclear:
activity,
from the agentive
inanimate
nouns
on
like natural
the
scale
of
Table 3. Late Proto-Indo-European
l
GENDER
GENDER
(HUMAN)
gender
system
Il (ABSTRACT)
masculine
feminine
7.
of PIE gender:
III (CONCRETE
GENDER
INANIMATE)
neuter
individuation.
Vie are now in a position
to sketch a reconstruction
tern, based on the above remarks
and inanimate
concrete
regarding
of the PIE noun class sys-
the individuation
of human,
The pre-prehistory
the two gender
system
abstract,
referents as in Table 2:
It is commonly
held that the systern outlined
in Table 3 originated
two gender system, in which the relevant feature for assignment
Table 2 Prototypical
features
of Proto-Indo-European
gendcrs
class was animacy. In this originai system, the animate
must be understood
as prototypical
categories
I HUMAN
Il
concrete
abstract, non-manipulated
concrete, manipulated
even if they did not share ali prototypical
+intentional
- intentional
- intentional
+control
+ control
moderately
tuted by generi c words for animals,
II1
ABSTRACT
INANIMATE
cm';CRETE
from an older
of nouns to either
and the inanimate
(as virtually
ali genders
gender
in ali gen-
der systems), which means that some entities could be assigned to a certain gender
highly individuated
- control
ìndìvìduated
dren, which were assigned
non-individuated
plural count
inanimate
collective
tionality
From individuation
as noun
to gender
Corbett
The suffix
interpreted
position
* -h 2, in origin a derivational
as the marker
scale. Through
to nouns
to adjectives
point, from the morphological
of inflectional
The last developrnent
switched
genders, which contained
ents, were reintcrpreted
6.
That economics
connected
was re-
in the thematic
declension,
which
followed
the thematic
the marker
class started to
on account
of
the sarne vow-
declension.
At this
point of view, the system looked very much like the
paradigms
stems, -il- stems, and athematic
systern, which
it became
of the newly created long stem vowel: consequently,
el was extended
system
its extension,
class (a theme vowel). Nouns in this inflectional
look more and more similar
the occurrence
nouns,
and/or
that we can reconstruct
for late PIE, with
-0-
declension.
highly individuated
as indicating
to referential
gender.
and moderately
the two referential
the noun class
Possibly, nouns could be assigned
as well. The protoypical
classes must be kept in mind, because
according
about by a sub-distinction
nearly al! genders
to varying
suffix
within the inanimate
moderately
what
residue ac-
of individuation,
individuated
was brought
gender: in other words, the inaniconcrete,
and morphologically
least individumarked
by the
*-h2 . When the system changed again, and switched to gender assignment
based on referential
human
contain
in 'Iable 3, in which three noun classes
degrees
mate gender split into two genders or classes, inanimate
atcd, and abstract,
to ci-
nature of such categories
opacity at ali stages.
The three gender system reconstructed
were kept distinct,
to
(such as ra-
gender, the ferninine
female referents,
gender was enlarged
which previously
referents),
ents. The three stage development
belonged
together
is outlined
by words that had
to the class ofhuman
with nouns with human
beings
male refer-
in Table 4:
The first two
individuated
genders
to procreate).
chil-
gender, not because they referred
(1991: 13) calls 'sernantic residue." The existence of a semantic
(i.e. highly individuated
was a change in the feature that organized
from individuation
capability
on formaI grounds
counts for possible gender assignment
of a noun class, the class of nouns which had a middle
on the individuation
of an inflectional
suffix that formed abstract
to the inanimate
case is consti-
beings including
entities, but because they lacked many features of animacy
ther gender
6.
features. A well known
or for young animate
masculine
is held to escape hurnan control is clearly shown by metaphors
referand
cornrnonly
with [ree market, starting with Adarn Smith's 'invisible hand' (i.e. the hand olGod).
7.
This system is also reconstructed
S.
In Corbett's
signed according
delinition,
in Matasovié (2004).
"The sernantic
residue cornprises
to a positive semantic criterio n" (1991: 13).
nouns whose gender is not as-
Il
,.......-
12
Silvia Luraghi
The origin of the feminine gender in PIE
Table 4. the Indo- European
gender
system: summary
of the evolution
STAGE
1
ANIMATE
INANIMATE
STAGE
2
HUMAN
ABSTRACT
STAGE
3
2.
it avoids resorting
to the chance factor and explaining
inine gender as due to the accidental
3.
NEUTER
rather than advocating
plains the evolution
As ìs well known, a two gender system is attested in the Anatolian
European,
lost the feminine
gender or whether
inine gender was established.
it split from PIE before the fem-
(2004) and Luraghi (forthcoming)
> co llective, my hypothesis
with no need to reconstruct
for the Hittite data, without
hypothetical
languag-
further,
accommodates
the Hittite data
more or less ad ho c, changes.
Brugmann,
KarL 1891. Zur Frage der Entstehung
G eschichte
trage) 15.523-531.
Ledo-Lernos,
In the above sections, I have offered a new explanation
gender system. In my explanation,
for the rise of the PIE three
I have suggested that the suffix
nally served the purpose of deriving abstract nouns, underwent
es: on the one hand, it was reinterpreted
grammaticalized
two different chang-
as a collective SUffLX,and as such it became
as a case ending, the nominative/accusative
neuter plural. On the
other hand, it became the marker of a noun class, in a threefold
based on the degree of individuation
human
(highly individuated),
animate (least individuated).
marker of the -a - declension.
*-112, which origi-
noun class system,
of referents. Noun classes in this system were
abstract
(moderately
individuated),
and concrete in-
The suffix then became a themc vowel, and as such the
Latcr, the relcvant feature for assignment
the three noun classes changed from individuation
to referential gender, thus yield-
ing the familiar three gender system, with masculine,
With respect to earlier explanations,
into one of
in this paper has several
advantages:
1.
it does not raise the problem
opment of the
a gender
marker
of the chronological
*-112 suffix into an inflcctional
marker:
relation between
one does not have to posit the derivation
from an inflectional
could serve the purpose
ending,
of agreement;
the devel-
ending and its reinterpretation
or to suppose
as
of the gender
that a derivational
G ram m atical
suffix
B eitrdge
zur
Unìversiry Presso
aJ L a tin
ed. by H. Rosén. lnnsbruck:
der Universitat.
G enus.
A Study
G en d er. Milnchen/Newcastle:
aJ the O rig in s o ] the ln d o -E u ro p ea n
LINCOM Europa.
Litseher, Roland. 2004. Die Genese des dritten Genus: ein neuer Versuch. Paper read at the 12.
F achtagung
der lndogerrnanischen
Luraghi, Silvia, forthcoming.
P roceedings
of the 20th A nnual
Matasovic, Ranko, 2004. G ender
Nussbaurn,
G esellschaJt,
UCLA
G ram m atische
Indo-E uropean
in Indo-E uropean.
Alan. 1986. H ead and hom
Ostrowskì, Manfred.
Krakau, 11-16 Oetober 2004.
"In do- European norninal classification: from abstract to femìninc"
1985. Zur Entstehung
K ategorien,
F unktion
C onference.
Heidelberg:
in Indo-E uropean.
und
G eschichte
Winters.
Berlin/New
und Entwicklung
York: 'Nalter de Gruyter.
des indogcrmanischen
ed. by B. Sehlerath.
Neutrurns.
Wiesbaden:
Har-
rassowitz.313-323.
Sweetser, Evc. 1990. From E tym o/agy
Talrny, Leonard.
2000. C ognitive
to P ragm atics.
Sem antics.
Cambridge:
Val. 1. C oncept
Cambridge
Structuring
University Presso
System s.
Cambridge,
Mass: MIT Presso
Tichy, Eva.1993. Kollektiva, Genus femininum
feminine, and neuter,
the one outlined
Cambridge
1996. Noms de procès en latino A spects
Francisco. 2003. F em in in u m
F em in in e
Geschleehtes,
Pauls and Wilhelm Braunes B ei-
'
Cambridge:
lnstitut fur Sprachen und Literaturen
and condusions
des grammatisehen
u n d L itera tu r (Hermann
der d eu tsch en Sprache
Fruyt, Michelle.
Summary
any
References
Corbett, Greville. 1991. G ender.
8.
the ne ed of reconstructing
changes.
the developmentedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
a b stra ct > [eminine from the
es. Note that, having disconnected
a b stra ct
il ex-
of a whole
system;
it also accounts
further
words or pronouns,
with the creation
on the dis-
of abstract nouns across genders in the ancient Indo-European
development
4.
the decisive role of certain
of the suffix in connection
The limits of this paper do not allow me to discuss
this matter in detail; sec Matasovié
tribution
classification
branch ofIndo-
and quite a lot of ink has been spilled in the attempt to establish wheth-
er Anatolian
the creation of the fem-
of collective nouns with hu-
man female referents;
CONCRETE
MASCULINE
occurrence
H istarische
Sprachforschung
106.1-19.
und relative Chronologic
im Indogermanischen.
13