“A rapist in your path”: Flash Mob as a Form of Artivism
in the 2019 Chilean Social Outbreak
Paulina Bronfman
Indipendent Researcher, Chile.
Abstract
L'artivismo è diventato un elemento centrale del cambiamento politico in Cile. Nel 2019, durante l'esplosione sociale cilena di ottobre, le arti dello spettacolo furono una parte importante dell'espressione pubblica. Questo articolo esplora il ruolo del flash mob come forma di Artivismo in Cile secondo un approccio interdisciplinare che unisce gli studi teatrali e le ricerche sui movimenti sociali. Albacan in Flashmobs as Performance and the Re-emergence of Creative Communities propone che i flash
mob siano veri atti performativi che ricollegano gli individui alla loro comunità in modo cooperativo,
creativo e giocoso. I flash mob sfidano gli eventi quotidiani di strada perché avvengono in un breve
intervallo di tempo specifico. Probabilmente il flash mob cileno più emblematico è stato Uno stupratore sulla tua strada creato dal collettivo Las Tesis. L'intervento è stato ispirato al lavoro della celebre
femminista Rita Segato per creare una performance che mostrasse lo stupro non solo come un crimine contro una singola donna, ma l'espressione di una più ampia questione sociale.
Artivism has become a central element of political change in Chile. In 2019, during the October Chilean social outbreak, performing arts were an important part of public expression. This paper explores
the role of flash mob as a form of Artivism in Chile from an interdisciplinary approach combining literature from Theatre Studies and Studies of Social Movements. Albacan proposes that flash mob
turn out to be performative acts that reconnect individuals with their community in a cooperative,
creative and playful way. Flash mob challenges the street routine because happens in a short, specific interval of time. Probably the most emblematic Chilean flash mob was A rapist in your path created by the collective Las Tesis. The intervention, inspired by the work of renowned feminist Rita Segato to create a performance that would show rape not just as a crime against an individual woman,
but as the expression of a larger social issue.
Parole chiave/Key Words
Artivismo; Flash mob; rivolta sociale cilena.
Artivism; Flash mob; Chilean social outbreak.
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Introduction
Citizen artivism has become a central element of political change in Chile. In 2019,
during the Chilean social outbreak in October, the performing arts were a fundamental
part of citizen expression, however, this relationship began to take shape much earlier,
in the first expressions of the student movements of 2006. The aim of this article is to
problematize the role of the flash mob as an expression of citizen activism generated
from the social outbreak in Chile and its referents in the performative expressions of the
student movement in Chile since 2006. This work develops an interdisciplinary perspective combining literature on Citizen Education1, Theatre Studies2 and Studies of Social
Movements3. The hypothesis that animates this article suggests that today's artistic activism, unlike yesterday, is a direct manifestation of citizen participation. It is no longer
only the artist who participates with his work in social movements and protest, now it is
the citizens themselves that use artistic expression as a form of political participation.
This aspect, which in Citizenship education is called “active citizenship”, it is one of the
main challenges of education for formal citizenship. For this reason, this thesis proposes
to test the hypothesis about the artistic, political and pedagogical function of artistic activism in Chilean context.
Albacan4 proposes that flash mob turn out to be performative acts that reconnect
individuals with their community in a cooperative, creative and playful way. Flash mob
challenges the street routine because it happens in a short, specific interval of time.
Probably the most emblematic Chilean flash mob was A rapist in your path created by
the collective Las Tesis. The intervention, inspired by the work of renowned feminist Rita
M. Choi, A concept analysis of digital citizenship for democratic citizenship education in the internet
age in «Theory & research in social education», n. 44, 2016, p. 565-607.
2
M. De Marinis, Comprender el teatro, Editorial Galerna, Buenos Aires 1997; M. Grass Kleiner, La investigación de los procesos teatrales. Manual de uso, Frontera Sur Santiago 2018; P. Serafini, ‘A rapist in your path’: Transnational feminist protest and why (and how) performance matters, in «European Journal of Cultural Studies», n. 23(2), 2020, pp. 290-295.
3
J. Keane, J. The life and death of democracy, Norton, New York 2009; B. Sousa Santos, B. La difícil
democracia. Una mirada desde la periferia europea, Akal, Madrid 2016.
4
A Albacan, Flashmobs as Performance and the Re-emergence of Creative Communities, in «Revista
Brasileira de Estudos da Presença», n. 4, 2014, pp. 8-17.
1
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Segato to create a performance that would show rape not just as a crime against an individual woman, but the expression of a larger social issue.
Chilean 2019 Social Outbreak
The social discontent that has been seething in Chile for years in the form of constant marches since 2010 unleashed in October 2019 outbreak with a massive unrest
that quickly became violent and started extending from the capital Santiago into other
cities within the country, generating expensive harm to public and private infrastructure,
and causing serious human rights abuses to a huge group of the population.
Originally the crisis that started on October 19th, 2019 was unleashed when, on the
recommendation of a panel of experts from public transport, the Government of President Sebastián Piñera decided to raise the price of the Metro ticket by 30 pesos, reaching a maximum of 830 pesos (US $ 1, 17 approximately). As a way of protest, the students began to carry out massive evasions in the subway, raising turnstiles to enter the
platforms without paying. The situation worsened when violence took over the streets of
the Chilean capital, Santiago, with the burning of various metro and bus stations, looting
of supermarkets and attacks on hundreds of public facilities. The government, then, decreed a state of emergency, which meant the deployment of the military, who also ordered a curfew the following day. The deployment of armed soldiers and uniformed police devices failed to curb the fury of the hundreds of protesters that had several Chilean
cities plunged into real confrontation between protesters and police.
None of these measures and announcements made by the government in the following weeks dampened the fury of the Chileans. The next few weeks, cities such as Santiago,
Valparaíso and Concepción woke up with serious damage to buildings and public spaces, as
well as strikes in ports and roadblocks. As a result of the social crisis the authorities extended
the curfew in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, from 19pm local time to 6pm am, measuring that long for months. In addition, classes were suspended in schools and universities in
Concepción and in 43 communes of Santiago. Shortly after, the Chilean army also announced a new curfew in other cities in the north and south of the country.
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Experts affirmed that the rise in the subway rate was only the "tip of the iceberg"
of the problems that are afflicting Chileans5. The word inequality had taken over the social debate in a few months of mobilizations, with hundreds of protesters insisting that
the social gap in Chile was disproportionate. As revealed in the latest edition of the Social Panorama of Latin America report prepared by the Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the richest 1% of the country was left with 26.5% of
the wealth in 2017, while 50% of the lowest-income households had access to only 2.1%
of the country's net wealth. On the other hand, the minimum wage in Chile is 301,000
pesos (US $ 423) while, according to the National Institute of Statistics of Chile (INE), half
of the workers in that country receive a salary equal to or less than 400,000 pesos (US $
562) per month.
A study on the members of the congress wages6, compared the diet of the representatives of the various OECD state members. The result: Chilean parliamentarians are
not only the ones who earn the most in terms of net wages, but they also rank first in the
relationship between their income and GDP per capita. In addition, they are in second
place (only surpassed by Mexico) in the relationship between their diet and the minimum income of each country. The study concludes that a Chilean congress representative earns almost 12 times the GDP per capita and 40 times the minimum income. What
can be concluded from this study is that the problem of inequality in Chile is expressed at
all levels, including its main democratic structure: the parliament. The politicalinstitutional framework has generated a system where the parliamentarians receive salaries that are totally out of proportion to what the majority of the population earns. According to Fundación Sol, 82% of workers in Chile earn less than $ 775,000 and, reported
from CASEN 2011, 17.45% receive a salary equivalent to or less than the minimum salary.
F. Paúl, Protestas en Chile: 4 claves para entender la furia y el estallido social en el país sudamericano.
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-50115798 (last access October 23rd, 2019).
6
C. Shaeffer, C. Segura Ortiz, L. Valenzuela, Democrática desigualdad: Diputados chilenos son los mejor
pagados en los países de la OCDE, CIPER Chile. https://www.ciperchile.cl/2014/06/11/democraticadesigualdad-diputados-chilenos-son-los-mejor-pagados-en-los-paises-de-la-ocde/ (last access December
11th, 2019).
5
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These results have serious consequences for the quality of Chilean democracy, because an abysmal distance is established between the representatives and their constituencies. Such a gap is not only symbolic, but, as this analysis shows, material. The authors even affirm that it would be possible to argue that this economic distance “shields"
Chilean parliamentarians from the average living conditions of Chileans, making them insensitive to such conditions. To the prevailing urban, educational, health and even environmental segregation, this inequality is added, which at the same time sustains and reproduces the others. Furthermore, this reality transforms the most powerful men and
women in Chile into “pairs” of parliamentarians, in terms not only of income but also of
style and quality of life, due to their economic situation: «Their lives intersect in private
schools that their children can attend, places where they take vacations and various decisions when consuming, to give just a few examples»7.
Chilean Artivism
In this context of political mobilization art and activism became an important part
of the citizen expression and participation in the social movement. The relationship between art and activism in Chile is long-standing. For example, at the end of the 70s there
was already what the art critic and theorist Nelly Richard calls "an advanced scene" to refer to those artists who, after the 1973 military coup, began to exceed the limits of the
painting, crossing the boundaries of genres to develop new visual languages and thus
modify the discursive strategies of art in Chile8. For his part, Víctor Hugo Sánchez in his
book Bandera Hueca9 recounts how in the 90's the MOVILH (Movement for Homosexual
Integration and Liberation) carried out actions during the marches to make visible the
problems of people living with HIV / AIDS in the country.
C. Shaeffer, C. Segura Ortiz, L. Valenzuela, Democrática desigualdad: Diputados chilenos son los mejor
pagados en los países de la OCDE, CIPER Chile. https://www.ciperchile.cl/2014/06/11/democraticadesigualdad-diputados-chilenos-son-los-mejor-pagados-en-los-paises-de-la-ocde/ (accessed December
11th, 2019, p. 2).
8
N. Richard, Márgenes e instituciones: Arte en Chile desde 1973, Tercera edición, Metales Pesados,
Santiago 2014.
9
V. Robles, Bandera hueca: historia del Movimiento Homosexual de Chile. Editorial Cuarto Propio,
Santiago 2008.
7
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Since the student mobilizations of 2006, the social movements that have taken
place in Chile are characterized, in many cases, by the appropriation of public space and
the political use of the body of those who consider themselves excluded as a way of
claiming for said exclusion. This resurfaces in October 2019, high school and university
students organized a massive evasion of the Santiago metro fare. The reason was to protest the increase of 30 pesos in the cost of the ticket. This apparently minor issue
sparked the largest protest movement in the country in the last 30 years, which has been
dubbed the ‘October social outbreak’. The uprising of October and the months to come
left a fundamental mark on the history of social movements in Chile with the massive return of citizens to the street in a transversal way and expressed through new forms of
citizen activism, where the arts played a key role and were at the centre of citizen expressions. Music, visual interventions, graffiti and performances were transformed into
tools of citizen discontent.
The flash mob phenomenon in Chile
Flash mob is defined as a public agglomeration of strangers, organized through digital media, who perform a performance with a specific objective and then disperse10. The
flash mob contains particular elements that differentiate it from other types of performance: it is organized quickly, through one or more digital media, it is horizontal in its
linkage of power, the participants do not belong to organizations, it does not have defined charismatic leaders and it quickly dilutes11. Albacan12 proposes that flash mob turn
out to be performative acts that reconnect individuals with their community in a cooperative, creative and playful way. Flash mob challenges the street routine because it happens in a short, specific interval of time.
G. Gore, Flash mob dance and the territorialisation of urban movement, in «Anthropological Notebooks», n. 16(3), 2010, p. 125-131; V. Molnár, Reframing public space through digital mobilization:
Flash lobs and contemporary urban youth culture, in «Space and Culture», n. 17 (1), 2014, p.43-58; H.
Nicholson, Applied theatre: The gift of drama, Palmgrave Macmillan, New York 2005.
11
C. Lara, Internet, nuevas formas de acción colectiva y subjetividades políticas: movilizaciones estudiantiles chilenas del 2011 in «Persona y Sociedad», n.31(2), p.173-196, 2017.
12
A. Albacan, Flashmobs as Performance and the Re-emergence of Creative Communities, in «Revista
Brasileira de Estudos da Presença», n. 4, 2014, p. 8-17.
10
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Flash mob was already an important expression used by the student movement in
Chile from the beginning. During 2011, different types of flash mobs were developed under the wing of the student movement where the aesthetics of pop culture had a great
impact on the visuality of the performances. Some examples are "Lavín beach", where
students sought to attract attention and make fun of the Minister of Education. The
"Genkidama", a flash mob organized by a student through Facebook inspired by the
popular anime series Dragon Ball. But probably the most emblematic performance was
“Thriller for education”, where the students organized a dance choreography based on
the music video of the Michael Jackson song, disguised as zombies in front of the Government Palace. This phenomenon resurfaces after the social outbreak through different
performances such as the emblematic Un Violador en tu camino (A rapist in your path)
by the collective Las Tesis.
During the October’s outbreak, A rapist in your path was the most visible face of a
group of performers and interventions that work collectively from the body, with feminism, for memory and decolonization. Among these artists are Cecilia Vicuña, La Yeguada
Latinomericana, Las Tesis, Paula Baeza Pailamilla and Daniela Catrileo from the feminist
Mapuche collective Rangiñtulewfü. Within the expressions of performing arts in the outbreak of October we could differentiate at least two types: performance and flash mobs.
Although the limits between the first two are not completely defined, the fundamental difference is that in the first a group of artists or citizens performs an intervention. The notion of flash mobs as an emerging, novel format for performance, holding
participatory and emancipatory possibilities that have the potential to bridge the muchdreaded gap between spectating and performing, and lead to the re-emergence even if
apparently temporary or fleeting of creative communities within the public sphere, is
stimulated by the recent explosion of this particular performative practice within the
public realm, in the past five years.
Las Tesis
Las Tesis is an artistic, interdisciplinary and feminist collective of women from Valparaíso, Chile, made up of Daffne Valdés, Paula Cometa, Lea Cáceres and Sibila Sotomayor.
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The collective aim is to disseminating feminist theory based on performance; specifically,
through an interdisciplinary language that combines the performing arts, sound, graphic
and textile design, history and social sciences. With their work they seek to translate the
theses of feminist authors into visual, sound and bodily stimuli, configuring a device for
multiple audiences. His first work, Patriarcado and Capital is a criminal alliance, was a
small-format staging premiered in August 2018 in Valparaíso, based on the book Calibán y
la bruja, by the Italian American feminist writer Silvia Federici13.
For their second staging, they studied rape in Latin America, specifically the approaches of the Argentine anthropologist Rita Segato14 who has analyzed in her works
the factors that structure the sexual violence against women and rape as a mandate of
weakened masculinity. The result of this research was the small format staging The rapist
is you, and the street intervention A rapist on your path, replicated in more than 50
countries. During 2020 they have carried out collaborative works in audio-visual format
addressing issues such as domestic violence, legalization and decriminalization of abortion, among others. The name Las Tesis (The Thesis) stems from the fact that the objective of these artistic collective is to take theses feminist authors and translate them into
a performative format in order to reach multiple audiences.
A rapist in your path
The collective Las Tesis made the first performance of A rapist in your path in front
of the Second Police Station of Chile Valparaiso, in protest of the violations of women's
rights perpetrated by the State, the army and the police during the protests of the social
outbreak. On November 25th, the song became popular in Chile when it was performed
by more than 2000 participants in Santiago (capital) in front of the Courts of Justice to
denounce gender violence committed by the institutions of the Chilean state.
A new massive protest with A rapist in your path was held on November 28 in front of
the offices of the Ministry of Women and Gender Equity of the Chilean government to deS. Federici, Calibán y la bruja: mujeres, cuerpo y acumulación originaria. Traficantes de Sueños,
Madrid 2004.
14
R. Segato, Las estructuras elementales de la violencia, Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, Bernal 2003.
13
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mand the resignation of the Minister for not acting properly against the violations of the
human rights of women throughout the protests. The performance was also carried out in
front of the Palacio de la Moneda (Government Palace) and in the renamed (by the protesters) Plaza de la Dignidad (The Dignity square). On December 3, 2019, the performance was
carried out in an act where women over 40 years of age were summoned, thus crossing the
generational barrier, since it was generally linked to younger women. By doing this, people
over 40 years of age went to the front and younger women stayed behind.
The initiative was made at the gates of the National Stadium enclosure that was
used as a detention and torture center during the Pinochet dictatorship, thus being a
symbolic and historically significant location. In just a few days, the song, its choreography and iconography became a worldwide and multitudinous phenomenon. Feminists
and feminist collectives organize protests based on this performance, replicating it and
adapting the original lyrics to their own contexts. There is a record of its performance in
public spaces in more than 30 countries including Argentina, Brazil, Germany, the United
Kingdom, France, Italy, Turkey and India.
Since its second public enactment in Chile on 25 November 2019, the performance began to make the rounds on social media. A rapist in your path is an open, collective performance involving lyrics sung in unison to a catchy beat, and a simple choreography performed
synchronously by a group of women in a public space. The performance is focused on rape
and the lyrics address the structural nature of gender violence in society more broadly:
Patriarchy is our judge
That imprisons us at birth
And our punishment
Is the violence you DON’T see
Patriarchy is our judge
That imprisons us at birth and our punishment
Is the violence you CAN see
It’s femicide.
Impunity for my killer. It’s our disappearance. It’s rape!
And it’s not my fault, not where I was, not how I dressed. And it’s not my fault, not
where I was, not how I dressed. And it’s not my fault, not where I was, not how I
dressed. And it’s not my fault, not where I was, not how I dressed.
And the rapist WAS you and the rapist IS you
It’s the cops,
It’s the judges, It’s the system, It’s the President,
This oppressive state is a macho rapist. This oppressive state is a macho rapist.
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And the rapist IS you and the rapist IS you
Sleep calmly, innocent girl
Without worrying about the bandit, over your dreams smiling and sweet, watch your
loving cop.
And the rapist IS you and the rapist IS you and the rapist IS you and the rapist IS you.
The first staging of this performance, and the speed with which it increased media
prominence, made it a particularly potent and opportune message to the violence experienced by women at the hands of the police during the recent protests in Chile against inequality. Although, while the performance has a spontaneous quality, for example, one of the
steps in the choreography emulates the squatting position that women are forced to take
during police searches. Las Tesis had in fact been carefully conducting research on ways of
making feminist theories available to wider audiences for the previous year and a half15.
A rapist in your path was an interactive and political flash mob or smart mob because it had a political goal and sought to confront the boundaries of freedom of assembly in public spaces16. In relation to artistic activism, Sibila Sotomayor, academic and artist from Las Tesis, explains this phenomenon based on two key concepts: otherness17
and subalternity developed by Spivak18. Sotomayor warns that somehow women and
dissidents from performance generate what she calls a multiple political body, that can
inhabit the historically masculinized public space. In her opinion, this is a new way of
connecting with politics. This hypothesis could be applied to all sectors that feel marginalized in relation to democracy and have no voice.
In this regard, Urzúa Martínez19 establishes at least six elements in the political use
of the body in the context of the marchers carried out by young people: a) Presentation
of the body as a tactical and strategic objective at the same time; b) Performative diversity; c) Centrality of expressive resources; d) The disruptive nature of the actions and e)
P. Serafini, ‘A rapist in your path’: Transnational feminist protest and why (and how) performance
matters, in «European Journal of Cultural Studies», n. 23(2), 2020, p. 290-295.
16
V. Molnár, Reframing public space through digital mobilization: Flash lobs and contemporary urban
youth culture, in «Space and Culture», n. 17(1), 2014, p.43-58.
17
A. Toro, Escenificaciones de la representación de la ‘otredad’y ‘alteridad’: estratégias de hibridación
en discursos premodernos en latinoamerica. Estrategias de la hibridez en America Latina. Del descubrimiento al siglo XXI, Peter Lang, Frankfurt 2007, p. 21-52.
18
R. Spivak, E. Said, Selected subaltern studies. Oxford University Press, London 1988.
19
S. Urzúa Martínez, ¿ Cómo marchan los jóvenes en el Chile de postdictadura?: Algunas notas acerca de la
apropiación del espacio público y el uso político del cuerpo, in «Última década», n. 23(42), 2015, p. 39-64.
15
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Waste of time, energy and resources. When the body appears on the street, she reflects,
the demands can be communicated and shared. In this sense, the body on the street becomes the medium, that is, it is a tactical objective, to achieve socialization of the deficiencies or failures of the system. In the same way, taking the street would imply the appropriation of oneself. This action implies a demonstration of autonomy, a conquest in
itself that rises up in a world devoted to predation and capitalist domination. The visibility of the body became a strategic objective that questioned the police distribution and
the naturalized expropriation of bodily energies.
In relation to the political body, Silvia Federici makes explicit in Calibán and the
Witch that, in capitalist society the body is for women what the factory is for male wage
workers: the main terrain of their exploitation and resistance. Federici affirms that the
state has appropriated the female body by functioning as a means for reproduction, to
the same extent that men are forced to work for the accumulation of capital. In this
sense, the importance that the body has acquired in the expression of citizen activism
and specifically in the expressions of the feminist movement is extremely relevant. As
Federici explains, the female body, in all its aspects (maternity, childbirth, sexuality) is a
political body, both within feminist theory and in the history of women. That is why feminist knowledge refuses to identify the body only in the private sphere and speaks of a
politics of the body which in its opinion is a fundamental element for the analysis of artistic activisms because it is both the canvas and the battlefield.
In order to answer the question on what it is specifically that makes a performance
action powerful in and beyond a protest context, Sefarini20 examines the values and
processes behind A rapist in your path in order to generate a deeper understanding of
why the performance was appropriated by women across the world. Serafini proposes
that it is a powerful, prefigurative performance action because it «mobilises participants
and appeals to audiences as a sharp denunciation of violence, a demonstration of collective, prefigurative political action and a visually impressive composition»21
P. Serafini, A rapist in your path: Transnational feminist protest and why (and how) performance
matters, in «European Journal of Cultural Studies», n. 23(2), 2020, p. 290-295.
21
Ivi, p. 290.
20
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From an analysis of some fifty online postings of dance mobs Gore22 establishes
that, it is evident that, apart from those sponsored for commercial reasons, which are
more similar to a highly prepared and controlled performance than a mob, the formal
aesthetic dimensions of the dance are neither the objective nor the emphasis for both
dancers and spectators. Choreography, Gore suggests, is either a simple collective routine or series of solos, demanding no professional technical expertise and allowing the
spectator to enter the dance. This does not suggest that there is not an aesthetic experience for the spectator, but it is not one in which the dancing must be attractive to the
eye in the orthodox sense.
For Gore that does not mean that in flash mob visual pleasure has a role. Moreover,
while the explicit aims are important for the participants, the reasons for the event are not
significant for the audience. The impact of the dance resides elsewhere than in relations
between form, function or meaning. But in the Chilean case of A rapist on your path, reasons and context were extremely relevant because they were supposed to release the
work at the end of October 2019 as a small format staging, but due to the political context
in Chile that was not possible. Consequently, Las Tesis premiered as a street intervention
signifying its political and artistic value in the context of the Chilean social explosion.
The impact of this original performance in Chile following the boom of international representations that went viral on social media had a substantial attention from major
media outputs. Sefarini believes that this can in part, be endorsed to the enormous value
of the performance of large groups of women singing and dancing together at landmark
locations around the world, but also for the remarkable quality of the action that must
not be considered as damaging or inconsistent to its prefigurative value. Somewhat, for
her, this performance action could be thought of as a case of ethical spectacle in the way
of Boyd and Duncombe23 define it: «where artists and activists appropriate the communication tools of an intensely mediated society while maintaining processes and values
that allow the action itself to be participatory, contextualized and emancipatory»24.
G. Gore, Flash mob dance and the territorialisation of urban movement, cit., pp. 125-131, 2
A. Boyd, S. Duncombe, The manufacture of dissent: What the left can learn from Las Vegas, in
«Journal of Aesthetics and Protest», n. 1(3), 2004, p.34-47.
24
Ivi, p.294.
22
23
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In this respect Reed25 affirms that the arts function as cultural forms within social
movements is to transform society in numerous ways. These functions are to: encourage
social change; empower and deepen commitment; inform larger society about social issues, harmonize social activists within the movement; inform internally to express or reinforce values and ideas; inform externally as a more effective way to communicate
movement ideals to people outside the movement; enact movement goals directly historicize to invent, tell and retell the history of the movement; set a new emotional tone;
critique movement ideology; and provide elements of pleasure and aesthetic joy.
Conclusions
During the 2019 Chilean social outbreak, probably the most emblematic Chilean
flash mob was A rapist in your path created by the collective Las Tesis. The intervention
inspired no just Chilean women but a huge movement of women around the world seeking to participate in an action of resistance to rape and patriarchal establishment. Julia
Kristeva, in The Future of the Revolt26argues that the revolt is a space for reflection, a
permanent questioning, with a magnificent transforming power to rethink and change
our being, our connections and the ways in which we shape our emotional bonds.
Furthermore, the revolt has an enormous potential as an action in the public
sphere where writing and art invites us to remember, to recall from the conflict itself to
create other possible forms. In itself, the revolt is an exercise of freedom. This revolt is
presented as the potential for the multiplication of the symbolic27, since this awakening,
in addition to generating a criticism of the economic model and representative democracy. As Fernandez & Moreno28 emphasize: «It is an invitation to create a different bond
between us and with reproduction of the life»29.
T. Reed, The art of protest: Culture and activism from the Civil Rights Movement to the present.
University of Minnesota Press, London 2019.
26
J. Kristeva, El porvenir de la revuelta, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Buenos Aires 1999.
27
N. Richard, Márgenes e instituciones: Arte en Chile desde 1973, Tercera edición. Metales Pesados,
Santiago 2014.
28
R. Fernandez, C. Moreno, Feminismos en las revueltas in K. Araujo (ed.) Hillos tensados. Para leer
el octubre chileno, Usach, Santiago 2019pp.273-298.
29
Ivi, p. 275.
25
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In the Chilean case, artivism allowed the creation of an abstract and concrete space
for dialogue between citizens and the public space. In this expression of citizen participation, art confronted the issues of inequalities expressed through the protesters body
themselves. In particular, the work of the collective Las Tesis confronted the issue of
gender violence not only as a personal problem but also as a political and social problem.
In this reunion of the micro and the macro that probably allowed several generations of
women around the world to feel connected and identified, transforming A rapist in your
path in an anthem of contemporary feminism.
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Biografia dell’autore/Author’s biography
Paulina Bronfman Collovati è un'attrice, regista e ricercatrice dell'Universidad Católica del Cile. Ha
conseguito un Master e un PhD in Education presso l'Università di York, Regno Unito. La sua tesi di
dottorato dal titolo Problematizzare l'insegnamento di Shakespeare attraverso lo sguardo dei Diritti
Umani: percezioni ed esperienze degli educatori sui temi dei Diritti Umani nell'educazione di Shakespeare era incentrata sulla relazione tra le questioni dei Diritti Umani, della Cittadinanza e del Teatro
Applicato utilizzando un approccio epistemologico femminista. Il suo attuale progetto di ricerca è incentrato sull'attivismo artistico in Cile, America Latina e Regno Unito e sui loro legami con la formazione sulla Cittadinanza e sui Diritti Umani.
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Paulina Bronfman Collovati is an actress, director and researcher from the Universidad Católica of
Chile. She holds an MA and a PhD in Education at the University of York, United Kingdom. Her doctoral thesis Problematizing Shakespeare’s teaching through the gaze of Human Rights: Educators’
perceptions and experiences regarding Human Rights themes in Shakespeare Education was focused
on the relationship between the issues of human rights, citizenship and applied theatre using a feminist epistemological approach. Her current research project is focused on artistic activism in Chile,
Latin America and the UK and their links with citizenship and human rights education.
Articolo sottoposto a double-blind peer review
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