NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY Musical Networks in Bergamo and the Borders of the Venetian Republic, 1580–1630 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Field of Musicology By Jason Rosenholtz-Witt EVANSTON, ILLINOIS September 2020 2 © Copyright by Jason Rosenholtz-Witt 2020 All Rights Reserved 3 ABSTRACT “Musical Networks in Bergamo and the Borders of the Venetian Republic, 1580–1630,” examines the mediation and circulation of northern Italian music through social and professional networks with an emphasis on Bergamo, a thriving musical center during this period. In so doing, I challenge established narratives of early modern history that limit centers of influence to larger cities such as Florence and Venice. A trend towards teleology has shifted musical histories towards the innovators, especially in those cities. I demonstrate through the study of musical institutions like Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo and forgotten composers such as Giovanni Cavaccio, who worked there as maestro di cappella (chapel master) from 1598 to 1626, that a reductive narrative of Florentine and Venetian innovation ignores the musical quotidian in the early modern period. The focus on perpetual innovation has obfuscated the reality of musical life—particularly sacred musical life—and how it relates to the larger political, cultural, and religious climate in early modern Italy, anachronistically relegating smaller cities like Bergamo to peripheral status. In addition to bringing neglected musical repertoires to life, I contribute a more robust notion of regional and interregional communication than currently recognized in musicology, thereby revealing a complex and supraregional network of musicians, composers, artists, poets, patrons, religious figures, and diplomats engaged in musical production. I additionally investigate cultural exchanges between, and exports from, Venice and Germanspeaking lands. The mobility of composers, musicians, and musical objects in and out of the Venetian Republic recasts the static idea of a city-centered music history into a fluid network of reciprocating influences. 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My deepest gratitude goes to my advisor, Linda Austern, who has been a supporter of my work since my first day at Northwestern. Linda is an impeccable scholar, devoted mentor, and possesses an endless capacity for enthusiasm and intellectual curiosity. It has been a pleasure to work closely with her and she has read and commented on almost every word I wrote in the past seven years. I am tremendously thankful to the rest of my committee members, Drew Davies, Jesse Rosenberg, and Ed Muir, all of whom have supported this project at every stage. I remain in awe at the depth of Drew’s knowledge and his feedback consistently helped me keep track of the big picture. Jesse has the singular ability to ask an absolutely perfect question and possesses a keen eye for detail. I am also appreciative for his help with many of the trickier Seicento Italian translations. As I began considering an Italianist project for my dissertation, Ed agreed to my request for an independent study. Those weekly meetings were a highlight of my time at Northwestern and he taught me to think like an historian. My committee has helped shape my identity as a scholar and provided four unique models not only of exceptional scholarship, but pedagogy, mentorship, collegiality, and kindness. My sincere thanks to Jeffery Kurtzman, Gary Towne, and Mara Wade, scholars outside Northwestern who read and offered valuable feedback on chapter drafts. A number of other faculty have invested their time and expertise into my development, and I am thankful for their guidance. At Northwestern, Thomas Bauman, Ryan Dohoney, Robert Gjerdingen, Inna Naroditskaya, Scott Paulin, Laurie Shannon, Andrew Talle, Alessandra Visconti, and William West; at the University of Chicago, Niall Atkinson and Bob Kendrick. Before I began my Ph.D., 5 I was lucky to have terrific mentors in Jonathan Bellman, Dawn Grapes, and Forest Greenough. You have all helped me become a better reader, writer, performer, critical thinker, and teacher. The list of scholars working on Bergamo is relatively short, and I am fortunate to have met many of them. First and foremost, I appreciate Christopher Carlsmith’s willingness to talk with me anytime I have inquired, as well as serve as matchmaker for other Bergamo enthusiasts at conferences. My time working in Bergamo would have been less fruitful without the introductions and advice from both Dr. Carlsmith and Andrew Dell’Antonio before I embarked on that research trip. I am grateful to Lester Little for his help with paleography while in the archive, to Gary Towne for consistently responding to my many questions with incredibly detailed and thoughtful answers, to Marcello Mazzetti and Livio Ticli for an unforgettable early music tour of Brescia which included an up-close look at the surviving Antegnati organ at San Giuseppe, to Emanuela Vai with whom I am planning future conference and publication projects, and to Daniel DiCenso for showing me there are charms to Bergamo’s città bassa, as well. I appreciate Cristian Gentilini, the current and fifty-second maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore for taking the time to meet with me, answer questions, inquire about my research, and show me around spaces normally inaccessible to visitors at the basilica. I learned so much from my coursework cohort at Northwestern and cannot imagine this process without them: Olivia Cacchione, Jenna Harmon, Kyle Kaplan, Emily Lane, Miriam Piilonen, Nathan Reeves, Amanda Ruppenthal Stein, Vanessa Tonelli, and Ben Weissman. Kirsten Carithers, Dianne Lehmann Goldman, Emily Hoyler, and Jefferey van den Scott were completing their PhDs just as I started and served as role models for success. My interdisciplinary writing group provided me much needed motivation, feedback, and comradery: 6 Casey Caldwell, Dave Molina, Grace Kessler McMunn, Patricia Nguyen, and Quinn Hartman. Eufemia Baldassare, Eloisa Bressan, Barbara Dietlinger, and Anne Koenig all helped me at different times with translations. My work has benefitted from conversations at conferences and email correspondences with a number of established scholars who have been generous with their time, and willing to both listen to my thoughts and share their knowledge. In particular, Kate van Orden, Wendy Heller, Christine Getz, Tim Carter, Massimo Ossi, Bonnie Blackburn, Jonathan and Beth Glixon, David Douglas Bryant, Janette Tilly, Amanda Eubanks-Winkler, and Eric Saylor, all of whom displayed an example of collegiality toward younger and emerging scholars that I hope to one day emulate. Research for my dissertation would not have been possible without the financial support from a number of institutions. A Northwestern University Presidential Fellowship ensured my final two years of funding during my Ph.D., and additional travel expenses from the Fellowship allowed me to conduct research in Venice, Florence, Verona, and at the British Library in London. I loved the time spent with my 2017–2019 cohort of fellows, a truly impressive and delightful group of fascinating people: Anya Degenshein, Daniel Garcia, Marcos Leitao De Almeida, Mollie McQuillan, Paul Ohno, Kritish Rajbhandari, and Carolyn Wilke. A Northwestern Graduate School Research Grant allowed me to spend one month with the rare printed music collection at the Jagiellońska University Library in Krakow. A Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation Venetian Program Research Grant supported three months in Bergamo in 2018. Without that funding, this dissertation would not exist in its present form. The Delmas Foundation has also exposed me to a wider community of Venetianists whom I have found to be 7 a warm, friendly, and supportive group. I was awarded the Dr. Gudrun Busch Stipendium für Musikwissenschaft from the Herzog August Bibliothek in 2017, one of the more enjoyable locations for an extended research trip. Thank you especially to Gerlinde Strauß, Elizabeth Harding, and Jill Bepler at the HAB. This residency was made immeasurably better by everyone I met at daily coffee hour, my fellow Feierabendhaus residents, and the Schnitzel Tag crew. The American Friends of the HAB provided additional travel funds, as well. I am grateful to Matthias Roick for inviting me back to Wolfenbüttel in October 2018 to present a preliminary version of my HAB findings, where I also had the opportunity to re-examine my manuscript sources. I spent the 2019–2020 academic year as a Graduate-Scholar-In-Residence at the Newberry Library in Chicago. Chiefly, I extend my thanks to Lia Markey and Keelin Burke for making my time at the Newberry particularly gratifying. I enjoyed the many conversations, lunches, coffees, and workshops shared with other fellows and residents at the Newberry. Chapter 4 of this dissertation was helped tremendously by a seminar workshop as part of my residency. The many librarians, archivists, church officials, and staff at the libraries in which I spent time in Europe helped me significantly throughout this process. In Bergamo, thank you especially to Marcello Eynard and Giulio Pavoni at the Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai; to Fabrizio Capitanio at the Biblioteca Musicale Gaetano Donizetti; and to Alessandra and Paolo Bisetti for their hospitality. In Rome, to Alessandra Mercantini at the Archivio Doria Pamphilij, specifically for working around a truncated travel schedule; Fulvio Silvano at the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence; Gianni Fidanza at the Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Verdi” in Milan; Cristina Targa at the Museo Internationale e Biblioteca della Musica in Bologna; Monsignor Fasini at the Biblioteca Capitolare in Verona; Luciana Battagin at the 8 Biblioteca Marciana in Venice; Dr. Kertig-Meuleman at Goethe Universitäts Bibliothek in Frankfurt am Main; and Aleksandra Patalas on the musicology faculty at Jagiellońska University in Krakow. My family has always supported my passion for music. My grandparents Libbie and Jerry Rosenholtz are my biggest fans. My parents Paul Witt and Charna Rosenholtz started me on double bass lessons when I was twelve and have always attended my concerts, recitals, and events. My Mom is in graduate school, too, and will soon become a Rabbi. She has nurtured my intellectual curiosity from a young age. Finally, I could not have completed this without the love and support of my wife, Ali Burch, to whom this dissertation is dedicated. The ways you sustained me are too numerous to list here. 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ASDBg – Archivio di stato di Bergamo ff – folio GMO – Grove Music Online HAB – Herzog August Bibliothek MGG – Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart MIA – The Confraternity Misericordia Maggiore • I use the abbreviation “MIA” in citations when citing the archive of the Confraternity Misericordia Maggiore, Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai, Bergamo. All citations in this dissertation from the MIA archives are based on the internal classification system used by the Angelo Mai for this particular archive, containing 5,054 items dating to 1265, as outlined in their internally published Schema generale dell’Archivio della MIA. When citing this archive, I list the abbreviation MIA, followed by the schema number, and finally the folio. [e.g., MIA 1149, ff 216r.] This method of citation is an important distinction, as some earlier secondary sources relied on a differing classification system and have become retroactively difficult to trace. The full schema is published online: http://legacy.bibliotecamai.org/cataloghi_inventari/archivi/archivio_misericordia/Ar_18_Mia.pdf MS – manuscript MSS – manuscripts Munich BSB – Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek r – recto v – verso vv – voices Music Partbooks C – Cantus A – Altus T – Tenor Q – Quintus B – Bassus bc – Basso continuo 10 Library Sigla A-Wn – Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung D-F – Frankfurt am Main, Stadt und Universitätsbibliothek, Goethe Universität D-Kl – Kassel, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek D-Rp – Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Proskesche Musikabteilung D-W – Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek GB-Lbl – London, British Library I-Bc – Bologna, Biblioteca della Musica I-BGc – Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai I-BGi – Bergamo, Civico Istituto Musicale Gaetano Donizetti, Biblioteca I-Fb – Florence, Biblioteca Berenson, Morrill Music Library, Villa I Tatti I-Fr – Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana I-Mc – Milan, Biblioteca del Conservatorio Statale di Musica Giuseppe Verdi I-Rdp – Rome, Archivio Palazzo Doria Pamphilj I-Rsc – Rome, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Santa Cecilia I-VCd – Vercelli, Archivio e Biblioteca capitolare del Duomo di S. Eusebio I-VEaf – Verona, Biblioteca dell'Accademia Filarmonica I-VEcap – Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare PL-GD, Gdańsk, Biblioteka Gdańska Polskiej Akademii Nauk PL-Kj – Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellońska PL-LEtpn – Legnica, Biblioteka Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk US-Cn – Chicago, Newberry Library 11 A NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND CURRENCY All translations by author unless otherwise noted. My Italian transcriptions retain original spelling, though I change u to v; ʃ to s; ß to ss; & to e/ed, where applicable to accord with modern orthography and for ease of legibility. Bergamo used the lira imperialis. One scudo equaled six-to-seven lire; one lira equaled twenty soldi; one soldo equaled twelve denari. Full-time salary ranges for professional musicians at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo in the early seventeenth century ranged from 168 lire/year on the low end, to 1000/year for maestro di cappella Giovanni Cavaccio’s contract. Currency conversion has always been a difficult task for historians. The situation in early modern Italy is particularly confusing, as the Venetian lira in 1600 did not necessarily correspond to value of the lira in Milan, so one must think in terms of purchasing power and economic class.1 A house in Bergamo could be rented for around 30–80 lire/year or purchased for anywhere between 100– 1000 lire. Annual salaries in Bergamo for an assistant teacher ranged from 40–80 lire, while a master teacher earned 200–300 lire, 800 for a prestigious university professor. A master stonemason may make around 280 lire, as would an experienced tenor or alto in the Santa Maria Maggiore chapel. 350–500 lire for a master builder roughly corresponds to the salary of the Santa Maria Maggiore organist or the higher-paid singers. This suggests that a regular professional singer was in the economic class of a skilled artisan; the premiere singers and some 1 I adopt this model from Christopher Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education: Schooling in Bergamo and the Venetian Republic, 1500–1650 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), and some of these figures are taken directly from pp ix–x. Carlsmith’s model is superior to any attempt I have encountered to convert historical financial figures into contemporary equivalents. 12 instrumentalists earned as much as the master artisans; a trained specialist such as a cornetto player—the virtuoso instrument of the seventeenth century—earned a salary on par with doctors of letters, and the maestro di cappella was comparable to a prestigious university professor. 13 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 9 A NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND CURRENCY 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS 13 LIST OF FIGURES 16 LIST OF TABLES 19 LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES 20 INTRODUCTION 21 Why Bergamo? 26 Regionalism Reconsidered 30 Sources 35 Chapter Summaries 39 CHAPTER 1 MUSICAL LIFE ON THE EDGE OF THE TERRAFERMA, 1580–1598: GIOVANNI CAVACCIO’S LOCAL NETWORKS IN BERGAMO AND BRESCIA 43 A Brief Geopolitical History of Bergamo 45 Venetian Governance 48 The Confraternity Misericordia Maggiore 51 Beginnings of Professional Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo 55 Towards a Biography of Giovanni Cavaccio 60 Cavaccio in Munich 66 Political Maneuvering Within San Vincenzo 75 Local Networks and the Strategies of Print 80 Beyond Local Networks: Inroads to Brescia 92 Musical Friendships and Count Marc’Antonio Martinengo’s Brescian Musical Circle 96 Conclusion 106 14 CHAPTER 2 MUSICAL LIFE ON THE EDGE OF THE TERRAFERMA, 1598–1626: CAVACCIO’S CAREER AT SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE AND NETWORKS BEYOND THE BORDERS OF BERGAMO 107 Competition for the 1598 Vacancy of Maestro di Cappella, Santa Maria Maggiore 108 Artistic Expenditure and Musical Repertoire at the Basilica 113 Musicians and Repertoire ca.1600 119 Foreign Madrigal Anthologies, Contract Negotiations, and Hinni correnti (1605) 127 Giovanni Cavaccio’s Interregional Musical Networks: Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611) 144 The Feast of the Assumption of Mary 154 Musicians’ Complaints as Evidence of Unwritten Performance Practice in Early Seicento Bergamo 164 Conclusion 186 CHAPTER 3 MUSIC AND CRISIS AT SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE, BERGAMO DURING THE TURBULENT 1620s 188 The Turbulent 1620s 188 The Uskok War, 1615–1618 192 The Musical Roster at Santa Maria Maggiore Before the Uskok War 198 The Emerging Concertato Idiom 203 The Effects of the Uskok War on Musical Activity at Santa Maria Maggiore 206 The Publications of 1620 216 A Chierico’s Plea and the 1622 Food Shortage 225 The 1629 Crisis Procession and Civic Identity 229 Conclusion 237 Epilogue – Singing from the Balcony: Civic Music During the 2020 Covid-19 Crisis 241 CHAPTER 4 VENICE WITHOUT VENICE: TRACES OF ITALIAN PRINTED MUSIC IN GERMAN MANUSCRIPTS DURING THE THIRTY YEARS WAR 243 The Context and Influence of Lodovico Viadana’s Cento concerti ecclesiastici 243 Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr. – Magdeburg, ca.1616 251 15 Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. – Helmstedt, ca.1618–20 259 Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. – Halberstadt, 1638 271 A Frontispiece Collage 288 Viadana’s Lack of Place 292 Conclusion 295 CONCLUDING REMARKS 297 BIBLIOGRAPHY 305 Manuscript Sources 305 Printed Sources 306 Appendix 1: Full Musician Rosters at Santa Maria Maggiore, 1601–1630 327 Appendix 2a: Giovanni Cavaccio, full list of sole-authored publications 333 Appendix 2b: Musical Contents of selected Publications by Giovanni Cavaccio 337 Appendix 3: Capitoli, e oblighi dei Cantori di S. Maria 348 Appendix 4: Hodie Maria Virgo, Giovanni Cavaccio, from Nuovo Giardino (Venice: Vincenti, 1620) 354 Appendix 5: Domine ad adjuvandum, Giovanni Cavaccio, from Musica concordia concorde (Venice: Vincenti, 1620) 360 Appendix 6: Dixit Dominus, Giovanni Cavaccio, from Musica concordia concorde (Venice: Vincenti, 1620) 364 Appendix 7: Full contents, D-W Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel 380 16 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 – Stato del la republica di Venetia in Italia, Heinricus Zukkius, ca.1606. 44 Figure 1.2 – Possible Timeline of Giovanni Cavaccio’s Biography. 65 Figure 1.3 – Detail, Hans Mielich, Instrumentalists of the Bavarian Hofkapelle under Orlando di Lasso, 1570. 68 Figure 1.4 – Detail, Hans Mielich, Instrumentalists of the Bavarian Hofkapelle under Orlando di Lasso, 1570. Possible image of a young Giovanni Cavaccio. 69 Figure 1.5 – Title page, Sdegnosi Ardori (Munich, 1585). 71 Figure 1.6 – Dedication page, Missae quincque et spetem vocum (Venice, 1580). 83 Figure 1.7 – Receipt for additional musicians for the 1582 Assumption feast. Earliest known payment from the MIA to Cavaccio. 85 Figure 1.8 – Giovan Battista Moroni, Portrait of Isotta Brembati Grumelli, 1552/3. 89 Figure 1.9 – Giovan Battista Moroni, Il cavaliere in rosa [portrait of Gian Carlo Grumelli], 1560. 90 Figure 1.10 – Title page, Cavaccio, Motetti a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a otto, & a dodeci voci (Venice, 1596). 95 Figure 1.11 – Title page, Claudio Merulo, Il primo libro de madrigali (Milan, 1588). 99 Figure 1.12 – Tenor partbook, Cavaccio, Ahi senza te, in Merulo, Il primo libro de madrigali (Milan, 1588). 100 Figure 1.13 – Cavaccio, “La Villa Chiara,” in Musica ... a quattro voci (Venice, 1597). 105 Figure 2.1 – Screen grab from virtual tour of Santa Maria Maggiore. 116 Figure 2.2 – Giovan Paolo Cavagna, Coronation of the Virgin, ca.1614–16, Santa Maria Maggiore, cupola. 117 Figure 2.3 – 1604 musician salary list, Santa Maria Maggiore. 133 Figure 2.4 – 1604 Letter from Cavaccio to the MIA. 136 Figure 2.5 – Title page, Cavaccio, Hinni correnti (Venice, 1605). 138 17 Figure 2.6 – Title page, Cavaccio, Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611). 143 Figure 2.7 – Falsobordoni in Cavaccio, Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611). 147 Figure 2.8 – Charter, Accademia degli elevati. 151 Figure 2.9 – 1601 letter from Gioseffo Dalmagione, violinist, to the MIA. 158 Figure 2.10 – Receipt for additional musicians for the 1624 Assumption feast at Santa Maria Maggiore. 160 Figure 2.11 – Capitoli, e oblighi dei Cantori di S. Maria. 162 Figure 2.12 – Letter from Sedio Aresio, trombonist, to the MIA. 166 Figure 2.13 – Title page, Cavaccio, Nuovo giardino (Venice, 1620). 169 Figure 3.1 – 1601 musician salaries, Santa Maria Maggiore. 200 Figure 3.2 – 1615 musician salaries, Santa Maria Maggiore. 207 Figure 3.3 – 1611 document listing five newly acquired music books and musical instruments, signed by Cavaccio. 211 Figure 3.4 – 1622 letter from Bernardino Rossi, soprano, to the MIA. 228 Figure 3.5 – Title page, Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi (Venice, 1587). 232 Figure 3.6 – Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi, opening musical page of the sole surviving partbook. 233 Figure 3.7 – Photo of Santa Maria Maggiore façade. 236 Figure 3.8 – Bird’s eye view of Santa Maria Maggiore and surroundings. 237 Figure 4.1 – Title page, Lodovico Viadana, Cento concerti ecclesiastici (Venice, 1602). 244 Figure 4.2 – Index, D-W, Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr 254 Figure 4.3 – Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Viri Galilei, in Mottettorum, quae partim quinis, partim senis, partim septenis vocibus concinantur (Venice, 1586). 256 Figure 4.4 – Palestrina, Viri Galilei, in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr. 257 18 Figure 4.5 – Title page, Promptuarii musici sacras harmonias sive motetas (Strasburg, 1611). 266 Figure 4.6 – Note nere notation from print to manuscript. 268 Figure 4.7 – Detail, note nere notation in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. 269 Figure 4.8 – Detail, open note notation in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. 269 Figure 4.9 – First page of the index, listing motets for solo voice. D-W Cod. Guelf 323 Mus. Hdschr. 273 Figure 4.10 – Title page, Isaac Posch, Harmonia Concertans (Nürnberg, 1623). 278 Figure 4.11 –Posch, index of 1vv and 2vv compositions in Harmonia concertans (Nürnberg, 1623). 281 Figure 4.12 –Posch, Domine Exaudi, in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. 282 Figure 4.13 – Title page, Fasciculus Secundus (Goslar, 1637). 283 Figure 4.14 – Verleih uns Frieden, in Fasciculus Secundus (Goslar, 1637). 284 Figure 4.15 – Plate depicting the sack of Magdeburg. Seth Henricus Calvisio, Das. zerstöhrete und wieder aufgerichtete Magdeburg (Magdeburg, 1727). 287 Figure 4.16 – Cover page with collaged frontispiece, D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. 289 Figure 4.17 – Detail, Scotto press device, D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. 292 Figure 4.18 – Title page, Concerti de diversi auttori, (Milan, 1612). 296 19 LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 – Index of composers in Sdegnosi ardori. 74 Table 1.2 – Composers in L’amorosa Ero. 103 Table 2.1 – Music books acquired by the MIA in the 1590s. 122 Table 2.2 – Anthologies with at least one contribution from Giovanni Cavaccio, 1600–1604. 130 Table 2.3 – Musical contents and liturgical context, Cavaccio, Hinni correnti (Venice, 1605). 140 Table 2.4 – Transcription and translation, capitoli nono and decimo quatro from the Accademia degli elevati charter. 152 Table 2.5 – Marian textual sources for Cavaccio’s Hodie Maria virgo. 170 Table 3.1 – Comparison of salaried musician roster, Santa Maria Maggiore, 1601 and 1615. 209 Table 3.2 – Basilica expenditures, 1617 and 1618, Santa Maria Maggiore. 210 Table 4.1 – Frequency of motets in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. by number of voices. 274 Table 4.2 – Composers represented in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. 274 Table 4.3 – Full title page and English translation for the Fasciculus series title page. 285 Table 4.4 – Selections from Fasciculus Secundus and Fasciculus Primus included in D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. 288 20 LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES Musical Example 1.1 – Orlando di Lasso, Ardo sì, in Sdegnosi ardori (Munich, 1585). 72 Musical Example 1.2 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Ardo sì, in Sdegnosi ardori (Venice, 1585). 73 Musical Example 2.1 – Giovanni Cavaccio, 4vv falsobordone in primo tuono, in Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611). 146 Musical Example 2.2 – Giovanni Cavaccio, 4vv falsobordone in ottavo tuono, in Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611). 147 Musical Example 2.3 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Hodie Maria virgo, in Nuovo giardino (Venice, 1620). 172 Musical Example 2.4 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Hodie Maria virgo, in Nuovo giardino (Venice, 1620). 173 Musical Examples 2.5–2.10 – Selections from Lodovico Viadana, Nisi Dominus, in Salmi a quattro chori (Venice, 1612). 180–184 Musical Example 3.1 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Domine ad adjuvandum, in Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620). 221–222 Musical Example 3.2 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Dixit Dominus, in Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620). 223 Musical Example 3.3 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Dixit Dominus, in Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620). 224 21 INTRODUCTION On the central piazza of Bergamo, a city nestled among the foothills of the Alps on the former border of the Venetian Republic and the Spanish Duchy of Milan, stands the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore. This institution boasts an unbroken six-hundred-year tradition of musical excellence that reached its peak in the years around 1600, considered a watershed era in the history of Western music. The maestro di cappella from 1598 to 1626 was Giovanni Cavaccio, yet both he and the city in general have been sidelined in studies of northern Italian music. Cavaccio’s posthumous reputation is hampered in part by the conservative nature of his oeuvre. Jerome Roche, one of the few musicologists to have significantly engaged with Cavaccio, cursorily dismisses his entire output as “rather dull.”1 At a time when inventive concertato motets were flourishing, Cavaccio was still producing Franco-Flemish polyphony in the tradition of Orlando di Lasso, as well as cori spezzati repertoire for use at Santa Maria Maggiore, idioms a generation out of date by 1620. The emerging genre in the late Cinquecento of one- to threevoice compositions with basso continuo had many names, though I will use the widely adopted 1 Jerome Roche, “Music at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643,” Music & Letters 47, no. 4 (October 1966): 305. In terms of his opere, only Cavaccio’s instrumental music has received any modern editorial or critical attention: Giovanni Cavaccio, Two Canzonas: La Fina, La Foresta: For 2 Trumpets and 2 Trombones (2 Trumpets, Horn and Trombone), Venetian Brass Music 25 (London: Musica Rara, 1972); Giovanni Cavaccio, Sudori Musicali, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 43 (American Institute of Musicology, 1984); Giovanni Cavaccio, Canzon di Diversi per Sonar con Ogni Sorte di Stromenti, vol. 10, Italian Instrumental Music of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Garland Publishing, 1994); and J. Evan Kreider, “The Keyboard Parody Canzonas by Giovanni Cavaccio in ‘Sudori Musicali’ (Venice: 1626),” Musica Disciplina 33 (1979): 139–47. 22 term, concertato.2 To be clear on what is meant throughout this document by cori spezzati, I adopt the definition given by an authority on the subject, Anthony Carver, in his two-volume monograph on this polychoral tradition: [A] polychoral work or passage is one in which the ensemble is consistently split into two or more groups, each retaining its own identity, which sing separately and together within a through-composed framework in which antiphony is a fundamental compositional resource.3 There is a tension in historiography between the teleological narrative of innovation and the historical study of a particular time and place. The focus on perpetual innovation has obfuscated the realities of musical life—particularly sacred musical life—and how it relates to the larger political, cultural, and religious climate in early modern Italy, anachronistically relegating smaller cities like Bergamo to peripheral status. Further clouding Bergamo’s role in Italian studies is the enduring myth of Venice. What historians refer to as the “myth of Venice” is a long-running tradition of praise, interspersing Venetians’ own civic pride with external admiration.4 The myth developed further in the decades before and especially after 1509, when it was part of reactions to crisis.5 Venetian historiographic quandaries are hardly limited to musicology. In their 2000 essay reviewing Venetian scholarship since about 1973, John Martin and Dennis Romano noted that 2 A sustained discussion of the contemporaneous etymology of concertato can be found in Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans. David Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 33–36. 3 Anthony F. Carver, Cori Spezzati: The Development of Sacred Polychoral Music to the Time of Schütz, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), xvi. 4 For music’s role in the myth of Venice see Ellen Rosand, “Music in the Myth of Venice,” Renaissance Quarterly 30, no. 4 (Winter 1977): 511–37. 5 For more on this aspect of the myth of Venice see Michael Knapton, “Venice and the Terraferma,” in The Italian Renaissance State, ed. Andrea Gamberini and Isabella Lazzarini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 132–55. 23 despite the undermining of a “unilinear reading of Venice’s past, American scholars, with very few exceptions, have been concerned, at least until recently, with the capital city only.”6 There is a particular dearth in scholarship addressing the Terraferma as a distinct entity. Historians such as Michael Knapton have attempted to remedy this situation by noting that when Venice’s Empire is addressed, the Stato da Màr occupies the bulk of ensuing scholarship.7 Musicological studies are heavily slanted towards Venice, particularly outside of Italian-language scholarship. This dissertation is, in part, an attempt to remedy the deficiency of material on musical life in the Terraferma. My work is not another endeavor to simply shed light on more “forgotten” Italian composers and cities, but rather to explore the ways in which individuals built successful careers through personal and professional networks amid larger geopolitical processes, to investigate why supposedly out-of-date genres maintained popularity well into the seventeenth century, and finally, to address the entrenched historiography that leaves little room for towns on the borders of the Venetian Republic. Studies on north Italian locales outside the major centers of Venice, Florence, Milan, etc., tend to focus on one individual city, court, or institution.8 My work not 6 John Jeffries Martin and Dennis Romano, “Reconsidering Venice,” in Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State, 1297–1797 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 6. 7 Knapton, “Venice and the Terraferma.” 8 For example, Bonnie J. Blackburn, Music for the Treviso Cathedral in the Late Sixteenth Century: A Reconstruction of the Lost Manuscripts 29 and 30, Royal Musical Association Monographs 3 (London: Royal Musical Association, 1987); Anthony Newcomb, The Madrigal at Ferrara 1579-1597, Princeton Studies in Music 7 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980); Maurizio Padoan, Musici al Santo di Padova negli anni 1565–1600 (Como: A.M.I.S., 2012); Colleen Reardon, Agostino Agazzari and Music at Siena Cathedral, 1597–1641, Oxford Monographs on Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993); Donald C. Sanders, Music at the Gonzaga Court in Mantua (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012); and Steven Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). 24 only joins the chorus of scholars extolling the fascinating aspects of a heretofore neglected site of musical interest, but also builds on these pioneering studies by positioning Bergamo within a larger geopolitical context, embracing a supraregional focus emerging in recent Italianist studies. “Supra” is a prefix meaning “beyond the limits of/outside of,” and designates an entity larger than a defined geopolitical area, while existing in multiple simultaneities. A supraregional framework of geographically reciprocating influence extends beyond conceptions of region and clearly defined borders. One model of a successful implementation of a supraregional framework surrounding a local study is Christopher Carlsmith’s investigation into education in Renaissance Bergamo.9 His analysis of the educational system reveals the large degree to which Bergamo relied on a supraregional network between other locales. As Carlsmith notes, certain aspects of educational systems in Bergamo were unique, though much of the city’s experience paralleled comparable institutions in northern Italy, especially within the Venetian Republic where so many aspects of local activity were intertwined with the capital.10 A further example of this methodological approach is found in Karen-edis Barzman’s monograph, The Limits of Identity: Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference.11 Barzman explores the porous nature of borders especially when a ruling center was quite distant from its territories. The geopolitical peculiarities of the Stato da Màr led Venice to have a distinct relationship with the Ottoman Empire as compared to other Christian states, which in turn affected social and 9 Christopher Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education: Schooling in Bergamo and the Venetian Republic, 1500–1650 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010). 10 Carlsmith, 251. 11 Karen-edis Barzman, The Limits of Identity: Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference, Art and Material Culture in Medieval and Renaissance Europe 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2017). 25 political culture in La Serenissima, including how Venetians developed their sense of venezianità partially through distinctions drawn between Venice and the Ottoman territories on their border.12 Barzman is able to draw out nuance and detail lacking from previous studies of venezianità that focused solely on goings-on in the capital, and questions if this sense of “Venetian-ness” extended to residents in the territorial periphery. Whereas an interregional focus that adheres to anachronistic conceptions of firmly fixed geographic borders lends itself to a center and periphery model, a supraregional approach of the sort I take may look more like a hub and spoke. In this vein, my dissertation’s focus on musical life Bergamo, the westernmost fortress town in the Venetian Republic’s Terraferma empire, appertains to its geopolitical importance and incorporates supraregional artistic, religious, social, and military realities. In the traditional center-and-periphery model, Bergamo is peripheral to Venice and a distinct entity from Milan, separated by the borders between two centers of power. In reality, the sphere of Milanese influence extended well beyond the border of the Venetian Republic, exerting sway on Bergamo while the fortress town simultaneously was acutely aware of and impacted by events in geographically distant Venice. By considering a larger swath of geography with concentrically overlapping centers, I avoid falling into the traps of a center/periphery framework while also highlighting Bergamo as a musical and artistic center of its own. I explore how military campaigns in Friuli, as well as the Dalmatian peninsula of Istria impacted musical decisions in the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore; how liturgical desires of Papal agents played a role in these same assessments; how judgements made by Venetian authorities created divisions within the Bergamo Cathedral that involved interlocutors from Milan; and how a figure such as Giovanni 12 Barzman, 4–8. 26 Cavaccio navigated this political factionalism through a calculated strategy of musical publication and professional networking. I additionally investigate cultural exchanges between, and exports from, Venice and German-speaking lands. The mobility of composers, musicians, and musical objects in and out of the Venetian Republic recasts the static idea of a city-centered music history into a fluid network of reciprocating influences. Why Bergamo? Bergamo occupied a strategic position between Milan and Venice in the balance-ofpower politics that characterized early modern Italian territories, illustrating the ways in which a smaller city could operate between two major powers.13 A concentration on Bergamo offers a microcosm of the issues faced by smaller cities caught between empires, local units without a central court or the same strength of corporate identity of Venice, yet still attempting to exert institutional agency. The key issue for Bergamo is that it was politically under the jurisdiction of Venice from 1428, yet partially subject to the archbishop of Milan. Operating within this political landscape took deft maneuvering, and I approach musical activity in Bergamo with this in mind. Musically speaking, Bergamo did far more than merely survive. Santa Maria Maggiore was managed by the maxi-confraternity Misericordia Maggiore [MIA], which funneled considerable finances toward all forms of artistic expenditure. The resources set aside for musical activity, in particular, were nearly unparalleled when compared to other northern Italian musical institutions. This raises the question, why is a location such as Bergamo, crucial as both 13 Bergamo’s liminal existence between these two major powers is also a major theme in Carlsmith’s monograph. See A Renaissance Education, 6–7. 27 an interregional communication point between the Venetian Republic and other parts of the Italian peninsula, as well as a main site of large-scale musical activity in the early Seicento largely absent in previous music historiography?14 In addition to its location on the Milan/Venice border, Bergamo sat at an important crossroads between the Venetian Republic, German lands north of the Alps, and other Italian city-states. In the modern age in which crossing the Alps is uncomplicated, it is easy to dismiss the early modern landscape. Moreover, Bergamo is at present administratively part of Lombardy rather than the Veneto. How do our current geopolitical mappings affect historical veracities? Incorporating architectural, artistic, social, political, military, and religious histories, as well as material cultures and the history of the book, I consider the Bergamasque composer Giovanni Cavaccio (ca.1556–1626) as an ideal “way in” to unpacking these questions, particularly considering the degree to which his professional networks extended beyond the borders of Bergamo. A model of professional success for his era, 14 There are notable exceptions. Gary Towne is the American musicologist who has published the most on Bergamo, though the scope of his work runs earlier than mine, largely focusing on the fifteenth and earlier sixteenth centuries. See Gary Towne, “Gaspar de Albertis and Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo in the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 1985); “Tubatori e Piffari: Civic Wind Players in Medieval and Renaissance Bergamo,” Historic Brass Society Journal 9 (1997): 175–95; “Memorial for a Mysterious Matron: The Funeral Cycle of Gaspar de Albertis,” in Sleuthing the Muse: Essays in Honor of William F. Prizer (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2012); and “Over the Hills and Far Away: The Place of Bergamo in the Development and Transmission of Polychoral Music,” in Dal canto corale alla musica Policorale: L’arte del coro spezzato, ed. Lucia Boscolo Folegana and Alessandra Ignesti, vol. 3, Fonti studi per la storia della musica veneta (Università degli studi di Padova: Cleup Editrice, 2014), 69–80. Jerome Roche focuses on the early seventeenth century, though dismisses Cavaccio in favor of an interest in Alessandro Grandi: “Music at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643; and, “An Inventory of Choirbooks at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, January 1628,” R.M.A. Research Chronicle 5 (1965): 47–50. The key study in Italian is Maurizio Padoan, La musica in S. Maria Maggiore a Bergamo nel periodo di Giovanni Cavaccio (1598–1626) (Como: A.M.I.S., 1983). 28 Cavaccio’s ensuing reputation suffers from the fact that both previous scholarship and modern concert life favor historical innovation to the point that tradition and continuity with the past is easy to dismiss as regressive. The teleological narrative of innovation obliterates locations and populations that valued more traditional forms of musical practice, especially in the busy years around 1600. The deep irony is that Bergamo’s success is what has in part led to this posthumous inattention. Many institutions were faced with economic circumstances such that they were forced to explore cheaper models of musical performance, a situation exacerbated by plague and war. This catalyzed the popularity of small-scale concertato styles, especially those featuring a solo voice. Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo somehow bucked this trend and continued facilitating performances of large-scale polychoral music when most other places in northern Italy had abandoned the idiom due to shrinking coffers. A central question of this dissertation is to what extent does a narrative of constant innovation blur the reality of late Cinquecento and early Seicento musical and confessional practice? Strict teleological narratives sidestep the conflicting allegiances to tradition and innovation for musicians, composers, and artists working in the years after the Council of Trent. In the post-Tridentine era, the balance between an increasingly standardized liturgy and the pulls of local custom contributed to the popularity of the motet and the early years of the seventeenth century saw a proliferation of experimental music composed for one or two voices with instrumental accompaniment. Unlike strict liturgical genres, these motets made use of a wide range of liturgical and paraliturgical texts.15 However, because music at Santa Maria Maggiore in 15 Esperanza Rodrìguez-Garcia and Daniele V. Filipi, “The Motet in the Post-Tridentine World: An Introduction,” in Mapping the Motet in the Post-Tridentine Era (New York: Routledge, 2019), 8. 29 Bergamo continued to receive lavish funding from their ruling lay body, the production of cori spezzati repertoire continued with regularity. Cori spezzati was music that, by definition, necessitated a large ensemble of at least two choirs, often accompanied by organists and other instrumentalists. The continued support of polychoral antiphony meant that this institution had no need to explore new repertoire suitable for a small ensemble. This resulted in the paradoxical situation of Bergamo simultaneously deemed musically conservative in its reliance on highRenaissance idioms and performing forces, and radical in its emancipation from the shackles of fashion. What others have found to be retrograde music because the composers and their music did not fit into the teleology of Seicento musical development, I find to be singular in its freedom from austerity-driven stylistic modification.16 Bergamo represents the deep tension in the postTridentine era between innovation and tradition. In addition to the problem of teleology is one of geography. A focus on major centers of population and power favors the most visible, and at times the least typical institutions, such as San Marco in Venice, or the Florentine circle surrounding Giulio Caccini and Ottavio Rinuccini. Missing in this narrative is the musical quotidian, the neglected ordinary, especially in less populous areas. An undercurrent in the focus on only the richest institutions is the spurious thought that the visitor to a poor parish church would only hear plainchant. In Padua alone there were 120 locations at which polyphonic music was made, consumed, and performed, 112 in 16 Jerome Roche refers to Cavaccio as a “comparative nonentity,” for example. See, North Italian Church Music, 23. Tim Carter brings up Bergamo and other Terraferma cities only inasmuch as they related to Venice, suggesting they were “fertile training ground for artists, poets, and musicians who would eventually gravitate to La Serenissima.” Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque Italy (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1992), 28. 30 Verona, and fifty-five in Treviso.17 These sites included churches, monasteries, chapels, convents, academies, and so on. Together, the number of places in the Terraferma that consumed polyphony positively dwarf what was available in Venice. Yet, La Serenissima has occupied the winged lion’s share of musicological scholarship. Even when speaking explicitly of a city like Venice or Florence, it is important to think beyond borders, recognizing the complex network of interlocutors that play a role in any form of cultural production. Regionalism Reconsidered “It is the most serious difficulty of the history of civilization that a great intellectual process must be broken up into single, and often into what seem arbitrary categories, in order to be in any way intelligible.”18 -Jacob Burckhardt Cultural histories have largely been delineated geographically. This becomes problematic for an invented concept that nonetheless carries an enormous amount of historiographic baggage: the Italian Renaissance. The key problem, as Guido Ruggiero writes, is that there was no “Italy” in this period, nor would any of the region’s occupants have recognized the validity of a word coined in the nineteenth century by Jules Michelet.19 However, there was a growing sense of urban identity in which society was reformulated around increasingly powerful urban centers. In northern and parts of central Italy from 1450 to 1575, an urban elite progressively shifted 17 David Douglas Bryant, “Prospettive sull’economia della musica: La lezione della terraferma veneta” (paper read at the Soundscape of the Venetian Terraferma in the Early Modern Era Conference, Accademia Filarmonica of Verona, June 1, 2018). 18 Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S.G.C. Middlemore, 1944 edition (London: The Phaidon Press, 1944), 1. 19 Guido Ruggiero, The Renaissance in Italy: A Social and Cultural History of the Rinascimento (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 11. 31 towards a more aristocratic and courtly society. This progression is epitomized by the Florentine situation, in which a powerful ruling family—the Medici—emerged from the constantly warring popolo grossi, their power cemented through a sense of civiltà, those ideals eventually supplanted by monarchal power while adopting the language of republicanism.20 The seats of power were in the city-states, each with its own alliances and forms of government. Considering this singular situation in the Italian peninsula, a regional discussion of artistic products––in our case, music––is seemingly inevitable. To what extent does such a narrative accurately portray the situation on the ground at the time? As a sub-field of history, modern musicology has borrowed heavily from its parent discipline in terms of both regionalization and periodization. Owing a great deal to Jacob Burckhardt, especially Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860), the term “Renaissance” was introduced into music historiography shortly after.21 Art history, (our sister discipline?) has been the greatest source of regionalist tendencies from which musicology has drawn. Vasari’s Vite (Lives of the Artists, Florence: 1550)––a study that garnered him the title of first art historian––is partly focused on describing national schools of artists.22 Effectively a Medici-backed Florentine project, the two-volume work contains more than one thousand pages and was dedicated to Grand Duke Cosimo I. Vasari described the process of the rebirth of art, the rinascita, to make clear to his readers the value of artistic heritage. Unsurprisingly for Vasari, art reached its 20 See especially Gregory Murry, The Medicean Succession: Monarchy and Sacral Politics in Duke Cosimo dei Medici’s Florence, I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014). 21 An English translation, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, was first produced by S.G.C. Middlemore in two volumes, London: 1878. 22 Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists, trans. George Bull, reprint of the 1965 edition, 2 volumes (London: Penguin Books, 1987). 32 perfection through activities in Florence, namely Michelangelo. We see in Vasari the start of a regionalist view of art that the discipline has maintained, with Florence and Rome at the pinnacle. Florence, in particular, had something in its very air that birthed special talents. Michelangelo’s Vita is based on the premise that God specifically chose Florence as the proper destination for this special soul who would bring art to its zenith. [The benign ruler of heaven] also saw that in the practice of these exalted disciplines and arts, namely painting, sculpture, and architecture, the Tuscan genius has always been pre-eminent, for the Tuscans have devoted to all the various branches of art more labour and study than all the other Italian peoples. And therefore he chose to have Michelangelo born a Florentine, so that one of her own citizens might bring to absolute perfection the achievements for which Florence was already justly renowned.23 This partisan language may help explain seventeenth-century criticisms of the Vite, mainly by the Venetians and Bolognese.24 Scholars are still reckoning with Vasari’s influence and have found it difficult to erase. Art historian Stephen J. Campbell puts it bluntly, A leitmotiv of the Lives was the principle that artists born or working off the [Rome and Florence] axis needed to relocate—at least temporarily—to the major centers, becoming effectively conduits of the Tuscan-Roman “modern manner,” and that in not doing so they were destined for obscurity or irrelevance…As styles came to be mapped more rigidly onto centers, and centers were prioritized over regions, Vasari’s “modern” geography of art ultimately erased the long-standing culture of artistic pluralism, of the dynamics of transgressional exchange and mobility.25 Campbell goes on to describe the epochal shift in a conception of art ushered in in large part by Vasari. In the fifteenth century, “Styles belonged to artists, not to places,” and after Vasari, the 23 Vasari, Lives of the Artists, 325–26. For example, Carlo Cesare Malvasia, Felsina Pittrice (Lives of the Bolognese Painters): A Critical Edition and Annotated Translation, ed. Elizabeth Cropper (London: Harvey Miller, 2012). 25 Stephen J. Campbell, The Endless Periphery: Toward a Geopolitics of Art in Lorenzo Lotto’s Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019), 7. 24 33 reverse held true.26 It is not too difficult to draw parallels in music. In the early sixteenth century, the Josquin style turned into an international phenomenon that superseded geography. In the mid-to-late sixteenth century, Adrian Willaert’s pupils proliferated a Venetian ethos, regardless of where they originated or found subsequent employment; much the same can be said of Giovanni Gabrieli’s pupils at the end of the century. For the music at the core of this dissertation, I show that attempting to place a moniker of “Venetian” or “Milanese” onto music and musicians in Bergamo, for example, does a disservice to the historical understanding of the ways in which music was produced, performed, disseminated, and consumed. A corresponding thread in music historiography in the period directly surrounding the year 1600 is the intense focus on Florence and Venice. This regionalist frame has deep roots that closely resemble a Vasarian geography. The attempt of a historical narrative to claim the stile recitativo as a distinctly Florentine invention can be traced at least as far back as Don Severo Bonini’s Discorsi e regole (ca.1651–55).27 Written in the form of a dialogue, Bonini’s principal aspirations were to defend the nobility of music against those who called it “buffoonery,” to prove the superiority of the new stile recitativo over that of outdated polyphony, and above all, to maintain that Caccini invented the new recitativo, and to endorse the use of this idiom music in church.28 Bonini (1582–1663) was by no means an impartial observer; a composer himself, he was a student and follower of Caccini. Bonini points to the fourteenth century as the time of 26 Campbell, 17. Severo Bonini, Discorsi e Regole, trans. MaryAnn Bonino (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1979). My attention was drawn to this fact by a footnote in Suzanne G. Cusick, Francesca Caccini and the Medici Court: Music and the Circulation of Power, Women and Culture in Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 101. 28 Bonini, Discorsi e Regole, xviii. 27 34 rebirth for arts and letters in Italy, after a long dark period. He lauds Petrarch for language and Giotto for painting, both Florentine, one can hardly help from noticing. In making a comparison with these famous figures, he considers music rescued not by Palestrina, as in the fallacious twentieth-century narrative, but by Willaert.29 Bonino discusses a great number of composers and musicians, reserving special praise for Willaert, Palestrina, Caccini, and Carlo Gesualdo, each masters of their own category of music. In terms of the stile recitativo, Bonini firmly supports the narrative that Caccini invented the genre with the help of the camerata of Giovanni de' Bardi.30 Inheriting the concept from the camerata, the Caccini examples he cites are the madrigals Perfidissimo volto, Vedrò’l mio sol, Dovrò dunque morire? and an aria from Jacopo Sannazaro’s eclogue Itene all’ombra.31 On those who might take away the role of “inventor” of this style from Caccini, Bonini writes, “There have been those who, moved basically by envy and by anguish, have sought to cast a shadow over the glory of this truly remarkable man.”32 Emilio de' Cavalieri is the obvious target, though his name is conspicuously absent from Bonini’s history. It is another example, around one hundred years after Vasari, of a chauvinistic Florentine project that helped shape subsequent historiographic entrenchments. The most significant composer to fall through the cracks of this revisionist historiography is Lodovico Viadana, who as I will show, belies a regionalist framework of music historiography. Another figure to escape the attention of Bonini is Cavaccio, as he falls under the category of the despised 29 Bonini, 46–47. Bonini, 140. 31 Bonini, 140–44. 32 Bonini, 145–47. 30 35 “outdated polyphony,” a similar penalty levied by Jerome Roche who dismisses Cavaccio, due to the old-fashioned stylistic features of his music, as “a comparative nonentity.”33 My focus on Cavaccio as a figure representing the complex series of exchanges that existed between artist and patron, the geographic mobility inherent in many artist’s careers, as well as nuanced, geopolitical power dynamics at play under the surface of any cultural production is analogous to Campbell’s attention to Lorenzo Lotto. Campbell notes that a Vasarian geography of art posthumously saddled artists such as Lotto, Gaudenzio Ferrari, and Romanino with a marginal, or provincial status that would have been unimaginable at the height of their careers.34 Much the same can be said of Cavaccio, as I will argue. In the traditional model of periphery, Bergamo is part of this extended, nebulous region with no real identity, and diminished political and artistic importance. This “peripheralization” is reproduced in art historiography from Vasari up until the present, as it has been in musicology.35 A tendency to classify artistic creations into schools and regional styles prevents a broader understanding of supraregional and international exchanges, and inevitably omits characters such as Cavaccio. My dissertation is, in part, an attempt to remedy this. Sources A relatively complete archive of the MIA dating back to 1265 is housed in Bergamo’s Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai, where I spent several months in 2018 thanks to a Glady Krieble 33 Jerome Roche, North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 23. 34 Campbell, The Endless Periphery, 7. 35 Campbell, 29. 36 Delmas Foundation research grant. My primary sources within this archive include the Libri Maestri, or master account books, which document every financial transaction made by the MIA starting in 1601. Of particular interest for this project is the expenditure for the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore, managed by the MIA from 1449. The Libri Maestri contain full rosters and salaries for musicians, as well as payments to part-time and highly specialized instrumental soloists. I consulted seven of these large manuscripts, through 1631. The Spese (accounts/receipts) for the years 1580–1631 include records of transactions for musicians hired beyond the usual company of full-time singers and instrumentalists, as well as documents detailing purchases of music books, instruments, and tangential expenses such as transporting an organetto from one church to another, or the redecoration of the coro. Unlike official inventories, which unfortunately do not always exist, many receipts and records pertaining to the purchase of music partbooks from this period can be too vague to be of much use to the historian. However, some of the receipts in the Spese contain enough detail to determine the specific edition, valuable information for any scholar of musical print culture considering the scarcity of extant partbooks. The Scritture hold letters of request written to the MIA council. Many of these correspondences show musicians unhappy with their remuneration, revealing that this is not solely a contemporary phenomenon. These pleas for a better salary emerge as valuable sources for deciphering performance practice, particularly in the reconstruction of the instrumental parts for music which is printed as purely vocal. I also discovered previously unpublished information regarding Cavaccio’s biography based on letters written by his widow in the two years after the composer’s death. Contracts for the maestri di cappella are housed in the Inventari, Capitoli, Terminazioni folders. The contracts not only include salary information, 37 but also a full bullet-pointed list of duties and responsibilities. The Terminazioni include notes from council meetings concerning matters such as the election of a new maestro di cappella and arguments concerning overall expenditure. My approach to the archival documents, largely in the form of scattered receipts and payment records, is inspired by historians, art historians, and musicologists of the Renaissance and early modern periods who have a keen ability to unravel and interpret fascinating, captivating narratives through these archival scraps, read within a larger cultural and historical framework.36 Printed music is another key primary source for this project. In the early modern period music was published as multiple sets of partbooks, one for each voice or part, and many publications do not survive intact in full, complete specimens.37 This is a fundamental aspect in understanding music historiography. As Kate van Orden points out, a blunt reality in our field is that, as scholars, we rely almost entirely on surviving partbooks and manuscripts for source 36 While a common methodology for historians, the studies to have the most direct impact on me as a scholar of this time period in terms of methodological framework and ensuing narrative include: Niall Atkinson, The Noisy Renaissance: Sound, Architecture, and Florentine Urban Life (University Park PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2016); Alison Brown, The Return of Lucretius to Renaissance Florence, I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education; Tim Carter and Richard A. Goldthwaite, Orpheus in the Marketplace: Jacopo Peri and the Economy of Late Renaissance Florence, I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013); Edward Muir, Mad Blood Stirring (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998); Sharon T. Strocchia, Nuns and Nunneries in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009); and Nicholas Terpstra, Lost Girls: Sex and Death in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010). It is these studies that I had in mind as I pored over page after page of receipts and financial records in Bergamo, unsure of what narrative would reveal itself. 37 For more on the physical aspects of early modern partbooks see Kate van Orden, Music, Authorship, and the Book in the First Century of Print (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 6–12. 38 material.38 This poses a problem for a composer like Cavaccio, who published at least twentyfive books of sole-authored collections, only eighteen of which survive. Of those eighteen, only eleven exist in complete specimen with all partbooks surviving intact. Yet, even fragments of incomplete partbooks or manuscripts contain a wealth of material for the observant scholar, and I am particularly inspired by van Orden’s work with material aspects of musical sources. Her most recent monograph Materialities delves into the physical properties of early modern chanson editions to discover ways in which the objects were used by their owners, a cultural history focused on “the consumption end of the producer-consumer equation.”39 To this end, I have located and studied rare printed material in libraries and archives throughout Italy, Germany, Poland, the UK, and the USA. For many of these, which may exist in only one individual partbook from an original set of five, there is incredibly useful information to mine from the publication details, dedicatee, index, and materiality. Chapter 4 of this dissertation most directly adopts van Orden’s methodology, as explained in the chapter summary below. Scholars such as van Orden and Gregory Johnston have long since realized the value of incomplete sources, material aspects of printed material, and dedicatory prefaces; I follow their lead.40 Incomplete sources were not always recognized as worthwhile. The primary source material for Chapter 4 of this dissertation consists of several incomplete manuscript partbooks originating from lower 38 van Orden, Music, Authorship, and the Book in the First Century of Print, 10. van Orden, Materialities: Books, Readers, and the Chanson in Sixteenth-Century Europe, The New Cultural History of Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 28. 40 In addition to van Orden’s two aforementioned monographs, see Gregory S. Johnston, “Textual Symmetries and the Origins of Heinrich Schütz’s ‘Musikalische Exequien,’” Early Music 19, no. 2 (May 1991): 213–25. Johnston examines material aspects of a surviving partbook and how a musician would have experienced that materiality in an effort to uncover elements of both contemporaneous print strategy and performance practice. 39 39 Saxony, ca.1616–1638, currently housed in the Bibliothek Augusta within Wolfenbüttel’s Herzog August Bibliothek. According to Sven Limbeck, head of the library’s music collection, the partbooks were only discovered in the 1960s and nearly thrown out after they were deemed of no use owing their incomplete stature. I am grateful these documents were rescued from the trash heap, as they offer valuable insight into the dissemination and circulation of printed Italian musical material in German-speaking lands north of the Alps during the Thirty Years War. Chapter Summaries Chapter 1, “Musical Life on The Edge of the Terraferma 1580–1598: Giovanni Cavaccio’s Local Networks in Bergamo and Brescia,” begins by contextualizing the geopolitical importance of Bergamo as a crucial locale on the crossroads of major geopolitical entities. This was true in the ancient Roman settlement, as well as in 1561 when the Venetian Republic began construction on the fortified walls that still divide Bergamo into the città alta and città bassa (upper and lower cities). The massive engineering project resulted in the destruction of a number of churches, including Sant’Alessandro, one of two Bergamasque churches that historically claimed cathedral status. The Sant’Alessandro canons merged with those of the now undisputed Cathedral of San Vincenzo, creating a factional divide within the institution, the newly displaced canons now upset at the Venetian authorities and in turn, favoring Milanese episcopal oversight. Within this milieu emerged a local composer, Giovanni Cavaccio, trained first in Bergamo and then in Munich under the direction of Orlando di Lasso. Chapter 1 traces his career once he returned to Bergamo and interrogates the manner in which he was able to deftly maneuver the delicate political landscape within the cathedral, his place of employment. I argue that much of 40 this was done through a calculated publication strategy in which Cavaccio explored local networks, as well as new regional connections in nearby Brescia. This chapter also introduces the powerful Bergamasque maxi-confraternity, the MIA, an employer Cavaccio was actively courting, and civically, a competing body to that of the cathedral’s canons and bishop. Chapter 2, “Musical Life on the Edge of the Terraferma, 1598–1626: Cavaccio’s Career at Santa Maria Maggiore and Networks Beyond the Borders of Bergamo,” focuses on Cavaccio’s elevation to maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore in 1598, through his death in 1626. The MIA’s decision to hire Cavaccio came on the heels of a massive, long-term, expensive project of redecoration inside the basilica on Marian themes. I connect aspects of musical expenditure to the Marian artistic project and inspect acquisitions of music books, as well as payments to musicians for the most important feast day for this basilica, the Assumption of Mary on August 15. An effort to increase the profile of music for this feast is directly connected to the MIA’s artistic activity in the late Cinquecento. I additionally tackle the problem of instrumental performance practice. Drawing from the rich archives of Bergamo’s Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai, this chapter engages an unexpected source: musicians complaining about their salaries. As an example of how the letters help answer these questions, the trombonist Sedio Aresio wrote to the confraternity Misericordia Maggiore in 1606 in an effort to negotiate a raise.41 To support his claim, he listed every day he was required by maestro di cappella Cavaccio to perform with the singers. Other letters, all of which contain grievances of low pay amid economic turbulence brought on by external crises, could be quite specific, including which instrument doubled which written vocal part according to the type of music and ensemble. Cross-referencing these letters 41 MIA 1450, ff 12r–13v. 41 with financial records, musician rosters, receipts, and previously unknown printed music from maestro Cavaccio, a picture emerges of performance practice for music that, on paper, is purely vocal. Additionally, based on the regularity of performance, Bergamo surfaces as a neglected site of almost unparalleled large-scale polyphonic musical activity in early Seicento Italy. In these first two chapters, a frequent theme is the degree to which the MIA privileged music. During the 1620s, when churches throughout Italy and Germany were scaling back their musical spending due to dwindling treasuries resulting from war and plague, the confraternity continued to lavishly fund music. Chapter 3, “Music and Crisis at Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo during the Turbulent 1620s,” goes beyond the first two chapters to survey the MIA’s response to a series of external and internal crises. In a decade marred by war, austerity, death, famine, and plague, music continued to receive robust institutional support. Drawn from the MIA archives, a picture emerges of the musical quotidian and its importance to civic life, as well as how supraregional events impacted local confessional practice. In 1617, effects of the Uskok War waged between Venice and Croat pirates under the jurisdiction of the Holy Roman Empire had reached Bergamo. The MIA was finally forced to succumb to austerity measures, as this became a costly war for Venice, testing the resources of the Terraferma as never before. Even while operating a skeletal choir, receipts and payment slips still show large expenditures for the Assumption celebrations. By 1620, year-round musical spending reached previous levels, a reversal in austerity in stark contrast to the majority of contemporaneous institutions. This support continued despite two different famines in the same decade. The central question of this chapter is why would Bergamo keep such a priority in the face of challenges on multiple fronts? 42 The turbulent decade ended with a devasting 1630 plague, which killed over forty percent of Bergamo’s population, and yet the music continued. Chapter 4, “Venice Without Venice: Traces of Italian Printed Music in German Manuscripts during the Thirty Years War,” departs the confines of Bergamo to focus on three manuscript sources in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, fragments of music partbooks originating from churches in Helmstedt and Magdeburg ca.1616–1638.42 They exhibit an increasing dependence on printed Italian sources and the rise of Venetian musical products as commodifiable objects, relying both on German-edited collections and Venetian-sourced volumes. However, two of the featured “Venetian” composers in these documents had little to do with Venice—Lodovico Viadana and Isaac Posch—a newly possible mode of musical mediation without the benefit of Venice as an interlocutor. These manuscripts clearly paint a picture of stylistic development and transformation in the first quarter of the seventeenth century and help trace the circulation of Italian prints. They also remind us that in the early modern era, print culture and manuscript culture were not distinct entities, but survived and thrived hand in hand. 42 D-W, Cod. Guelf. 322–324 Mus. Hdschr. 43 CHAPTER 1 MUSICAL LIFE ON THE EDGE OF THE TERRAFERMA, 1580–1598: GIOVANNI CAVACCIO’S LOCAL NETWORKS IN BERGAMO AND BRESCIA Present-day Bergamo is bifurcated into an upper and lower portion of the city by the Venetian Walls, built from 1561 to 1623 to discourage Milanese northward expansion, as well as to limit contraband trade. Bergamo was one of the most important of the strong points fortified by the Venetian state in the sixteenth century, through its position at the end of the chain acting as the “true shield of all the other cities,” as one of its officials described it.1 Resting among the foothills of the Bergamasque Alps, it lies a mere twenty-five miles northeast of what was the Spanish duchy of Milan from 1559 to 1707. Under Venetian rule, Bergamo was the westernmost fortress town of the Venetian Republic’s mainland empire, known as the Terraferma. The Terraferma stretched from Bergamo in the west, the Friulian Alps in the northeast, and the river Po at the Republic’s southern extremity. It formed one of the three subdivisions of the Venetian Republic; the others were the Dogado (Venice and the surrounding islands), and the Stato da Màr (Venetian possessions in the eastern Adriatic and Mediterranean). Bergamo occupied a liminal space between these two major powers, and a glance at a contemporaneous map of the Terraferma illuminates the delicate geopolitical situation in which Bergamo existed (figure 1.1). 1 Joel Luthor Penning, “Dividing Walls: Bergamo’s Fortifications and Venetian State-Building” (paper read at the Renaissance Society of America annual conference, New Orleans, March 23, 2018). 44 Figure 1.1 - Stato del la republica di Venetia in Italia, Heinricus Zukkius, ca.1606. Earliest known printed map of Venice’s Terraferma holdings. US-Cn, Novacco 4F 319 (PrCt). The black line shows the Terraferma border; Milan, Bergamo, and Venice circled. The town had not submitted to Venetian rule until 1428 and there is a long history of military and commercial importance due to its location between Friuli, the Alps, and the commercial centers of Milan and the greater Po Valley. The citizens of Bergamo have found themselves subject to the effects of numerous wars, supraregional factional fighting, and oscillations between attempted self-rule and external subjugation. Against this backdrop, the inhabitants 45 nurtured a strong musical life, especially through the activities of the confraternity Misericordia Maggiore [MIA] and their lay-run basilica, Santa Maria Maggiore. Professional polyphony developed at the basilica in the fifteenth century, was greatly expanded partially through a local music academy, and by the end of the Cinquecento, Santa Maria Maggiore was one of the principal institutions for the performance of large-scale polyphony with a growing international reputation. This chapter investigates the civic function of music in Bergamo between the years 1580–1598 and how the political, military, and liturgical strife with which its residences were confronted affected quotidian musical practice. To this end, a brief history of Bergamo will help situate the city as a geopolitically intriguing locale within the larger context of medieval and early modern Italy. A Brief Geopolitical History of Bergamo Sacred music in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Bergamo was primarily a civic activity supported by public institutions amid complicated and conflicting supraregional interests. Any discussion of musical life during the early modern period must begin with a brief overview of Bergamo’s geopolitical history to contextualize its place at the crossroads of competing interests and ambitions. The Etruscan and later Gallic hilltop settlement of Bergomum was taken by the Romans in about 200 BCE and integrated into their road system connecting Milan and Padua. Fifth-century Bergamo suffered the fate of many north Italian cities at the hands of the Huns, and later became the seat of one of the most important Lombard duchies, situated on the main communication route between the Alps and the Po Valley. By the eleventh century, the bishops were de facto rulers of the city, with scattered sections of the territory 46 controlled by isolationist local lords who stuck mainly to their castles.2 By the end of eleventh century, a group of citizens took over city rule while a bishop retained jurisdiction over law in the city, though that power eventually eroded.3 Sometime around 1100, those citizens had formed a stable consular commune, completely independent of external rule. The commune was always politically weak, though, and during the thirteenth century shifted alliances between emergent Guelf and Ghibelline factions in a desperate effort to remain free from control of the powerful Milanese Visconti house. The political landscape of medieval Italy was dominated by infighting between the Guelf and Ghibelline factions, supporting the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor, respectively. While many cities were firmly in control—or support of—one of these factions, Bergamo was among the towns of variable allegiance. It had its own Guelf and Ghibelline factions, though no one used those specific terms. Guelf and Ghibelline were loose labels that could apply to families, factions, and towns, but every location that was dominated by one faction had domestic opponents from the other faction who were often exiled.4 For Bergamo, these were the Rivola and Suardi, based on the leading families at the helm of these parties. This era was marked by recurrent civil war between these factions, a time when private tower building 2 Lester K. Little, Liberty, Charity, Fraternity: Lay Religious Confraternities at Bergamo in the Age of the Commune, Smith College Studies in History 51 (Bergamo: Pierluigi Lubrina Editore, 1988), 18. 3 Roisin Cossar, The Transformation of the Laity in Bergamo, 1265–c. 1400, The Medieval Mediterranean: Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400–1500 63 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 7. 4 The best analysis of the idea that the exiles from town X were constantly trying to get their hosts in town Y to help them take over town X again is Randolph Starn, Contrary Commonwealth: The Theme of Exile in Medieval and Renaissance Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). The point is that Guelfs/Ghibellines was a code for describing the habitual divisions within Italian society. In extreme cases, such as Florence, with its Parte Guelfa, the factions became institutionalized and took over some governmental functions. 47 flourished. A detailed account is beyond the scope of this chapter, but suffice it to say, different factions at various times attempted to subdue the commune and occupied, pillaged, and destroyed churches and civic buildings in their wake.5 1296 marked a major Ghibelline assault led by Bergamo’s Suardi family. They burned the residences of the bishop and podestà (the chief magistrate), and sacked Santa Maria Maggiore. Communal forces were able to expel the Suardi but to do so, it was necessary to enlist the help of the Visconti of Milan, an alliance many were wary to make due to long-term implications of inviting in the power-hungry Visconti. This became an indispensable if uneasy alliance for the communal leaders, but the ambitious expansionist motives of the Visconti eventually caused their forces to shift alliances to the exiled Suardi family in order to take over the city and disband the commune in 1329, leading to nearly a century of Visconti control over Bergamo. By the 1340s, Milanese law had supplanted that of Bergamasque law.6 Visconti rule lasted until 1428 when, after a war with Venice, a treaty ceded control of Bergamo and its territory to the Venetian Republic. This accompanied Venice’s acquisition of Brescia, Crema, and Ravenna, a massive expansion of their Terraferma holdings. Historian Michael Knapton writes, “Creation of the Terraferma dominion also settled the political geography of most of northeast Italy, severely limiting both the influence earlier exercised by the transalpine dynasties of Austria and Hungary, and Milan’s eastwards 5 A good summary of the Bergamo Guelf and Ghibelline factions can be found in Little, Liberty, Charity, Fraternity, 22–28. Vestiges of Bergamo’s Guelf and Ghibelline factions resonated for centuries and a study on how this played out during the fifteenth century is, Christiane L. JoostGaugier, “Bartolomeo Colleoni and the Pianura Lombarda,” Arte Lombarda Nuova serie No. 104, no. 1 (1993): 39–52. For the regional fighting between the Visconti and della Torre, representative of the Milanese factions, and how their conflict affected Bergamo, see Starn, Contrary Commonwealth, 54–57. 6 Little, Liberty, Charity, Fraternity, 10. 48 ambitions.”7 With the exception of a brief interlude during the War of Cambria (1508–1516), Bergamo remained loyal to the Venetian Republic until the invasion of Napoleon’s forces in 1797. Venetian Governance As with most cities under the jurisdiction of Venice, Bergamo enjoyed considerable liberty in terms of self-governance and artistic output. One aspect of Venetian dominion over its territories was an allowance for significant variance in local custom and tradition. Much like the Roman Empire, Venice adopted an approach of permitting long-standing customs and laws to continue when possible in their dominion cities—and when parochial concerns did not interfere with matters of state—in order to facilitate a cooperative, stable Republic. Especially considering the proximity of Bergamo and Brescia to the Milanese Visconti, a powerful faction that would want to reclaim its lost territory, cementing agreements with local authority was more practical than strong-armed Venetian domination.8 This afforded noteworthy freedom for sacred institutions such as Santa Maria Maggiore to maintain their own liturgy and continued veneration of local saints. Venice employed the Marcian rite, a uniquely local variation of the Roman rite, and an imposition of this particular and foreign liturgical modification upon Bergamasque 7 Michael Knapton, “Venice and the Terraferma,” in The Italian Renaissance State, ed. Andrea Gamberini and Isabella Lazzarini, First edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 142. 8 Cristina Gioia, “Aristocratic Bandits and Outlaws: Stories of Violence and Blood Vendetta on the Border of the Venetian Republic (16th-17th Century),” in Imagining Frontiers, Contesting Identities, ed. Steven G. Ellis and Lud’a Klusáková (Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2007), 95. 49 institutions would have hindered cooperation, especially in a city so close to the Milanese sphere of influence. After the Venetian conquests of the late fourteenth century and the first two decades of the fifteenth century, Venice found itself having to oversee an extensive territory that went from Friuli to the Adda. In the main centers (Bergamo, along with Padua, Vicenza, Verona, and Brescia) the Venetian authorities sent two rectors—a podestà and a capitano (captain)—the first with civil and judicial functions, the second with tasks related to financial administration and to the defense of the territory.9 In the medium-sized centers (Treviso, Rovigo, Belluno, Feltre, and Crema) there was only one rector with powers of podestà or capitano. In the smaller towns (such as Este, Marostica, Lonato, and Martinengo) a provveditore was sent. Overall, in the sixteenth century there were about sixty of these Venetian officials scattered throughout the Terraferma.10 The duties of the capitano extended to various areas: judicial, military and, in some respects, to the economy. In the judicial sphere, one of the captain’s duties was to judge both civil and criminal cases involving military personnel, individuals under the salary of the Serenissima, or on occasion, the relatives of these parties. The civil cases could concern those who had fallen into debt towards citizens or merchants of Bergamo, or to other soldiers and salaried officials. Other times, cases involved damage to private property. Civil cases were sometimes delegated to the vicario pretorio, the deputy to the podestà. Among the other civil cases that were incumbent 9 Claudia Passarella, “Law, Justice and Architecture in Modern Venice: The Rector’s Palace and the Governance of the Mainland,” in History of Law and Other Humanities: Views of the Legal World Across the Time, ed. Virginia Amorosi and Velerio Massimo Minale (Madrid: Dykinson, 2019), 168. 10 Luciano Pezzolo, “Podestà e capitani nella terraferma veneta (Secoli XV–XIII),” in Venezia e le istituzioni di terraferma (Bergamo: Assessorato alla Cultura, 1988), 58. 50 on the captain there were also cases relating to smuggling or the conduct of soldiers and officials. From an administrative point of view, the capitano was particularly responsible for the territory of Bergamo, predominantly in the case of military oversight, discipline, and finance.11 These officials were often well-connected patricians with their own artistic and musical predilections and history of patronage. As will be shown, some podestà attempted to exert musical influence and Bergamasque musicians attempted to court their favor, in return. However, these officials did not wield total authority; local concerns could easily trump desires of the Venetian-appointed governors. Additionally, Venetian authorities found it difficult to enact laws and prosecute criminal offenders on the borders of their Terraferma holdings. In a report presented to the Venetian Senate in 1579, podestà of Bergamo Giacomo Contarini complained that many crimes could not be punished due to the lack of public officials willing to cooperate.12 Operating under a local tradition of vendetta culture, lords gave shelter to criminals in residences that more closely resembled fortresses, frustrating attempts at executing justice under Venetian law. Besides ignoring the authority of the podestà, aristocrats felt confident because of the proximity of the castles of the country aristocracy within the Duchy of Milan and its porous borders.13 The most powerful local body remained the MIA, and I argue this institution was the de facto court in Bergamo. The confraternity was the largest underwriter of artistic and musical projects, construction, education, responsible for the majority of charitable spending in the city, ultimately unifying disparate sacred and secular factions. 11 For more on matters of regional governance see, Pezzolo, “Podestà e capitani nella terraferma veneta,” 57–65. 12 Gioia, “Aristocratic Bandits and Outlaws,” 97. 13 Gioia, 97. 51 The Confraternity Misericordia Maggiore In 1265, during Bergamo’s communal era, a confraternity was formed that will become an important player in this narrative—the Misericordia Maggiore, known to all as the MIA. The MIA still exists in the present day and currently operates as the Fondazione MIA.14 It quickly became the most powerful confraternity in Bergamo and eventually an extension of the civic body, even more so than the official town council. Lacking a noble court and its accompanying physical spaces, many of the more impactful decisions for the daily life of most residents were made in MIA council meetings. Contributing to the stability of the MIA is that it was co-founded by a Franciscan and a Dominican, competing orders, and members were drawn from all parts of city, admitting both men and women. Elections called for representatives from all four main neighborhoods of Bergamo. The strength of the MIA, as historian Roisin Cossar argues, was the ability to shift and morph their internal governing structure to mirror the local governance that existed at any given point in time.15 During the violent period marking submission to the Visconti of Milan, it was the MIA that helped to ease the shift from communal to signorial government. The Visconti were invested in a smooth transition, too, and relied on the MIA in turn; they renewed several privileges the commune had given the MIA, for example. This included donations of salt and the sale of it at a reduced rate.16 This is in contrast to Florentine and Bolognese confraternities, which often operated in conflict with local authorities.17 This 14 Their website is https://www.fondazionemia.it/it. Cossar, The Transformation of the Laity in Bergamo, especially 19–59. 16 Cossar, The Transformation of the Laity in Bergamo, 56. 17 Nicholas Terpstra, Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 181. 15 52 flexibility and willingness to act in the interest of civic peace in the face of a leadership vacuum ensured the MIA’s long-term stability and increasingly high-profile role in Bergamo’s civic life. This extends to the function played by the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore. Additionally, the MIA dramatically expanded its charitable program starting in the fourteenth century as the confraternity grew wealthier, more stably endowed, and liberated from external support. The form of their almsgiving went from providing basic goods, such as salt, wine, and grain, to actively providing all forms of essential services even during crisis.18 Cossar has written on the MIA’s transformation during their first two centuries. By providing alms for those in the midst of crisis, rather than maintaining a list of regular clients, [the MIA] portrayed itself as an organisation committed to the community as a whole and thus as the primary institution responsible for local pious culture and social stability.19 Forms of charity to meet the goal of social stability included ransom for soldiers captured on campaign, payments to those suffering from disease or disability, healthcare in the form of subsidized disbursements to physicians and surgeons for treating the indigent, real estate insurance in the form of reimbursement to individuals with damaged property due to both civic violence and natural disaster, and dowries for girls.20 The importance of this last form of charity, direct payment of dowries, cannot be overstated. Dowry culture had been firmly entrenched by the fourteenth century, and, in theory, represented a bride’s contribution to the common household expenses, funds which could help 18 Roisin Cossar, “The Quality of Mercy: Confraternities and Public Power in Medieval Bergamo,” Journal of Medieval History 27, no. 2 (2001): 153. 19 Cossar, “The Quality of Mercy,” 152. 20 Cossar, “The Quality of Mercy,” is the best source for the charitable works of the MIA and she explains how those activities helped secure the confraternity’s civic role. 53 support her after the husband’s death.21 This hardly matched the reality of the practice. Dowries became more and more expensive, so much so that families often could only afford to marry off one daughter. The rest were sent to work in textile factories, involuntarily sequestered in convents, or worse. Nicholas Terpstra paints a grim picture of the Florentine Casa della Pietà, a home that opened in 1554 as a temporary shelter for adolescent girls through a vulnerable period of their lives to—eight decades later—a Third Order convent that girls would enter at a young age, most of whom would never leave until death.22 The result was fewer marriages and a decline in birth rate, what Edward Muir refers to as the demographic suicide of the patrician class.23 The numbers are startling. In the case of Florence, the urban population ca.1338, just before the Black Death, was estimated at 100,000–120,000. Of this number, five hundred were nuns, or one out of every 220 residents. By 1515, when the system of dowries began to really change in favor of unwieldly and expensive contracts, there were 2,500 nuns in a Florence with a population of 60–70,000. By 1552, 3,400 Florentine nuns accounted for an astonishing one out of every nineteen residents.24 Nearly half of Florentine patrician women were in convents by the turn of the Seicento.25 This reality made cities less responsive to massive demographic upheavals, as in the case of war, famine, or plague. Contrast this to the situation in Bergamo, where the MIA took 21 Julius Kirshner, Marriage, Dowry, and Citizenship in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 9–10. 22 Nicholas Terpstra, Lost Girls: Sex and Death in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010). 23 Edward Muir, The Culture Wars of the Late Renaissance: Skeptics, Libertines, and Opera, The Bernard Berenson Lectures on the Italian Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 107. 24 Sharon T. Strocchia, Nuns and Nunneries in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 2. 25 Strocchia, 2. 54 on the cause of dowries as a key component of their charitable work. In fact, their interest in providing this service arose after fourteenth-century demographic turbulence surrounding the Black Death. As Cossar writes, The amount the confraternity spent on dowries [in one month] totaled more than 10 per cent of all of its expenses, a significant amount for one type of alms… By providing Bergamasque girls with the means to marry after a time of significant demographic change, [the MIA] emphasised its commitment to social stability in Bergamo.26 The charitable projects enacted by the MIA, their proactive role in contributing to demographic stability, the flexibility the organization displayed when dealing with newly appointed forms of government, and their financing of artistic and musical works ensured the confraternity’s continued association in the minds of internal and external observer alike as a metonym for Bergamo’s civic identity. In 1449, the municipality of Bergamo, considering the failing economic performance of the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore, decided to assign its management to the MIA. This decision was fiercely opposed by the bishop of Bergamo, Giovanni Barozzi, as he correctly assumed this move would diminish the importance of the cathedral. The MIA turned to both Venetian and ecclesiastic authorities, eventually obtaining a 1453 papal bull from Pope Niccolò V which sanctioned the autonomy of both the basilica and the MIA from episcopal jurisdiction.27 The MIA then had the baptistery demolished and rebuilt in the nearby Duomo in order to prevent the bishop from entering the basilica during his pastoral visits, an aggressive political move. The 26 Cossar, “The Quality of Mercy,” 153–54. Still valid to the present day, the Fondazione MIA displays the bull on its website, https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/istituzione/storia, accessed April 13, 2020. A full transcription of the bull can be found in Towne, “Gaspar de Albertis and Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo in the Sixteenth Century” vol 2, 158. 27 55 increased financial and political power attained by the MIA in this four-year period meant the bishop’s fears fully realized and Santa Maria Maggiore became the center of religious and cultural life in Bergamo and site for communal meetings. The MIA also operated a number of schools and founded a music academy in the mid sixteenth century. One of the largest landowners throughout the entire region, the MIA owned over 1,550 hectares and drew in additional income through annual dues, investments, and bequests.28 By the early seventeenth century, the MIA was worth at least 2.5 million Venetian lire and brought in an annual revenue of 136,000 lire, approximately twenty-nine percent of which went to operating the basilica.29 This allowed for the retention of a large, home-grown permanent choir and group of instrumentalists capable of performing large-scale polyphony well after many other comparable institutions adopted smaller choirs in the face of economic recession. These resources attracted musicians and composers from throughout the region and Santa Maria Maggiore became a site of musical opulence in northern Italy second only to San Marco in Venice. Beginnings of Professional Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo The earliest documentation of professional music in Bergamo comes from civic trumpeters and bell-ringers who both received statutory sanction in 1353, though professional trumpeters are documented as early as 1331.30 Civic music had expanded to piffari ensembles in 28 Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education, 79. The operating budget of Santa Maria Maggiore and its percentage of annual revenue is based on my examination of the Maestri Libri in the MIA archives from the years 1601–1631: MIA 1149–1155. 30 Gary Towne, “Over the Hills and Far Away: The Place of Bergamo in the Development and Transmission of Polychoral Music,” in Dal canto corale alla musica policorale: L’arte del coro 29 56 1480, and these wind players along with the trumpeters played serenate to honor the Blessed Virgin every Saturday at Santa Maria Maggiore.31 1480 is also the same year we find the earliest documentation for something akin to a maestro di cappella, with a reference to a prete Giovanni, direttore dei cantori. Pre. Giovanni was hired to teach cantu figurato and to “sing apt music with other singers and clerics.”32 Save for the years surrounding World War II, Santa Maria Maggiore has employed a maestro di cappella almost continuously, Cristian Gentilini currently serving as the basilica’s fifty-second, regularly composing new liturgic works while leading a fully professional musical ensemble.33 In twenty-first century Italy, this is a relatively rare position and further speaks to the basilica’s continued history of musical excellence that persists to this day. According to an inscription in the southeast arch to the entrance of the building, the basilica was founded in 1137. Archaeological evidence suggests a church already existed on that site, and numerous scholars have pointed to errors in the inscription, so the precise date remains unclear.34 What is clear, however, is that that a church named Santa Maria was rebuilt as Santa Maria Maggiore to serve as an integral part of the cathedral complex of San Vincenzo in the Spezzato, ed. Lucia Boscolo Folegana and Alessandra Ignesti, vol. 3, Fonti Studi per La Storia della nusica veneta (Università degli studi di Padova: Cleup Editrice, 2014), 69. 31 Gary Towne, “Tubatori e Piffari: Civic Wind Players in Medieval and Renaissance Bergamo,” Historic Brass Society Journal 9 (1997): 176–77. 32 “debeat in cantu figurato cum aliis cantare et clericos ecclesie aptos docere musicam.” “Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore: Cappella Musicale,” Fondazione MIA website, accessed May 30, 2020: https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/basilica/cappella/storia. 33 A list of the current cappella roster is found on the MIA website for the basilica, https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/basilica/cappella/composizione, accessed June 21, 2020. In addition to performances on specific feast days, Gentilini leads a full musical mass every Sunday. 34 Giles Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform in Late-Sixteenth and EarlySeventeenth-Century Bergamo” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1999), 149–150. 57 center of medieval Bergamo. Politically, this was important because Bergamo claimed the unusual and confusing reality of containing two cathedrals. In addition to San Vincenzo was Sant’Alessandro, an eighth-century structure outside the city walls, demolished by Venetian authorities in 1561 to make way for the construction of Bergamo’s fortifications. From its foundation until the end of the 1400s, music was taken care of by the canons who taught plainchant to a certain number of clerics. Once polyphony was introduced, to learn the art of counterpoint clerics had to obtain funding from the MIA to attend private lessons, that is until 1506 when the school of clerics was founded (la scuola dei chierici). In 1402 the first positive organ was installed in the basilica (only portative organs had been used since the foundation) and here it is worth looking to a chronicler of the time, Castello Castelli. In February the sumptuous choirs in the church of S[anta] Maria Maggiore, set in gold, were brought to completion. Here were stored the organs, made in Milan, which were installed with great solemnity, in the presence of the canons of the cathedral, and the excellent musician Friar Odorico of Piacenza, Minorite of S[an] Francesco, was brought to Bergamo to play them.35 The organ was inaugurated during the feast of the Annunciation on March 25, 1402, along with a group of trumpeters. Bergamo employed up to three trumpeters throughout the rest of the fifteenth century to fulfill the town’s heraldic needs, and a fully professional piffari ensemble was established in 1490 expanding their duties for performance during processions, serenades, and during mass.36 The ensemble was partially disbanded following turbulence surrounding the 35 “…in febbraio furono terminati nella Chiesa di S. Maria Maggiore le sontuose cantorie d’intagli posti ad oro per riporvi gli organi fatti fabricare in Milano, che vi si colocarono con grande solennità, essendovi intervenuti i canonici della cattedrale e fu con onorevole salario condotto a suonarli il bravo professore Frate Odorico di Piacenza minorita di S. Francesco in Bergamo.” Castello Castelli, “Cronica,” quoted in Cristoforo Scotti, Il pio istituto musicale Donizetti in Bergamo (Bergamo: Istituto italiano d’arte grafiche, 1901), 46–47. 36 Towne, “Tubatori e Piffari,” 179. 58 War of League of Cambrai, though a core ensemble of trumpeters remained intact. In 1561, wary of fluctuating salaries in Bergamo, many of the dynastic instrumental families left for Munich to serve at the Bavarian court under Kapellmeister Orlando di Lasso.37 There was evidently an open pipeline across the Alps, as a number of Bergamasque musicians had deep ties to Munich, which will be elaborated on below. Pre. Giovanni was hired in 1480 at a salary of 100 lire per year plus two bushels of wheat, a cart of wine, a room with a bed, a blanket, and a couple of sheets.38 In 1483 the position of maestro di cappella was entrusted to Franchino Gaffurio from Lodi, well-known in his lifetime and after as an influential music theorist. Gaffurio remained at Santa Maria Maggiore for less than a full year before assuming a role at the cathedral in Milan, where he remained until his death. To complete the Quattrocento, Gaffurio was succeeded by the priest Antonio della Valle, Guglielmo and Giovanni di Burgundia for a brief interval, the priest Santo Spagnuolo, followed by Giovanni Napoletano from 1498 to 1506. Detailed pay records for this period do not survive, so estimating exactly how many singers were performing polyphonic music is difficult, although the number was certainly limited to three or four musicians who probably improvised polyphony in two or three voices.39 The chapel grew to add several additional singers, but suffered setbacks surrounding the War of the League of Cambrai. During those chaotic years, control of Bergamo changed hands at least ten times and the French forces who annexed Bergamo—along with 37 Towne, “Tubatori e Piffari,” 184. “Giovanni assunto precisamente il 29 settembre del 1480 con un contratto di 100 lire annue più…due some frumento, un carro di vino, stanza con letto, una coperta ed un paio di lenzuola.” Pierluigi Forcella, Musica e musicisti a Bergamo: Dalle origini ai contemporanei (Villa di Serio: Edizioni Villadiseriane, 1992), 17. 39 Towne, “Gaspar de Albertis and Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo in the Sixteenth Century,” 6. 38 59 Brescia, Crema, and Cremona—were particularly ruthless in their slaughter of civilians.40 One of the civic roles the MIA bore was the payment of ransom demands for soldiers in time of war, and this period was especially demanding, rapidly depleting the confraternity’s coffers. For large ransoms, such as the 25,000-florin demand from the Margrave of Brandenburg, the MIA was forced to strip churches and monasteries of valuables.41 It is hardly surprising payments for professional singers and musicians were halted amid such tumult. The chapel recovered in 1517 with the hiring of highly paid singers, including Gaspar de Albertis of Padua, who would eventually become the long serving maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore, from 1536 to 1550, and again from 1552 to 1554.42 Albertis’ successful tenure included the introduction of antiphonal polychoral technique into Bergamo and the training and recruitment of the necessary performing forces to undertake such music.43 The MIA, in addition to its charitable assistance in all aspects of civic life and its lay oversight of the basilica, promoted education and literacy through their operation of numerous schools and academies. Although the MIA by no means held a monopoly on education in Bergamo, their ventures overshadowed all other institutions.44 The earliest documentation of 40 Simon Pepper, “Patriots and Partisans: Popular Resistance to the Occupation of the Venetian Terraferma by the Forces of the League of Cambrai,” in Warfare and Politics (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), 82. 41 Bortolo Belotti, Storia di Bergamo e dei Bergamaschi, vol. 2 (Bergamo: Poligrafiche Bolis, 1940), 158. 42 The richest secondary source on Albertis remains Gary Towne’s 1985 dissertation, “Gaspar de Albertis and Music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo in the Sixteenth Century.” 43 See in particular, Towne, “Over the Hills and Far Away,” and David Crawford and Scott Messing, Gaspar de Albertis’ Sixteenth-Century Choirbooks at Bergamo, Renaissance Manuscript Studies 6 (Hännsler-Verlag: American Institute of Musicology, 1994). 44 For a detailed overview see in particular, Chapter 2, “Misericordia: Schooling and Confraternities,” in Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education, 75–139. 60 music education comes as early as 973, when the bishop donated his house for the use of grammar and music teachers associated with the cathedral.45 The MIA’s outsized role in all aspects of education began in the very early Cinquecento, the confraternity especially increasing a commitment to providing musical training for all of its clerics.46 In the mid-sixteenth century, the MIA extended a full music curriculum to the young seminary students through their scuola dei chierici so that they could adequately sing polyphony during church services.47 The figure at the center of this study, Giovanni Cavaccio (ca.1556–1626) was born in Bergamo and was part of the first generation of local children to take advantage of the MIA’s newly restructured music academy. Towards a Biography of Giovanni Cavaccio In a sense, Cavaccio became the first major home-grown musical talent to emerge from the MIA’s music-centered educational system. After early training in Bergamo, Cavaccio received additional schooling and experience abroad, and finally returned to a successful career in his hometown. Bibliographic records of Cavaccio are scant, though we do know he was elevated to maestro di cappella at Santa Maria Maggiore in 1598 and served in that capacity until his death in 1626. His duties included teaching, rehearsing the choir, playing the organ, hiring musicians, and composing new music for liturgical use. Directly preceding this appointment, he was maestro di cappella at the cathedral located next door, from 1580 to 1598. 45 Carlsmith, 31. Carlsmith, 87. 47 The documents supporting these decisions in relation to the music curriculum are outlined in Carlsmith, 320 fn 66. 46 61 As in Venice, the cathedral was not the primary musical institution of the city, and the Santa Maria Maggiore post was a notable improvement for Cavaccio in terms of salary, prestige, visibility, and influence. We know next to nothing about Cavaccio’s early life, his family, or his education. What has already been documented will be expanded upon here based on my archival findings. The best and only source to date on his full biography is the entry in Donato Calvi’s compendium on illustrious figures from Bergamo, Scena letteraria de gli scrittori Bergamaschi from 1664.48 Calvi speaks specifically to the virtuosity of Cavaccio’s singing ability as a youth and compares him to the Sirens of Parthenope with some clever musical wordplay. As a young boy, [Cavaccio] excelled in the sweetness of singing, and had a delicacy of the voice more than the angels and the Sirens of Parthenope [Naples], for having learnt the contrappunto in the most perfect way, he forced the listeners’ hearts to be contrappuntoed with his marvelous harmonies.49 We can assume Cavaccio was trained in letters and counterpoint alongside other young boys who possessed or displayed an aptitude for singing. While much remains conjecture, Christopher Carlsmith’s monograph offers insight into the type of education Cavaccio may have received. As Carlsmith notes, there was no one-size-fits-all education in Bergamo, but rather an educational network that was malleable to the individual, and specifically to their talents.50 The MIA, as shown above, more aggressively promoted musical education beginning in the second half of the sixteenth century.51 Someone of Cavaccio’s reported ability, if Calvi’s laudatory prose can be 48 Donato Calvi, Scena letteraria de gli scrittori Bergamaschi: aperta alla curiosita’ de suoi concittadini (Bergamo: Marc’ Antonio Rossi, 1664), 202–04. 49 “Giovinetto cumulò nella dolcezza del canto, e delicatezza della voce anzi gl'angelici cantori, che le Partenope Sirene, havendo perfettissimamente il Contraponto appreso, obligava degl'uditori i cuori al contriponteggìarli con le maraviglie l'armonie.” Calvi, 203. 50 Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education, 19-22. 51 Carlsmith, 127. 62 trusted, trained with the maestro di cappella, whose duties included the musical education of the young singers. Calvi reports Cavaccio then spent his youth in Bavaria before traveling to Rome and Venice. [Cavaccio] spent his adolescence in the Bavarian court, bearer of the benevolence of [Duke Albert V], and then passed through Rome and then to Venice. He made it known that his valor was not to be restrained by the restrictedness of one place, but that he could, if he wanted to, serve by himself the whole world.52 Cavaccio spent twenty-three years at the cathedral, indicating he was back in Bergamo for good by 1575/6. From this piecemeal biography, a reasonable assumption would place a young Cavaccio as a singer at the Bavarian court in Munich from approximately 1567 to 1573/4 in the service of Albert V before traveling through Rome and Venice for two years (see figure 1.2). Significantly, this suggests Cavaccio was acquainted with—and a student of—Orlando di Lasso, one of the more prolific and versatile of sixteenth-century composers, and in his time among the best-known and most widely admired musicians in Europe. Lasso took over the leadership of the Munich chapel in 1563, a position he was to hold for thirty years. During this period the make-up of the chapel changed as more and more Italians were recruited, a young Cavaccio apparently among them. As part of Lasso’s duties, he was directly responsible for the musical education of the choirboys.53 This is a substantial addition to Cavaccio’s biography and his musical training. 52 “Passò l'adolescenza nella Corte di Baviera possessore della benevolenza di quell'Altezza in grado Supremo, indi passato à Roma, e di qui à Venezia fece conoscere non dover il suo valore dall' angustia d'un solo luogo esser misurato, ma il mondo tutto solo potere di condegno Teatro al suo volore servire.” Calvi, 203. 53 James Haar, “Lassus [Orlando di Lasso], Orlande [Roland] de,” GMO. 63 Beyond what is known from the record of musical activity, from printed music, and from financial records, several additional documents offer clues about Cavaccio’s family in the MIA archive. The composer had two sons who at one point found themselves on the MIA roster of Santa Maria Maggiore’s chapel. One son, Ludovico Cavaccio, served as a trombonist from 1611 to 1616. The earliest record in reference to Ludovico comes from a 1609 request from the cathedral for supplemental musicians. A priest named Alessandro Manzone, titulato nella Cathedrale suplica, requested that the MIA send a number of specific musicians to perform a mass in the cathedral for a January 4, 1609 oratione.54 Four musicians were requested specifically by name, including Battista Ratis, a tenor and maestro di canto fermo at the MIA academy, Giulio Cesare Celani, the virtuoso cornetto, and two young musicians still in the academy, Ludovico Cavaccio, trombone, and Joseffo Fontanella, soprano. The document is representative of the cooperation between institutions in terms of lending musicians to one another, but also that younger, skilled performers were in demand, as well as more established figures. In 1610, Giovanni Cavaccio wrote to the MIA concerning his son Ludovico, stating that he had been playing in the church for four years by that point, and requested consideration for his nomination as a full, salaried member of the Santa Maria Maggiore musical chapel.55 The same year, Cavaccio was reimbursed for the purchase of a trombone with a used mouthpiece (Uno Trombone per sonar in Chiesa con un Bocchetto usato), presumably for his son Ludovico, also suggesting the MIA itself owned many of the instruments, rather than the performers.56 The MIA did in fact hire Ludovico on May 25, 1611 at a stipend of 100 lire/year. In 1615, his salary was 54 MIA 1450, ff 313r. MIA 1450, ff 458r–v. 56 MIA 1538, ff 32r. 55 64 improved to 175 lire/year, though Ludovico seems to drop out of the roster in September 1616, after which I have been unable to find any further record. Another son, Francesco, is the subject of a 1607 letter from Cavaccio to the MIA, stating that the twelve-year-old boy had been singing in the basilica for four years without any stipend. This gives Francesco, likely the second eldest child, a birth date of 1595. Cavaccio was awarded a mysterious additional stipend in the form of grain in 1608, possibly explained by this supplication.57 Francesco eventually made his way to the roster as a salaried soprano from 1609 through 1610. At that point, his fifteen-year-old voice likely broke and Francesco then disappears from the roster. Two letters from Cavaccio’s widow written following the composer’s death help fill in some other biographic lacunae. The first letter was written in 1626, shortly after the composer’s death in August of that year. “Flavia Cavaccia” later uses her maiden name, “Flavia Bordogna.” The surname tells us she came from the small village of Bordogna, part of Roncobello, about thirty kilometers north of Bergamo. In her 1626 letter pleading for financial support in the face of a recently deceased household bread-winner, Flavia begins by acknowledging many poor Bergamasque citizens in greater need—the destitute, the sick—but asks the MIA to consider her late husband’s long period of service.58 The likely result of this plea is evidenced by a one-time 100 lire payment to Cavaccio’s heirs in exchange for books of music.59 The second letter from Flavia comes in the middle of a terrible 1629 famine, and shortly before the plague would sweep through Bergamo (more on these turbulent in events in Chapter 3). In this truly heartbreaking 57 MIA 1151, ff 174r–v. MIA 1452, ff 298r. 59 “Pag. alle heredi di Gio. Cavaccio per libri da canto: 100 lire.” MIA 1155, ff 278r. 58 65 letter, Flavia writes that two years have passed since her “better life.”60 The object of the letter is the support of two younger children, the youngest a ten-year-old boy. Flavia suspects that her youngest has an aptitude for music, but she no longer has the means to provide for his schooling. She describes the boy as good natured and hopeful and proposes that—due to her son’s latent musical ability—if the MIA could help her send him to school, he could one day serve them, as did his father. From these letters we can surmise Giovanni and Flavia Cavaccio had four children, the eldest born sometime before 1595, the youngest in 1619. No later documentation survives on Cavaccio’s family after this 1629 letter, strongly suggesting they perished in the following year’s plague, along with forty percent of the population. Figure 1.2 – Possible Timeline of Giovanni Cavaccio 60 “Passò a miglior vita già due anni.” MIA 1452, ff 558r. 66 Cavaccio in Munich There are no known surviving documents surrounding Cavaccio’s recruitment to the Munich court chapel, so the details surrounding this period are meagre. Presumably a standout boy singer in Bergamo, there may have been a main figure involved in recruiting musicians for the Bavarian court. One contributing factor in the desire of Cavaccio or his guardians to leave Bergamo may have been the unfortunate situation of Pietro Pontio, a disastrous maestro di cappella at Santa Maria Maggiore, ending with his being disciplined and fired in 1567. Pontio, originally recommended for the post by Cipriano de Rore, was forced out following hearings centering on allegations of poor teaching, gambling, and consorting with prostitutes.61 In the full processo (official complaint), the dissatisfaction with Pontio’s teaching duties emerges as the primary concern of the MIA, more so than any allegations of sexual impropriety. It is doubtful a young Cavaccio had any real agency over his own education; perhaps his parents or another figure in the academy recognized the possibility of wasted potential at the hands of Pontio. One thing is clear: there was unquestionably some sort of BergamoàMunich transalpine pipeline of musicians, even if the precise nature of this network remains unclear. The Besozzis, Moraris, Mutios, Scandellos, and Vasallis furnished most of the native instrumental musicians in Bergamo in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.62 Two of the most celebrated 61 The processo [official complaint] against Pontio is the subject of a fascinating article by Russell E Murray, “On the Teaching Duties of the ‘Maestro Di Cappella’ in Sixteenth-Century Italy: The ‘Processo’ against Pietro Pontio,” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 14 (January 1988): 115–29. Murray transcribes the full processo in his dissertation, “The Voice of the Composer: Theory and Practice in the Works of Pietro Pontio” (PhD diss., University of North Texas, 1989). 62 For more detail on the dynastic family musicians in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see especially Towne, “Tubatori e Piffari,” 175–95. 67 members of these families were the trombetti Cerbonius Besutio and Antonio Scandello. Both musicians served in the wind band of Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo during the Council of Trent where connections fostered there led to contracts in Dresden. In 1561, after several years of back and forth travel across the Alps, Besutio, Scandello, and one other Bergamasque musician, Lucio Tertio, returned to Germany and spent the rest of their careers performing in Lasso’s Bavarian Hofkapelle.63 In a gorgeously illuminated manuscript collection of Lasso motets, Psalmi Poenitentiales (presently located in Munich BSB), there is an oft-reproduced image of Orlando di Lasso at the harpsichord surrounded by his Hofkapelle and their instruments (figure 1.3). The 1570 illustration by Hans Mielich portrays the instrumentalists, many of whom have been positively identified by Nicole Schwindt.64 If Gary Towne’s assumption that the three Moraris originated from the same Bergamasque family is accurate, then seven of these musicians came from Bergamo, over one-third of the 1570 Munich Hofkapelle.65 One of those musicians in question was Giovanni Battista Morari, and at least one Morari family member was hired at Santa Maria Maggiore by Cavaccio about three decades later. In 1570, the year of the image, Cavaccio was a twelve or thirteen-year-old soprano in this Hofkapelle. Since the adults in the illustration are considered realistic depictions of specific, positively attributed figures, there is no reason to assume the likenesses of the child singers were intended to be any different. Strengthening this possibility is the distinctiveness between one set of boys, who look rather like siblings, and the third child with a distinct hairline and nose, rather than generic putti. It is 63 Towne, “Over the Hills and Far Away,” 76–77. Nicole Schwindt, “Hans Mielichs Bildliche darstellung der Münchner Hofkapelle von 1570,” Acta Musicologica 68, no. 1 (1996): 58–59, 69–74. 65 Towne, “Over the Hills and Far Away,” 79–80, fn. 41. 64 68 tempting to think that one of these three young singers at the foot of Lasso’s harpsichord may be a depiction of a young Cavaccio, and perhaps the only surviving image of the composer (figure 1.4). Whether or not this is a portrayal of Cavaccio, it is an accurate representation of the role he held at the Munich court, as well as his physical and personal proximity to Lasso. Figure 1.3 – Detail, Hans Mielich, Instrumentalists of the Bavarian Hofkapelle under Orlando di Lasso, 1570. Munich BSB, Handschriftabteilung, Mus. MS A II, Bildnr. 62. Digitized online: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00089636/image_62. 69 Figure 1.4 – Detail, Hans Mielich, Instrumentalists of the Bavarian Hofkapelle under Orlando di Lasso, 1570. Possible image of a young Giovanni Cavaccio. Munich BSB, Handschriftabteilung, Mus. MS A II, Bildnr. 62. Digitized online: http://daten.digitalesammlungen.de/bsb00089636/image_62. Lasso evidently kept abreast of Cavaccio’s publications well after he returned to Bergamo, even borrowing from his former pupil. Specifically, a figure from Lasso’s madrigal, Ecco, che pur which is in his Madrigali novamente composti, 4–6vv (Nürnberg, 1587) comes from Cavaccio's Musica … sopra le parole di una leggiadrissima canzon pastorale, & alcune napolitane, 5vv (Venice: Gardano, 1585).66 It represents Cavaccio’s first sole-authored publication of secular music, showing that Lasso was involved, and perhaps even invested in the workings of his pedagogical circle once his pupils left Munich for other opportunities. 1585 was also the same year as one of Cavaccio’s first contributions to a major and influential collection to 66 Wolfgang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit 1532–1594 (Kassel: Bärenreiter Verlag, 1958), 587. I have not personally examined Cavaccio’s Musica … sopra le parole di una leggiadrissima canzon pastorale, which exists in one sole complete specimen in Rome at the Santa Cecilia Conservatory Library, and thus rely entirely on the citation in Boetticher. 70 circulate outside of Italy, Sdegnosi ardori.67 Lasso was pivotal for the early dissemination of the Italian madrigal outside of the Italian peninsula, and Sdegnosi ardori holds an important place in printed music history not only as the first book of Italian madrigals published in Munich, but also as the first multi-composer volume of music devoted to the same text (figure 1.5). The collection comprises thirty-one four- and five-voice settings of Giovanni Battista Guarini’s madrigal Ardo sì. The volume was compiled by the Italian singer and instrumentalist Giulio Gigli da Immola, one of fifty-two known Italian musicians who worked at the Munich court with Lasso at one time or another.68 Very little has been written about Gigli, other than a brief biographic entry in Robert Eitner’s Biographisch-bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker.69 He was hired as an instrumentalist for the Munich chapel in 1581 and received a series of raises, last showing up in the Munich records in 1608. Based on these dates, it seems unlikely Gigli and Cavaccio had any interaction at the Bavarian court, suggesting Lasso or another figure helped secure compositions for Sdegnosi ardori. The collection is dedicated to a now unknown figure, Giovanni Battista Galanti, who had commissioned Gigli to find a setting of Ardo sì.70 The apparently ambitious Gigli answered not only with his own setting, but an additional thirty. All 67 Giulio Gigli da Immola, Sdegnosi ardori musica di diversi auttori, sopra un istesso soggetto di parole a cinque voci (Monachii: Adamus Berg, 1585). 68 Susan Lewis Hammond, Editing Music in Early Modern Germany (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 49. 69 Robert Eitner, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten der Christlichen Zeitrechnung bis zur Mitte des Neunzehnten Jahrhundert, vol. 4 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1901), 246–47. 70 Ludwig Finscher, “Lied and Madrigal, 1580–1600,” in Music in the German Renaissance: Sources, Styles, and Contexts, ed. John Kmetz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 186. 71 were from composers associated with Lasso’s circle in Munich, including former court singers such as Johann Flori and Cavaccio, both of whom went on to careers in Bergamo. Figure 1.5 – Title page, Sdegnosi ardori (Munich: Berg, 1585). GB-Lbl, A.1350. Lasso’s madrigal output was essentially non-existent during the years in which Cavaccio was in Munich. Conversely, in 1585, Lasso saw new madrigals published by Catherina Gerlach in the first of a series of eight anthologies she printed featuring mostly Italian composers.71 This publication, as well as his Ardo sì setting, showed an affinity for newer Italian currents in madrigal writing by composers such as Luca Marenzio. The previous year, Lasso’s music was 71 Madrigali novamente composti, 5vv (Nürnberg: Catharina Gerlach, 1585). 72 printed in another anthology, this one published in Venice by the heirs of Scotto that included Ruggiero Giovanelli, Luca Marenzio, Giovanni Bernardino Nanino, Claudio Merulo, Cipriano de Rore, and Giaches de Wert.72 Avoiding paired points of imitation, these pieces favored fleeting, yet contrasting motifs, free-writing throughout, instances of text-based chromaticism, declamation on short note values, and syncopated, yet largely simple chordal progression (musical ex. 1.1). Noticeably, Cavaccio’s submission to the Sdegnosi ardori avoids these stylistic traits. Rather, he writes in a style more akin to Lasso’s work of the 1560s and 1570s, favoring paired points of imitation and avoiding chromaticism (musical ex. 1.2). This is hardly surprising, as Cavaccio had not studied with Lasso for at least fourteen years by this point and avoided the later Cinquecento madrigalistic trends in his published output. Nonetheless, Cavaccio’s presence in this volume is significant and helped to build his international reputation beyond the borders of Bergamo by capitalizing upon previous professional networks first developed as a child. Musical Example 1.1 – Orlando di Lasso, Ardo sì from Sdegnosi ardori (1585). 72 Spoglia amarosa: madrigali a cinque voci (Venezia: here di Girolamo Scotto, 1584). 73 Musical Example 1.2 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Ardo sì from Sdegnosi ardori (1585). 74 Table 1.1 – Index of composers in Sdegnosi ardori. I Filippo di Monte XXV Fileno Cornazzani II Costantio Porta XXVI Alberto Mussotto III Marco Antonio Ingegnieri XXVII Ferdinando Lasso IIII Michel Varotto XXVIII Rudolfo Lasso V Francesco Rovigo XXIX Ferdinando Pagani VI Il medesimo [as above] XXX Giulio Gigli da Immola VII Lelio Bertani XXXI Orlando di Lasso VIII Giac. Regnart IX Giovanni Cavaccio X Giorgio Florio XI Gasparo Costa XII Paolo Masnelli XIII Bernardino Mosto XIIII Pietro Ragno XV Vict. Rai XVI Giulio Riccio XVII Lionardo Lechner XVIII Francesco Sale XIX Flavio Ricci XX Orlando Lasso XXI Giovanni Fossa XXII Antonio Morari XXIII Gioseffo Ascanius XXIIII Il medesimo [as above] 75 Political Maneuvering Within San Vincenzo As shown above, Cavaccio was born in Bergamo and spent his early his early childhood there before continuing his musical education under Lasso at the Bavarian court in Munich. He then spent roughly two years sojourning around Rome and Venice, though no known documents elucidate those experiences and travels. Calvi stated that Cavaccio spent twenty-three years at the Cathedral of San Vincenzo alluding to 1575 as a possible return date to Bergamo, though documentation points to 1576 as the year he was first salaried there as a singer.73 After four years at San Vincenzo, he was elevated to the position of maestro di cappella on June 28, 1580 and held that position until 1598 at a starting salary of fifty scudi, or approximately 300–350 lire.74 Under Cavaccio’s direction, the San Vincenzo chapel increased in importance and visibility, and he oversaw the procurement of key musicians. In 1591, Cavaccio hired the trombonist Giovanni Fiumicelli from Legnago, a town between Roviga and Verona, on a three-year contract. Additionally, a five-year contract was awarded to Giulio Cesare Celani, a virtuoso cornettist from Verona who would follow Cavaccio to Santa Maria Maggiore and go on to become the longest tenured instrumentalist at the basilica and the highest paid musician in Bergamo.75 Although there was internal competition and political maneuvering between the canons of the cathedral and the MIA who managed the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore, there was always some degree of mutual cooperation during these years, especially in terms of musical support. It was common for the basilica to hire extra musicians for important feast days in the last two decades 73 ASDBg, Archivio Capitolare, folder 159, ff 114r. Gilberto Sessantini, Musica Cathedralis: Organi, organisti e maestri di cappella alla Cattedrale di Bergamo (Bergamo: Edizioni Carrara, 2013), 49. 75 The two contracts are in ASDBg, Archivio Capitolare, folder 202 (loose folios). 74 76 of the Cinquecento, especially for festivities surrounding the August 15 feast of the Assumption. During this period, Cavaccio maintained a voracious composition schedule, publishing fourteen sole-authored volumes of music. Additionally, he contributed to thirteen multi-composer anthologies, including some of the most well-known and widespread collections of madrigals to have circulated outside of Italy, such as Trionfo di dori and Sdegnosi ardori. In 1592, Cavaccio’s salary was increased to 106 scudi—more than double his initial yearly remuneration—as part of a bequest in the will of the deceased Gerolamo Ragazzoni, bishop of Bergamo from 1577 until his death in 1592.76 This financial windfall displays the importance of a composer’s publication strategies, as Ragazzoni was a two-time dedicatee within Cavaccio’s oeuvre. In 1582 Cavaccio published his third sole-authored volume of music, a second book of Magnificats, dedicated to Bishop Ragazzoni.77 The first book of Magnificats was published the previous year, dedicated to the confraternity MIA.78 While seemingly displaying conflicting allegiance, the choice of these dedications shows that Cavaccio firmly took a side within a fierce, internal conflict between the cathedral’s two groups of canons, while simultaneously courting a potential, future employer in the MIA. I argue this was a calculated decision for careerist purposes and Cavaccio had to consider sectarian divisions within the cathedral, as well as the conflicting interests of the bishop and the MIA. As previously discussed, until Sant’Alessandro was demolished in 1561 to make way for the Venetian walls, Bergamo had two churches that claimed cathedral status, even though there was only one bishop. Each of these presumed cathedrals had its own separate chapter of canons, giving rise to a long series of bitter 76 Sessantini, Musica Cathedralis, 50. Ionne Cavatio, Liber secundus magnificat omnitonum (Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1582). 78 Ionne Cavatio, Magnificat omnitonum (Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1581). 77 77 disputes.79 After the destruction of Sant’Alessandro, the relics were translated to the now undisputed cathedral of San Vincenzo in the center of the città alta and adjacent to Santa Maria Maggiore. Additionally, the chapter canons were merged, though deep divisions remained between the two former rival factions, the displaced members generally opposing Venetian rule. As shown by art historian Giles Knox, part of this internal conflict played out through art patronage, each side playing to their own strengths. The most significant act of patronage by the canons of Sant’Alessandro was for a cycle of twelve narrative paintings by Enea Salmeggia of the life, miracles, and martyrdom of Saint Alessandro.80 The backdrop of this conflict was the ongoing project of post-Tridentine reform and the territory under the episcopal jurisdiction of Milanese Archbishop Carlo Borromeo extended beyond the Milan/Venice border and into Bergamo. In fact, despite the papal bull guaranteeing Santa Maria Maggiore freedom from episcopal interference, Borromeo wielded one of the more powerful tools of the Counter Reformation bishop in the form of a 1575 pastoral visit to the basilica.81 As might be expected, this caused significant friction with the MIA and the city government who had enjoyed a continued measure of freedom in self-governance under Venetian jurisdiction. The former Sant’Alessandro canons, however, supported Milanese oversight due to their sour feelings 79 These disputes have been the subject of a number of scholarly investigations: N. Coreggi, N. Paganoni, and T. Rossi, “La battaglia delle Cattedrali (Bergamo, Sec. X–XIII)” (tesi di laurea, Politecnico di Milano, 1988); Giles Knox, “The Colleoni Chapel in Bergamo and the Politics of Urban Space,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60, no. 3 (September 2001): 290–309; and Andrea Zonca, “‘Est una matrix ecclesia’: A proposito di due recenti studi sulla chiesa di Bergamo nel medioevo,” Archivio storico Bergamasco 18–19 (1990): 261–284. 80 Giles Knox, “Conflict and Renewal at the Cathedral of Bergamo: A Painted Life of S. Alessandro by Enea Salmeggia, ca. 1615,” Arte Lombarda, Nuova serie, 127, no. 3 (1999): 89– 98. 81 See Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli, Gli atti della visita apostolica di S. Carlo Borromeo a Bergamo (1575), vol. 1 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1936), 25–29. 78 towards Venice regarding their unilateral solution to the two-cathedral problem. For Borromeo and the MIA, the key disagreement was whether or not the 1453 papal bull or the decrees of the Council of Trent carried more authority. Bergamo’s Bishop Ragazzoni was a close ally to Borromeo in matters of reform, placing him at direct odds to the MIA. Thus, Cavaccio’s back-toback dedications to Ragazzoni and the MIA in his first and second book of Magnificats represent overtures to politically misaligned bodies. While the apostolic visit did take place, the MIA won a significant victory by convincing Borromeo to cease spreading doubts of the MIA’s legitimacy to rule the basilica as they saw fit. More detail regarding this situation is outside the scope of this dissertation, though this summary serves to highlight the delicate balance between Venetian and Milanese partisans within Bergamo’s cathedral complex, a situation with which Cavaccio would have to reckon. The full story and the MIA’s response inside Santa Maria Maggiore is the subject of a thorough and informative article by art historian Giles Knox.82 Knox notes that no document records the precise reason for Borromeo’s recant, but it seems most likely that the close connection between the MIA and the Venetian government was an important factor.83 82 Giles Knox, “The Unified Church Interior in Baroque Italy: S. Maria Maggiore in Bergamo,” The Art Bulletin 82, no. 4 (December 2000): 679–701. 83 Knox, “The Unified Church Interior,” 683. Also relevant in the same article is Knox’s fn. 33, p 699 which warrants full reproduction here: “This relationship [between Venice and the MIA] is, in fact, mentioned frequently and positively in the documents defending the immunity of S. Maria Maggiore, in which Venice is always cited as a strong defender of this particular church; BCB [Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai], MIA 5052, fol. 7, 1595, document on the immunity of S. Maria Maggiore, “Questa mai interrotta ragione ? statta dalla ser.ma Rep.ca di Venetia (quando alcuno ha tentato di interromperla) immediate diffesa et aiutata…”; BCB, MIA 886, Pro immunitate ecclesiae, fol. 14, 1575, document presented to Borromeo, “Ipsa ecclesia ac et' Consortiu' sub immediata Ser. Dominat.nis Venetae protectione existunt, ideo non debent visitari ex Cap.o 8 sess. 22 et' Consortiu' sub immediata Ser. Dominat.nis Venetae protectione existunt, ideo non debent visitari ex Cap.o 8 sess. 22 Conc Trid.”” 79 Bergamo had two successive local bishops strongly attached to the process of reform: Federico Comaro (1561–1577) who was instrumental in joining the two canons after the destruction of Sant’Alessandro, and the aforementioned Ragazzoni. The canons of San Vincenzo generally supported the efforts of Ragazzoni, however, they were faced with the problem of bringing the bitter former canons of Sant’Alessandro onto their side.84 One of Ragazzoni’s projects involved completely rebuilding the cathedral’s choir, and as late as 1591, the Sant’Alessandro canons complained of their share of the financial burden.85 After continued strife, money was eventually re-allocated for a new chapel at Santa Maria Maggiore, the former Sant’Alessandro canons effectively blocking a major building initiative at the cathedral, showing the old divisions survived intact a full generation after their translation. Ragazzoni, having ceded to the demands of the obstinate canons, pushed instead for a new Tabernacle. Knox concludes that Ragazzoni was so deeply invested in the inner workings of the cathedral in terms of musical activity and construction because it marked an intersection between the purely local and the broadly Tridentine. [Local] histories…all agreed that when the basilica alessandrina was founded ca.300 it housed the city’s only cathedral chapter. When S. Vincenzo was founded in the tenth century, its cathedral canons came there as an offshoot of the original chapter. The existence of two congregations of canons, therefore, was an artifact of the middle ages and did not represent the condition of the church in its earliest days. The desire to return the church to its early roots, to rid it of anomalies contingent on later historical circumstances, was a very strong current of tridentine reform.86 84 Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform,” 38. Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform,” 41, fn. 71. 86 Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform,” 52–53. 85 80 When viewed with the understanding that neighboring Santa Maria Maggiore effectively skirted elements of Borromeo’s and Ragazzoni’s efforts towards Tridentine codification, it makes even more sense the bishop would aggressively support the inner workings of the cathedral, including the music. Cavaccio appears to have successfully operated within this environment, as corroborated by the substantial bequest from Ragazzoni in 1592, despite the composer’s overtures to the MIA. Local Networks and the Strategies of Print One of the most persistent questions regarding early modern printed music remains, why did a composer to choose to have these specific works put to print at any given particular instance? This is a question that eludes a one-size-fits-all answer, though a common impetus behind a decision to put a work forward in print was for careerist aspirations. The Cinquecento saw an emerging notion of an authorial function, and the conception of fame became an important issue to both author and patron. The print industry played a vital role not only in the dissemination of a composer’s music, but also in establishing his or her reputation. The posthumous admiration of Palestrina, for example, rests not on widespread knowledge of his music, but primarily on the deep-rooted yet fallacious belief that he rescued polyphony from banishment by the Catholic Church as a casualty of Tridentine reform.87 In reality, the printing of Palestrina’s music slowed down as his career started to fall apart after the death of Pope Marcellus II. Jane Bernstein writes, 87 Jane A. Bernstein, “Publish or Perish? Palestrina and Print Culture in 16th-Century Italy,” Early Music 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 225. 81 While [Palestrina] paid homage in most of his Mass publications, either to reigning popes or to foreign rulers of great stature, a close examination of publications, particularly before 1580, reveals Palestrina issued his editions not from any aspirations of fame beyond his immediate Roman circle, but because of the practical necessity of obtaining and securing his position.88 Whereas in Venice the most popular type of print was the madrigal, in Rome the church represented the primary consumer of music, and Roman output reflects this clientele. It is unsurprising that the only secular publications of Palestrina were issued in Venetian presses.89 In this respect, Palestrina and Claudio Monteverdi both shared similar careerist motivations behind key publications. Monteverdi’s Vespers of 1610 has long confounded scholars who have tried to locate its peculiar structure within a specific liturgical function. The literature on the Vespers is vast, and further investigation is beyond the scope of this chapter. However, based on the existing polemical scholarship, I am convinced that this enigmatic publication can be explained as a portfolio of a man in search of the stability, visibility, and renown that comes with a high-profile church job.90 Monteverdi was well regarded in Mantua, though he was seeking a higher station; commissions for ephemeral events were not paying the bills and he was attempting to prove his bona fides as a serious church composer, not only as a 88 Bernstein, “Publish or Perish?,” 233. Bernstein, “Publish or Perish?,” 232. 90 The arguments against a fully contained liturgical setting for Monteverdi’s 1610 publication were laid out in Stephen Bonta, “Liturgical Problems in Monteverdi’s Marian Vespers,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 20, no. 1 (Spring 1967): 87–106. Bonta’s claims are not universally recognized as definitive, though the strongest proponent has been Jeffery Kurtzman. Considering Bonta’s and Kurtzman’s argument, careerist motivation behind the publication is a reasonable supposition. See especially, Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers of 1610: Music, Context, Performance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Additionally, Kurtzman addresses and responds to the detracting claims in, “Motets, Vespers Antiphons and the Performance of the Post-Tridentine Liturgy in Italy,” in Mapping the Motet in the Post-Tridentine Era (New York: Routledge, 2019), 36–56. 89 82 creator of avant-garde theatre music. Hoping for a desirable church job, he dedicated the volume to Pope Paul V and included a mass in what is essentially a rather conservative style. The motets between Vespers hymns begin with a solo voice and add an additional voice with each successive motet. In effect, Monteverdi displays his proficiency at every style available to a northern Italian composer. If this can truly be seen as a job portfolio, it worked; Monteverdi secured a post as San Marco in Venice by 1613. No longer seeking sacred employment, his years in Venice were dominated by secular publications, his next religious work not published until the Selva morale e spirituale (Venetia: Magni, 1640–41). Likewise, Luca Marenzio spent several years in informal negotiations for a position as the private Gonzaga maestro di cappella in Mantua. A vacancy materialized with Alfonso Soriano’s departure for Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome in 1586. In January of 1585, Marenzio had dedicated his Motecta festorum to Scipione Gonzaga, a tactic as part of these larger behind-the-scenes machinations, and Marenzio was indeed considered for the post after this.91 Although negotiations broke down, the publication and dedication still falls under the umbrella of portfolio building with a specific patron or post in mind. Returning to Cavaccio, his early publication record reveals a similar careerist strategy. The prevailing milieu within the Bergamo Cathedral during Cavaccio’s early tenure as maestro di cappella was the aforementioned factional division among canons. His first sole-authored publication shows that the young composer, just twenty-four years old, had yet to take a side between the two groups. Missae quincque et sepetem vocum (Venetiis: Gardanum, 1580) began 91 Marco Bizzarini, Luca Marenzio: The Career of a Musician Between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation, trans. James Chater (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), 113–14. 83 the blistering pace of the first two decades in his compositional career. The dedication is signed August 1580, two months after his elevation from singer to maestro di cappella. Comprising four masses, the collection is dedicated to the canons of both Sant’Alessandro and San Vincenzo, a truly diplomatic choice for a young, newly minted maestro di cappella (figure 1.6). Figure 1.6 – Dedication page, Missae quincque et septum vocum (Venice: Gardano, 1580). IMc, Musica 36. Conversely, Cavaccio’s next two publications suggest oscillating allegiance between the predilections of Ragazzoni, the former Sant’Alessandro canons, and the MIA. An overture to the MIA can partially be explained through Cavaccio’s new presence on their payroll, particularly surrounding the August 15 Assumption. The earliest payment from the MIA to Cavaccio I have been able to locate comes from 1582 in a receipt for singers for the festa dall’ assunzione della 84 Madonna 1582.92 At the time, the maestro di cappella at Santa Maria Maggiore was the Sienese musician Giulio Scala who had previously held a tenure as the first maestro at the Malta Cathedral, as well as a longer post in Messina.93 The payment to Cavaccio comes not from Scala, but from “Lud[ovi]co Terzo della MIA,” one of the confraternity’s council members. In order to supplement the regular roster of musicians at the basilica, the MIA called on Cavaccio to arrange and organize payment for an additional five singers from his cathedral chapel. The payments to the vocalists ranged from 1.5 to 3 lire, while Cavaccio earned 10.5 lire for his organization, leadership, and presumably playing the organetto (figure 1.7). After 1582, Cavaccio continued to supplement his income by supporting musical activities at Santa Maria Maggiore. Once he transitioned to maestro di cappella at the basilica, it is important to note Cavaccio’s continued role in this matter, in contrast with his predecessors. During the years 1580–1598, Scala was not in charge of securing these supplemental Assumption feast musicians, nor were his successors Bartolomeo Spontano or Johann Flori. Instead, that responsibility went to Cavaccio and this became a lucrative source of extra income. 92 MIA 1386, ff 278r. Colleen Reardon, “Insegniar la Zolfa ai Gittatelli: Music and Teaching at Santa Maria della Scala, Siena, during the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” in Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank A. D’Accone, Festschrift Series 18 (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1996), 119. 93 85 Figure 1.7 – Receipt for additional Musicians for the 1582 Assumption feast. This represents the earliest known payment from the MIA to Cavaccio. MIA 1386, ff 278r. Cavaccio made an important decision to break from the canons of Sant’Alessandro in favor of a relationship with the original San Vincenzo canons, Bishop Ragazzoni, and the MIA. However, this required yet more maneuvering, as these three parties were not a monolith. Leading up to his first payment from the MIA were his second and third publications of 1581 and 1582, the first and second book of Magnificats. Magnificat omnitonum (Venice: Gardano, 1581) was dedicated directly to the council members of the MIA, a move I interpret as Cavaccio courting a desired employer, the maxi-confraternity that managed the most important sacred 86 institution within Bergamo and holding the most resources for artistic expenditure.94 Comprising eight Magnificat settings, one for each tuono, this was a functional volume for music at the cathedral: Anima mea in the first, second, third, and fourth tone; Et exsultavit in the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth tone. The following year, Cavaccio followed up with Liber secundus Magnificat omnitonum (Venice: Gardano, 1582). The contents are mirrored, Et exsultavit in the first–fourth tone; Anima mea in the fifth–eighth tone. The paired collection supplies dual options for all eight tones, thus the collection could have been used to match with a wide variety of framing antiphons for any number of feast days or Sunday Vespers. This second book of Magnificats was dedicated to Bishop Ragazzoni. Although these two publications suggest a political break away from the Sant’Alessandro canons, Cavaccio continues to walk a fine line here, as the basilica was exempt from Ragazzoni’s oversight owing to the papal bull, so the cathedral and basilica— despite their occasional cooperation—held each other at arm’s length. The various bishops in Bergamo were wary of the civic power the basilica was able to hold in the city. Cavaccio, once again, plays both sides in order to advance his career, and fascinatingly, the dedications came merely one month apart. The dedication to the bishop came second and a further possibility, suggested by Gary Towne, is that Cavaccio may have intended to mollify irritation caused by the first book’s appearance, an obvious bid for employment at a competing institution.95 The musical contents of both books are conservative in nature, practical and useful, liturgically flexible, very much in the model of Giammateo Asola, especially in the offering of multiple polyphonic 94 The dedication reads, “Multum magnificis misercordiae bergomi praesidibus ornatissimis viris.” 95 Gary Towne, “Patronage of Printed Music in Brescia and Bergamo before 1600,” Philomusica On-Line 15, no. 1 (2016): 451. 87 variations of the same text on different recitation tones. Lacking chromaticism, the counterpoint flows in a balanced, smooth contrapuntal style with no extreme contrasts, close in ethos to that of late Palestrina, as well as Asola. In a 1592 dedication to Palestrina, Asola called him the greatest composer of the time.96 In that publication, Asola collected works from a variety of northern Italian maestri di cappella, including a Credidi by Cavaccio, suggesting a shared affinity in compositional ethos. As already shown with Ragazzoni’s 1592 bequest to buoy Cavaccio’s salary, as well as the MIA’s increasing reliance on him to gather cathedral musicians for important events at Santa Maria Maggiore, these dedications were shrewd decisions. Following the first three publications, Cavaccio moved to secular music with his first book of madrigals and the dedicatee shows the composer moving outside ecclesiastic officials to powerful Bergamasque figures and families.97 Libro primo di madrigali a cinque voci (Venice: Gardano, 1583) is dedicated Giulio Secco Soardo, a nobleman of Moasca in Piedmont. Married to Maria Virginia Grumelli, Soardo entered into a prominent Bergamasque family with close ties to art and literature. Maria Virginia’s mother was Isotta Brembati Grumelli, a celebrated poet, and her father was Gian Carlo Grumelli, considered one of the most powerful and influential figures in Cinquecento Bergamo, entrusted by Venetian officials for key matters surrounding the walled fortifications and oversight of soldiers. Grumelli and Isotta were also close with Archbishop Borromeo, even hosting him at their palazzo during the 1575 apostolic visitation. 96 Raccolta dell'Asola, Sacra, Omnium Solemnitatum Psalmodia Vespertina cum Cantico B. Virginis. A diversis in Arte musica Prestantissimis viris Notulis Musicis exornata, Quinque Vocibus. Ad Celeberrimum ac Prestantissimum in Arte Musica Coryphaeum D. Jo. Petrum Aloysium Praenestinum (Venetiis: apud Riciardum Amadinum, 1592). 97 Giovanni Cavaccio, Libro primo di madrigali à cinque voci (Venetia: Angelo Gardano, 1583). My thanks to Birgit Suranyi at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek who quickly sent me a scan of the partbook after an email request. 88 Both Isotta and her husband were painted by the celebrated portrait artist Giovan Batista Moroni, currently displayed in Bergamo’s Palazzo Moroni (figures 1.8 and 1.9). Moroni’s portrait of Gian Carlo is perhaps his best-known work, known as Cavaliere in rosa. The reddish/pink clothing, as well as the style of garb has been interpreted as a nod to Grumelli’s Spanish sympathies, as is the Spanish motto in the lower left, “more the last than the first.”98 Another of Isotta’s daughters was a distinguished scholar and nun named Flavia Grumelli, who wrote a hagiography of Santa Grata, a locally venerated figure and patron saint of a convent church not far from Santa Maria Maggiore.99 This family is a perfect example of the delicate diplomacy individual Bergamaschi had to navigate as Venetian subjects so close in proximity to the Spanish duchy of Milan. Moroni (1520/24–1579/80) has attracted more attention in recent years as an important portrait artist, though he suffers from the same historiographical issues of geography and teleology as Cavaccio. Vasari certainly never made the trip to Bergamo, so surely never came across one of Moroni’s many works and the artist is likewise absent in the Vite. In the early twentieth century, Bernard Berenson dismissed Moroni outright as a “mere portrait painter,” and claimed never had Italy produced “a son so uninventive.”100 As illustrated by a major 2019 exhibit at the Frick Collection, the first North American exhibition of the painter, Moroni is experiencing a renewed interest. Yet even with this renewed attention, in an effort to place a 98 John T. Paoletti and Gary M. Radke, Art in Renaissance Italy, Third Edition (London: Laurence King Publishing, 2005), 532. 99 Virginia Cox, The Prodigious Muse: Women’s Writing in Counter-Reformation Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 214. 100 Bernard Berenson, North Italian Painters of the Renaissance (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1907), 128. 89 recognizable geographic label on the painter, press for the exhibit refers to his style as “fundamentally Venetian.”101 Figure 1.8 – Giovan Battista Moroni, Portrait of Isotta Brembati Grumelli, 1552/1553, oil painting on canvas, 160 × 115 cm, Palazzo Moroni, Bergamo. Image Source: wikicommons. 101 Sebastian Smee, “First Moroni Exhibition in North America Features One of the Most Celebrated Portraits of the Renaissance,” The Washington Post, February 27, 2019. 90 Figure 1.9 – Giovan Battista Moroni, Il cavaliere in rosa [portrait of Gian Carlo Grumelli], 1560, oil on canvas, 216 × 123 cm, Palazzo Moroni, Bergamo. Image Source: wikicommons. 91 Isotta was a celebrated poet, noted multi-linguist, and patron of the arts. This was a wellconnected, important family from whom Cavaccio was courting favor. While only several of Isotta’s poems survive, a commemorative volume of poetry was published on the occasion of her death in 1586.102 The collection included three contributions from Giulio Secco Soardo, the dedicatee of Cavaccio’s first book of madrigals. A secular publication setting Italian poetry to music, Libro primo di madrigali a cinque voci explored local networks into the literary elite. None of the texts are attributed in the publication and my attempts to trace possible authors have been largely unsuccessful. Most poems rely on Petrarchan themes, such as the setting of Domenico Venier’s “Ahi chi mi rompe il sonno ahi chi mi priva,” anthologized by Girolamo Ruscelli.103 Venier was a Venetian politician and poet, closely associated to the musical circle of Adrian Willaert.104 One other identifiable example is an Alessandro Striggio text, “Là ver' l'aurora, che si dolce l'aura,” previously set by Palestrina in his 1555 Primo libro de madrigali. Cavaccio, as in his submission to Sdegnosi ardori, is displaying affinities for mid-Cinquecento musical styles and texts, eschewing late-century trends while simultaneously expanding local networks for his nascent career. Exploring the activities of the Grumelli household would be a fruitful starting point for any future project involving domestic musical patronage in early modern Bergamo. 102 Rime funerali di diversi illustri ingegni composte in volgare et latina favella in morte della molto illustre signora Isotta Brembati-Grumell (Bergamo, 1587). 103 Girolamo Ruscelli, Sesto libro delle rime di diversi eccellenti autori (Venetia: Al segno del Pozzo, 1553). 104 See Chapter 4, “Ritual Language, New Music Encounters in the Academy of Domenico Venier,” in Martha Feldman, City Culture and the Madrigal at Venice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). 92 Continuing a pace of about one publication per year, Cavaccio published his seventh sole-authored collection in 1587, Litanie in doi modi con Pange lingua a doi chori.105 This book of polyphonic litanies will be the subject of more detail in Chapter 4, “Music and Crisis,” but it is important to note for our purposes here that the dedication was in the form of a lengthy, acclamatory letter to the city’s confraternities, specifically mentioning a number of MIA officials by name, in addition to Bishop Ragazzoni. Moreover, Cavaccio alludes to the communal era of the Duecento. Essentially, this is not only flattering to the major figures at the helm of Bergamo’s most powerful sacred institutions, but a laudatory dedication to the city of Bergamo itself. The musical genre is fitting, as the type of litany at the core of this publication would have been employed during holy processions that traversed the streets across multiple parishes, underscoring the civic importance of these events. A 1583 receipt shows a payment to Cavaccio from the MIA for just such a procession during the 1583 Holy Week festivities.106 Cavaccio attempts to present himself as the musical voice of the entire city. Beyond Local Networks: Inroads to Brescia Two other early publications point to Cavaccio moving beyond the borders of Bergamo to grow his regional networks, especially into Brescia. The 1585 Psalmorum quaternis vocibus 105 Giovanni Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi con il pange lingua a doi chori (Venetia: Angelo Gardano, 1587). 106 M Gio: M.o di Capella di Duomi, con lui di suoi Cantori hanno servito nella nostra Capella il venerdì S[aba]to S[anc]to ha’l mattutino, et alla processioni. Cavaccio was paid 4 lire, plus an additional 4 lire to be distributed for his singers. MIA 1387, ff 10r. 93 represents Cavaccio’s first cori spezzati publication.107 The performing forces available at the cathedral were not amenable to regular performances of eight-voice cori spezzati repertoire, though with Spontano in the last year of his contract at Santa Maria Maggiore, perhaps Cavaccio was looking to improve his station by moving next door to the basilica. The job went to Flori in 1586, and Cavaccio would have to wait until 1598 for another opportunity to materialize. Psalmorum quaternis vocibus is dedicated to Gerolamo Campiono, a pastor in the parish of San Martino in Sarnico, a small commune at the southern tip of the nearby Lake Iseo.108 Campiono remains an unknown figure, and not much is revealed in the dedication, other than the fact that Cavaccio considered him a close friend. Nonetheless, it is an important reminder that Cavaccio’s regional networking included the development and recruitment of musical talent. As will be shown, Cavaccio utilized connections in towns and communes surrounding Lake Iseo and Como for the purpose of bringing in specialty virtuoso performers into Santa Maria Maggiore. Jumping ahead to 1596, Cavaccio submitted his final publication of sacred music before his elevation to maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore, a collection of motets for a variety of voice-type and ensemble.109 This was his fourteenth publication in sixteen years. Nearly finished with his most recent contract at the cathedral, I argue that Cavaccio was once again seeking to increase his visibility, this time trying to capture the attention of the Brescia cathedral. 107 Ionne Cavacio, Psalmorum quaternis vocibus toto anni tempore vespertinis horis decantandorum adiectis insuper octo Gloria patri, cuilibet tono congruentibus, quae octonis vocibus pro musicorum libito cantari poterunt (Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1585). 108 Gary Towne identified the priest but was unable able to find more information on this figure. See, “Patronage of Printed Music in Brescia and Bergamo before 1600,” 447. My additional attempts to unearth anything on Campiono have so far been unsuccessful. 109 Cavaccio, Motetti…a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a otto, & a dodeci voci (Venetia: Amadino, 1596). 94 Cavaccio did indeed maintain close ties with many musical figures in Brescia and the cathedral eventually offered him a contract in 1618 that he was able to successful leverage for a better salary at Santa Maria Maggiore. The 1596 Motetti was dedicated to the organist of the Brescia Cathedral, Costanzo Antegnati (figure 1.10). The dedication itself is extremely kind to the city of Brescia and music in the cathedral, specifically singling out Antegnati as a figure of acclaim. There is no mention on how the two were acquainted, though documents show Antegnati in Bergamo earlier in the decade and the famous family of organ builders have a long history in the city. The Brescian organist spent time in Santa Maria Maggiore from 1593 to 1594 as part of a costly renovation project on the basilica’s organ.110 It is a near certainty Cavaccio and Antegnati would have had contact with one another during the completion of this project. The Antegnati family was a multi-generational household of organ builders, repairers, and testers, well-known in northern Italy and beyond. Costanzo’s father Graziadio was one of the best-known and he built the organ at Santo Spirito in Bergamo; his great-grandfather worked on the Santa Maria Maggiore organ in 1496–98. The 1594 Santa Maria Maggiore renovation by Costanzo includes the only reed stop in any of his instruments.111 110 For example, MIA 1389, ff 15–16. The daily costs associated with the labor on the organ, as evidenced in this representative example, ran as high as 70 lire/day. 111 This organ is no longer in Santa Maria Maggiore. The organ currently in the basilica was built in 1915 by Carlo Vegezzi Bossi. It was restored and enlarged by the organ company Fratelli Ruffatti in 1948 and again in 1992. Other Antegnati family organs from the Cinqucento include S Barbara, Mantua (1565); Santo Spirito, Bergamo (1566–7); S Agata, Cremona (1569); S Giovanni Battista, Morbegno (1572); Asola Cathedral (1575); S Giuseppe, Brescia (1581); collegiate church of SS Pietro e Stefano, Bellinzona (1584–8); S Rocco, Quinzano d’Oglio (1585); and Crema Cathedral (1586). Of these, only the one at S Giuseppe in Brescia survives. I am ever grateful to Marcello Mazzetti and Livio Ticli for giving me a private tour of this organ. 95 Figure 1.10 – Title page, Giovanni Cavaccio, Motetti a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a otto, & a dodeci voci (Venice: Amadino, 1596). PL-Kj, Mus. ant. pract. C385. The alto is the sole surviving partbook. 96 As an organist, Cavaccio would have been intimately familiar with and deeply respectful of the Antegnati family and their products. Costanzo Antegnati, in addition to his influential treatise L’arte organica (Venice, 1608), was also a composer with a handful of sole-authored publications, at least two of which Cavaccio acquired for use at Santa Maria Maggiore, both scored for cori spezzati performing forces: one book of 8vv masses for two choirs, and another comprising of masses for three choirs.112 This was not the first overt signal towards his Brescian network. Several years earlier, Cavaccio dedicated his Missae quatuor pro defunctis to Giacomo Cavallo, a priest serving in the Brescia cathedral.113 Cavaccio kept up his Brescian contacts, likely through Antegnati, and he would bring in musicians from the city throughout his tenure at Santa Maria Maggiore. Musical Friendships and Count Marc’Antonio Martinengo’s Brescian Musical Circle One of the singers a young Cavaccio would have met in Munich was Johann Flori from the Dutch family of musicians.114 The composer and bass singer developed a typically cosmopolitan career for a Flemish musician of the Cinquecento. Born in Maastricht, Flori was educated at the University in Douai, worked at the Capilla Flamenca in Madrid, served at the Habsburg court, acted as royal music teacher to princesses in Innsbruck, lived in Venice in the 1560s, and held posts as maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo, and the 112 MIA 1303, ff 210r–v. The two Antegnati books referred to in this document were likely, Liber primus missarum (Venice: Gardano, 1587); and Liber XIIII…Missa Borromea mottecta, cantionesque gallicæ (Venice: Gardano, 1603). 113 Ioanne Cavatio, Missae quatuor pro defunctis (Venetiis: Riciardum Amadinum, 1593). 114 Italianized as Giovanni or Giorgio Florio, I use Flori throughout. 97 cathedrals in Treviso, L’Aquila, and Verona. There is a gap in Flori’s biography between 1581 when he completed a contract at Treviso cathedral, and 1586 when he accepted the post at Santa Maria Maggiore. However, receipts in the MIA archives put him in Bergamo during (at least some of) those years, the nature of his employment unclear. The earliest record I have been able to find comes from 1583 in a letter to Bartolomeo Spontano, maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore at that time, writing on the matter of bringing in two viol players for an unspecified event.115 Once again, Cavaccio was certainly jockeying for the job at Santa Maria Maggiore upon Spontano’s departure, though Flori was awarded the role on August 16, 1586, so whatever work he had completed in Bergamo proved worthwhile. Meanwhile, Cavaccio continued to be hired by the MIA to provide supplemental forces in Santa Maria Maggiore during Assumption, but also occasionally for holy week processions and the feast of the Circumcision (January 1).116 This per diem contract work continued with even more regularity during Flori’s tenure at the basilica. While a measure of musical cooperation between cathedral and basilica was expected, a sign of a more friendly or intimate relationship between the two maestri is evidenced in a sevenvoice dialogue composed by Cavaccio and dedicated to Virginia Santi, the deceased wife of Flori. A curious aspect of this piece, Ahi senza te, is its appearance as the final work in Claudio Merulo’s 1588 Il primo libro de madrigali.117 The final selection in a sole-authored collection 115 MIA 1387, ff 22r. For example, Cavaccio was awarded 19 lire for bringing in six singers for a January 1, 1585 feast: “M Giovanni Cavaccio Maestro di capella in san vicendo che haver per sua servire di haver cantata in santa maria con sei cantor le feste di Ill. la circonciscione.” MIA 1387, ff 170r. 117 Claudio Merulo, Il primo libro de madrigali a quattro voci…con un dialogo a sette voci di Gio. Cavaccio (Milano: Francesco, et gli heredi di Simon Tini, 1588). 116 98 was occasionally reserved for a work by another composer, a placement within a volume seen as a position of honor. A well-known example is Cipriano de Rore’s Calami sonum ferentes, first appearing as the ultimate piece in Orlando di Lasso’s so-called “Opus one” of 1555.118 It is unknown how Lasso came across the work, or whether he had any direct contact with Rore during a possible trip to Ferrara, as suggested by Edward Lowinsky.119 Nonetheless, Lasso selected this unusual composition—a highly chromatic work for four bass voices—for a place of honor, if not because of a personal relationship then for admiration of the madrigal’s distinctiveness and modernity. Merulo goes one step further by including Cavaccio’s name on the title page of his madrigal collection.120 While not uncommon for a composer to mention other figures in a dedication or introduction, sharing space on a title page was infrequent and this special case warrants further investigation (figures 1.11 and 1.12). 118 Le quatoirsiesme livre a quatre parties contenant dixhuyct chansons italiennes, six chansons francoises, & six motetz faictz (a la nouvelle composition d'aucuns d'Italie) par Rolando di Lassus (Antwerp: Tielman Susato, 1555). 119 Edward E. Lowinsky, “Calami Sonum Ferentes: A New Interpretation,” in Music in the Culture of the Renaissance, and Other Essays, ed. Bonnie J. Blackburn, vol. 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 613. 120 The full title reads, IL PRIMO LIBRO DE | MADRIGALI A QVAT- | TRO VOCI, | DI CLAVDIO MERVLO DA CORREG- | gio, Organista della Illustrissima Signoria di Venetia, | in San Marco. | CON VN DIALOGO A SETTE VOCI | di Gio. Cauaccio, Nella morte della Magn. Sig. Virginia Santi, | moglie del Sig. Gio. Florio, Musico eccellentiss. 99 Figure 1.11 – Title page, Claudio Merulo, Il primo libro de madrigali a quattro voci…con un dialogo a sette voci di Gio. Cavaccio (Milano: Francesco, et gli heredi di Simon Tini, 1588). PL-Kj, Mus. Ant. Pract. M690. 100 Figure 1.12 – Tenor partbook, Giovanni Cavaccio, Ahi senza te, in Merulo, Il primo libro de madrigali. PL-Kj, Mus. Ant. Pract. M690. 101 There is no clear connection between Merulo and Cavaccio/Flori. At this point, Cavaccio was still at the cathedral and Flori had been at Santa Maria Maggiore for two years. Merulo was the recently appointed organist at the cathedral in Parma, though had been the organist at San Marco in Venice for many years, where he achieved quite a bit of renown.121 Merulo was at San Marco during Cavaccio’s post-Munich travels as a young man, and Cavaccio did seem to make friends rather easily with organists, but there is of course no way to know whether or not the two met. A more concrete connection can be drawn through patronage networks, particularly the circle surrounding the Brescian nobleman, patron of the arts, poet, and amateur composer Marc’Antonio Martinengo. In 1588, Martinengo composed a madrigal text and commissioned Antonio Morsolino the task of finding eighteen others to set to music the same verse as part of a friendly competition, a list of composers that included Merulo and Cavaccio (table 1.2). The result was L’amorosa Ero, published in Brescia by Vincenzo Sabbio.122 In the sense that every composition was set to the same text, the aforementioned 1585 Sdegnosi ardori was an important model. Costanzo Porta, Marc’Antonio Ingegneri, Cavaccio, and Lelio Bertani all contributed to both volumes. In addition to his amateur activities in music, Martinengo was part of a wellconnected military family and his own career brought him into contact with the Duke of Savoy, 121 See Rebecca Edwards, “Portraying Claudio Merulo, ‘That Great Fountain Whose Value Deserved No Other Prize than Heaven Itself,’” in Art and Music in the Early Modern Period: Essays in Honor of Franca Trinchieri Camiz, ed. Katherine A. McIver (London: Routledge, 2003). 122 Lʼamorosa Ero rappresentata da’ piu celebri musici d’Italia (Brescia: Vincenzo Sabbio, 1588). It was previously thought that the only surviving set of partbooks of the original collection is in Rome’s Vallicella Library in a reworking of the text to change its secular meaning to a religious one. Using this source, Harry Lincoln created a modern edition: Marc’Antonio Martinengo, The Madrigal Collection L’amorosa Ero (Brescia, 1588), ed. Harry B. Lincoln (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1968). 102 the King of France, Pope Gregory XIII, and he was related to the Gonzagas in Mantua. The volume and its contributors can be explained vis a vis Martinengo’s time spent in his castle, Villachiara, not far from Brescia, and well known as a locale for the creative and financial support of Brescian composers and musicians.123 The second composer in the collection L’amorosa Ero, directly after Martinengo, is Lelio Bertani, who directed well documented musical performances at the Castello Villachiara.124 Cavaccio is the third composer in L’amorosa Ero and this madrigal was reprinted in his 1597 instrumental collection Musica, which included a canzone francese titled “La Villa chiara,” a clear reference to Martinengo (figure 1.13). In their analysis of the collection, Marco Bizzarini and Massimo Privitera group the composers of L’amorosa Ero into those with close personal ties to Count Martinengo, and those with connections to cities near Brescia. An especially close relationship existed between Merulo and Martinengo, perhaps even as a teacher-student. While they group Cavaccio in the latter category, it appears to me he falls under both. Given Cavaccio’s “La Villa chiara,” it is reasonable to suggest Martinengo fostered a connection between these composers, perhaps even at a ridotto led by Bertani. As Bizzarini writes, “We should not neglect the role played by Count Marc’Antonio Martinengo in reinforcing and revitalizing a network of musicians of Brescian origins.”125 Merulo’s mother was from Brescia, Martinengo had documented ties to Marenzio and Bertani, as well, the latter of whom was maestro di cappella at the Brescia Cathedral until 1591, a position that was eventually offered to Cavaccio in 1618. 123 Marco Bizzarini and Massimo Privitera, “Competition, Cultural Geography, and Tonal Space in the Book of Madrigals L’amorosa Ero (1588),” The Journal of Musicology 29, no. 4 (Fall 2012): 426. 124 Bizzarini and Privitera, 426. 125 Bizzarini, Luca Marenzio, 76. 103 This patronage network helps explain Cavaccio’s presence in L’amarosa Ero, his continued close ties to Brescia, Brescian musicians, and the purchase and use of Brescian musical prints for use in Bergamo. Table 1.2 – Composers in L’amorosa Ero 1. Incerto [Marc’Antonio Martinengo] 2. Lelio Bertani 3. Gio. Cavaccio 4. Gio. Iacomo Gastoldo 5. Ruggiero Giovanelli 6. M. Ant. Ingegniero 7. Gio. Maria Nanino 8. Annibale Zoilo 9. Luca Marenzio 10. Rodiano Barera 11. Luzzasco Luzzaschi 12. Paolo Virchi 13. Alessandro Striggio 14. Claudio da Correggio [Merulo] 15. Costanzo Porta 16. Hippolito Fiorino 17. Antonio Morsolino 18. Alfonso Ferabosco Flori’s connections to this group seem less clear, partly because he was far less ambitious as a composer in terms of published output, resulting in fewer sources of extant documentation. Flori did purchase a book of Merulo motets on August 28, 1597 from a Brescian bookseller.126 However, Cavaccio was more active in his professional and social networking. Unfortunately, Cavaccio’s dialogue for Virginia Santi survives only partially. The solitary known copy of Merulo’s 1588 Primo libro de madrigali exists only as a tenor partbook, housed in Krakow’s 126 MIA 1389, ff 229. 104 Biblioteka Jagiellońska.127 Ahi senza te can be found in one additional source, Cavaccio’s Secondo libro de madrigali, published the following year.128 Once believed lost, the canto partbook was only recently discovered in the Morill Music Library at Villa I Tatti in Florence, and this source contains two of the seven voices.129 This still leaves us with an incomplete setting of three out of seven voices. While I have only consulted the tenor partbook in Krakow, Kathryn Bosi’s article on the recent I Tatti discoveries shares that the two surviving canto parts enter after thirteen breves, in close succession, suggesting a setting where a low voice group contrasts with the upper voices. In the loosely defined, broad genre that is the dialogue, this compositional approach most closely resembles that of Merulo’s experiments with the seven- and eight-voice madrigal dialogue. In these compositions, the musical style is akin to the cori spezzati aesthetic of antiphonal polyphony between two distinctly contrasting groups of voices. While it is unknown when these books were obtained, Cavaccio was apparently familiar with Merulo’s dialogues, as an inventory acquired by Alessandro Grandi after Cavaccio’s death shows two unspecified Merulo partbooks labeled, “Del Merulo a 6.7,” and “Del Merulo a 8.10.12.16.”130 Cavaccio’s dialogue, on a text likely written by himself, is a touching tribute to a friend and colleague’s deceased partner.131 127 PL-Kj, Mus. Ant. Pract. M690. Cavaccio, Secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci…con un dialogo à sette nel fine (Venetia: Gardano, 1589). 129 See Kathryn Bosi, “The Morril Music Library at the Biblioteca Berenson, Villa I Tatti, Florence: Its History and its Holdings,” Fontes Artis Musicae 55, no. 3 (September 2008): 448– 73. 130 Jerome Roche, “An Inventory of Choirbooks at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, January 1628,” R.M.A. Research Chronicle 5 (1965): 50. 131 Flori and Cavaccio are also found together as contributors to Il trionfo di Dori, an influential collection of madrigals published in Antwerp in 1601, alongside composers such as Giovanni 128 105 Figure 1.13 – Giovanni Cavaccio, “La Villa Chiara,” in Musica ... ove si contengono due fantasie, che dan principio e fine all'opera, canzoni alla franzese, pavana co'l saltarello, madrigali, et un proverbio ... a quattro voci (Venice: Amadino, 1597). I-Bc, R.395. Gabrieli, Orazio Vecchi, Palestrina, Asola, as well as Marenzio and Bertani: Il trionfo di Dori descritto da diversi et posti in musica, da altretanti autori. A sei voci. Antwerp: Phalese, 1601. 106 Conclusion Cavaccio’s early career was established on the foundation of early connections made during his musical education, and training with, Orlando di Lasso. Once back in Bergamo and having secured a visible position as maestro di cappella of the Cathedral San Vincenzo, it was crucial for Cavaccio to actively lobby and position himself for a higher station. Moving from the cathedral to the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore was by no means a well-trod path. The prodigious quantity and fierce pace of Cavaccio’s publishing career during the years 1580–1598 suggest a young, ambitious musician committed to building a lucrative career. In an effort to win a position at Santa Maria Maggiore, Cavaccio attempts to become the first hometown leader of the basilica’s musical establishment. As we will see in the following chapter, this elevation was not without competition and, once successful, he was forced to begin a new phase of networking. On the surface, the early part of Cavaccio’s career shows an apparently local account of a composer born in Bergamo who then goes on to work in Bergamo, publishes music for use in Bergamo, and then dies in Bergamo. In actuality, this narrative is an example of an internationally trained, traveled musician with connections to the premiere international musical superstar of the sixteenth century, one who developed interregional networks through print amid larger supraregional political machinations within a cathedral complex under Venetian jurisdiction, yet with ties to the archbishop of Milan. To ignore the wider geographic actuality obfuscates the reality of building a successful early modern musical career. 107 CHAPTER 2 MUSICAL LIFE ON THE EDGE OF THE TERRAFERMA, 1598–1626: CAVACCIO’S CAREER AT SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE AND NETWORKS BEYOND THE BORDERS OF BERGAMO The premiere institution for musical activity not only in Bergamo but throughout much of the region, Santa Maria Maggiore was a desirable location for any presumptive maestro di cappella. As will be outlined in this chapter, performances of polyphonic music in the basilica occurred well over one-hundred times per year, on par with the premiere institutions in Venice in terms of frequency.1 The reputation of the institution was such that a figure no less than Alessandro Grandi wrote directly to the MIA in 1626 when learning of the vacancy caused by Giovanni Cavaccio’s death. 1598 saw an earlier opening with the departure of Johann Flori, and multiple candidates were considered, at least two of whom had been planning for such an opportunity for some time. Their preparation included deft maneuvering among various, competing bodies as described in Chapter 1. The 1598 vacancy came on the heels of a massive— and expensive—artistic program centered on Marian themes with larger political implications. Corresponding with the artistic program of decoration inside the basilica, the music collected for use by the chapel at the same time favored Vespers psalms, Magnificat settings, and Marian antiphons, a departure from a pre-Tridentine focus on Holy Week repertoire. The new maestro di cappella was expected to continue a lavish, visible expression of power through the arts that helped Bergamo look outward, reinforcing its position on a larger musical and geopolitical map. 1 Cf. Jonathan Glixon, Honoring God and the City: Music at the Venetian Confraternities, 1260– 1807 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Appendices 1 and 2, 255–81. 108 Two finalists emerged for consideration in 1598, one of whom we have, and the other of whom we have not yet met. Competition for the 1598 Vacancy of Maestro di Cappella, Santa Maria Maggiore Cavaccio was finally elevated to the position of maestro di cappella, Santa Maria Maggiore on June 25, 1598 shortly before the death of Johann Flori. Although Cavaccio previously made considerable inroads with the MIA leadership, the decision was not a forgone conclusion. Surviving documents show that one other candidate was seriously considered, Orazio Scaletta.2 Scaletta was likely born in Bergamo, or possibly Crema ca.1550. Evidence supporting Scaletta’s Bergamasque origins lies in his presence within Donato Calvi’s encyclopedic biographies of notable Bergamaschi.3 In the entry, Calvi praises Scaletta’s skills as a singer and organist, also revealing the composer is buried in Santa Maria Maggiore. Additionally, Scaletta alludes to Bergamo as his “dear homeland” (carrissimi patria) in the introduction to his Timpano celeste of 1611.4 Scaletta was the son of the well-connected Natale Scaletta, who served as an official for the Venetian government in locations including Bergamo, Brescia, Cyprus, and Crete, also serving as governor and colonel of the militia in Corfù, a strategic part of the Venetian Stato da Màr and key locale in the Venetian-Ottoman War of 2 Maurizio Padoan, La musica in S. Maria Maggiore a Bergamo nel periodo di Giovanni Cavaccio (1598–1626) (Como: A.M.I.S., 1983), 57. 3 Donato Calvi, Scena letteraria de gli scrittori Bergamaschi: aperta alla curiosita’ de suoi concittadini (Bergamo: Marc’ Antonio Rossi, 1664), 330–31. 4 Orazio Scaletta, Timpano celeste, a una, doi, tre e quatro voci ... con il suo basso continuo per l'organo (Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1611). 109 1537–1540.5 Whether or not Orazio Scaletta was born in Bergamo, he was certainly educated in the city. One aspect of the MIA’s mid-sixteenth-century restructure of their academy was a more aggressive pursuit of musical education, allowing for a stronger pool of local musical talent. While the MIA did offer a number of scholarships in various guises, they relied on tuition, donations, and bequests to subsidize a large portion of educational expenses.6 Natale Scaletta— presumably of some means based on the high-profile military posts he held as a representative of the Venetian government—arranged for his son’s musical education in his will.7 In addition to his regular course of studies in the MIA academy, Scaletta studied harpsichord (arpicordo) with the Cremonese musician Giovan Battista Morsolino.8 Morsolino was awarded the contract of principal organist at Santa Maria Maggiore in 1581, despite the fact that Silvano Capello, podestà of Bergamo from 1579 to 1581, strongly advocated for the position to go to Giovanni Gabrieli in a series of letters to the MIA.9 The fact that the MIA chose to ignore the recommendation of the podestà is telling. Capello, a representative of the Venetian government attempted to intervene with local authority by placing a Venetian musician under his patronage into this high-profile musical position in Bergamo, yet the MIA went with Morsolino in the end, a musician who previously held a role as the Santa Maria Maggiore organist, showing that in 5 Alemanio Fino, Storia di Crema raccolta dagli annali di M. Pietro Terni (Crema: G. Solero, 1844), 215. 6 On the MIA’s history of scholarships for students, see Christopher Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education: Schooling in Bergamo and the Venetian Republic, 1500–1650 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 80–87. 7 MIA 237–238: Eredità Natale Caverlotti da Crema, colonnello e governante della milizia in Corfù (testamento 1567). The first register contains the expenses of Orazio Scaletta, entrusted for education to the MIA in 1566. 8 Rodolfo Baroncini, “Giovanni Gabrieli e la committenza privata veneziana: i ridotti Helman e Oth,” in Spazi veneziani: Topografie culturali di una città, ed. Sabine Meine (Roma: Viella, 2014), 33. 9 Baroncini, 27–33. 110 matters of administration, local desires could supersede those of a patrician from the capital. Gabrieli losing the job also serves to underscore the high regard held in the region for the musical chapel of Santa Maggiore. It is curious to consider how music history may have been altered if Capello’s wishes were granted and Gabrieli spent his career in Bergamo rather than Venice. In 1598, like Cavaccio, Scaletta was vying for the soon-to-be-open maestro di cappella position at Santa Maria Maggiore, partially via his own publication strategy. In 1595, several years before the vacancy, Scaletta dedicated his Effeti d’amore to Girolamo Priuli, the podestà of Bergamo at the time.10 In the dedication, Scaletta thanks Priuli for the “infinite favors” given to him while residing in Vicenza, and that the composer is pleased to continue receiving such favor now that he is living once more in Bergamo.11 Cavaccio was the eventual choice of the MIA council for maestro di cappella, and he would spend the next twenty-eight years in this role. Both composers were local talents, brought up at least partially though the MIA’s academy, and both courted connections through print to powerful local figures. The decision likely came down to Cavaccio’s more visible and prodigious publication history, stronger local networks, and successful previous experience organizing and managing important musical festivities in the basilica. Scaletta obviously was a known element, having been educated in the MIA academy and living in Bergamo once again for at least three years after a successful tenure as maestro di cappella at the chiesa della Passione in Milan. He also spent time in Venice and was acquainted 10 Orazio Scaletta, Effetti d'amore. Canzonette a quatro voci ... con una Mascherata nel fine ... libro primo (Venezia; Ricciardo Amadino, 1595). 11 “mostrandoni in qualche maniera non immemore e grato de gl’ininiti favori fattima da lei mentre con tanta sua Gloria reggeva la nobilissima Città di Vicenza, e che hora si compiace di giorno in giorno andarmi facendo in questo suo felicissimo regimento di Bergamo, ove al presente io habito…Bergamo.” 111 with Giovanni Gabrieli, though it is unclear whether or not such a connection in an unofficial capacity would carry any weight with the MIA. By 1598, Scaletta had published five or six collections of music, in addition to one theoretical treatise, Scala di musica molto necessaria per principianti (1585). Cavaccio, on the other hand, had published fifteen sole-authored collections of music between 1580–1597. (See Appendix 2 for a full list of Cavaccio’s sole-authored publications.) This was in addition to a number of high-profile contributions to madrigal collections circulating outside the borders of the Venetian Republic. Furthermore, by this point Cavaccio had tangibly contributed to musical life in the basilica during Marian feasts, holy week festivities, and the feast of the Circumcision for a period of at least sixteen years. However, I argue that the clinching factor was Cavaccio’s ability to operate among the various political factions within the cathedral, the MIA, and the city at large. In the end, Cavaccio was awarded the position in a near-unanimous decision.12 The original seven-year contract survives in an MIA document and outlines all duties expected from the new maestro di cappella.13 One key factor is that, unlike nearly all previous maestri at Santa Maria Maggiore, Cavaccio was not a member of the clergy and as such, was free from certain religious instruction at the Accademia dei chierici, not to mention the myriad quotidian duties that fell to priests and clerics. Nonetheless, the contract required Cavaccio to attend the basilica every day on the standard canonical hours in which music was made according to the rite of the basilica, and according to provisions laid out by the MIA deputies, as well as during every appropriate feast day and their processions.14 The teaching duties assigned 12 MIA 1276, ff 60r. MIA 1519, ff 112r–113r. This document is reproduced in part and discussed in Padoan, 57–63. 14 “…residio con quella maggior diligentia et fede possibile residendo nella…chiesa tutti li giorni et hore canonice, nelle quali si fa musica in detta chiesa secondo il rito di essa.” MIA 1519, ff 112r. 13 112 to Cavaccio included a commitment of two hours per day, which could be distributed between the morning and afternoon. He was to go every day to the academy to teach canto figurato (polyphonic singing) and il contrappunto (written counterpoint) to assigned chierici. In addition, Cavaccio was to have the chierici sing together at least once a week. Those who were insecure or in need of additional tutelage (non habili et non sicuri tanto) were entrusted to Antonio Carara and Orazio Marzolo. Both Carara and Marzolo were professional singers and priests on the sacerdoti payroll and their music pedagogy was tied into their religious responsibilities, earning an additional 6 scudi each per year.15 These additional duties surely took up valuable time, liberating Cavaccio to continue his oversight of the hiring and management of supplemental musicians for feast days, as well as the continued composition of new music for use in Santa Maria Maggiore. Carara disappears from the payroll shortly after Cavaccio’s arrival, though Marzolo became the vice maestro di cappella and remained in this role until 1605. Cavaccio’s contract stipulated that he sing and play the organ when necessary, and previous payment records show he had already been playing organetto in the basilica for many years on specific days. Santa Maria Maggiore held two organs and the basilica employed two full-time organists, both of whom were always more highly paid than nearly all other musicians on the payroll, signifying the importance of the position. On major feast days, in addition to the two organs, the MIA would occasionally arrange for the transportation of an organetto (portative organ) from the nearby church of San Pancrazio as a third keyboard instrument, likely as part of the basso continuo, and this instrument was the one played by Cavaccio.16 15 The contract and these teaching duties are outlined in a 1597 letter. MIA 1448, ff 334r. San Pacrenzio is about 290 meters from Santa Maria Maggiore and moving the organetto, according to one surviving receipt, cost around 12 lire. MIA 1391, ff 497r. 16 113 Artistic Expenditure and Musical Repertoire at the Basilica Throughout the course of the Cinquecento, the MIA was never reluctant to spend money for the glory of the basilica. Famously, in the 1520s and 1530s, the MIA commissioned a series of intarsia panels to decorate the choir, at great expense. The cartoons were designed by Lorenzo Lotto and he spent the years 1524–1531 working on this massive project. Lotto was given broad freedom to create a series of biblical allegories, the woodwork executed by Bergamasque artist Giovan Francesco Capoferri.17 The largest program of redecoration that took place inside Santa Maria Maggiore was from roughly 1575 to 1630, mostly on Marian themes and encompassing nearly every square inch of the interior.18 The emphasis on the Virgin Mary in Bergamo dates to the twelfth century, when there was a flowering of the cult of Marian devotion, and intensified once again in the years following the Council of Trent. The twelfth century saw the most intense period of rivalry between the canons of San Vincenzo and Alessandro, and devolved into an open, bitter conflict between 1132–1189, specifically. While San Vincenzo had the bishop, Sant’Alessandro held the more splendid church. To rectify this imbalance, the San Vincenzo canons decided to have the neighboring church of Santa Maria dismantled in favor of a new, grand construction project. The ensuing basilica Santa Maria Maggiore became part of a larger cathedral complex, a single entity alongside San Vincenzo. Considering the years in question, the decision to rebuild the Marian church rather than their eponymous cathedral was likely due to the 17 Lotto’s intarsia panels are the subject of a monograph by Mauro Zanchi, The Bible According to Lorenzo Lotto: The Wooden Choir, Inlaid by Capoferri, in the Basilica of Bergamo (Bergamo: Ferrari Grafiche, 2005). Zanchi’s monograph contains high quality images of all panels. 18 See Giles Knox, “The Unified Church Interior in Baroque Italy: S. Maria Maggiore in Bergamo,” The Art Bulletin 82, no. 4 (December 2000): 679–701. 114 intensity of local Marian devotion.19 Although useful for context on Bergamo’s early modern focus on the Virgin Mary, more detailed information surrounding the intense internal rivalries of twelfth-century Bergamo is beyond the scope of this chapter.20 The years following the Council of Trent saw a renewed focus on the basilica’s namesake. In 1580, the MIA commissioned a Marian cycle of nine Florentine tapestries to cover the walls of Santa Maria Maggiore. These would join Flemish tapestries already hanging since midcentury, all of which remain in situ, with the exception of the tapestry depicting Mary’s Assumption which has been undergoing extensive renovation for some years.21 Between June 4, 1583 and October 13, 1584, eight of the tapestries were delivered depicting The Nativity of Jesus, the Adoration of the Magi, the Flight into Egypt, Mary’s Assumption, the Circumcision of Jesus, the Annunciation, the Marriage of the Virgin, and the Visitation.22 In July 1586, the ninth and final tapestry was delivered, the Presentation of the Virgin at the Temple. This years-long project had to proceed with the approval and cooperation of the Grand Dukes of Tuscany, as well as a number of artists and craftsmen. The expense was considerable. Including transport from Florence to Bergamo, which involved an extended layover in Lodi to avoid a 1584 war in Ferrara, the MIA spent 3,357 scudi (about 16,600 lire) for nine tapestries, and the confraternity resorted to liquidating portions of their land holdings to cover this cost.23 This purchase was part 19 Giles Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform in Late-Sixteenth and EarlySeventeenth-Century Bergamo” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1999), 151. 20 For more, see Lester K. Little, Liberty, Charity, Fraternity: Lay Religious Confraternities at Bergamo in the Age of the Commune, Smith College Studies in History 51 (Bergamo: Pierluigi Lubrina Editore, 1988), 22–28; and Knox, “Church Decoration and the Politics of Reform,” 150– 53. 21 For a study on the Marian tapestries, as well as high quality images, see Giovanni Glauco Curatola, I misteri di Maria: Gli arazzi di Santa Maria Maggiore (Clusone: Ferrari Grafiche, 2003). 22 Curatola, 7. 23 Curatola, 8. 115 of the larger program of redecoration centered around scenes from the life of the Virgin. The tapestries themselves are massive, each measuring around 25 x 39 meters (82 x 128 feet) (figure 2.1). By the time Cavaccio began his long tenure as maestro di cappella, the commitment to expanded Marian themes had extended beyond the choir and into the entire church, and the tapestries were put on permanent display on 1611 where they remain to this day.24 A painting of the Coronation of the Virgin in the cupula of the dome completed the cycle established in the apse.25 The commission was awarded to a local artist, Giovan Paolo Cavagna and completed between 1614–1616 (figure 2.2). Cavagna was born in Bergamo in the neighborhood of San Leonardo and was a pupil of Giovanni Battista Moroni, the celebrated portrait artist introduced in the previous chapter. In the panels surrounding the center of the cupula are a bevy of musical instruments, plucked strings, bowed strings, and winds, representing the three principle classes of instruments. The cupula and its heavenly consort of musicians connected the congregation and its earthly chapel. 24 Santa Maria Maggiore represents a remarkable example of an Italian church both with nearly all of its early modern artistic projects still in situ, and also with no major renovations following the early modern period. Cavaccio or one of his contemporaries would recognize almost all of the exterior and interior if they saw Santa Maria Maggiore today. 25 A virtual tour of the entire basilica can be found online: https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/basilica/visita/tour-virtuale 116 Figure 2.1 – Screen Grab from virtual tour of Santa Maria Maggiore, obstructed view of three tapestries, for perspective of their size. https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/basilica/visita/tour-virtuale, accessed June 14, 2020. Left (behind tomb of Gaetano Donizetti), Lo sposalizo della Verine; center (behind confessional), La circoncisione di Gesu’; right (behind pillar), L’annunciazione. 117 Figure 2.2 – Giovan Paolo Cavagna, Coronation of the Virgin, ca.1614-16, S. Maria Maggiore cupola. Photo by author. Santa Maria Maggiore followed an artistic program similar to ones seen in Venice and Florence, blending a multi-sensory experience, combining projections of local authority with post-Tridentine principles of universality and thematic concord. Iain Fenlon has argued that the long-term artistic and architectural project at Venice’s San Marco developed in conjunction with local, civic self-fashioning in order to tie the Doge’s image to that of ancient religious 118 authority.26 If Jacopo Sansovino’s loggetta is the perfect visual representation of the “myth of Venice” in the post League of Cambrai period, Fenlon argues, then Willaert’s cori spezzati music stands in as an aural projection of Venice’s self-fashioned magnificence.27 Much of the Venetian iconography and ritual surrounded the figure of St. Mark, according to the foundation story of the translation of Mark’s relics. The use of communal spaces, both civic and sacred, increased in importance during the post-Tridentine years as part of the broader effort towards stability and thematic unity.28 A number of prominent churches in this time period were either renovated or newly built with thematically unified programs of decoration. In Florence, for instance, Duke Cosimo promoted comprehensive renovations at Santa Maria Novella and San Croce, resulting in altar decorations that collectively made up cycles of the Passion.29 Santa Maria Maggiore followed the same post-Tridentine inclination, centered around the life of Mary, the basilica’s titular saint. In all these cases, local institutions maintained a measure of agency while succumbing to the demands of Catholic universality. Venice’s increased insistence on the connection between the Doge and St. Mark expressed parochial authority through civic procession. In Bergamo, the MIA was grappling with a compartmentalized memory of communal self-rule and submission to Venetian control. This extended to a de-emphasis of an altar to St. Mark inside the basilica—a figure clearly associated with capital—in favor of a newly commissioned one to John the Evangelist, popularly associated to Venetian rule.30 In so doing, 26 Iain Fenlon, “Magnificence as Civic Image: Music and Ceremonial Space in Early Modern Venice,” in Music and Culture in Late Renaissance Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1–23. 27 Fenlon, 9–10. 28 Fenlon, 23. 29 See Marcia B. Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation: Vasari and Duke Cosimo in Sta Maria Novella and Sta Croce, 1565–1577 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). 30 Knox, “The Unified Church Interior in Baroque Italy,” 686–87. 119 the MIA accepted their status as Terraferma subject while highlighting their own agency in the matter. Simultaneously, the new Marian projects became the focal point of the church interior, projecting a self-fashioned magnificent image of their own, particularly considering the local importance placed on Marian feasts. A visitor to the basilica during Assumption was faced with the events of the Virgin’s life at eye level in the form of the massive Florentine tapestries, felt (literally) under her protection in the form of the Coronation painted on the cupola above, and confronted with aural representations of Mary through spectacular performances of the Magnificat or a Marian hymn. Musician and churchgoer alike were enveloped by the Virgin both sonically and visually. Musicians and Repertoire ca.1600 Cavaccio’s 1598 hire at 840 lire/year was merely one aspect of this commitment to the expansion of music and art at Santa Maria Maggiore, to extravagant splendor for the glory of the church, and by extension, to the city of Bergamo itself owing the historical connections between basilica and civic identity. There are no clear records of the exact makeup of the musical roster when Cavaccio took the helm in 1598. By 1601, however, the first year for which salary records exist in the archive, Cavaccio led a musical establishment of fifteen singers and nine instrumentalists: two sopranos, four altos, six tenors, three basses, two organists, five trombonists, a violinist, and one cornetto. Of the five trombonists, this included a contralto trombone, a bass trombone, and one of these musicians doubled on violin. (For a full list of the musical roster from 1601 to 1630, see Appendix 1.) The cost of maintaining this size of ensemble ran to nearly 6,000 lire for the year, and the expense points to the importance placed on musical activity at this institution. This ensemble was capable of performing large-scale cori 120 spezzati repertoire of up to three choirs. If an inventory existed when Cavaccio took over for Flori, it is no longer extant. However, we do have several receipts of music books purchased in the 1590s—just before Cavaccio’s election—that offer insight into what type of music library he inherited. On Cavaccio’s death in 1626, the MIA invited Alessandro Grandi to serve as the next maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore. Music books purchased for use at the basilica were the property of the MIA, and it was customary for a new maestro di cappella to inherit the library of his predecessor. The inventory, signed by Grandi, survives in the MIA archives and is a tremendous source of knowledge concerning musical repertoire during Cavaccio’s tenure.31 As valuable as this document is, aspects of the inventory can be frustratingly vague, particularly since no publication dates are mentioned. “Motetti del Palestrina,” is not incredibly specific, for example; “Messe vespri e motetti di diversi a 4,” even less so. No such document survives from Cavaccio’s inauguration, though the aforementioned receipts from the 1590s offer valuable—and explicit—clues to particular sets of music partbooks purchased for use at Santa Maria Maggiore. The information comes in the form of five documents in the MIA Spese folders, dating from February 1592 to August 1597.32 Between these five separate purchases, the MIA acquired forty music books at a total cost of 114 lire, 2 soldi, thirty-eight of which were of printed partbooks; the remaining two purchases appear to have been large, expensive choirbooks. The two choirbooks alone cost 39 lire, 6 soldi leaving the remaining thirty-eight sets of partbooks at a cost of 74 lire, 16 soldi, or just under 2 lire per set. This was not a considerable expense in the grand scheme of the MIA’s overall expenditure; essentials such as olive oil and wax cost 31 This document has been reproduced in full in Jerome Roche, “An Inventory of Choirbooks at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, January 1628,” R.M.A. Research Chronicle 5 (1965): 47–50. 32 MIA 1388, ff 250, 251, 461; MIA 1389, ff 158, 229. 121 significantly more. The most expensive of these purchases was an item listed at 24 lire, “Messa et magnificat del Vitoria in foglio reiale.”33 Foglio reiale is a term relating to size, and for Italian prints corresponded to 445 X 615 mm; a large choirbook designed to be seen from a distance by a group of singers.34 At this price, it is conceivable this was a commissioned manuscript, though it is impossible to know definitively. The only surviving early modern manuscript choirbooks from Santa Maria Maggiore come from 1541/2, copied by Gasparo Alberti.35 Much like the Grandi inventory, many of the music books purchased in the 1590s are itemized with vague descriptors that elude attribution, as in “salmie a 5 de diversi,” which could be any one of scores of anthologies. Other examples include the composer and genre, but little else. The 1591 receipt listing “Madrigali a sei voci di Filippo di Monte,” could be one of seven books of 6vv madrigals published by Monte up to 1591. The fact remains that for scholars studying the dissemination of early modern printed music, most records are very much like this, making documentation of exact books in particular locales a difficult task. Nonetheless, there is enough identifying information in the Spese to be quite certain of fourteen specific editions of printed music acquired by the MIA during the 1590s (table 2.1). 33 MIA 1389, ff 158. David Landau and Peter W. Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 1470–1550 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 83. 35 These are I-BGc 1207D, 1208D, and 1209D. The three MSS are the subject of a detailed study, David Crawford and Scott Messing, Gaspar de Albertis’ Sixteenth-Century Choirbooks at Bergamo. 34 122 Table 2.1 – Music books acquired by MIA in the 1590s with definitive attributions 1. Asola, Giammateo. Falsi bordoni per cantar salmi, in quatro ordini divisi, sopra gli otto tuoni ecclesiastici, del R. M. Don Gio. Mattea Asola veronese & alcuni di M. Vincenzo Ruffo. Et anco per cantar gli hymni secondo il suo canto fermo. A quatro voci. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1575. [Reprinted many times through 1585.] 2. Asola, Giammateo. Nova vespertina omnium solemnitatum psalmodia, cum cantico Beatae Virginis. Octonis vocibus. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1587. 3. Asola, Giammateo. Vespertina maiorum solennitatum psalmodia senis vocibus decantanda, Canticaq; duo B. Virginis, vnum primi toni integrum, alterum Vero sexti toni, pro commoditate cantorum in versiculos diuisum. Venetiis: Hieronymi Scoti, 1576. [Reprinted in 1590.] 4. Asola, Giammateo. Vespertina omnium solemnitatum psalmodia, canticum B. Virginis duplici modulatione, primi videlicet & octavi toni, Salve Regina, missa, et quinque divinae laudes. Omnia duodenis vocibus, ternis variata choris, ac omni instrumentorum genere modulanda. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1590. 5. Gabrieli, Giovanni. Sacrae symphoniae. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1597. 6. Gastoldi, Giovanni Giacomo. Canzoni a cinque voci ... libro primo. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1581. 7. Giovanelli, Ruggiero. Il primo libro de madrigali a cinque voci. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1586. 8. Leoni, Leone. Bella Clori, secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1591. 9. Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da. Motettorum Quinque vocibus liber quintus. Romæ: Alexandrum Gardanum, 1584. 10. Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da. Offertoria totius anni, secundum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae consuetudinem, quinque vocibus concinenda ... pars secunda. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1596. [Reprinted from a 1593 Roman edition.] 11. Tiburzio, Massaino. Sacri modulorum concentus, qui senis, 7, 8, 9, 10, ac duodenis vocibus in duos tresve choros coalescentes, non minus instrumentorum, quam vocum harmonia suaviter concini possunt. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1592. 12. Varotta, Michele. Liber primus missarum octonis vocibus, quibus una adiuncta est duodecim vocibus decantanda. Milano: eredi di Francesco & Simon Tini, 1595. 13. Vecchi, Orazio. Mottetti a otto voci, libro primo. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1579. 14. Vecchi, Orfeo. Psalmi integri in totius anni solemnitatibus, Magnificat duo, antiphonae quatuor ad B. V. post Completorium, & modulationes octo, quae vulgo falsibordoni nuncupantur, quinque vocibus. Milano: eredi di Francesco & Simon Tini, 1596. The newly acquired music books can be sorted into two categories: northern Italian composers working at smaller courts and churches, and Palestrina and his Roman pupils. Two of the composers in the latter category, Orazio Vecchi and Tiburzio Massaino, were associated with the cathedral at Salò, a small town on the banks of Lake Garda and a site of frequent 123 recruitment—particularly of bowed string players—for major feast days at Santa Maria Maggiore.36 There is also a conspicuous mix of sacred and secular music, a number of madrigal books among these purchases. It is unclear whether or not madrigals were ever performed in the basilica; if they were, there is no record of this ever occurring. More likely, these were purchased for use at the academy. We do see several books for cori spezzati ensembles of two, and even three choirs (Asola, Nova vespertina 8vv and Vespertina omnium 12vv; and Massaino, Sacri modulorum concentus 12vv). While three-choir music was not the norm, Cavaccio’s 1601 ensemble of twenty-four professional musicians was well equipped to handle this repertoire for special celebration, even without hiring supplemental musicians. Bergamo is the site of one of the key early sources for cori spezzati, so by 1601 the basilica had two generations of experience with polychoral grandeur.37 In terms of dissemination through print, it was not until the 1570s that cori spezzati psalms were published with any regularity.38 This shows that, for many genres, print lagged behind local musical practice, sometimes by a full generation, while other genres remained resistant to print. Examining what was hot off the presses is clearly not the best method for unearthing the musical quotidian. Asola, well represented in the Santa Maria Maggiore acquisition records, was one of the more prolific composers of cori spezzati music in the late Cinquecento. The procurement of these books also represents a shift in liturgical focus from preTridentine manuscript sources in Bergamo, which centered around Holy Week repertoire.39 36 For example, Fra. Antonio da Salò and Gaspar da Salò, both discussed in this chapter. MS sources are given in fn 36 above. See also Anthony F. Carver, Cori Spezzati: The Development of Sacred Polychoral Music to the Time of Schütz, vol. 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 20; Towne, “Over the Hills and Far Away”; and Towne, “Music and Liturgy in Sixteenth-Century Italy: The Bergamo Organ Book and Its Liturgical Implications,” The Journal of Musicology 6, no. 4 (Autumn 1988): 471–509. 38 Carver, Cori Spezzati, vol. 1, 185. 39 Crawford and Messing, Gaspar de Albertis’ Sixteenth-Century Choirbooks at Bergamo, 6–8. 37 124 Corresponding with the artistic program of decoration in the basilica favoring Marian themes, the music represented in table 2.1 privileged Vespers psalms, Magnificat settings, and Marian antiphons. Asola’s 1587 Nova vespertina, for example, contains two Canticles for Mary followed by a Salve Regina. The 1590 three-choir collection contains fifteen Vespers psalms, two Magnificats, a Salve Regina setting, one mass, and five additional motets. This mixed collection gives the consumer many possibilities for realization, compositions that can be used in a variety of liturgical or paraliturgical contexts, a standard also represented by the output of Viadana and Cavaccio. Recall that Cavaccio spent part of his youth with Orlando di Lasso, exposing him to another important previous model for cori spezzati, in addition to the existing tradition at Santa Maria Maggiore. As is well documented, a vogue for Venetian musical products developed north of the Alps in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in large part through the influence of Lasso, especially with the products of Gabrieli and his brand of polychoral composition.40 Lasso’s first works for eight voices in two choirs date from 1564, shortly before a young Cavaccio’s arrival in Munich. These polychoral works predate those of the Gabrieli brothers and Lasso’s influence among northern composers was immense.41 By the time Cavaccio left the Bavarian court, Lasso had composed at least twenty-three works scored for cori spezzati forces, and this music must have made up a significant portion of festal music in Munich.42 40 See especially Carver, Cori Spezzti, vol. 1, 194–244; Frederick K. Gabel, “St Gertrude’s Chapel, Hamburg, and the Performance of Polychoral Music,” Early Music 15 (1987): 229–42; and Jerome Roche, “‘Aus Den Berühmbsten Italiänischen Autoribus’: Dissemination North of the Alps of the Early Baroque Italian Sacred Repertory Through Published Anthologies and Reprints,” in Claudio Monteverdi und die Folgen: Bericht über das internationale Symposium Detmold 1993, ed. Silke Leopold and Joachim Steinheuer (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1998), 13–50. 41 Carver, Cori Spezzati, vol. 1, 15. 42 Carver, 79–80. 125 Given the spectacular nature of the decorations and artwork in Santa Maria Maggiore, especially the tapestries and the Lotto intarsia panels in the choir, intertextuality between sonic and visual is to be expected. There is at least one composition in the Albertis manuscripts that alludes directly to an earlier Flemish tapestry in Santa Maria Maggiore. Lauro Padovano’s motet Tiphonem jaculis quondom apollinus refers to the myth of Perseus and Andromeda, a visual counterpart of which is found on a tapestry depicting St. George.43 In 1592, not many years after the arrival of the Florentine tapestries, the MIA acquired Palestrina’s Motettorum Quinque vocibus. The motet Egipte noli flere depicting the Israelite’s flight into Egypt can be connected to the newly attained tapestry, La fuga in Egitto.44 The text is paraliturgical and remains deliberately open for interpretation to account for both the Old Testament Israelites escaping the Pharaoh, as well as Mary’s flight into Egypt with an infant Jesus as recounted in the Gospel of Matthew. The projection of Christian meaning onto stories of Hebrew origin was common practice, allowing motet texts to be read on different registers of interpretation.45 Both Egyptian narratives cover themes of creation, benediction, and salvation. Palestrina’s motet text is a responsory for Matins and is another example of how the MIA’s post-Tridentine acquisitions allowed for churchgoer to be enveloped by both sonic and visual representations of the Virgin. 43 Crawford and Messing, Gaspar de Albertis’ Sixteenth-Century Choirbooks at Bergamo, 13– 14. 44 The tapestries are reproduced in full in Curatola, I misteri di Maria: Gli arazzi di Santa Maria Maggiore. For more easily accessible images, several tapestries are reproduced in the following article, including La fuga in Egitto: Prima Bergamo, “I 5 arazzi di Santa Maria Maggiore che raccontano l’infanzia di Gesù,” https://primabergamo.it/viva-berghem/i-5-splendidi-arazzi-disanta-maria-maggiore-che-raccontano-linfanzia-di-gesu/, accessed June 14, 2020. Additionally, the Fondazione MIA has created a digital, virtual tour of the basilica from which the tapestries can be clearly viewed, accessible here: https://www.fondazionemia.it/it/basilica/visita/tourvirtuale. 45 Don Harrán, “Stories from the Hebrew Bible in Music of the Renaissance,” Musica Disciplina 37 (1983): 251. 126 Further explorations into intertextual relationships between the Santa Maria Maggiore musical repertoire, the Florentine tapestries, and Lotto intarsia panels are needed to fully understand the intertextual realties of sonic/visual praxis during the time of Cavaccio. One final acquisition to note in table 2.1 is Giovanni Gabrieli’s Sacrae symphoniae of 1597, purchased the year of its initial publication. The music is written for a wide range of voices, from six to sixteen, and apt for either voices or instruments. Santa Maria Maggiore employed at least five trombonists and a cornetto.46 Not many churches outside of San Marco in Venice were well equipped to easily perform the totality of Sacae Symphoniae, but this ensemble in Bergamo was perfect for Gabrieli’s publication. Earlier cori spezzati compositions relied on call and response between choirs; Gabrieli’s 1597 works explore a more dialogic interaction between groups of voices, and Bergamo’s two organs were ideal to lend support to the successful performance of Gabrieli’s music. Venetian documents suggest not only two organs employed for Gabrieli’s Symphoniae, but an organetto and eight other instrumentalists, in addition to the singers.47 We have already seen Santa Maria Maggiore employ an identical ensemble and the makeup of performing forces appears to be comparable between the two institutions at the turn of the Seicento, so it is highly likely the full contents of Sacrae symphoniae were performed at one time or another in Bergamo. 46 See Appendix 1. David Bryant, “The ‘Cori Spezzati’ of St Mark’s: Myth and Reality,” Early Music History 1 (1981): 180. 47 127 Foreign Madrigal Anthologies, Contract Negotiations, and Hinni correnti (1605) Cavaccio’s original contract was for a period of seven years during which time the maestro di cappella earned 840 lire/year. The makeup of the musical roster stayed remarkably consistent, as outlined in Appendix 1, the only turnover consisting of the salaried soprano singers, doubtless as they aged out of the voice type. The existing records suggest Bergamo preferred natural voices to castrati, possibly due to the steady stream of young voices emerging from the academy. It was relatively rare for a soprano singer to continue on in the chapel after his voice broke. A notable exception was Francesco Bazino, who after three years as a soprano transitioned to alto in 1605 and stayed on in that role until 1616, and once again from 1621 to 1622. Born in 1593, Bazino’s contract sheds light on the age of these boys who sang soprano as he was on the roster from ages eight to eleven. Bazino came from a local musical family with connections to the basilica; his older brother Natale was a cleric at Santa Maria Maggiore, sang as an alto through 1610, and according to Calvi’s entry on the brothers, published four books of music.48 In Calvi’s entry, the tutelage of Cavaccio is highlighted as an important aspect of the Bazino brothers’ development, as both went through the MIA’s academy at an age when Cavaccio was the maestro di cappella. In 1604, Natale wrote to the MIA on his brother’s behalf, telling him that Francesco was a better singer than him.49 He must have had recognizable talent, as the MIA kept him on as an alto at the cost of 168 lire/year. The following year, a now twelveyear-old Francesco Bazino wrote to the MIA, humbly requesting a favor to continue studying 48 Calvi, “Francesco et Natale Bazzini,” in Scena letteraria de gli scrittori bergamaschi, 155–57. Calvi’s entry lists three books of music published by Francesco, four by Natale. All seem to be lost. 49 “…mie fratelli favoriti di voce miglio di me…” MIA 1449, ff 347r. 128 counterpoint at the academy, in addition to coursework in the humanities.50 The written supplication likely occurred only if a scholarship was needed or requested. It is unclear what the response was from the MIA, but Francesco did continue in the academy under the tutelage of Cavaccio, and his stipend increased from 168 to 196 lire/year, perhaps to offset room and board.51 Francesco eventually taught at the academy himself, beginning in 1614. He then went on to become a celebrated theorbo player at the Este court in Modena, and performed by invitation at events in Parma, Venice, and Vienna.52 The Bazino brothers serve as an example of local talent in whom the MIA actively invested. The maestro di cappella was instrumental in this process. Recall the case of Pietro Pontio from Chapter 1. Although he was accused of gambling, prostitution, and impropriety towards pupils, his lackluster and lazy pedagogy is at the center of the complaint, leading to his dismissal. These teaching responsibilities were considered a crucial aspect of the position and not something expected of Cavaccio at the Bergamo Cathedral. When added to the high frequency of regular musical performance in the basilica, this equaled a demanding schedule. Due to this workload, Cavaccio published only one sole-authored collection during the period of his first contract—a sixth book of madrigals in 1599—further lending credence to a supposition that the blistering pace of Cavaccio’s early publishing career was with the goal of a potential position at Santa Maria Maggiore in mind.53 Although Cavaccio’s daily duties at the basilica took precedence over his publication program, the composer continued to develop his reputation beyond the borders of the Venetian 50 “…Io volute…supplicare le sue [MIA council] di nuovo favore, che continuando la schola del contraponto, voglia anco insiememente concedere la schola della humanita…” MIA 1449 ff 548r. 51 MIA 1150, ff 434v. 52 Pierluigi Forcella, Musica e musicisti a Bergamo: Dalle origini ai contemporanei (Villa di Serio: Edizioni Villadiseriane, 1992), 38. 53 Cavaccio, Il sesto libro de madrigali a cinque voci (Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1599). 129 Republic via contributions to multi-authored anthologies of music. There were five such anthologies published between 1600–1604 (table 2.2). Sacrarum symphoniarum was published in 1600 by Paul Kauffmann, a Nürnberg printer with close ties to Hans Leo Hassler and credited for helping introduce Italian composers to a German-speaking audience through his many anthologies.54 Kauffmann explicitly drew attention to the Venetian origins of his products, whether or not the composer(s) in question had direct ties to the city itself.55 The commodification of Venetian products is a distinct phenomenon, and the subject of Chapter 4 in this dissertation, “Venice without Venice: Traces of Italian Printed Music in German Manuscripts During the Thirty Years War.” Sacrarum symphoniarum was one of a number of editions collected and edited by Kaspar Hassler, Hans Leo’s brother. Although some German composers are included in Hassler’s editions, the majority of composers he favored were Italian, and the four collections—issued between 1598 and 1613—did much to foster in Germany a knowledge of cori spezzati music.56 Cavaccio’s two polychoral contributions are significant in that he was chosen to represent this idiom of north Italian music alongside composers such as Marenzio, Merulo, Palestrina, Orazio Vecchi, and the Gabrieli brothers. Cavaccio may have originally caught the attention of Hassler and Kauffmann—members of Nürnberg’s musical elite—through Sdegnosi ardori (Munich: Berg, 1585), discussed in Chapter 1. The privileging of Italian musical products in the private spheres of Nürnberg’s elite created a market for Italian prints, and the city council made a number of purchases, including a 1594 procurement of 54 Thomas Röder, “Kauffmann, Paul,” MGG. Susan Lewis Hammond, Editing Music in Early Modern Germany (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 43. 56 Carver, Cori Spezzati, vol. 1, 194–96. 55 130 Sdegnosi ardori.57 This is an example of networks expanding through print alone, introducing Cavaccio to an influential patrician circle north of the Alps a decade after his contribution to Sdegnosi ardori. Table 2.2 – Anthologies with at least one contribution from Giovanni Cavaccio, 1600–1604. • • • • • Sacrarum symphoniarum continuatio. Diversorum excellentissimorum authorum. Quaternis, v. vi. vii. viii. x. & xii. vocibus tàm vivis quàm instrumentalibus accommodate. Noribergæ: Paulum Kaufmannum, 1600. De floridi virtuosi d’Italia madrigali a cinque voci ridotti in un corpo. Antwerpen: Pierre Phalèse, 1600. Ghirlanda di madrigali a sei voci, di diversi eccellentissimi autori de nostri tempi. Antwerpen: Pierre Phalèse, 1601. Musica de diversi eccellentiss. autori. A cinque voci. Sopra i pietosi affetti, del M. R. P. D. Angelo Grillo. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1604. [Complied by Gabbiani Massimiano.] Madrigali pastorali a sei voci descritti da diversi. Antwerpen: Pierre Phalèse, 1604. The three anthologies in the De floridi virtuosi d'Italia series were published in Venice by Giacomo Vincenti and Ricciardo Amadino in 1583, 1585 and 1586, and reissued in one volume by Pierre Phalèse in Antwerp in 1600.58 There was a high degree of crossover between the floridi virtuosi titles and Sacrarum symphoniarum. Favoring Italian composers and dedicatees, Phalèse aimed for a wide audience, a shrewd combination of old/new, local/international composers his strongest selling tool.59 Included in the 1600 De floridi virtuosi were three madrigals by Cavaccio, a presence only outmatched by Palestrina and Nanino.60 North of the Alps, the 57 Susan Gail Lewis, “Collecting Italia Abroad: Anthologies of Italian Madrigals in the Print World of Northern Europe” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2001), 105–06. 58 See, Emma Hilary Wakelin, “‘De Floridi Virtuosi d’italia’: A Study of Three Italian Madrigal Anthologies of the 1580s” (PhD diss., Royal Holloway University of London, 1997). 59 Lewis, “Collecting Italia Abroad,” 68. 60 Contributors include: C. Accelli, F. Anerio (2), I. Baccusi, G. Bassano, V. Bellhaver, G. Belli, Bertani (2), M. Carrara, G. Cavaccio (3), A. Coma, G. A. Dragoni (3), G. Eremita, G. Gabrieli (2), O. Griffi, J. de Macque, L. Marenzio, T. Massaino, P. Masenelli (3), D. Micheli, G. B. Moscaglia, B. Mosto, G. B. Mosto (2), G. M. Nanino (5), A. Orologio (2), G. P. da Palestrina 131 printing center of Antwerp was the source of the highest number of madrigal prints; between 1583 and 1610, Phalèse’s Antwerp firm alone published seventy volumes of them.61 For the 1600 amalgamation of De floridi virtuosi, Phalèse dropped seven madrigals and added nine not included in Vincenzo and Amadino’s original three prints. Cavaccio was among these additions, suggesting he had already developed enough of a reputation in the lowlands to capture the Antwerp printer’s attention. This growing repute would serve Cavaccio well when it came time to restructure his contract at Santa Maria Maggiore. Employment for musicians at Santa Maria Maggiore was much like today’s gig economy in which a single institutional role—for example, a member of a symphony orchestra—may not suffice. A certain amount of freelancing was common, even expected, and allowances were made for the reality of working for multiple employers. Musicians at Santa Maria Maggiore were customarily hired on three, five, or seven-year contracts. Cavaccio’s original agreement was for seven years at 840 lire/year, making him the highest paid member of the chapel. The specific salaries fluctuated, but a glance at the 1604 salary list highlights several different classes of salaried personnel (figure 2.3).62 After the maestro di cappella, the highest paid member was almost always the cornettist, who until the 1630s was the Veronese virtuoso Giulio Cesare Celani. Celani followed Cavaccio from the cathedral and took in an impressive 630 lire/year. As shown in Chapter 1, Cavaccio first hired Celani in 1591, though documents in Padova show Celani also serving there through 1601.63 This suggests both contracts were part-time (4), B. Pallavicino (2), N. Parma (3), N. Peruve (2), I. Sabino, B. Spontone (2), A. Stabile, A. Striggio, Orazio Vecchi (3), C. Verdonck, A. Zoilo (3), Anon. (2). 61 Gerald R. Hoekstra, “The Reception and Cultivation of the Italian Madrigal in Antwerp and the Low Countries, 1555–1620,” Musica Disciplina 48 (1994): 126–27. 62 MIA 1150, ff 120r. 63 Maurizio Padoan, Musici al Santo di Padova negli anni 1565–1600 (Como: A.M.I.S., 2012), 369, 371–72, 374–75. 132 obligations, as neither church required a cornetto with enough frequency to warrant a full-time residency. The distance between Bergamo città alta and Padova is 122 miles on modern roads. Each church at which Celani worked possibly covered some expense for travel, though this may exemplify the arduous schedule a musician had to maintain in order to earn a living, like today’s freelancer. The eventual full-time contract at Santa Maria Maggiore in 1601 offered stability to Celani, which could only have been provided by an institution with the resources to maintain such a virtuoso specialist long-term. The organists and premiere vocalists made up the next group of musicians. First and second organists Antonio Osio and Giacomo Brignolo earned 224 and 250 lire, respectively.64 The MIA seemed to reward good conduct and loyalty with steady pay increases. By 1621, Brignolo and Osio took in 490 and 525 lire/year.65 Four singers were included in a similar pay-range, even though many more served on the roster. The likely explanation is that large-scale polychoral music was reserved for the most important feast days, holy week festivities, etc. More regularly, equal-voiced polyphony of five and six parts was employed. 64 65 MIA 1150, ff 120r. MIA 1154, ff 145r. 133 Figure 2.3 – 1604 musician salary list, Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo. MIA 1450, ff 120r. Transcription below. 134 Salarie de musici della Chiesa di s. maria devono adi 20 marzo 1604. -lire 14 che buoni a D. Gio. Balino per suo salario di sonator di Trombone per Gennaro e febbr[ari]o 1604. –– [lire]14 -16 luglio lire 28 – buone al p. fra Angelo da Cesana cantor Tenore per suo salario da p.º decembre 1603 fin tuto marzo 1604 a lire 12 al’ anno ––––– 28 -2 ottobre lire 33.8 buone a Ghirardo Colleoni per suo salario di sonar il violone da 7 Agº[sto] fin tutto decembre 1604 a lire 86 –––––– 33.8 -10 Decembre lire 840 aD. Gio Cavaccio maestro di Capella per suo salario di tutto il pn’te anno 1604 –––––– 840 -detto lire 420 aD. frate Amante cantor Basso per suo salario come sopra –––––– 420 -detto lire 140 ad Federico Mangile [Basso] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 140 -detto lire 140 anei lire 175 aD. Pre Bernardino Tirabosco per suo salario di sonator di trombon doppio –––––– 175 -detto lire 280 ad Pre Francº Vertova cantor Basso per suo salario come so[r]a et lo1 formento et B 4 vino –––––– 280 -detto lire 140 aD. Pre Gio. Biadone cantor tenore per suo salario come sopra –––––– 140 -detto lire 168 aD. Pre Battista Ratis [capellano residente e musico Tenore] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 168 -detto lire 168 aD Pre Giacomo Cornolto [ditto] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 168 -detto lire 237 aD. Pre Horatio Marzolo per suo salario come sopra –––––– 237 -detto lire 84 aD. Pre Sedio Aresio [trombone] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 84 -detto lire 195 ad Gerº Morari [trombone et di violini] et some 2 formento per suo salario come sopra ––––– 195 -detto lire 168 ad. Pietro Rondi [cantor contralto] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 168 -detto lire 294 ad Pre Andrea Camerata [capellano e cantor contralto] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 294 -detto lire 301 aD. Carlo Fettino sonator di trombon come sopra –––––– 301 -detto ––– a Gerº Posetti [cantor contralto] per salario come sopra ––– formento so 1. et 2 vino -detto lire 280 ad Pre Natal Bazino [cantor contralto] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 280 -detto lire 168 ad Francº Bazino [cantore soprano] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 168 -detto lire 84 ad Pietro marcone soprano per suo salario come sopra –––––– 84 -detto lire 105 ad Giuseppe Dalmasone [sonator di violino] per suo salario come sopra–– 105 -detto lire 630 ad Giulio Cesare Celanio [cornetto] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 630 -detto lire 1.15 per l’accresim.to fatto gli da 15 Dec.re 1603 fin 31 dº –––––– 1.15 -detto lire 350 ad Antº Osio organista per suo salario come sopra –––––– 350 -detto lire 224 ad Giacº Brignolo [organista] per suo salario come sopra –––––– 224 -detto lire 18.10 a Geronimo Cotio cantor basso per suo salario lire 10 al mese –––––– 18.10 -detto lire 49– 8 ad Pre Josefo Locatello sonator di trombon dopio a lire 56 al’ anno ––––– 49 Total salary costs: 5595 lire, 13 soldi 135 Three singers earned between 280–294 lire (Andrea Camerata, alto; Natal Bazino, alto; Franco Vertova, basso). The bass singer Fra Amante earned the most among the vocalists at 430 lire, perhaps because he was expected to sing monophonic plainchant when only one voice was necessary, giving him the heaviest workload. The rest of the singers earned either 168 lire/year or less. Many sopranos, boys in the academy, were paid in the form of wheat, grain, and wine. The one other instrumentalist in this class was Carlo Fettino, a trombonist. The next class included the rest of the singers and instrumentalists, called in for fewer services, all earning below 200 lire/year. This serves to give a basic understanding of the makeup of Cavaccio’s musical chapel when it came time to renew his own contract. In a 1604 letter to the MIA council, Cavaccio made a plea to both continue in the same position long term, and to receive a pay increase (figure 2.4). The flowery, approbatory language is relatively commonplace, but Cavaccio does point specifically to his works—by which he means his printed output—set forth in order to praise the confraternity and in turn, raise the profile of both the city and the institution. The composer also states a desire to carry on in this position for the entirety of his life, something that would come to pass, although not without at least one more major negotiation in 1618 (more on this in Chapter 3). The results were positive, and the MIA raised Cavaccio’s stipend to 1000 lire/year starting in 1605.66 66 MIA 1150, ff 165r–v. 136 Figure 2.4 – 1604 letter from Cavaccio to the MIA regarding the end of his contract. MIA 1449, ff 421r. Transcription and translation below. 137 Molto ill[ust]ri sig[no]ri Presidenti Padroni miei Colendiss[im]i Si come da quei primi anni, ond’io cominciai a servir le sig[no]rie vostre M[ol]to Ill[ust]ri et questo tenezando luogo fin a quest'hora presente, ho giudicato, et tenuto, fermamente felici, et aventuzate quelle mie fatiche, che ho impiegate in servitio vostro, et fortunatissima ogni mia opera, studio, et diligenza, poiché sempre con benigno sguardo et affetto sono state viste, conosciute, et riconosciute insieme dalla bontà, et humanità loro. Così desidero con brami ardenti di servirle per l’avvenire, et non solo per qualche spatio di tempo, ma tutto il rimanente corso di mia vita, con quella medesima riverenza, carità, et fede, che hanno i sperimentata sin qui in me esser grandissima; però avvicinandosi il fine della mia condotta, havrei a caro sapere (se così piacerà alle V.V. S.S. M.to Ill.ri) se si come si sono compiaciute fin hora della servitù mia, si siano anco per compiacer per l'avvenire, conducendomi di nuovo per Maestro di Capella, accio io provarsi, et isperimentarsi anco per i futuri tempi (conforme apunto a quella, che ho provato per lo passato sempre) la benignità, cortesia, et l’amor paterno loro verso di me, acciò provatolo io lo potessi lodare, et predicare in ogni luogo, in ogni tempo, et occasione, si come fin qui non ho cessato mai di farlo: pregandole insieme caldamente a volger gl’occhi della loro pietà, et misericordia della tenue, et bassa mia fortuna. Delli S.S. Molto Ill[ust]ri et Mag[nifi]che Ill[ustrississi]mo et devotiss[im]o Servitore Gio. Cavaccio Maestro di Capella My Most illustrious and revered [members of the MIA governing council], Since the earliest years when I began to serve your illustrious lordships, and continuing this [service] to the present, I have judged and considered felicitous and fortunate [the results of] the efforts which I have expended in your service, and my every [musical] work, study, and diligence to have been most fortunate, since these have always been viewed, known, and recognized with kind regard and appreciation by your goodness and humanity. Thus, I ardently desire to serve you in the future, and not just for a brief period, but for the rest of my life, with the same reverence, charity, and faith within me, which I have experienced so far to be very great. However, as the end of my contract approaches, I would dearly know (should it please your illustrious lordships), if you have been satisfied thus far with my service, if you would also remain pleased for the future to lead me again [to the position of] Maestro di cappella, so that I may attempt also in the future to experience the kindness, courtesy, and paternal love you have given me, so that, experiencing them, I may preach it everywhere, at all times, and on all occasions as I have never ceased to do, imploring you warmly to regard me with mercy and compassion for my feeble, and lowly fortune. The most devoted servant of your illustrious and magnificent Lordships, Giovanni Cavaccio, Maestro di cappella. 138 Figure 2.5 – Title page, Cavaccio, Hinni correnti (Venice: Vincenti, 1605). PL-Kj Mus. ant. pract. C388. 139 The conclusion of his initial contract explains the appearance of Cavaccio’s 1605 Hinni correnti, the first sole-authored sacred music publication printed since his transition to Santa Maria Maggiore in 1598 (figure 2.5).67 The publication is a set of thirty-six motets for four voices, written according to the Roman Rite (secondo il rito Romano). The collection is almost entirely liturgical music, slightly unusual for Cavaccio’s oeuvre to date which generally incorporated large amounts of paraliturgical text, and the index stipulates the calendric context for each composition (table 2.3). On the title page, Cavaccio notes the contents are set according not only according to the Roman Rite, but the Clementine Vulgate published in 1592, a revision of the Trent-approved Sixtine Vulgate according to Pope Clement VIII. Signed in Bergamo on May 20, 1605, this was around two months after Clement VIII’s death, serving as a pontifical commemoration. Hinni correnti positioned itself as a collection ready for use at any church, not only in Italy, but in the Catholic world. Santa Maria Maggiore was exempt from the strictest interpretation of Tridentine reform and therefor may not have followed the Roman rite to the letter. The projection of musically appropriate material for this rite may have been a subtle message to the MIA on the occasion of Cavaccio’s expiring contract; perhaps he was suggesting his musical talents could be incorporated into any institution within the Catholic world and that he had value and prestige beyond Bergamo. Additionally, a complete absence of polychoral repertoire created an economically feasible collection of music, performable by chapels with only four singers at their disposal. Noteworthy for the context of Santa Maria Maggiore, there is a distinct lack of music for the major Marian feasts, for the Circumcision, Nativity, Corpus Christi, Holy Week; essentially, the most high-profile days for music in the basilica, perhaps 67 Giovanni Cavaccio, Hinni correnti in tutti i tempi dell’ anno secondo il rito romano (Venezia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1605). 140 because this repertoire was already well represented. Hinni correnti offered ready-made, logistically feasible, performable music to incorporate within other various feast days and celebrations, including a number of malleable hymns for unspecified liturgical placement exchangeable between any institution working with the Roman rite—the Brescia Cathedral, for example. Table 2.3 – Musical contents and liturgical context, Cavaccio, Hinni correnti (Venice: Vincenti, 1605). In festo S. Joan Baptiste Ut queant laxis In festo Apostolorum Petri & Pauli Aurea luce In festo S. Maria Magdalene Lauda mater Ecclesia In festo S. Maria Magdalene Pater superni lumini In festo S. Petri ad Vincula Petrus Beatus In festo Transfiguratione Domini Quicunque Christum quaeritis In festo S Michaelis Archangeli Tibi Christe splendor patris In festo omnium Sanctorum Christe Redemptor omnium In Communi Apostolorum Exultet caelum laudibus In Communi Apostolorum, & Evangel Tristes erant Aposti In communi unius Martyris Deus tuorum militium In communi unius Mart. Tempore Paschali Deus tuorum militum In communi Plurium Martyrum Sanctorum meritis In communi Plurium Marty. Tpe Paschali Rex gloriose Martyrum In communi confessorum Iste Confessor In communi Virginum Iesu corona Virginum In communi Sanctarum Mulierum Huius obtentu In oedem SS. Mulierum non Virginum Fortem virili pectore 141 In Dedicationis Ecclesiae Urbs beata Hierusalem In communi Virginum Tempore Paschali Iesu corona virginum In festo Inventionis S. Crucis Vexilla regis prodeunt In festo S. Vincentij Beate martyr prospera In festo S. Romualdi abbatis Te Romualde canamus In festo S. Benedicti Abbatis Laudibus civis In festo S. Francisci de Paula Hic Pater Sanctus In festo S. Petri Coelestini In Paradisis culmine In festo S. Antonij de Padua En gratulemur hodie In festo S. Ioan. Gualberti Canticis laude In festo S. Dominici Gaude mater Ecclesia In festo S. Alberti Carmelitae Mensis Augusti In festo S. Bernardi Abbatis Bernardus Doctor inclytus In festo S. Augustini Magne Pater Augustine In festo S. Nicolai de Tolentino Laudibus civis In festo S. Hieronymi Exultent modulis In festo S. Francisci de Assisio Decus morum lux minorum In festo S. Ambrosis Miraculum laudabile The post-Tridentine need for both adaptability and universality may have catalyzed a demand for such a collection of motets, further increasing Cavaccio’s profile and negotiating power at a key period in his career. If not a warning to the MIA, Cavaccio was hedging his bets in case he was dismissed from his role at Santa Maria Maggiore and needed to bolster his portfolio. The last piece in the collection is for the feast day of Saint Ambrose, celebrated on December 7. Conspicuously, this feast is not one celebrated in Santa Maria Maggiore, according 142 to the list outlined in the Capitoli e oblighi dei Cantori (Appendix 3). However, this would be welcome in many churches in nearby Milan where the Ambrosian rite was favored. Nevertheless, other publication details suggest Cavaccio’s desire to remain in Bergamo. He chose for the dedicatee a Bergamasque nobleman, the cavalier Bartolomeo Fino. Very little is known about Fino, other than that his family had been living in the city since 1555 and his palazzo in Bergamo was designed in 1615 by the Venetian architect Vincenzo Scamozzi.68 Fino was connected to at least one other Bergamasque composer as the dedicatee of Giovanni Antonio Terzi’s first book of lute intabulations.69 Terzi’s collection is a valuable source for late Cinquecento lute tablature and offers an enlightening cross section of Italian composers from the time, including an intabulation of one composition by Cavaccio.70 While dissemination of collections such as this is often difficult to trace with specificity, this volume, along with Terzi’s second book of lute intabulations (Venice: Amadino, 1599) was well enough regarded to be included in a Sammelband collected by Duke August II of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel.71 According to Terzi’s dedication, Fino was himself a lute player.72 Lacking a court like many major Italian centers, Bergamo’s amateur, secular musical life transpired in locations such as Palazzo Moroni, and Fino’s Palazzo Scamozzi, a musical life of which little to nothing is known. 68 Stefano Ticozzi, L’idea dell’architettura universale di Vincenzo Scamozzi, vol. 1 (Milano: Borroni e Scotti, 1838), 700. 69 Giovanni Terzi, Intavolatvra di livtto, accomodata con diversi passaggi per suonar in concerti a duoi liutti, & solo, libro primo, il qual contiene, motetti, contraponti, canzoni italiane, et francese, madrigali, fantasie, et balli di diversi sorti, italiani, francesi, et alemani (Venezia: Amadino, 1593). 70 Contents include intabulations of compositions by: G. Cavaccio, A. Gabrieli (3), M. A. Ingegneri, O. Lassus (2), L. Marenzio, F. Maschera (11), C. Merulo (4), P. de Monte, G. M. Nanino, G. P. da Palestrina (3), C. Porta, G. Renaldi, A. Striggio, G. A. Terzi, and J. Wert. 71 D-W, 3 Musica 2°. 72 Suzanne Court, Giovanni Antonio Terzi: The Lute Fantasias, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 123 (Madison: A-R Editions, 2000), xi. 143 The two dedications to Fino suggest a notable local patron of music and amateur musician, and the 1605 Hinni correnti was part Cavaccio’s continued project of professional networking in order to advance his career. Figure 2.6 – Title page, Giovanni Cavaccio, Messe per i defunti (Milano: Per l’Her. di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1611). I-VEcap. 144 Giovanni Cavaccio’s Interregional Musical Networks: Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611) Among Cavaccio’s twenty-five sole-authored books, all were published in Venice save one: Messe per i defunti, published in Milan by the heirs of Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo.73 The complete set of Messe per i defunti survives in one sole extant copy in five partbooks housed in the Biblioteca Capitolare of Verona (figure 2.6). On the title page, the composer prominently displays his position at Santa Maria Maggiore and dedicates it to Marc’Antonio Belviso the vicar general of Mantua, the principal deputy to the bishop of that diocese. Moreover, Cavaccio claims status as a member of the Accademio degli elevati, a Florentine musical society with close connections to literature and draconian rules for membership. In this book of masses for the dead, we see a Bergamasque composer exhibiting connections to Milan, Mantua, and Florence. The majority of the volume consists of music for the Requiem Mass, an inherently conservative genre, as “the burial service was deemed too solemn an occasion to warrant festal trappings.”74 Jerome Roche suggested that in the early Seicento, older plainchant settings were preferred as a “more fitting setting for [exequies],” explaining the near dearth of published settings of the polyphonic mass; there was simply no demand.75 This is a supposition recently invalidated by Owen Rees, who catalogues more than forty polyphonic Requiems published between 1600–1630 by Italian composers alone.76 However, inclusion of more than one polyphonic setting of the Requiem in a single collection was relatively rare.77 In Messe per i 73 Giovanni Cavaccio, Messe per i defunti parte a quattro, parte a cinque voci, piene & mutate, con alcuni motetti corrispondenti (Milano: Per l’Her. di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1611). 74 Fabrice Fitch, “Requiem Mass: Polyphonic Settings to 1600,” GMO. 75 Jerome Roche, North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 39–40. 76 Owen Rees, The Requiem of Tomás Luis de Victoria (1603) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 8. See also Appendix 2, 237–40. 77 Rees, 83–84. 145 defunti, Cavaccio includes four full Requiem Masses set to music, at the end of which are extraliturgical psalm texts set to music in a style more akin to the stile moderno motets emanating from the Venetian publishing houses. Marian devotion was a prominent feature of the second day of exequies, and this publication includes a Salve Regina as the final motet in the publication. Between each Requiem, Cavaccio includes falsobordone (musical ex. 2.1 and 2.2; and figure 2.7). This is a compositional technique that consists of a simple, homophonic chordal recitation with the form and often the melody of a Gregorian psalm tone. These falsobordoni are in two sections, each made up of a recitation on one chord followed by a cadence, a classical form and style of the idiom first appearing in southern Europe in the late Quattrocento.78 Cavaccio’s selections, like almost all Italian falsobordoni—and unlike the older French fauxbourdon—show all four parts written out. Cavaccio’s falsobordoni are presented with variations in eight tuoni. These “tones” are distinct from other methods of tonal organization such as key or mode. The eight tones one finds in the copious amount of falsobordoni publications in years surrounding 1600 refer to what modern scholars have termed the church keys, and there were eight in number.79 They do not conform to the rules of modality, but instead arose as tonalities meant for polyphonic setting of the psalm tones during the divine office.80 According to Michael Dodds, the church keys originated in the performance of psalms and hymns in Vespers services.81 When the psalm or 78 Murray C. Bradshaw, “Falsobordone,” GMO. See especially Gregory Barnett, “Modal Theory, Church Keys, and the Sonata at the End of the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 51, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 245–81. 80 Barnett, 249. 81 Michael R. Dodds, “Tonal Types and Modal Equivalence in Two Keyboard Cycles by Murschauser,” in Tonal Structures and Early Music, ed. Cristle Collins Judd (New York: Garland, 1988), 341–72. 79 146 hymn was preceded by an antiphon and followed by an antiphon or antiphon substitute, it was performed in verse-by-verse alternation between two contrasting performance styles. These could be plainchant, polyphony, or solo monody with accompaniment depending on the ensemble for any given institution or service. In order to bring a psalm tone into a comfortable tessitura for a given ensemble, the practice arose of transposition in the form of eight tuoni, not necessarily corresponding to the original mode.82 One of the first theorists to outline the distinction between modes and these “tones” was Pietro Pontio (Ragionamento di musica, 1588), the one-time maestro di cappella of Santa Maria Maggiore and probable teacher of a young Cavaccio.83 The important point to address for presentations of falsobordoni in eight tones like the ones seen in Messe per i defunti is that such a product was meant to be extremely malleable for a variety of settings, liturgical contexts, size of ensemble, and for a variety of musical ability on the part of the consumer. Musical Example 2.1 – Giovanni Cavaccio, 4vv falsobordone in primo tuono from Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611).


          

                                   


      
           82 Dodds, 342.
S.Powers,“Between  Modesand Key,”  in Tonal  Structures See Harold   andEarly Music, ed. Cristle Collins Judd (New York: Garland, 1988), 77–82. 83  
          


          

                       147    4vv  ottavo tuono   Messe per i defunti Musical Example falsobordone in  2.2 –Cavaccio,  from (Milan, 1611).


      
     
    
                         Figure 2.7 – Cantus partbook, Falsobordoni in eight tones, Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1620). I-VEcap. 148 As Murray Bradshaw—the leading expert on falsobordone—writes, while not the most sophisticated genre of the early modern era, it was among the most widespread.84 At the beginning of the Seicento the falsobordone was at the very height of its popularity with publishers issuing literally hundreds of these short compositions.85 They could be sung by a full choir, a solo ensemble, performed as a solo song accompanied by organ or another instrument, as a highly embellished solo piece, or as a polychoral composition accompanied by one continuo instrument or many instruments. In its simplicity, the falsobordone was the most pliable of genres, easily adapted to changing aesthetic—or logistic—needs.86 One tends to find them included in publications meant for practical use, particularly for parish churches without massive resources. One example is Asola’s 1575 Falsi bordoni per cantar salmi, acquired by the MIA in the 1590s (see table 2.1). Liturgically, falsobordone could be used for the psalms, for the Sequence text, or even to replace a fully composed segment in order to keep a service’s length down to a reasonable proportion. Messe per i defunti has an unusually large offering of falsobordone considering the amount of fully composed free polyphony throughout the rest of the publication. The music composed by Cavaccio for his own institution—one with economic and professional resources on par with San Marco in Venice—differ in this aspect, suggesting the composer carefully thought about the potential consumers and adjusted accordingly. Messe per i defunti was published in Milan by the heirs of Simon Tini and Filippo Lomazzo, unlike the rest of Cavaccio’s works published in Venice. From the 1530s, Antonio Gardano as well as the Scotto family in Venice established that city as the pre-eminent center of 84 Murray C. Bradshaw, “Performance Practice and the Falsobordone,” Performance Practice Review 10, no. 2 (Fall 1997): 224. 85 Murray C. Bradshaw, “The History of the Falsobordone from its Origins to 1750” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1969), ii. 86 Bradshaw, “Performance Practice and the Falsobordone,” 224–47. 149 Italian music printing. By the 1540s, Venetian publishers were the most prolific and important in the Italian peninsula. By the end of the Cinquecento, Venice was printing more music than the whole rest of Europe.87 The music produced by Scotto and Gardano expressed the Catholic taste of Venice, but also served the interests of a wide-ranging and growing international audience. Milan’s music press, modest in comparison, was dominated by the Tini printing house who moved from the liturgical market into music around 1583.88 In 1602, Lomazzo bought into the firm. His relation to the Tini family is unclear, but he joined under his own name and added his mark, a siren, to the title pages and took over their typeface, finally buying out their shares in 1613.89 The significant aspect of Lomazzo’s activities is that he opened up the Milan music press to figures outside the city, the first and only time that composers of pan-Italian importance published in Milan.90 The inclusion of Cavaccio is a further indication of the composer’s reputation outside Bergamo. Cavaccio may have had additional connections to Milan through Lomazzo—also an organist—who published several other of the composer’s compositions and witnessed the organ contract for Andrea Cima at Santa Maria del Carmine. In Cima’s Il primo libro delli concerti (Milan: Lomazzo, 1614) there are inclusions from other composers, and dedications to specific musicians in Milan. Cavaccio is the only non-Milanese musician to have contributed, with two compositions. Any claims that Cima had association with Santa Maria Maggiore remain unsubstantiated, though Christine Getz has located documentation showing Cima’s family owned property in Bergamo.91 87 For more specific numbers see Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in SixteenthCentury Venice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 11–12. 88 Robert L. Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 1585–1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 188. 89 Kendrick, 189. 90 Kendrick, 188–89. 91 Christine Getz, email to author, May 2, 2019. 150 The most fascinating aspect of the title page is Cavaccio’s advertised membership to the Accademia degli elevati of Florence. The academy was founded in 1607 by the Florentine composer Marco da Gagliano and their principal patron was Cardinal Ferdinando Gonzaga. Known members included Jacopo Peri, Giovanni de’ Bardi, Piero Strozzi, Ottavio Rinuccini, Giulio Caccini, Severo Bonini, as well as singers and musicians such as Vittoria Archilei, and Francesca and Settima Caccini.92 Cavaccio’s inclusion among these figures is somewhat perplexing; it is a distinctively Florentine list, and a group closely associated with experiments in the emerging operatic idiom, a genre Cavaccio never touched. In fact, the Requiem Masses and falsobordoni included in Messe per i defunti are the very antithesis of experimental Florentine monody. Cavaccio’s membership in the elevati stands out and further highlights his ability to build interregional networks with esteemed figures and he ultimately claimed this status on three publications, in 1611, 1620, and 1626. Nevertheless, the details behind this Florentine connection remain a mystery. The academy had rather stringent rules for membership, as outlined in their charter which survives in a manuscript in Florence’s Biblioteca Riccardiana (figure 2.8).93 The charter covers seventeen Capitoli (regulations), including rules for election of a president, secretary, council, as well as rubrics for election of new members and guidelines regarding publication. Capitoli concerning the celebration of feast days and guidelines for singing at monthly meetings point to an academy that met regularly, making Cavaccio’s membership all the more unusual. However, it is apparent that corresponding members were indeed allowed entry. Of the seventeen Capitoli in the charter, two are pertinent for the discussion at hand: Capitolo nono, Del vincere i compositori (Concerning the admission of 92 Edmond Strainchamps, “New Light on the Accademia degli Elevati of Florence,” The Musical Quarterly 62, no. 4 (October 1976): 509–10. 93 I-Fr, MS 2547. 151 composers), and Capitolo decimo quatro, Del mandare opere alla stampa (Concerning sending works for publication). (See table 2.4 for transcription and translation of regulations nine and fourteen.) Figure 2.8 – Charter, Accademia degli elevati, I-Fr, MS 2547. “Chapters of the Academy of the Elevated, established by public election, partly during the Consolate of the Most Illustrious Signor Caval[iere] Gio[vanni] del Turco, and partly during the Consolate of the Most Illustrious Signor Ant[onio] Francesco Benci, the first known as ‘The Attentive One’ and the Second ‘The Lazy One.’” 152 Table 2.4 – Transcription and translation, capitoli nono and decimo quatro from the Accademia degli elevati charter. I-Fr, MS 2547. CAPITOLO NONO Del vincere i Compositori Nel proporre i Compositori si terrà il med[esim]o ordine, che nel Capitolo precedente, ma prima che se ne venga à fare il partito, per fare sperienza del loro valore, il Consolo per lo medesimo, che havrà nominato, manderà a quel tale due Madrigali di accomodate parole, acciò che sopra vi componga la Musica, la quale tosto, che egli havra finita, si darà al Censore, che revistala, & consideratala bene, ne referisca il suo parere, & se parrà ad esso con l'intervento del Consolo, si canti pubblicamente nell’ Accademia: & secondo il giudicio che ne faranno, si mandi ò nò à partito, il quale non s’intenda valido, così come ogni altro, se non sarà vinto, almeno per i dua terzi; ne questi come ciascheduno altro no[n] vincendo, si possa proporre, fino al reggimento del Consolo novello. Et perche potrebbe avvenire, che fossero proposti Musici per fama a qualsivoglia notissimi, havendo sopra di ciò particolar riguardo, ed al nome, che s’havessero acquistato per opere stampate, o per esquisitezza dell’arte, questi tali senza altra esperienza con licenza del Consolo all’ordinario la prima seguente tornata si mandano a partito. Concerning the Admission of Composers. When nominating composers, the same order will be observed as in the preceding chapter, but before the decision is made, in order to have evidence of their merit, the Consolo, by that same member who has nominated one, will send the nominee two madrigal [texts] of specially prepared words for them to set to music which, as soon as it is completed, will be given to the Censore who, having examined and considered it well, will present his opinion of it. If it seems fitting to him, with the attendance of the Consolo, [the music] will be sung publicly in the academy; and, according to the judgment which [the Academicians] will reach, he will or will not be sent to election; which will not be considered valid, as is the case for everyone, if he has not won at least two-thirds of the vote. Nor may he, nor any other who has not won, be nominated again until the term of the new president. And as it could occur that musicians very well known to all by reputation may be proposed, in this case particular consideration for the name that they had acquired through printed musical works, or for the perfection of their art, such persons, without further trials, with the permission of the Consolo, may stand for election at the next meeting, as normal. CAPITOLO DECIMO QUAT[R]O Del mandare opere alla stampa A niuno de n[os]tri Accademici sia lecito, ne concesso di mandare Opere alla Stampa col nome di Accadmico Elevato, se prima dal Censore non saranno rivedute, & secondo il suo parere dagli Accad[emic]i approvate. Et al Censore, che simil desiderio havesse, sia dato dal Consolo uno de’ co[m]positori, il quale rivegga, & approvi, come sopra, & chi contrafacesse a tal Capitolo, s’intenda raso di n[ost]ra Accademico senza mai piu potere essere rimeso. 153 For none of our Academicians is it permitted to send works to the press under the name of “Accademico Elevato” without its first being reviewed by the Censore, and according to his wish, submitted for the approval of approved Academicians. And to the Censore who requests it, the Consolo will provide one of the composers to review and evaluate [the music] as indicated above, and whoever disregards this rule is understood to be removed from our Academy without the possibility of being readmitted. As shown in Capitolo nono, not only was it possible for a composer or musician to join as a corresponding member, but if their reputation was such that they had gathered fame through print, an existing member could nominate them for election without audition. We have already seen how Cavaccio’s reputation continued to grow since the publications of the 1580s; it is not a stretch to consider his reputation reached south to Florence, as well. According to Capitolo decimo quarto, Cavaccio was obligated to send off Messe per i defunti to the Censore of the academy in order to approve it for publication, otherwise he would be in violation and expelled from the academy. There are no records in the MIA archives further elucidating Cavaccio’s enigmatic Florentine connection, and other than this charter, very little documentation surrounding the elevati has survived, lending further inquiries into any Bergamo–Florence connection rather difficult. One possible link lies in the dedicatee of Messe per i defunti, Marc’Antonio Belviso, the vicar general to the bishop of Mantua. Belviso’s superior was Francesco Gonzaga, an off-shoot member of Mantua’s ruling family, appointed bishop in 1593 serving until his death in 1620. As noted above, he was also the patron of the Accademia degli elevati. In the dedicatory preface, Cavaccio notes the vicar general’s church, the Carmelite congregation of Mantua, and hints at a personal familiarity with Belviso, insinuating Cavaccio spent time in Mantua at an unknown date. Thus, a possible connection to the elevati is in Marco da Gagliano’s Mantuan activities, namely his opera Dafne. Late in 1607, Gagliano traveled to Mantua where he presented his setting of Ottavio Rinuccini’s newly reworked pastoral drama 154 during Carnival 1608. It is possible that Cavaccio connected with Gagliano or someone close to Cardinal Gonzaga while in Mantua, leading to an invitation as a corresponding member. These connections are admittedly tenuous, but it is nonetheless noteworthy that Cavaccio was able to foster such a strong connection to a group of elite Florentine figures without any record of ever setting foot in Florence. The Feast of the Assumption of Mary In terms of financial resources, the August 15 feast of the Assumption of Mary was by far the most important feast of the year for music at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo, the basilica’s titular festival and clearly of great civic significance for the population. For music during this feast day—the highlight of every celebration—the regular ensemble was not enough; it was therefore necessary to resort to external engagements to offer the most valid testimony to define the true scope of these extraordinary events. Cavaccio, involved with the Assumption as early as 1582, continued to bring in extra musicians every year on August 15. For the 1598 feast, his first as maestro di cappella, Cavaccio hired ten performers at a cost of 53 lire, 10 soldi.94 This included musicians from the cathedral who had known Cavaccio for years, such as the organist Antonio Osio who would soon move to the basilica as a permanent member of the chapel. Cavaccio also called upon musicians originally hired by his predecessor Flori, like the viola da brazzo player Marc’Antonio Garzerino, active as a supplemental performer since 1595.95 In 1600, Cavaccio invited twelve musicians for the Assumption feast, six of them former 94 MIA 1389, ff 308r. The wide-ranging terminology employed for Garzerino’s instruments are outlined and discussed in Stephen Bonta, “Terminology for the Bass Violin in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society 4 (1978): 8–11. While terminology is 95 155 colleagues from the cathedral.96 The cost for these ancillary forces during Assumption typically ranged from 40 to 60 lire, paying for a mix of singers and instrumentalists. On special occasion, the expense was significantly higher. In 1624, the MIA hired a messenger to travel to Brescia in order to arrange for two virtuosic soloists to perform for the Assumption festivities.97 Although the names of the musicians remain unknown, the MIA paid the immense sum of 84 lire to bring a violinist and a soprano singer to enhance the already large and costly musical ensemble gathered for that year’s Assumption. The 42 lire given to each of these musicians included their travel (compreso le cavalcate) and was part of 186 lire allocated for outside hire.98 To offer some perspective, in the preceding year the MIA spent just 55 lire for eleven auxiliary musicians to perform on August 15.99 Generally, the supplemental singers brought in for feast days would earn between 2 and 5 lire and instrumentalists could earn up to 9 lire for the day’s work; nearly all musicians were brought in from the cathedral or other nearby local churches in the outlying neighborhoods of Bergamo, such as San Leonardo or Sant’Alessandro. The enormous sum of 186 lire seen in the 1624 document, 84 lire of which was allocated to just two musicians, was unequalled. The most important day of the year for an institution inexorably tied to the civic body, Santa Maria radically inconstant across the archival sources, it is clear that Garzerino performed on violin family, rather than viol family instruments. 96 The list of performers, at a cost of 41 lire, included: doi basso del Duomo; Un tenore del Duomo; Doi contralto del Duomo; Doi soprani del Duomo; Trombone del Duomo; un tenor di santo Alessandro; Quello dal Violone di santo Alessandro; il cornetto Tedesco; Il Garzerino, qual sona il tenor di Brazzo, nelli organi [indicates viola or violin played with organ]. MIA 1389, ff 370r. 97 Spesi a mandar uno messo a Brescia, L[ire] 7. MIA 1391, ff 251r. 98 This was a remarkable expense, a mere few years after drastic cuts in musical expenditure, cutbacks that will be explained in full in Chapter 3. MIA 1391, ff 251r. 99 MIA 1391, ff 200r. 156 Maggiore spared no expense for the Assumption of Mary, even in times of crisis, as will be shown in the following chapter. The only precedent for such a high payment for a musician is for the Brescian violone player Gasparo Bertolotti, who earned 35 lire for his work during the 1604 Assumption feast. This payment is found in a receipt for musicians who “sang and played by invitation for the solemn feast of the Madonna in 1604, as well as the first Vespers, mass, and final Vespers.”100 This 1604 payment partly speaks to the difficulty of finding a good double-bass instrumentalist, particularly because of the trouble in securing good strings. Gioseffo Dalmagione was primarily a violinist for Santa Maria Maggiore, though he also played violone when called for, yet it seems maintaining a quality instrument and purchasing the thick, gut strings posed problems. Until the introduction of over-spun string technology in 1660, strings were made of pure gut. On the large bass instruments this meant a very long, thick, rope-like low string. To attain the 16ʹ′ true contrabass register, such an instrument would have been unwieldy and impractical.101 The violone played in Bergamo at this point in time was likely the one described in Andrea Banchieri’s 1609 treatise Conclusioni nel suono del’organo, in which he refers to a six-stringed violone da gamba as the true bass of a viol consort, tuned GG-C-F-a-d-g.102 Writing in his 1619 Syntagma Musicum, Michael Praetorius refers to a similar instrument, and provides an alternate 100 Poliza de Cantori et sonatori invitati alla solennità della Madonna 1604, cio è il p.o vespro, messa et ultimo vespero. Bertolotti’s line-item entry reads, Di più, ha servitor con il suono del Violone ms. Gasparo Bertulotti da Brescia, L[ire] 35. MIA 1390, ff 231r. 101 For more on the development of string technology, see Stephen Bonta, “From Violone to Violoncello: A Question of Strings?,” Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society 3 (1977): 64–99. 102 Francis Baines, “What Exactly is a Violone? A Note Towards a Solution,” Early Music 5, no. 2 (1977), 173. 157 tuning one whole-step higher.103 This type of instrument is generally referred to as a G violone because of its tuning, and can be considered a double-bass prototype in terms of musical function, and likely the instrument used here at Santa Maria Maggiore.104 Strings for this size violone were large, rope-like, expensive, and difficult to produce. In a 1601 letter to the MIA, Dalmagione complained of a misshapen and uncomfortable instrument (disforme et discomodo) and reported that he could not find quality strings in Bergamo, nor in nearby cities (non trovasrdosi corde di quella qualità ne in questa, ne in alter città qui vicine). (figure 2.9)105 Dalmagione conveyed that the violone was not his customary instrument and that the maestro di cappella called for it only during psalms (il violone non è da sonarsi se non nei salmi), but to underscore the severity of his complaint, he insisted that this bass instrument was the body of all music (nel corpo di tutta la musica). He was evidently told to try looking in Milan, based on a subsequent letter from Dalmagione in which he reported that after attempting a Milanese solution, the string situation was no better there, either.106 To offer some perspective on the problem of strings, the soon to be regular violone Ghirardo Colleoni submitted a receipt for repayment of strings purchased in 1604. His haul included Uno archetto per il violone (the bow: 3 lire, 10 soldi), Una corda che si dimando sol re (D-string: 4 lire), and Una altra corda che si dimando G sol re (G-string: 1 lire, 10 soldi).107 Considering that other records show entire 103 Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum Volume 2: De Organographia, trans. H. Blumenfeld, 2nd edition (New York: Bärenreiter, 1962), 44–46. 104 Jason Rosenholtz-Witt, “The Instrumentation of Orlando Gibbons’ Dooble Base Fantasias,” The Viol 25 (Winter 2011–2012): 23–28. 105 MIA 1449, ff 24r. 106 “…non si trovano corde di quella qualita in Bergamo et poco manco in Milano.” MIA 1449, ff 25r. 107 MIA 1390, ff 278r. 158 Figure 2.9 – 1601 letter from Gioseffo Dalmagione to the MIA, complaining about the difficulty of finding good strings and the poor playability of a misshapen violone. MIA 1449 ff 24r. 159 violins cost only 2–3 lire, 4 lire for one violone string is incredible.108 It is also equal in cost to a full day’s wage for a singer’s performance at a major feast day, or two complete sets of published music partbooks. Comparing the price in the two strings, it is clear that the D-string was the larger (lower pitched) of the two. Based on tuning systems in contemporaneous treatises, this confirms Praetorius’ alternate tuning—A-D-G-b-e-a', or one whole-step higher than the above tuning suggested by Banchieri—was in use here. Dalmagione further grumbled about being asked to play such a bulky and uncomfortable instrument. With this in mind, it makes sense the MIA would resort to such large expense to bring in a specialty performer for this bass instrument when necessary, and they soon hired Ghirardo Colleoni to join the regular roster of the chapel in order to play violone on select days.109 Bertolotti, the expensive specialist brought in for the 1604 Assumption was otherwise known as Gaspar da Salò, one of the most celebrated luthiers and low-string performers from the early Seicento.110 He is very likely one of the first double bassists in music history and built the famous three-stringed bass later owned by Domenico Dragonetti, now housed at San Marco in Venice.111 It is no wonder Dalmagione complained about his shoddy equipment, when it took one of the more celebrated double bassists in history to adequately perform this role. It is hard not to feel pity for Dalmagione knowing that he was primarily a violinist, and while an ability on multiple instruments was a necessity for most gigging musicians in the early modern period, 108 To pick one representative example, MIA 1391, ff 187r shows a purchase of four violinfamily instruments all costing between 2–3 lire. 109 Colleoni was hired as a violone player from 1605 to 1607, and again from 1611 to 1612. 110 See Flavio Dassenno and Ugo Ravasio, Gasparo da Salò e la liuteria Bresciana tra rinascimento e barocci (Brescia: Fondazione civiltà Bresciani, 1990). 111 See, “Dragonetti’s Gasparo da Salò Double Bass and its Seismic Effect on English Lutherie,” The Strad December 13, 2017; and Charles Beare, revised by Ugo Ravasio, “Gasparo da Salò [Bertolotti],” GMO. 160 asking a violinist to play a poorly set up low-string instrument is a recipe for disaster in any time period. Bertolotti played violone during the first Vespers, mass, and final Vespers of the 1604 Assumption feast.112 However, this prodigious expense is a rare case and does not account for the even more enormous sums allocated to the Brescian violinist and soprano for the 1624 Assumption (figure 2.10). Figure 2.10 – Receipt for additional musicians for the 1624 Assumption feast. MIA 1390, ff 251r. Transcription below. 112 MIA 1390, ff 251r. 161 When known, clarifying identifications of the people listed below are added in brackets. Adì 16 Agosto 1624 Poliza delli cantori quali hanno servito la Chiesa di S. Maria maggiore la festa dell’Assonta. Il R.[everendo] D. Andrea Scattolino basso 3 officij Il R. Tron [S. Leonardo] Tenore Il R. Avogadro [Battista, S. Leonardo?] Tenore Il R. Soldino [Francesco] Lodigiano contralto Talpino [Sebastian, Duomo, contralto] Gio: [Leoni] da Sali R. Terzo [Antonio, S. Antonio] Tenore Roncallo [Bernardo] basso Gobbino [Geronimo Rossi] soprano Soprano del seminario ms gio batt[ist]a violino Il moro [Giuseppe, violone] per las festa Assta…3 officij Soprano che sta in casa di Fermo [Bresciano, the bass singer] L5 L5 L5 L5 L5 L5 L5 L2 L3 L5 L4 L5 L 4. 10 L3 L 61.10 –– Il monaco da s. Paolo cornetto Il frate di S. Agostino da Almenno Il Violino da Brescia compreso le cavalcate Il soprano da Brescia compreso le cavalcate [the violinist/the soprano from Brescia, including transportation] Il pezolo [Giovanni] contralto Spesi a mandar uno messo a Brescia [Cost for sending a messenger to Brescia] Si detraggono per il cornetto Perchè non ha voluto niente resta L 12. 10 L 8. 10 L 42 L 42 L 25 _____ L 191. 10 L7 ______ L 198. 10 L 12. 10 ________ L 186 f.to Io Gio Agostino Pasti Presid. ho accertato la sopra scritta spese in lire cento ottantasei dico L. 186– 162 Figure 2.11 – Capitoli, e oblighi dei Cantori di S. Maria. Date unknown. MIA 2285, ff 43. Transcribed in full and translated in Appendix 3. 163 What type of music may have been performed at the basilica, not only during the Assumption feast, but also throughout the liturgical calendar year? Several archival documents lend support to the conclusion that Santa Maria Maggiore hosted an unusually large number of large-scale performances of polyphony in a time when plainchant was the most common form of sacred music heard throughout the parish churches of Italy. A printed broadside titled Capitoli, e oblighi dei Cantori di S. Maria outlines the duties and responsibilities of the basilica’s singers, as well as a list of punitive measures put in place for transgressions such as truancy or inappropriate behavior during services (figure 2.11; see also Appendix 3).113 The document also reveals how often singers were required to perform in the church. This includes all Sundays of the year, except from the period between Septuagesima through Palm Sunday—which initiated Holy Week—and the Sundays during autumn holidays; Compline after the noon hour every day during the forty-day Lenten period; the fourth Sunday of Lent; etc. Additionally, there is a full list of forty-six specific feast days throughout the year, totaling approximately 138 services. Beyond the core group of professional singers performing polyphony, the academy’s clerics-intraining were required to sing mass every day at dawn and again at a hore 23 ½. The length of the hour varied by the season; this reference to the final half-hour of the “day” indicates the final half-hour before sunset on the following day from the beginning of the twenty-four-hour count, assuming the day begins its count at sunset114 Every morning at dawn [the clerics-in-training] must go together in the aforementioned manner to Santa Maria Maggiore, and must present themselves in their surplices, and sing the plainchant of the Mass which will be celebrated by the Reverend Master at the altar of the Madonna and likewise, every evening at a hore 23 ½ [one-half hour before sunset] they must devotedly recite or sing the prayer at the same altar, in conformity with usual practice, praying to His Divine 113 MIA 2285, ff 43. See Edward Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, 2nd edition, New Approaches to European History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 85–86. 114 164 Majesty for the benefactors and for the peace and tranquility of this city. But if the [hole in page] prefers to excuse them from singing the second mass, [hole in page] another hour must be assigned them to hear it.115 By praying on behalf of the MIA benefactors and the city itself, the singers were performing supplication for the wider civic body. Musicians’ Complaints as Evidence of Unwritten Performance Practice in Early Seicento Bergamo The reconstruction of performance practice in early modern Italy is hampered by extant musical sources that are often incomplete and omit instrumental parts other than continuo. Therefore, the re-creation of this repertoire involves a combination of detective work, archival study, and a great deal of conjecture. Tim Carter and Stephen Bonta, among others have shown that performance practices in early modern Italy relied on the mixed use of voices and instruments.116 Archival records show that Bergamo employed an unusually large number of instrumentalists, though their musical activities remain shrouded in mystery. No surviving scores from early Seicento Bergamo indicate trombone, for example, but we have seen that Santa Maria Maggiore regularly employed up to five trombonists. In the MIA archives lies an unexpected 115 “Debbano ogni mattina nell’Aurora nel modo suddetto andar unitamente nella Chiesa di s.ta Maria, et issi con le cotte assistere, et cantare il canto fermo della messa che sara celebrata loro dal Rdo Maestro all’ altar della madonna et parimente tutte le sere a hore 23 ½ debbano divotamente recitare overo cantar l’oratione al medemo altare conforme al solito pregando S.D.M. [sua divina maestà] per li benefattori et per la pace et tranquillita di questa Citta. Ma se paresse al m.co [hole in page] di dispensarli dal cantare essa seconda messa, si debba poi [hole in page] assegnar loro altra hora per sentirla.” MIA 2283, ff 11v–12r: [Capitolo] 15. 116 See Stephen Bonta, “The Use of Instruments in Sacred Music in Italy 1560–1700,” Early Music 18, no. 4 (November 1990): 519–35; and Tim Carter, Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque Italy (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1992). 165 source for uncovering aspects of this unwritten performance practice: musicians complaining about their contracts. For example, the trombonist Sedio Aresio wrote to the MIA in 1606 in an effort to negotiate a larger salary. To support his claim, he attached a document specifying every day in which he was required by Cavaccio to perform with the singers, a list that includes thirty-four specific feast days (figure 2.12).117 Aresio was a supplementary musician; it seems the core of two higher-paid trombonists were in attendance for the full regiment of feast days, and the thirtyfour days Aresio performed were when large-scale cori spezzati forces were required. Following this list was a two-page letter written by Aresio telling the MIA about his twelve years of service and that he is too poor to continue at the present rate. According to Aresio, the list of thirty-four days are the ones for which maestro di cappella Cavaccio needs him and that he always appears when called, without fail. Was this plea successful? The payment records indicate it was to some degree. Aresio joined the chapel at the rate of 70 lire/year and by the time of the letter this had increased to 116 lire, 2 soldi. Soon after writing, he received a modest raise to 140 lire/year, peaking at 168 lire, 16 soldi in 1609. No records of Aresio remain after 1609. An immensely beneficial piece of information gleaned from Aresio’s list of thirty-four days is that there were two other higher-paid trombonists in 1606, so presumably Aresio’s presence was only required when Cavaccio needed musicians beyond the core ensemble. We may infer that those were the days with the most opulent displays of antiphonal polyphony music, specifically cori spezzati, and thirty-four days in one year was in fact quite frequent for the era, supporting a supposition that any scholarly discussion of large-scale polyphonic performance in early modern Italy must include Santa Maria Maggiore. 117 MIA 1450, ff 12r–13v. 166 Figure 2.12 – Supplemental documentation provided in a 1606 letter from Sedio Aresio, trombonist, to the MIA listing days of attendance. MIA 1450, ff 12r. Transcription below. 167 Giorni nei quali Io Sedio Arese [Aresio] serve di Trombone in S[an]ta Maria Della Circumsisione Dell’ Epifania Della Purificatione della Madonna Di S.to Gioseffe Dell’ Annunciata –– sua vigilia Di Pascha –– sua vigilia sua festa sua festa Dell’ Ascensione –– sua vigilia Della Pentecoste –– sua vigilia sua festa sua festa Del Corpo del Sig.re [Corpus Christi] –– sua vigilia Della visitatione della Madonna Della Dedicatione della Madonna della neve Dell’ Assonta –– sua vigilia Di Sto Allessandro Della Dominica nel tempo di fiera Della Natività della Madonna –– sua vigilia Li tutti li santi –– sua vigilia Della Concettione della Madonna Di Natale –– sua vigilia Sto Stefano Di Sto [Giovanni] Evangelista Dell’ ultimo dell’ Anno A letter from the bass trombonist Bernardo Tirabosco confirms the usage of extra musicians for cori spezzati ensembles. He states that he performs on the bass trombone “every time they perform music for two choirs, as commanded by the maestro di cappella.”118 Other letters—all of which contain complaints of low pay amid these external crises—help reconstruct 118 “Ogni volte ache si facia à due chori, essendo comandato del sig.r Maestro di Capella.” MIA 1450, ff 455r. 168 the instrumental lines as they relate to the vocal parts. The regular trombones performed for every vigil during every feast; the bass trombone only during cori spezzati repertoire; the violin performed above the organ; the viola da braccio under the cornetto, only during concerti or as requested by Cavaccio; the bass violone performed when cori spezzati forces were required, along with the organetto during the psalms; and two additional violins joined the core violinist during principal feasts in which two organs were employed.119 Cross-referencing these letters with financial records, we can recreate musical performances with large regiments of instrumentalists for music which, on paper, appears to be purely vocal. The adaptability of printed music in early modern Italy was central to its serviceability for a wide assortment of institutions, as each locale had variable performing forces at hand. As Tim Carter notes, the flexible approach to instrumental participation was the key to allowing a given work to be as adaptable as possible.120 However, printed music from the period rarely included obbligato instrumental parts and the instrumental parts were expected to be improvised.121 Most aspects of early modern instrumental practice remain clouded in mystery as guilds closely guarded secrets of the trade which they represented.122 Many sacred vocal works in the concertato idiom could have been performed as solely instrumental works. In this way a concertato motet performed as an instrumental solo (plus basso continuo) could serve as a substitute for items of the Proper, whether in mass or Vespers.123 An example of one of these malleable collections of motets can be found in Cavaccio’s 1620 Nuovo giardino (figure 2.13). 119 Compiled from letters written by Dalmagione, MIA 1450, ff 24r; 168r. Carter, Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque, 163. 121 See Tim Carter, “Music Publishing in Italy, c.1580–c.1625: Some Preliminary Observations,” Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, no. 20 (1986–1987): 19–37. 122 See for example, Jonathan Glixon, “A Musicians’ Union in Sixteenth-Century Venice,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 36, no. 3 (Autumn 1983): 392–421. 123 Bonta, “The Use of Instruments in Sacred Music in Italy 1560–1700,” 522. 120 169 Figure 2.13 – Title page, Nuovo giardino (Venice: Vincenti, 1620). PL-Kj, Mus. ant. pract. C390. 170 Included in this volume is a two-voice setting of Hodie Maria virgo for bass and soprano voice, a troped antiphon based on Hodie Maria virgo caelos ascendit: gaudete, quia cum Christo regnat in aeternum (Today the Virgin Mary ascended into heaven; rejoice, for she reigns with Christ forever). Cavaccio’s text intersperses elements of the traditional Hodie text, liturgically appropriate as a Magnificat antiphon during the second Vespers of Assumption, with the medieval responsory Super salutem et omnem pulchritudinem (table 2.5). Table 2.5 – Marian textual sources for Cavaccio’s Hodie Maria virgo. Magnificat Antiphon for Second Vespers of Assumption Hodie Maria virgo caelos ascendit: gaudete, quia cum Christo regnat in aeternum. Responsory Super Salutem et Omnem Pulchritudinem Super salutem et omnem pulchritudinem dilecta es a domino et regina caelorum vocari digna es gaudent chori angelorum consortes et concives tui Cavaccio’s text Hodie Maria Virgo coelos ascendit Gaudent chori angelorum laudantes et benedicentes Dominum Quia cum eis triumphant et cum Christo regnat in aeternum et Regina coelorum vocari dignissima est Alleluia Translation Mary was taken up into heaven, the choir of angels rejoiced and with praises blessed the Lord Because together they are triumphant and Christ reigns eternally And the Queen of Heaven calls the worthy there Hallelujah124 124 Poetic translation by Ali Burch. 171 The Magnificat antiphon as well as Cavaccio’s text offers a succinct account of Mary’s ascent into heaven. Cavaccio sets the antiphon interspersed with an unusual exegetical trope. While this may have once been a common practice, it was far less so in the stricter environment of post-Tridentine reform. However, as we have seen, Santa Maria Maggiore was a rather exceptional case and was free from episcopal oversight since the 1453 papal bull. Local veneration was hard to uproot in one generation, and this text may serve as an example of long standing paraliturgical practice in Santa Maria Maggiore. Many of the Nuovo giardino texts are similar. Some come from the Song of Songs texts (Anima mea liquefacta est; Surge propria), others are strict liturgical texts, like Laetare Jerusalem for the fourth Sunday in Lent. Other texts still appear to be unique, like a setting of O quam suavis that is certainly not the conventional Corpus Christi text.125 The Assumption feast was never universally observed by the Catholic church until 1950 when the Immaculate Conception was made official dogma, but for this prestigious church consecrated to Mary, August 15 had long been the most important day of the calendric year. Imagining a performance of this motet during a feast day in which extra musicians were hired at additional cost, instrumentalists would have joined the ensemble to create added richness. Cavaccio’s Hodie Maria Virgo is set for canto, basso, and an unfigured partitura. (Full edited score in Appendix 4.) The piece begins with a stretto figure in close imitation and quickly 125 O quam suavis es Domine et quam dulcia eloquia tua super mel et favum | quam dulcior es manna et vitalis de coelo descendens | Quam amabilis est et admirabilis spetiosissima | facies tua super solem et lunam super solem et lunam | o dulcem o praetiosam et copiosam mercedem amoris | o pietatis nostra in te in quam solum o Domine Deus o pietatis nostrae in te | in quam solum o Domine Deus. I have been unable to locate any potential source and Cavaccio’s setting appears to be a unique troped text. 172 employs text painting as Mary ascends into heaven (musical ex. 2.3). However, the word ascendit concludes on an unexpected tetrachord descent, symbolic of Mary’s simultaneous physical translation to heaven and her spiritual presence among the living: a simple musical device representative of the split between Earth and heaven and all the divisions, between flesh and spirit, body and soul, that flowed from that. The visual program inside the basilica supports such a reading, with Mary’s ascent painted on the cupula of the dome, while scenes of her earthbound life depicted on massive tapestries surrounded the visitor at eye level. This duality carries even more weight imaging the sonic and visual envelopment of the visitor to Santa Maria Maggiore. According to musician’s letters, we can imagine that a violin and cornetto joined the singers, as well, with a bass violone doubling the organ, combining the three principal classes of instrument (the organ representing the third) to the voice, as depicted in the cupula (figure 2.2, above). Musical Example 2.3 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Hodie Maria virgo. 173 The imitative texture continues albeit in more rapid proximity to create a syncopated texture over the text Gaudent chori angelorum (choir of angels) (musical ex. 2.4). This symbolic text painting reveals a composer more concerned with musical expression than a post-Tridentine ethos of textual clarity. This publication came at a time of crisis that resulted in most of the chapel musicians dismissed from service for financial reasons, leaving only a core group of four singers. (This situation will be discussed in full in Chapter 3.) Cavaccio was accustomed to having a full choir at his disposal to exhibit the celebratory wonder of the heavenly chorus above; with only two voices here, this is an excellent example of the new seventeenth-century expressive techniques. The Bergamasque composer was quite familiar with new trends in Italian music featuring experiments with the expressive capabilities of the few-voiced motet, but only when forced by circumstance did Cavaccio employ them for use at Santa Maria Maggiore. Musical Example 2.4 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Hodie Maria virgo. The masses during the Marian feast would have been especially remarkable. Adding the 1622 receipt for additional Assumption musicians to the regular roster for that year, we find at least eighteen singers, three viols, two violins, one violone, one cornetto, two trombones, a bass trombone, four organists (they would have split duties, as two organs were in Santa Maria Maggiore), and an organetto. This ensemble would have been capable of performing not only 174 two-choir cori spezzati repertoire, but three-choir music, as well, as in the scoring found in Antonio Mortaro’s Secondo libro delle Messe, acquired by Cavaccio in 1610.126 Among the ensemble listed above, the bass trombone, a pair of violins, and full string ensemble would only have performed during the cori spezzati masses. While it is difficult to establish with certainty exactly which musical line any given instrument may have doubled, we do know there was a great deal of improvisation and that musicians looked over the shoulders of singers to read the music. Prefatory material from printed partbooks generally offers few clues, as the prose in this particular genre of writing tended to be rather formulaic. One notable exception is Viadana’s 1612 Salmi a quattro chori, one of the richest sources for performance practice of early Seicento polychoral music. In the introduction to this publication of music for four choirs, Viadana singles out the first choir as the anchor of the entire composition. This is the coro favorito and it requires the five best singers. This choir must “sing and recite with confidence and boldness, in the modern style.”127 When Viadana refers to a “modern style,” it is important not to consider this in antithesis to the term stile antico, normally used in reference to a historicized view of church music featuring frequent imitation and equal-voiced polyphony in the model of Palestrina, a term which did not appear until the 1640s. Viadana is more likely considering the emerging appearance and understanding of the concept concertato or concertare which appeared with increasing frequency in the early Seicento in reference to a group of singers and instrumentalists 126 Antonio Mortaro, Il secondo libro delle messe, salmi, Magnificat, canzoni da suonare, e falsi bordoni, 13vv (Milan, 1610). The acquisition of this book is one among a larger purchase of music books in 1611, further discussed in Chapter 3. The receipt is found in MIA 1538 ff 32r. 127 “che sieno sicuri, franchi, è che cantino alla moderna.” Lodovico da Viadana, Salmi a quattro chori, ed. Gerhard Wielakker, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 86 (Madison: A-R Editions, 1998), 2. 175 together, in opposition to a cappella, or a group of singers only.128 Viadana suggests the singers of the coro favorito stand next to an organ, perhaps also a chitarrone or another continuo instrument. While this choir is singing, there should be no passaggi; when they are not, the instrumentalists are free to embellish within established decorum. The second choir, called the cappella is a CATB chorus, four or more voices to a part, doubled by instruments. Viadana does not specify these instruments but suggests that if there are twenty to thirty voices and instruments, it will sound excellent. Given sixteen voices for the second choir, we can infer that Viadana expects a minimum of four instruments. The third cappella is the “high choir,” consisting of a violin or cornetto, one to three good sopranos, several mezzo voices with violins or cornetti, and several tenor voices with trombones, violone, and organ. The fourth choir is the “low choir,” necessitating several alto voices with violins doubling an octave higher, cornetti, tenor voices with trombones and violins, and low, deep bass voices with trombones, double bass violins (violini doppi in Viadana’s words), bassoons, and organ in an octave lower than normal.129 Viadana’s expressed wishes would therefore call for a performance requiring sixty– ninety musicians depending on how one interprets “several.” Astonishingly, he suggests the possibility of doubling choirs two, three, and four, raising the number of performers to approximately 110–174 people. The English traveler Thomas Coryat never reached Bergamo, but his descriptions of a similarly lavish musical performance at the Scuola Grande di San Rocco during the feast of Saint Roche included a group of twenty singers and twenty-four instrumentalists, whose music made 128 See Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans. David Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 33–34. 129 Viadana, Salmi a quattro chori, ed. Wielakker, 2–3. 176 him feel “rapt up with Saint Paul into the third heaven.” Coryat’s oft-cited account warrants citation here at length: The third feast was upon Saint Roches day being Saturday and the sixth day of August, where I heard the best musicke that ever I did in all my life both in the morning and the afternoon, so good that I would willingly goe an hundred miles a foote at any time to heare the like…This feast consisted principally of Musicke, which was both vocall and instrumental, so good, so delectable, so rare, so admirable, so super excellent, that it did even ravish and stupifie all those strangers that never heard the like. But how others were affected with it I know not; for mine owne part I can say this, that I was for the time even rapt up with Saint Paul into the third heaven. Sometimes there sung sixeteene or twenty men together, having their master or moderator to keepe them in order; and when they sung, the instrumentall musitians played also. Sometimes sixeteene played together upon their instruments, ten Sagbuts, foure Cornets, and two Viol de gambaes of an extraordinary greatness; sometimes tenne, sixe Sagbuts and foure Cornets; sometimes two, a Cornet and a treble violl. Of Music those treble viols I heard three severall there, whereof each was so good, especially one that I observed above the rest, that I never heard the like before. Those that played upon the treble viols, sung and played together, and sometimes two singular fellowes played together upon Theorboes, to which they sung also, who yeelded admirable sweet musicke, but so still that they could scarce be heard but by those that were very neare them. These two Theorbists concluded that nights musicke, which continued three whole howers at the least. For they beganne about five of the clocke, and ended not before eight. Also it continued as long in the morning: at every time that every severall musicke played, the Organs, whereof there are seven faire paire in that room, standing al in a rowe together, plaied with them. Of the singers there were three or foure so excellent that I thinke few or none in Christendome do excell them, especially one, who had such a peerelesse and (as I may in a maner say) such a supernaturall voice for such a privilege for the sweetnesse of his voice, as sweetnesse, that I think there was never a better singer in all the world, insomuch that he did not onely give the most pleasant contentment that could be imagined, to all the hearers, but also did as it were astonish and amaze them. I alwaies thought that he was an Eunuch, which if he had beene, it had taken away some part of my admiration, because they do most commonly sing passing wel; but he was not, therefore it was much the more admirable. Againe it was the more worthy of admiration, because he was a middle-aged man, as about forty yeares old. For nature doth more commonly bestowe such a singularitie of voice upon boyes and striplings, then upon men of such yeares. Besides it was farre the more excellent, because it was nothing forced, strained, or affected, but came from him with the greatest facilitie that ever I heard. Truely I thinke that had a Nightingale beene in the same roome, and contended with him for the superioritie, something perhaps he might excell him, because God hath granted that little birde such a priviledge for the sweetnesse of his voice, as to none other: 177 but I thinke he could not much. To conclude, I attribute so much to this rare fellow for his singing, that I thinke the country where he was borne, may be as proude for breeding so singular a person as Smyrna was of her Homer, Verona of her Catullus, or Mantua of Virgil: But exceeding happy may that Citie, or towne, or person bee that possesseth this miracle of nature. These musitians had bestowed upon them by that company of Saint Roche an hundred duckats, which is twenty three pound sixe shillings eight pence starling. Thus much concerning the musicke of those famous feastes of St. Laurence, the Assumption of our Lady, and Saint Roche.130 While the ensemble was not identical—Santa Maria Maggiore only employed bassoonists on rare occasion, for example—Coryat’s remarkable description of this musical feast can illuminate several aspects of northern Italian sacred musical practice, including what was heard in Bergamo. First, it is striking to read that this Vespers performance took several hours and included a wide array of textural variety. Instruments joined in with singers at various times, though singers would also remain unaccompanied as appropriate. It also appears here that a countertenor or another non-castrato adult male soprano was a featured soloist, rather than a castrato, the latter of which Coryat seems to have expected, at least in Venice. There are no records of castrati in Bergamo in any of the church records and high sums are recorded to bring in surgically unaltered male high-voiced specialists, occasionally listed as falsetti. Coryat also notes three or four particularly exceptional singers who stood apart from the rest. These would be the members of Viadana’s coro favorito, or one of Cavaccio’s expensive singers from the aforementioned Assumption receipts in Bergamo. Federico Mompellio’s 1967 monograph on Viadana is aptly titled Musicista fra due secoli, and the 1612 Salmi a quattro chori encapsulates the composer’s position within these two 130 Thomas, Coryat, Coryats Crudities Hastily Gobled Vp in Five Moneths Trauells in France, Sauoy, Italy, Rhetia Co[m]Monly Called the Grisons Country, Heluetia Aliàs Switzerland, some Parts of High Germany, and the Netherlands; Newly Digested in the Hungry Aire of Odcombe in the County of Somerset, & Now Dispersed to the Nourishment of the Trauelling Members of this Kingdome (London: William Stansby, 1611), 250–253. Emphases mine, in boldface. 178 separate eras.131 It is a practical publication, too, much like the majority of Viadana’s oeuvre. Choirs three and four can be dispensed with if necessary; conversely, the high and low choir could be doubled. This enabled wealthy institutions to perform this music with four to seven choirs, and smaller parish churches, or cities plagued with economic difficulties to perform with choirs one and two only, where the real musical dialogue takes place.132 The opus contains all the ingredients for a Vespers service on any of the most important feast days of the year. We can see a unification of falsobordoni, instrumental music, stile antico polyphony, monody, cori spezzati forces, and the modern stile concertato. Sometimes we can see these at work in the same psalm. As an example, let us turn to Viadana’s Nisi Dominus (Psalm 126). The piece opens with a solo voice, plainchant, as would be expected. The first two notes of the polyphonic section are sung solely by the coro favorito, presumably to give the pitch to the rest of the singers, and then the other three cori respond together. This first section is in the falsobordone style, almost entirely homorhythmic (musical ex. 2.5). Directly after a strong cadence, the texture thins drastically to feature simply three solo voices from the coro favorito alongside basso continuo (musical ex. 2.6). The following section consists of three coro favorito solo voices, after which all four choirs re-enter the texture, the second, third, and fourth choirs concerted against the coro favorito, reminiscent of a cori spezzati split-choir sonic palette (musical ex. 2.7). Following a cadence in which all voices take part, three soloists from the coro favorito take over once more, the most expressive music of the psalm, with ascending eighth notes engaging in imitative polyphony between the upper two voices (musical ex. 2.8). The following section is music just for the coro favorito, all five voices together this time, in 131 Federico Mompellio, Lodovico Viadana; Musicista fra due secoli, XVI–XVII, Historiae musicae cultores biblioteca 23 (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1967). 132 Viadana, Salmi a Quattro Chori, ed. Wielakker, x. 179 imitative polyphony (musical ex 2.9). All four choirs enter after this, once again in concerted fashion. At times, only the first two choirs are in dialogue, the first choir responding to the second. The psalm then employs three different solo voices, the altus, cantus, and bassus in turn (musical ex. 2.10). Finally, the piece concludes with the full performing forces, all voices and instruments in a richer polyphonic texture than at any other previous point. There is a remarkable range of style, texture, and performing forces in a short amount of time, incorporating both Cinquecento features of imitative, equal-voiced polyphony, large-scale polychoral antiphony, and modern trends featuring one-to-three solo voices. Nisi Dominus is by no means unusual in this volume, as each psalm features constant shifts from small groups of vocal soloists to polychoral spectacle, from old to new. 180 Musical Example 2.5 – Lodovico Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).

  

    
  
         
    
    
      
                                
   
         
       

    
  
      
   
  

              

   
 
   
  
                                                                                                                                   

           
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              
       

           
  
                                                      181 Musical Example 2.6 – Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).
     

               
              
        
                        
     
                                       
     
         
     
           
                          
                                          
                                            
                                  
                                      
                                    
      
                                                              
     182 Musical Example 2.7 – Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).

  

     
      
                  
    
    
  
             

    
       
     


       
  

      
         
 

  
                                                                         

                                                                                                                                                                            
    
     
                      
      
  
    
          
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                    183 Musical Example 2.8 – Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).
  

            
           

  
    
                
             
    
       
        
     
   
                            
                          
        
                 
            Musical Example 2.9 – Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).    

      
                  

 
 
  
  
              
                         
          
                             
                              184 Musical Example 2.10 – Viadana, Nisi Dominus from Salmi a quattro chori (1612).
  

   
                      
     
                                                                                                                                             
          
   
          185 Archival items documenting the purchase, use, and circulation of specific, positively attributable books of music are relatively rare. The paucity of this type of source material makes tracing the circulation and dissemination of early modern music difficult.133 One thing we do have in the case of Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo is a January 13, 1628 document signed by Alessandro Grandi after he succeeded Cavaccio as the basilica’s next maestro di cappella.134 It was customary to pass along the musical library to one’s successor.135 The full inventory lists 131 books of music, plus a number of instruments; almost none of the repertoire is in the newer concertato idiom.136 All of the music is sacred, and representative composers include Lasso, Asola, Viadana, Orazio Vecchi, Monteverdi, and six books by Cavaccio. The inventory is frustratingly vague, and almost no contemporaneous partbooks survive in Bergamo. Rather, there are lists under nebulous headings such as motetti and messe. There are at least twelve books of masses, Vespers psalms, and cori spezzati works for two and three choirs. If Viadana’s Salmi a quattro chori was not among these books, then something quite like it surely was. That volume’s preface and Coryat’s description of the Scuola Grande performance, combined with the financial records of musicians in Bergamo helps us understand the nature of Santa Maria Maggiore’s performing forces. 133 Chapter 4 in this dissertation, “Venice without Venice: Traces of Italian Printed Music in German Manuscripts During the Thirty Years War,” capitalizes on one such rare example, three MSS in the HAB, to trace the dissemination of printed Italian musical material in lower Saxony. 134 The document from the Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai is reprinted in full in, Roche, “An Inventory of Choirbooks at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo,” 57–50. 135 Roche, “An Inventory of Choirbooks,” 47. 136 The instruments included a bass trombone with its mouthpiece and case; a regular trombone in good condition with its mouthpiece; a bass violone with its bow; three violas and a violin with bows and bowcases (lit. hilt – fornimento); a violin and trombone in good condition that belonged to Pietro Piombino. 186 Conclusion San Marco in Venice was still the far and away most opulent and noteworthy institution in northern Italy for performances of large-scale sacred polyphony. However, Bergamo emerges as extraordinarily neglected when all of this evidence is taken into account. Thanks to James Moore’s research, we know that singers had to be present for around two hundred Vespers service at San Marco, as well as all feasts of duplex rank when they were expected to sing polyphony at one or both Vespers.137 For comparison, large scale polyphony at the Gothic church of San Francesco in Milan, where the composer Giovanni Ghizzolo worked as maestro di cappella, was limited to five feast days per year.138 The Milanese ducal chapel of Santa Maria della Scala led by Orfeo Vecchi held a regiment of six adult singers, one organist, and sopranos hired as needed; the only truly large-scale polyphony was when Vecchi would join forces with the Duomo for four-choir music during events such as the funeral for Philip II.139 Treviso followed a similar liturgy to Venice, but the cathedral there had nowhere near the same frequency of polyphonic performance as Bergamo. Based on the meticulous research of Bonnie J. Blackburn, polyphony was performed thirty-two days of the year in Treviso.140 To reiterate the above figures as outlined in this chapter, polyphony was performed 138 times per year at Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo, and on at least thirty-four of those days the basilica heard large- 137 James H. Moore, Vespers at St. Mark’s: Music of Alessandro Grandi, Giovanni Rovetta and Francesco Cavalli, 2 vols., Studies in Musicology (Ann Arbor: UMI Research, 1981), 183–84, and Appendix II. 138 Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 67. 139 Kendrick, 69. 140 Bonnie J. Blackburn, Music for the Treviso Cathedral in the Late Sixteenth Century: A Reconstruction of the Lost Manuscripts 29 and 30, Royal Musical Association Monographs 3 (London: Royal Musical Association, 1987), 21–32. 187 scale—and expensive—cori spezzati repertoire. In this light, relegating Bergamo to the periphery is a disservice to the sheer scale of musical production at Santa Maria Maggiore. The following chapter explores what happens to an institution such as the MIA with a high priority on artistic and musical expenditure when it is faced with a series of crises. 188 CHAPTER 3 MUSIC AND CRISIS AT SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE, BERGAMO DURING THE TURBULENT 1620s The Turbulent 1620s In 1629, Bergamo was facing its second famine in a decade. The Venetian-appointed podestà Giulio Valier left the city at the end of April that year, pelted by fruit rinds and other garbage as the population blamed him for mismanagement of grain reserves.1 At the famine’s height in June, wheat prices soared to unattainable heights leading to a desperate situation within the city walls. On June 9, 1629, in cooperation with the new podestà Giovanni Grimani, city officials, lay authority, the local bishop and at the expense of the city, relics of Saints Fermo, Rustico, and Procolo were carried throughout Bergamo in a solemn procession. The sacraments were exhibited in many different churches, ending in a sung mass at the cathedral. Saints Fermo and Rustico were third-century Christians of probable African descent, although local legend depicts them as citizens of Bergamo, martyred in Verona. Their relics were translated to Bergamo in the ninth century by local merchants, and there is a deep-rooted local veneration of these saints. Following the public procession and church-by-church exhibition of the sacrament, the relics were moved to the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore where they were displayed from June 15 to 25, exposed two hours in the morning and two hours in the evening. In the morning 1 This and the immediately ensuing descriptions of events surrounding the June 1629 famine procession come from Marc’Antonio Benaglio, “Relazione della carestia e della peste di Bergamo e suo territorio negli anni 1629 e 1630,” in Miscellanea di Storia Italiana 6, edited by Giovanni Finazzi (Torino: Stamperia Reale, 1865). The date of Benaglio’s account is unknown, but must have been written between 1633, the latest date mentioned within his account, and his death in 1641. 189 the men came, in the evening the women, two by two, praying and crying in hope of relief from famine. Finally, a solemn office for the dead was made, set to music, along with a large number of masses, once again at expense of the city. A public decree stipulated the musical requiem to continue every ensuing year to protect against famine, war, and death.2 The city’s decision to culminate these events at Santa Maria Maggiore speaks to the basilica’s importance to Bergamo, considered as a locus of civic identity since the communal era in the thirteenth century, the symbolic heart of the civic body. Even the bishop took part in the decision during this calamitous time, noteworthy since Santa Maria Maggiore’s ruling body, the MIA, had long since separated itself from the diocese’s episcopal authority. With citizens starving in the streets, precious resources were nonetheless allocated for music, a product considered to be crucial to the spiritual health of the community, even in times of crisis, perhaps especially in times of crisis. Nourishment of the soul was seen as equally important to that of bodily necessity. In a decade marred by war, austerity, death, famine, and plague, music continued to receive robust institutional support. Drawn from archival research conducted in Bergamo’s MIA archives, this chapter recreates a picture of the musical quotidian and its importance to civic life during a particularly difficult period of time. Taken together, the archival documents show a brief period when Bergamo succumbed to larger supraregional trends of involuntary musical and artistic spartanism, especially from 1618 to 1620. Even while operating a skeletal choir, however, receipts and payment slips show large expenditures for musical activities surrounding the Assumption feast celebration, held yearly on August 15. Between 1619 2 “…un officio solenne per tutti i morti, con musica e con grandissimo numero di messe, e si va trattando di far pubblico decreto di continuar ogni anno a far un officio da morti, e far qualche opera pia per impetrar da sua D. M. la conservazione di questa patria dalla fame, guerra e mortalità, e l’acquisto della santa divina grazia.” 190 and 1622, the entire European economy suffered a severe collapse which affected industry, agriculture, money markets, and demographic development.3 The case has previously been made connecting the emergence of the stile concertato and the massive popularity in German-speaking lands of (re)printed Italian collections—including Lodovico Viadana’s Cento concerti ecclesiastici—to this economic crisis and, by extension, to musical institutions, especially amid the devastation of the Thirty Years War north of the Alps.4 As institutions—both secular and sacred—struggled with harsh economic realities, efforts were made to limit both musical and artistic expenditure. An emerging idiom highlighting the expressive and virtuosic capabilities of the solo voice, as well as the delicate interplay between two or three contrasting solo voices consequently became more attractive in comparison to idioms featuring multiple choirs with dozens of paid singers and instrumentalists. Bergamo was not immune to these trends. Like many institutions throughout the region, Santa Maria Maggiore shifted to a small core group of musicians around 1618 and slashed the salary of maestro di cappella Giovanni Cavaccio. However, after local pushback and Cavaccio’s threat of departure, the MIA reversed course, and in 1620 re-hired many of the fired musicians, a stark turnaround in musical austerity in direct opposition to the vast majority of contemporaneous institutions. Even after the musical roster reverted to previous levels, the 1620s remained a particularly turbulent time. The MIA 3 Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans. David Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 28. 4 See for example, Bianconi, Chapter 1, “The Early Decades” in Music in the Seventeenth Century”; and Jerome Roche, “'Aus Den Berühmbsten Italiänischen Autoribus': Dissemination North of the Alps of the Early Baroque Italian Sacred Repertory Through Published Anthologies and Reprints,” in Claudio Monteverdi und die Folgen: Bericht über das internationale Symposium Detmold 1993, ed. Silke Leopold and Joachim Steinheuer (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1998), 13–50. Viadana’s German reprints are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4, “Venice without Venice.” 191 maintained a sizeable, expensive regiment of professional musicians capable of performing large-scale polyphony led by maestri di cappella Cavaccio (who held the post from 1598 to 1626) and Alessandro Grandi (from 1627 to 1630), the Assumption of Mary on August 15, the patron saint of the basilica, serving as the most important musical feast day of the year. The first crisis can be traced to the mid-1610s with the outbreak of the costly Uskok War which indirectly led to cuts in musical expenditure. Bergamo dealt with food shortages in 1622/3 and Cavaccio’s sudden death four days before the 1626 Assumption presented unique challenges for the MIA. The tenor Giacomo Cornolto assumed duties for that year’s Assumption, earning a sizeable bonus from his employers and continued as maestro di cappella until Grandi arrived in 1627. Food shortages beleaguered the city once again in 1627/8, leading to the aforementioned famine of 1629; finally, 1630 saw the onset of the plague that swept through much of northern Italy, killing 10,000 people in Bergamo, approximately forty percent of the town’s population of 25,000.5 And yet, until the plague year of 1630, the MIA allocated enough funds throughout this turbulent decade to produce music on an opulent scale on par with that of San Marco in Venice. In a decade filled with death, sadness, and economic decline, the continued institutional support for music underscores its importance to the emotional and spiritual wellbeing of the community. The archival records also support a supposition that military and political events in Venice had direct impact on every aspect of life throughout the Terraferma. The effects of policy in the capital on cities throughout the Republic’s mainland empire have been little studied. A close look at musical expenditure in Bergamo reveals the larger supraregional economic impacts of war, and in so doing, uncovers the centrality of civic music to everyday life throughout the 5 A brutally descriptive account of Bergamo’s plague year can be found in Lorenzo Ghirardelli, Il memorando contagio seguito in Bergamo l’anno 1630, Historia scritta d’ordine publico, Libri otto (Bergamo: [G]li Fratelli Sampatori, 1681). 192 region. Considering the resources set aside despite such tumult, Bergamo once again surfaces as a heretofore neglected center of musical significance, and further serves as a microcosm of the neglected “ordinary” during a time of rapid musical stylistic change. The Uskok War, 1615–1618 The short, undeclared, extraordinarily costly series of violent skirmishes known as the Uskok War revealed itself as an antecedent to the larger geopolitical nightmare known as the Thirty Years War, one with economic impacts directly felt by the musical chapel in Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo.6 This war left civic organizations throughout the Terraferma with depleted coffers, including in Bergamo, ultimately resulting in drastic structural changes to Santa Maria Maggiore’s musical program. Bergamo was transformed into a Venetian fortress town primarily to limit Milanese expansion, though its status as defender of the Western front was never truly tested until the Uskok War of 1615–1618. This event began the series of crises which all occurred in quick succession throughout the 1620s. By 1617, Venice’s involvement in the war had begun to affect Bergamo economically. “Despite the present troubles, the Council is aware of the wish of citizens of the city that there should be music for the honor of God and Bergamo’s reputation,” states a December 1617 motion of the MIA council.7 This battle fit into the broader 6 The Uskok War was known as the War of Friuli in Hapsburg sources and the War of Gradisca in Venetian sources. Historians seldom dwell much on this war. The key study is Riccardo Caimmi, La Guerra del Friuli 1615–17: Altrimenti nota come Guerra di Gradisca o degli Uscocchi, Storie di uomini, armi, atti di forza 44 (Gorizia: Leg, 2007); see also M.E. Mallett and J.R. Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State: Venice c. 1400 to 1617, Cambridge Studies in Early Modern History (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 241–47. For a broader and in-depth history of the Uskok population dating back to the late sixteenth century, see Catherine Wendy Bracewell, The Uskoks of Senj: Piracy, Banditry, and Holy War in the Sixteenth-Century Adriatic (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992). 7 MIA 1280, ff 92v. 193 context of Venetian geopolitical anxiety in the seventeenth century—Spanish Hapsburgs on the Republic’s Western border, Austrian Habsburgs, or archducal territory on the northeastern Friulian border, and the Ottoman empire bordering the Venetian maritime holdings of the eastern Adriatic. In 1590, to make sure loyalties to the Republic superseded that of local concerns, it was resolved that the companies raised by most strategic fortress towns should be distributed to other garrison captains. Bergamo, Brescia, Crema, and Verona were the most important; the second level of strategic significance included Zara, Cattaro, Corfu, Candia, Canea, and Rettimo. Added to this list were less important fortified towns: Asola, Orzinovi, Peschiera, Legnago, Marano, Sibenico; and new fortresses at Corfu, Asso, Cerigo, Tine, Grabusa, Suda, and Spinalonga.8 Venice also increased salaries for captains and sergeant-majors to make them less susceptible to bribery. The towns and cities chosen by Venetian authorities indicate the Republic was less concerned with an Ottoman threat, and much more so with Hapsburg-Spanish expansion.9 During the war, Venice was trying to combat Uskok piracy in the Adriatic—a small population of Christian refugees from Ottoman Bosnia and resettled in Senj by Austrian forces to protect the Austrian-Hapsburg defense zone on the Ottoman frontier known as the Militärgrenze. The Uskoks were thus part of Hapsburg Croatia and vassals of Archduke Franz Ferdinand at the Styrian court of Graz.10 Piracy was technically forbidden under Hapsburg law, though Ferdinand 8 M.E. Mallett and J.R. Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, 242. Mallett and Hale, 242. 10 There is a great deal of confusion surrounding the title of this particular Ferdinand (1578– 1637). He became Ferdinand III, archduke of inner-Austria at the court of Graz in 1590 and ascended to the tile of Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II in 1619, serving until his death in 1637. There was a previous Archduke Ferdinand II, who ruled from 1564 to 1595, and Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III ruled from 1637 to 1657, though this Ferdinand held the previous title of Ferdinand IV, archduke of inner-Austria. I have noticed many secondary sources are incredibly inconsistent when referring to the various “Ferdinands” and has thus caused some confusion, and indeed, errors in subsequent sources. I refer here, and in Chapter 4, to the 9 194 allowed the Uskoks to operate their swift boats unchecked in order to avoid paying owed subsidies.11 It was out of desperation that the Uskoks resorted to mercenary work and piracy, the latter of which they developed to a high degree, particularly considering their low numbers.12 To avoid the wrath of Venice their targets were largely Ottoman and Jewish merchants, although official Venetian ships were increasingly attacked towards the end of the sixteenth century. By the onset of the war, the Uskok threat had preoccupied Venice for three generations. Their piracy was moderately tolerated as long as the targets remained non-Venetian, though Venice was still responsible for safe trade through the Adriatic and quibbled with Austrian authorities over responsibility for Uskok activity deemed disadvantageous to Adriatic stability. Senj, on what is now Croatia’s Dalmatian coast, had grown a reputation as “the Sherwood Forest of the Mediterranean.”13 This standing is evidenced by the scocchi (Uskok) characters in a 1587 commedia dell’arte play by the Venetian Giovanni Francesco Loredano titled La malandrina comedia, or “a comic play about dishonest rogues,” and set in Buccari (presently Baker, Croatia), part of the Militärgrenze.14 At one point, an Uskok character plans to not only rob two of the Italians, but to sell them into slavery in Bosnia in exchange for horses.15 Ferdinand born in 1578 and will limit myself to the titles of archduke and Holy Roman Emperor, avoiding the confusing confluence of numbers III and II. 11 Gunther E. Rothenberg, “Venice and the Uskoks of Senj: 1537–1618,” The Journal of Modern History 33, no. 2 (June 1961): 149. 12 According to Catherine Wendy Bracewell, a portion of their booty from acts of piracy were paid to the Austrian Hapsburg state. Bracewell, The Uskoks of Senj, 3. 13 Mallett and Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance, 243. 14 My thanks to Karen-edis Barzman for alerting me to the existence of this play. For a more detailed analysis see her monograph, The Limits of Identity: Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference, Art and Material Culture in Medieval and Renaissance Europe 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), “Provincial Subjectivity and the Staging of Difference,” 203–63. 15 Barzman, 224. 195 Severe deterioration in the relations between Venetian authorities and the population in Senj can be traced to 1597 when Uskok raiders raided a Venetian port in Istria, a peninsula on the Eastern Adriatic border and part of Venice’s Stato da Màr. Five hundred Uskok raiders attacked Rovinj, stripping the Venetian ships bare to the cost of 400,000 scudi.16 Following this deed unfolded a series of retaliations and increasingly violent acts of revenge on both sides. Archduke Ferdinand, uneasy of any open conflict with Venice, sent an envoy from Graz to the Uskok territory Senj in January 1601, as they were technically enlisted militiamen for the Militärgrenze. The commission was led by Joseph Rabatta, an advisor to Ferdinand. Seeking to subjugate what were considered unruly subjects, Rabatta enacted what can only be described as a reign of terror which ultimately ended with his murder at the hands of an angry Uskok mob.17 Shaken by the torture and execution of many of their most popular leaders, the Uskoks subsequently sent a resolution pledging to cease raids on Venetian territories. Venice had a diplomatic stake in limiting piracy on Ottoman ships, as well, as they were dealing with a delicate détente concerning Adriatic shipping routes. Hapsburg authorities, meanwhile, attempting to control a small area in defense of both Ottoman and Venetian interests, left the Uskoks with little financial support, instigating them to continue raiding what targets they could find. Internal strife was rampant, as well, as the Uskoks mustered little agreement on the limits of their raiding.18 While Archduke Ferdinand was happy to use the Uskoks as pawns in his rivalry with Venice, the Holy Roman Emperor Matthias was more concerned for peace in this matter in order to focus on internal conflict of his own. As such, Hapsburg protection was no longer assured and from the end of 1611, violent skirmishes between Uskok and Venetian forces re- 16 Catherine Wendy Bracewell, The Uskoks of Senj, 238. Bracewell, 244–50. 18 Bracewell, 277. 17 196 emerged. Ultimately, events leading to the war were never truly about the Uskoks themselves, but of larger geopolitical relations between Hapsburgs and the Venetian Republic. Hapsburg encirclement was the primary concern of the Serenissima on one side, and Austrian resentment of Venetian trade monopoly on the other. The true battle was for supremacy over the Adriatic and the ports of Istria. Battling the Uskoks pitted the Venetian Republic directly against Archduke Ferdinand, who was simultaneously one of the great patrons of Venetian musicians and composers. Ferdinand was a known Italophile and the dichotomy between his Venetian musical predilections and his role as political adversary of the Republic is a fascinating yet untold story. Venice enlisted the support of England and the Dutch Republic to help combat Spanish-allied Austria. Venice also recruited a number of German Protestants to their cause, and as Peter Wilson puts it, showing how much Venice was a trading Republic, rather than a Catholic Republic.19 By 1617, Venice’s mainland armies were overstretched at the frontiers and, as the Spanish became more involved, Venice increasingly feared a Hapsburg led invasion on the Lombard border, potentially putting Bergamo on the front line. Venice pleaded to their allies that they were “straining every nerve at sea, and our forces are prospering in Friuli in spite of Spanish help to the enemy…We can do no more and we cannot oppose the Spanish single-handed.”20 To combat this threat, Venice exploited the resources of the Terraferma as never before, including the enlistment of 4,700 foot soldiers.21 The Venetian Senate called 9,200 additional infantry by the end of 1615, 19 Peter H. Wilson, The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 255–57. 20 Mallett and Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, 245. This quote taken from Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1615–17 (British Library, London), 519. 21 Caimmi, La Guerra del Friuli, 77–78. 197 and 2,400 select militiamen from the Terraferma.22 2,400 of the “stoutest, most competent” militiamen were sent to Friuli and Istria and were among 12,000 total Terraferma soldiers.23 Mainland subjects were responsible for providing room and board to garrisoned troops, satisfying requests for horses, and providing labor services as requested by auxiliary forces.24 Half the funds for these efforts came from municipal governments.25 To give some perspective, garrison numbers oscillated between 650–825 soldiers in the years 1605–1607. Those numbers topped 2,000 during the Uskok War.26 Matters were more desperate in the Friulan countryside, the main site of armed conflict. In September 1618, two rural Friulian communities pleaded exhaustion with Venetian authorities, declaring themselves unable to bear the cost of 3,000 ducats per year for housing two units of cappelletti (Balkan mercenaries).27 Making matters worse, these infantry were plagued by desertion, poor command, lack of proper armament, and inadequate bureaucratic oversight. Simply put, this was an extraordinarily costly venture. In their monograph The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, Mallet and Hale write, There had probably never been a Venetian war in which more money had been handed out to captains for so few men actually fit to serve, or so much spent but unaccounted for…out of 7,737 infantry paid in Friuli in November 1616 only 2,700 could be found in camp in December.28 All of this money represented resources that had to be re-routed from elsewhere. In the end a Lombard invasion never came, and a peaceful settlement eventually took place involving the 22 Mallett and Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, 244. Mallett and Hale, 363. 24 Mauro Gaddi and Andrea Zanninni, eds., “Venezia non è da Guerra.” L’isontino, la società Friulana e la Serenissima nella Guerra di Gradisca (1615–1617), Strumenti del storia del Friuli 4 (Udine: Forum, 2008), 294. 25 Mallett and Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, 363. 26 Gaddi and Zanninni, “Venezia non è da Guerra,” 301. 27 Gaddi and Zanninni, 305. 28 Mallett and Hale, The Military Organization of a Renaissance State, 484. 23 198 removal and decimation of Uskok pirates by Austrian forces, while Venice respected Hapsburg trading rights in the Adriatic. The Uskok harbors were destroyed, their ships burnt, and surviving Uskoks were transported to inner Croatia where they slowly intermarried.29 I offer this description of the Uskok War and the unhappy fate of the Uskoks not only because historians seldom touch this period, but because it directly affected the musical life of Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo. The Musical Roster at Santa Maria Maggiore Before the Uskok War To fully understand the financial impact of the Uskok War, it is necessary to examine the state of music at Santa Maria Maggiore outside of the crises of the 1620s, beginning with payments made to the basilica’s musical chapel in 1601, the first year that full musician salary records exist from the MIA archives. In 1601, 5,823 lire was spent on musician salaries (figure 3.1).30 In addition to Cavaccio’s salary of 840 lire, this paid for twenty-four professional musicians: nine instrumentalists and fifteen singers.31 There is some distinction between seminary students—who were expected to sing regularly as part of their studies because musical education was a large part of their curriculum—and fully professional musicians. In this time period, musico indicated the distinction of a professional, or trained musician, rather than an amateur. Horatio Marzolo, for example, received a salary of 196 lire and 10 soldi with the title, D. Pre Horatio cap[p]ellano residente in S.ta Mari maggiore et musico.32 Marzolo was a chaplain, for which he received 628 lire in 1601, but also a trained musician who served as the 29 John Julius Norwich, A History of Venice (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982), 520. MIA 1149, ff 216r–v. 31 MIA 1149, ff 189r. 32 MIA 1149, ff 163r. 30 199 vice maestro di cappella. For comparison, many other priests on the sacerdoti payroll were expected to sing regularly, as were the chierici (more on the chierici below) but those without the title of musico would receive far lower wages. For example, the alto Geronimo Posetto was paid just 42 lire/year for singing in Santa Maria Maggiore, in addition to one bushel of wheat.33 Besides the maestro di cappella, the highest salary for a musician was 588 lire for Giulio Cesare Celani, the cornetto player from Verona.34 The primary virtuoso instrument of the seventeenth century, the musician hired to play the cornetto was often the highest paid, with the possible exception of the organist. Underscoring the specialty nature of such an instrument, Celani had no religious duties as part of this salary and was expected to perform far less often than the regular singers. The other highest paid musicians included the organist, contralto trombone, and bass singers. Again, looking at 1601: the bass singer Fra. Amante received 420 lire; Fra. Antonio da Salò 336 lire, also for singing bass; Carlo Fettino, Trombon contralto received 301 lire; and the organist Antonio Osio received 297 lire 50 soldi.35 The salary lists do not include the many musicians hired for additional forces on important feast days, such as the basilica’s titular festival, the Assumption of Mary, celebrated every year on August 15. 33 MIA 1149, ff 207r. MIA 1149, ff 184r. 35 MIA 1149, ff 216r–v. 34 200 Figure 3.1 – 1601 musician salaries, Santa Maria Maggiore. MIA 1149, ff 216r. Transcription below. 201 Salarij che si pagano a musici della chiesa di s[an]ta maria devono adi 14 Giugno am.ro Federico Mangile cantor Basso per suo salario di un’anno Se finirà al’ ultimo Decembre prossimo lire ……………………………………………………………………………140 [lire] detto a Hieronimo Morari trombone per suo salario ut s[upr]a lire cento………………… 100 detto al detto per detta causa altro 12 formento come aglio aso. 2 al’ anno ……………… 63 detto a Giuseppe Dalmasoni sonator di violino et violone a [lire] 12 al’ anno ut s[upr]a… 81.14 detto a Carlo Fettino sonator di Trombon contralto a [lire] al’ anno……………………… 301 detto a Pre Giovan Biadoni cantor tenore………………………………………………… 140 detto a Pre Horatio Marzolo musico Vice maestro di capella …………………………… 196.10 detto a Pre Giacomo Cornolto per suo salario di musico tenore uts.a …………………… 84 detto a Pre Bernardino Tirabosco per suo salario uts.a per sonar il trombon doppio …… 40 detto a Battista Ratis cantore a [lire] 84 al’ anno ……………………………………… 72.15 detto a d Anto[nio] Osio organista per suo salario ut s[upr]a [lire] 350 al’ anno ……… 297.50 detto a Gio. And[re]a Camerata contralto per salario ut s[upr]a ………………………… 210 detto a Gero[nimo] Posetto contralto so: una form[en]to ……………………………… 42 detto altro [?] 2 vino ut s[upr]a ………………………………………………………… 14 detto a Natal Barzino contralto per suo salario uts.a …………………………………… 280 detto a Franco e Gero[nimo] Carrari tenor e soprano ut s[upr]a ………………………… 280 detto a Giovanni Cavaccio maestro di capella ut s[upr]a ………………………………… 840 detto a Franco Barzino soprano per suo salario ut s[upr]a ……………………………… 168 detto al P. Fra Amante de servi basso …………………………………………………… 420 detto a Pietro Rondi Contralto per suo salario ut s[upr]a ………………………………… 168 detto a Giacomo Brignolo organista a [lire] 312 al’ anno ……………………………… 218.18 detto a P fra Anto[nio] da Salo Prior del onguelo Basso ………………………………… 336 detto a Giulio Cesare Celani Veronese sonator di cornetto ……………………………… 588 detto a Giuseppe Figliuolo di Bat[ist]ta Pezoli da Drera soprano – a [lire] 124 al’ anno et la scola ………………………………………………………………………………… 146.6 detto a Franco Vertova Tenore …………………………………………………………… 280 detto altro ut s[upr]a 1 form[en]to ………………………………………………………… 42 detto altro [?] 4 vino ut s[upr]a …………………………………………………………… 28 detta a Franco Marchese sonator di trombon a [lire] 112 al’ anno ……………………… 75.17 detto al Pre Sedio Aresio sonator di tromboni per suo sal[ari]o ………………………… 70 In 1600, for example, Cavaccio hired twelve additional performers to complement the full chapel: six singers and a violone player from the cathedral, one singer and one violone player from the church of Sant’Alessandro, a German cornettist, and a tenor violinist, for a combined 202 total of 41 lire for the day.36 As part of his duties, Cavaccio was responsible for hiring and managing these musicians.37 These archival records suggest an institution committed to a significant amount of largescale polyphony throughout the year, more so than many other comparable churches and cathedrals in the Terraferma. When Jerome Roche dismisses Cavaccio as a composer of scant musical interest, it is to more quickly address Alessandro Grandi and his imaginative motets.38 Roche can be forgiven for his disinterest, particularly considering that he was writing this in 1966 when there was scant scholarship on Grandi and other figures surrounding the Seicento avant-garde.39 Here is a clear example of the teleology of innovation obscuring the historical interest of a composer within an institution impacted by geopolitical forces on the other end of an Italian state. It was only after the MIA was forced to reevaluate its fiduciary duties that those responsible for music in Santa Maria Maggiore began to embrace the emerging concertato idiom out of necessity. 36 MIA 1389, ff 370. Maurizio Padoan, La Musica in S. Maria Maggiore a Bergamo Nel Periodo di Giovanni Cavaccio (1598–1626) (Como: A.M.I.S., 1983), 57–60. 38 Jerome Roche, “Music at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643,” Music & Letters 47, no. 4 (October 1966): 305. 39 There is some attention to Grandi in Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, trans. H. Krappe, Roger H. Sessions, and Oliver Strunk, 3 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949), and Nigel Fortune, “Italian Secular Monody from 1600 to 1635: An Introductory Survey,” The Musical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (April 1953): 171–95. The first English language source of significance was Denis Arnold, “Alessandro Grandi, a Disciple of Monteverdi,” Musical Quarterly 43 (1957): 171–86. 37 203 The Emerging Concertato Idiom In the early years of the Seicento, composers throughout the cities of northern Italy adopted the small-scale concertato motet as their primary idiom for setting sacred texts to music. There were both financial and musical reasons for this stylistic shift. A full account of the idiom’s emergence and dissemination can be found elsewhere and is beyond the scope of this chapter.40 However, a brief overview of this genre’s development will help contextualize Bergamo’s disinterest, embrace, and subsequent abandonment of the concertato motet amid the larger geopolitical realties discussed in this chapter. The closing quarter of the sixteenth century saw an enormous output of published polyphonic psalm collections in Italy, the vast majority using falsobordone. Right around the year 1600, many of these compositions exhibit a drastic change in character. In much of northern Italy, the cori spezzati so associated with San Marco in Venice style gave way to small-scale concertato motets using a small group of soloists. The onus of the harmony shifted to the continuo and the vertical elements of the music slowly undermined the horizontal counterpoint. Looming large in studies of this emerging few-voiced genre in early modern Italy is the work of composer Lodovico Viadana. One of Viadana’s most influential prints was published in 1602, Cento concerti ecclesiastici.41 Viadana’s collection of ninety-six sacred motets for one to four voices was partly a reaction to spreading and diversifying practice of a style he saw as his own. Cento concerti ecclesiastici was the first published example of 40 Jerome Roche offers an excellent description on the development of this few-voiced genre starting around 1600 through the mid-seventeenth century. See, “Small-scale Church Music, I and II” in, North Italian Church Music, 62–109. See also, Tim Carter, Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque Italy (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1992); and Anne Kirwan-Mott, “The Small-Scale Sacred Concerto in the Early Seventeenth Century” (PhD diss., Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 1981). 41 Lodovico Viadana, Cento concerti ecclesiastici, a una, a due, & a quattro voci. Con il basso continuo per sonar nell’organo (Venetia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1602). 204 basso continuo with figured bass, which has earned him the spurious title of the musical device’s inventor. Although the improvised accompaniment on lute or keyboard from an independent bass line for secular music is known to have been practiced by Giulio Caccini as early as 1584, Viadana’s claim to be an innovator of the practice in church music holds true.42 By introducing the independent basso continuo into a sacred context, composers began breaking away from the traditional concept of doubling the vocal parts on the organ.43 Viadana explains that he developed his new style of small-scale concertato motets while sojourning in Rome some five or six years before the book was first printed.44 He mentions in his preface an impetus behind this publication: “Since others are starting to steal my style, I better get these things out there, so to speak.”45 In an effort at preserving an emerging sense of authorial control, Viadana unleashed what was to be among the most influential musical products of his era. Cento concerti was especially popular in German-speaking lands where it was published for the first time in 1609.46 A second German print in 1625 included a vernacular translation of Viadana’s lengthy preface. Buoying the popularity of this style in Germany was the Thirty Years War; the small-scale performance possibilities especially suited the needs of impoverished German chapels.47 The dates of these two editions of Cento concerti roughly coincide with Heinrich Schütz’s two visits 42 See Anthony Newcomb, “The Musica Secrata at Ferrara in the 1580s” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1970). 43 Imogene Horsley, “Full and Short Scores in the Accompaniment of Italian Church Music in the Early Baroque,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 30, no. 3 (Autumn 1977): 470. 44 Preface to Lodovico da Viadana, Cento Concerti Ecclesiastici: Opera Duodecima 1602, ed. Claudio Gallico, vol. 1, Monumenti Musicali Mantovani: Opere di Lodovico Viadana 1 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1964). 45 Gallico. 46 Lodovico Viadana, Centum concertum ecclesiasticorum (Frankfurt: N. Stein, 1609). 47 Viadana’s influence north of the Alps is discussed at length in Chapter 4, “Venice without Venice.” 205 to Venice. The German composer first went to the city in 1609 and studied with Giovanni Gabrieli for roughly three years. Upon his second visit in 1629, he found the newer concertato idiom fully entrenched and the influence of this drastic stylistic change can be seen in Schütz’s Symphoniae sacrae I (1629). As Roche notes, the smaller few-voiced idiom was not only a financial necessity, especially in a landscape north of the Alps deeply mired in a vicious war, but also gave composers an opportunity to experiment with more subtle modes of text expression.48 The influence of Italian music north of the Alps has largely been described as arising via personal connection and apprenticeship with Gabrieli and other Venetian luminaries. However, the popularity and availability of prints such as Giulio Caccini’s Le nuove musiche and Viadana’s Cento concerti are equally important to the story of the dissemination of Italian music abroad, especially considering locations apart from the cities Venetian-born and Venetian-trained composers emigrated. Metoda Kokole, for example, has shown how circulation of Viadana prints and anthology collections contributed to the emerging concertato idiom in Austrian territories.49 The 1625 edition of cento concerti paved the way for the concertato style in the inner Austrian lands at a time when Italian music was mostly known only at the Imperial court at Graz. Contributing to the wide-spread use of the idiom was the reality that this genre was the most versatile of its time, as shown by Anthony Cummings’ foundational 1981 essay.50 Previously resistant to these emerging trends and fashions, the financial realities of the expensive Uskok war finally forced the MIA to make some difficult choices. 48 Jerome Roche, “What Schütz Learnt from Grandi in 1629,” The Musical Times 113, no. 1557 (November 1972): 1074. 49 Metoda Kokole, “Venetian Influence on the Production of Early Baroque Monodic Motets in the Inner-Austrian Provinces,” Musica e Storia 8, no. 2 (December 2000): 481. 50 Anthony M. Cummings, “Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 34 (1981): 43–59. 206 The Effects of the Uskok War on Musical Activity at Santa Maria Maggiore In the period leading up to the Uskok War, 1615 was the peak of Santa Maria Maggiore’s musical roster, when twenty-seven musicians were employed in the basilica at a cost of 6,312 lire, 14 soldi (figure 3.2).51 A comparison of the roster from 1601 and 1615 shows remarkable stability in personnel (table 3.1). The only major change was an increase in pay for long-tenured members, including Cavaccio’s 1605 raise to 1,000 lire/year.52 In 1601 there were fifteen singers, just as in 1615; five of these singers remained on the roster for the entire period in question, including Francesco Bazino who continued singing as a contralto after his soprano voice broke. Additionally, both years include six wind musicians, a combination of different trombones and cornetto, as well as a string player. Four of these instrumentalists were mainstays through these years, as well. Cavaccio and the two organists were another constant, one that would remain even after the roster cuts, though at reduced pay. The large ensemble was a firmly established reality by the time the crises hit Bergamo. With this in mind, the drastic effect of the Uskok War in 1618 is unmistakably evident, as the MIA reduced spending for the basilica all around, slashing the musical budget by nearly sixty percent. Remaining on the musical payroll were only Cavaccio—at a forty percent pay cut—the two organists, and four singers.53 The MIA had been wanting to restructure the makeup of the chapel, sensing that thirty-six musicians was 51 MIA 1152, ff 556r. Cavaccio’s salary was restructured from 840 to 1000 lire/year on June 25, 1605, seven years after his original contract. Contracts were typically for a period of three, five, or seven years. MIA 1150, ff 165 r–v. 53 The musicians who survived the purge were the organists Giacomo Brignolo (245 lire) and Antonio Osia (280 lire), the soprano Alfonso Cani (140 lire), the Contralto Andrea Camerata (205 lire), tenor and vice maestro di cappella Giacomo Cornolto (200 lire), and the bass Pietro Valcarenzo (560 lire). Cavaccio’s salary was just 600 lire. MIA 1153, ff 395r. 52 207 an inordinately large number compared to other, nearby institutions.54 Musician salaries were not the only casualties in these budget cuts. While essential expenditures for the basilica remained relatively steady—covering items such as candles and wax, sacramental wine, and necessary masonry work—the salaries for the chierici, or the seminary students, as well as the lay preachers were drastically reduced (table 3.2). Figure 3.2 – 1615 musician salaries, Santa Maria Maggiore. MIA 1152, ff 556r. Transcription below. 54 On the restructuring of the musical chapel, see Padoan, La Musica in S. Maria Maggiore a Bergamo, 132–38. 208 1615 musician salaries, in lire: Giuseppe Romano, contralto: 20 [just Jan and Feb] P fr Anto. dall’onguelo, Basso: 93.6 [from 26 Dec 1614] Pre fra Giulio Pelini, [Trombon doppio]: 14 [just for the month of July 1614] P Battista Nobili, Contralto: 30.12 [for 2 months] Giovanni Cavaccio, MdC: 1000 Antonio Osio, Organista: 658 [this includes a prorated raise] P. Giacomo Brignoli, Organista: 490 P. Bernardino Tirabosco, Trombon doppio: 84 fr. Giulio Pelini, Trombon doppio: 200 P. Giuseppe del Bono, Cornetto: 126 Giulio Cesare Celani, Cornetto: 700 Geronimo Morari, Trombon et violino: 252 Ludovico Cavaccio, Trombon: 157.12 [includes prorated raise from 100 to 175/year] Giuseppe Dalmagione, Le viole: 140 Federico Mangile, Basso: 140 P. Giacomo Cornolto, Tenore: 252 P. Gio. Biadoni, Tenore: 140 P. Andrea Camerata, Contralto: 420 P. Francesco Bazino, Contralto: 350 Gio. Battista Avogadro, Soprano: 126 Donato Rensi, Soprano: 126 Antonio Scaramazzo, Soprano: 84 P. Alessandro Perona, Contralto: 124.12 [from 13 April through year] Fermo Bresciano, basso: 240.12 [from Nov 1614 through 1615] Lorenzo Lameri, custode della chiesa: 190 Eleuterio Buazzchi, Contralto: 70 [through March 1615] Francesco Violeseo, Basso: 84 [through March 1615] 209 Table 3.1 – Comparison of salaried musician roster, Santa Maria Maggiore, 1601 and 1615. Musicians who continued in service throughout these fourteen years indicated in boldface. 1601 Giovanni Cavaccio Antonio Osio Giacomo Brignolo Maestro di Cap. Organ Organ 1615 Giovanni Cavaccio Antonio Osio Giacomo Brignolo Maestro di Cap. Organ Organ Francesco Bazino Giuseppe Pezoli Geronimo Carrari Soprano Soprano Soprano Gio. Bat. Avogadro Donato Rensi Antonio Scaramazzo Soprano Soprano Soprano Natal Bazino Andrea Camerata Geronimo Posetto Pietro Rondi Contralto Contralto Contralto Contralto Alessandro Perona Giuseppe Romano Andrea Camerata Battista Nobili Francesco Bazino Eleuterio Buazzchi Contralto Contralto Contralto Contralto Contralto Contralto Giacomo Cornolto Giovan Biadoni Battista Ratis Franco Carrari Franco Vertova Tenor/vice maestro Tenor Tenor Tenor Tenor Giacomo Cornolto Giovan Biadoni Tenor/vice maestro Tenor Francesco Violeseo Antonio dall’Onguelo Federico Mangile Fermo Bresciano Bass Bass Bass Bass Fra Amante Federico Mangile Antonio da Salo Bass Bass Bass Geronimo Morari Franco Marchese Sedio Aresio Carlo Fettino Geronimo Morari Ludovico Cavaccio Trombone and Violin Trombone Giulio Pelini Bernardino Tirabosco Trombone Trombone Trombone Contralto Trombone Bass Trombone Bernardino Tirabosco Bass Trombone Bass Trombone Giulio Cesare Celani Cornetto Giulio Cesare Celani Giuseppe del Bono Cornetto Cornetto Giuseppe Dalmagione Violin/violone Giuseppe Dalmagione Violin/violone 210 Table 3.2 – Basilica expenditures, 1617 and 1618, Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, listed in lire.soldi.denari. Taken from Entrata et Uscita generale, 1617, MIA 1153, ff 384r; and Entrata et Uscita generale, 1618, MIA 1153, ff 471r. 1617 1618 % +/- (approx) Spese della chiesa 5027.15 4945.6 -1.6% Salarie de Sacerdoti 16,054.6 15,456.17 -3.7% Salarie de chierici 3984.6 2110.19 -47% Salarie de musici 5914.9 2772.12 -53% Spese del Predicatore 225.4.6 107.14 -52% The newly pared-down musical ensemble would have been well equipped to handle much of the concertato repertoire emerging from Venice, though Cavaccio was evidently not expecting this new direction, nor did he welcome it. Cavaccio’s acquisition of six printed music partbooks in 1611 suggests repertoire for larger performing forces, as does the music published by Cavaccio himself during the years leading up to the roster cut. On January 1, 1611 Cavaccio added five new collections to the basilica’s musical library, representing new compositions from Brescia, Mantua, Milan, and Orvieto. All of the music-books listed on this document were published in 1610, showing Cavaccio was keeping up to date with the newest publications, but was nonetheless favoring what later scholars consider to be “conservative” books of sacred polychoral music, even if from more adventurous composers like Monteverdi (figure 3.3).55 55 MIA 1538, ff 32r. 211 Figure 3.3 – 1611 document listing five newly acquired music books, plus a trombone and used mouthpiece, signed by Giovanni Cavaccio. MIA 1538 ff 32r. 212 The information provided in documents such as this do not always reveal enough to definitively point to a specific publication or edition; in this case, fortuitously, four of the five books listed offer enough information to identify the specific items with certainty. The one unspecified book was a Milanese multi-composer collection, listed as Il secondo libro dei salmi a8 voci di Illustrissimo Lombardi. The other four I identify as follows: • Gussago, Cesario. Psalmi ad vesperas solemnitatum totius anni octonis vocibus decantandi, una cum litanijs integerrimae ac sacratiss. Virgini Santa Mariae, ac etiam litaniae, B. M. V. una cum Magnificat duodenis vocibus. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1610. • Monteverdi, Claudio. Sanctissimae Virgini Missa senis vocibus ac Vesperae pluribus decantandae, cum nonnullis sacris concentibus, ad Sacella sive Principum Cubicula accommodata. Venetiis: Ricciardum Amadinum, 1610. • Mortaro, Antonio. Primo choro à quattro voci del Secondo Libro delle Messe, Salmi, Magnificat, Canzoni da suonare, & Falsa Bordoni, à XIII. Milano: Tini, Simone, eredi e Filippo Lomazzo, 1610. • Piccioni, Giovanni. Concerti ecclesiastici ... a una, a due, a tre, a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a sette, & a otto voci, con il suo basso seguito per l'organo. Venezia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1610. Cesario Gussago and Antonio Mortaro were both Brescian composers, and Cavaccio maintained a close network with musicians from Brescia, particularly those associated with the cathedral (see Chapter 1). These two books contained music for ensembles of up to twelve and thirteen individual parts. The contents include Magnificat settings, masses, Vespers psalms, and falsobordone. Gussago served as organist at Santa Marie delle Gratie where Pietro Lappi was the maestro di cappella.56 This church, like Santa Maria Maggiore, was a site of Marian devotion built around a venerated image of the Virgin that had come to prominence during the 1452 56 Roche, North Italian Church Music, 23. 213 plague.57 The Mortaro book included falsobordone at the end of the volume, and Cavaccio would publish his own similar work the following year as part of his Messe per i defunti with the same Milanese publishing firm. The polychoral offerings of Piccioni’s Concerti ecclesiastici are modelled after the compositions of the Gabrieli brothers, according to the composer’s prefatory remarks.58 Piccioni was working in Orvieto, but also had been employed as the organist at the cathedral in Gubbio, recently shown to have been one of the neglected centers of cori spezzati development.59 The Monteverdi volume is none other than the so-called Vespers of 1610. It is interesting to see Cavaccio purchase these partbooks hot off the presses, two years before Monteverdi took up the post at San Marco in Venice. While easy to focus on the startling and radical concertato motets in Monteverdi’s 1610 publication, it truly was a malleable collection, much like a large portion of Viadana’s opere. The musical contents were pliable enough to be of use throughout the liturgical calendar year and in many different types of institutions. Decades of scholarship focused on deciphering the specific liturgic context for the unusual program found within. However, the notion of performing an entire publication in one sitting was an alien concept, too often anachronistically superimposed upon early modern publications. Monteverdi’s 1610 Vespers has been codified into a unified “work” today through staged concerts and audio recordings. As such, it is easy to overlook the masses, composed in a high Renaissance idiom closer in style to Palestrina. For a Marian Vespers, the same psalms were sung at all of the feasts: her purification (Feb 2), 57 Stephen D. Bowd, Venice’s Most Loyal City: Civic Identity in Renaissance Brescia, I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 223. 58 The partbook is digitized by Munich BSB: https://nbnresolving.org/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00094140-3. 4 mus.pr. 560. 59 Valerio Morucci, “Reconsidering ‘Cori Spezzati’: A New Source from Central Italy,” Acta Musicologica 85, no. 1 (2013): 21–41. 214 Annunciation (March 25), Visitation (July 2), Our Lady of the Snow (Aug 5), her Assumption (Aug 15), her Nativity (Sept 8), and her Conception (Dec 8). The antiphons varied according to the feast. If Monteverdi was publishing for a practical reason, why would he limit their use to one day? Therefore, he then inserted sacred songs (as is indicated on the title page) to make this collection versatile and useful. One could substitute the appropriate antiphons for the day or use the songs separately. In this sense, it is a collection very much at home with Cavaccio’s expanding library for Santa Maria Maggiore. The fact that Monteverdi’s masses were Marian likely strengthened their cachet within Santa Maria Maggiore. The same document also lists the acquisition of a trombone and a used mouthpiece, for the use of performance in the church.60 I use the term acquisition because no prices are listed in this document, and it also seems the MIA itself owned the musical instruments in cases such as this, seeing as Cavaccio added an addendum at the bottom of the document on September 9, 1616 indicating his return of the instrument and mouthpiece to Marc Antonio Benaglio, an MIA official.61 Giovanni Cavaccio presumably obtained the instrument for use by his son Ludovico Cavaccio, for whom he successfully lobbied a paid position in the chapel in a 1610 letter of request.62 The shift in 1618 was perhaps too drastic and did not sit well with the general population, not to mention the musicians. There was fierce debate over the restructured musical chapel; after 60 “Uno Trombone per sonar in Chiesa con un Bocchetto [mouthpiece] usato.” MIA 1538, ff 32r. “1616 9 settembre ha restituito Il trombon con bocchetto a me m. ant. ben[aglio]… Io Gio. Cavaccio affermo come sopra.” MIA 1538, ff 32r. 62 MIA 1450, ff 458r–v. 61 215 much back and forth, it was decided that four additional singers should be rehired, though at a reduced rate.63 In October 1618 the council noted that, the music needs more reform, as with only four voices and the organists music can be made only with the greatest difficulty . . . Since the desire of the whole city is for the church and choir to be maintained in splendor and with the customary magnificence, it has been decided after much discussion to add four more singers at the lowest possible salary.64 Meanwhile, Cavaccio’s reputation continued to grow, both within and outside the walls of Bergamo, a reputation he was able to leverage into a competing job offer. In a December 1618 letter to the MIA, Cavaccio writes he has been offered the post of maestro di cappella of the Brescia Cathedral, a job he will take unless immediately reinstated at his original salary of 1,000 lire.65 The MIA acquiesced and reinstated Cavaccio’s previous salary, even allowing him to scale back his pedagogical duties, eventually teaching just four boys at his home for an additional stipend.66 The newly reduced musical ensemble forced upon Santa Maria Maggiore’s chapel in 1618 was well equipped to handle a great deal of concertato repertoire, but other than several isolated motets, the above music acquired by Cavaccio in 1611 would have been 63 Minutes and notes from council meetings can be found in the Terminazioni section of the MIA archives: 58 volumes in Armadio LXIII. Due to time constraints, I personally spent very little time in the Terminazioni folders during my three months in the Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai— those documents will be the focus of future research in order to gain a clearer picture of behind the scenes decisions and internal debates surrounding 1617–1619. Meanwhile, I rely on scholarship from Roche and Paduan, both of whom have spent a great deal of time with those documents. 64 MIA 1280, ff 131. This translation by Jerome Roche, “Music at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643,” 304. 65 “Supplico io Gio. Cavaccio…che sicome io son statto inviato per maestro di cappella nella catedrale di Brescia in questi mesi prossimamente passati si come vi è notissimo cosi le vostre sig.rie non hanno voluto ch’io mi si partito dal loro servito con promissione di restituirmi il mio primo salario di lire mille all’anno.” MIA 1451, ff 623r. 66 “L[ire] 36 pagato…insegnar a cantar à 4 scolari per tre mese.” In quarterly installments, this added 144 lire/year to Cavaccio’s salary, plus the wine and grain that students would bring him as an additional stipend. MIA 1153, ff 202r. 216 rendered mostly unplayable after the roster purge. Up until this time, Cavaccio almost exclusively composed large-scale polyphony or five-voice masses and motets in an imitative polyphonic style in line with Orlando di Lasso and his circle, as in the 1611 Messe per i defunti (see Chapter 2). Cavaccio had published no new volumes since 1611 after the blistering pace of his early career while he was still pushing for a better post and salary. The new and uncomfortable position in which he found himself in 1617/18 may have spurred a newly invigorated program of composition, designed for a concertato ensemble. This may explain the striking departure found in Cavaccio’s 1620 Nuovo giardino.67 The Publications of 1620 The only time Cavaccio came close to leaving Bergamo was after the restructured salary of 1618 during the financial crisis. The composer was able to successfully leverage a 1618 job offer from the Brescia Cathedral in order to revert to his original salary. At that time, he had only published two collections of sole-authored collections of music since 1600: The 1605 Hinni correnti and the 1611 Messe per i defunti. Perhaps because of this long period of inactivity, especially when compared to Cavaccio’s early period of compositional productivity, he felt it necessary to produce two new volumes, both published in 1620: Nuovo giardino and Musica concordia concorde.68 Additionally, this chapter has shown how an unexpected restructure of the 67 Giovanni Cavaccio, Nuovo giardino (Venice: Vincenti, 1620). Listed as lost in some catalogues of Cavaccio’s oeuvre, the complete set of partbooks is housed in PL-Kj, Mus. ant. pract. C390. 68 Giovanni Cavaccio, Musica concordia concorde all’armoniosa cetra Davidica de salmi de vespri intieri a quattro voci con l’organo ... opera vigesimaquarta (Venezia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620); and Nuovo giardino di spiritval et harmoniosa ricreatione (Venetia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620). 217 chapel at the end of the 1610s created a need for more newly composed music suitable for smaller ensembles. Both volumes were printed in Venice, and both feature Cavaccio’s status as a member of the Accademia degli elevati on the title page. Nuovo giardino was the first to see light in 1620, the dedication signed by Cavaccio in Bergamo on March 1. Interestingly, Cavaccio signs Musica concordia concorde from Venice, dated November 10, 1620. It is of course possible this was a mistake by the printer, though based on other signatures being quite specific as to the location of author, it does seem Cavaccio occasionally made the trip to Venice as part of the publishing aspect of his career. Nuovo giardino, the first of the two publications of 1620, was almost entirely comprised of one- and two-voice motets, unusual for the bulk of Cavaccio’s opere (see musical examples 2.1 and 2.2 in the previous chapter). The two-voice motets comprise thirty-one out of the fortyone compositions in the volume. These motets are both liturgic and paraliturgical, malleable repertoire for a diverse set of circumstances. The dedicatee of Nuovo giardino was a Bergamasque figure named Sillano Licino. Detailed information on this person remains elusive, though there is at least one other book of music dedicated to Licino—a 1599 lute publication by the Bergamasque composer Giovanni Terzi.69 This was Terzi’s second book of lute intabulations. The first was published in 1593 and both books are bound together in a Sammelband in the Herzog August Bibliothek.70 Terzi’s dedicatees include commonalities with Cavaccio; Terzi’s 1593 publication is dedicated to another Bergamasque figure, the cavalier Bartolomeo Fino, also the dedicatee of Cavaccio’s 1605 Hinni correnti. Terzi includes intabulations of Cavaccio 69 Giovanni Terzi, Il secondo libro de intavolatura di liuto ... nella quale si contengono fantasie, motetti, canzoni, madrigali, pass'e mezi, et balli di varie, et diverse sorti (Venezia, Vincenti, 1599). 70 Giovanni Terzi, Intavolatvra Di Livtto, Accomodata Con Diversi Passaggi per suonar in Concerti a duoi Liutti, & solo (Venezia: Amadino, 1593). D-W, 3 Musica 2°. 218 compositions in both of his lute books, as well: (1593, Ad dominum cum tribularer, a5; 1599, Amarosa fenice, a5). It should also be noted that Licino was the author of the epitaph on Cavaccio’s tombstone.71 Terzo and Cavaccio evidently ran in similar social circles, though the lute seems not to have been favored as a continuo instrument in Santa Maria Maggiore. It is more likely Terzi was part of the private musical life within the noble households of Bergamo, a topic for another project. The lack of definitive sources on Fini and Licino thwart certain inquiries into Cavaccio’s impetus behind these publications, as does the formulaic nature of the dedications themselves. However, both Hinni correnti and Nuovo giardino came at crucial junctures in his career and disproves the notion that Cavaccio was unable (or unwilling) to compose in the newer concertato idiom; rather, he only did so when the financial circumstances of his musical chapel dictated as such. The textual choices, as previously shown, featured local variances of liturgical psalm settings, a move away from the universal and towards the parochial. Other selections include music for use throughout the year, such as the Easter psalm Victime pascali laudes. The collection also features one selection by the composer Giovanni Pasti, O quam suavis for two voices. Pasti is otherwise unknown save for a contribution, alongside Cavaccio, to the 1615 Parnassus musicus Ferdinandaeus. The second publication of 1620, Musica concordia concorde consists of Vespers psalms, almost entirely for four voices and basso per l’organo. One element of new Seicento musical trends to be included in both of these collections is figured bass in the continuo parts. The dedicatee of Musica concordia concorde is the presently unknown figure 71 Biografie di scrittori e artisti musicali bergamaschi nativi od oriundi di Giov. Simone Mayr raccolte e pubblicate con note da Antonio Alessandri: Per le soleni onoranze a Donizetti e Mayr in Bergamo. Settembre 1875. Con aggiunta degli scrittori musicali bergamaschi del P. Vaerini (Bergamo: Pagnoncelli, 1875), 146. 219 Cavaliere Girolamo Roncali. One possible connection is to Giovanni Domenico Roncalli, who came from a Bergamasque family, and became a knight of Venice, living in Rovigo, eventually serving as ambassador to Venice. This would be Cavaccio’s penultimate collection of music, the final being Sudori musicali, a collection of keyboard canzoni published shortly before his death in 1626.72 Certain selections are stylistically akin to the paired-voice imitation of the 1580s and 1590s, as in the opening to the four-voiced Domine ad adjuvandum (musical ex. 3.1). However, solo voices emerge from the thicker texture in a number of instances, a marked shift from several decades earlier when equal-voiced polyphony dominated the texture throughout. There is very little chromaticism, and when there is, it is approached carefully as part of a modal shift, avoiding dissonant intervals in the counterpoint. Full breves on the text Sicut erat in principio are an indication for potential organ improvisation. (For a full edition of this piece, see Appendix 5.) In previous years, cornetto, trombones, and stringed instruments might have joined the singers, though the new cappella comprising four singers and two instrumentalists could still have performed this motet without further accompaniment. This likely was the impetus behind Cavaccio’s decision to compose it for four voices and organ. Dixit Dominus, another four-voiced motet in Musica concordia concorde, shows that those who survived the roster purge were highly skilled singers. These were Alfonso Cani 72 This publication, Cavaccio’s final one at age 70, includes his entire extant output for keyboard. The title page indicated these are new settings, revised by the composer himself, of works that had previously been published for instruments. The source in question is the 1597 Musica…ove si contegono due fantasie. However, many of these had new sections added for the keyboard version, including an a8 canzona for two organs. See J. Evan Kreider, “The Keyboard Parody Canzonas by Giovanni Cavaccio in ‘Sudori Musicali’ (Venice: 1626),” Musica Disciplina 33 (1979): 139–47. 220 (soprano), the Andrea Camerata (contr’alto), Giacomo Cornolto (tenor and vice maestro di cappella) and Pietro Valcarenzo (bass). Stylistically, it is quite dissimilar from Domine ad adjuvandum and features quick, virtuosic runs and flourishes often in rapid, closely imitative patterns (musical ex. 3.2). This would take a high level of coordination and skill to successfully execute. Additionally, Cavaccio is able to incorporate the antiphonal aesthetic by alternating between rapid figures in counterpoint, and full, homophonic falsobordone followed by a solo bass voice (musical ex. 3.3). Cavaccio incorporates antiphonal polyphony at the stylistic core of the particular brand of polychoral composition so favored in Bergamo, even without the performing forces at hand to which the composer was accustomed. This is a novel and creative economy of motion, creating a large, concerted effect with only four voices at his disposal. This of course cannot be called cori spezzati, as that is a term necessitating a specific scoring incorporating two or more choirs of voices. For the Bergamasque listener, however, it would closely resemble the familiar sound of two choirs interacting with one another. The entire motet continues in this manner and the bass singer receives the majority of moments reserved for the solo voice. Viewed in the context of the crisis surrounding 1620 and the reduced expenditure for the musical chapel, these two publications can be seen as a local reaction to crisis. (Full edited score of Dixit Dominus in Appendix 6.) 221 Musical Example 3.1 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Domine ad adjuvandum, from Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620).
     


     
 
                                                                                                                                                                                                  
                                             
           
               
   
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                                                                                                                                            223 Musical Example 3.2 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Dixit Dominus, from Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620).
    
  
                         
 
 
          
         
 
 
    
               

                                                    
                   
          
                 
                          
                 

                              
        
            
    
                     224 Musical Example 3.3 – Giovanni Cavaccio, Dixit Dominus, from Musica concordia concorde (Venice, 1620).

 
           
   
      
   
            
                 
     
   
  
                     
 
     
    
        
  
         
      
                   
  
 
                  
                  
     
     
                  
          
    
                    
           
                   


         
              
          225 A Chierico’s Plea and the 1622 Food Shortage By 1621, the MIA had fully reversed course, paying nearly 7,000 lire/year for sixteen full-time musicians: six instrumentalists and ten singers.73 This was an even higher operating budget than before the 1618 cuts. The food economy was extremely susceptible to weather fluctuation in the form of either too much or too little rain. Starting in 1622, one year after the restoration of Santa Maria Maggiore’s chapel, food shortages beleaguered Bergamo, leading to increased petitions to the MIA for both pay-raises and help in the form of household staples. It was not uncommon for citizens of Bergamo from all walks of life to seek support from the MIA, the main source of charity in the city. However, the petitions certainly increase surrounding food shortages. In a 1622 letter to the MIA council, Bernardino Rossi writes that he has been singing soprano in Santa Maria Maggiore for two years without a salary (figure 3.4).74 Rossi, like many of the singers who sang daily, was a chierico on the ecclesiastic payroll. According to the Grande dizionaro della lingua italiano, a chierico at this time meant a young person who is preparing for priesthood and has already worn the habit; essentially, a seminary student.75 The MIA founded the Accademia dei chierici in 1566, modelled in many ways on its grammar school in operation since 1506, albeit with a more religiously orthodox structure in line with Tridentine edicts of reform.76 Applicants had to be at least twelve years old—though they could be older— and the MIA demanded an eight-year commitment for any enrollee.77 The MIA supported the 73 MIA 1154, ff 145r. “Un’anno per secondo soprano…un’altro anno per soprano primero senza alcuno salario.” MIA 1452, ff 41r. 75 The 21-volume dictionary is an indispensable source for discovering changing, nuanced definitions of Italian words at specific times in history. 76 Christopher Carlsmith, A Renaissance Education: Schooling in Bergamo and the Venetian Republic, 1500–1650 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 110. 77 Carlsmith, 111–12. 74 226 chierici in the form of housing, food, haircuts, and education but the program suffered from mismanagement, financial struggles, and student disobedience. A new Accademia dei chierici was formed in 1617, and this is where Bernardo Rossi, our letter writer, would have been trained. The academy was designed for sixty students, twenty of whom were designated as chierici and served on a weekly basis in Santa Maria Maggiore in exchange for a salary of 20 lire, six bushels of grain, and two vats of wine.78 Many of the students came from less privileged families and were often attending the MIA’s academy on a scholarship. Since the fourteenth century, the MIA distributed a fixed amount of scholarship money to a limited number of students who met their criteria; for other poverty-stricken students, the MIA allocated limited amounts of food, money, clothing, etc. as deemed necessary upon request.79 Unlike the first academy, however, the MIA indicated a distinct preference for more “noble” students in the restructured Accademia dei chierici. According to Christopher Carlsmith, this underscored a larger supraregional trend towards aristocratization, imitating the Colleges of Nobles established in Milan and Parma.80 However, letters such as Rossi’s indicate that a number of less-wealthy families still managed to send their children to the MIA’s academies. The chierico Rossi was initially awarded payment in the form of one year’s housing in exchange for his services as a vocalist. Rossi’s talents as a soprano allowed him to move from the second soprano role to the first. While all chierici received musical instruction, Rossi’s role as soprano primiero indicates an aboveaverage talent. The challenges brought on by food shortages and the ensuing price hikes likely spurred him to finally write to the MIA. In his plea, Rossi urges the MIA to consider his talent 78 Carlsmith, 135. For a detailed account on the origin, history, and implementation of the MIA’s scholarship system, see Carlsmith, 79–87. On the Accademia dei chierici in particular, see 110–22. 80 Carlsmith, 136. 79 227 and conduct in their determination of a salary, rather than the individual needs brought on by the external crisis (see transcription below). For its part, the MIA seems to have made efforts to support, or at least placate, these requests when need was justified. In this case, the ledger books show Rossi receiving an additional 84 lire the following year for his singing, a significant increase from the twenty lire he received as a chierico.81 The archival records are unclear about Bernardino Rossi’s ensuing musical career. Cavaccio would often pay unnamed chierici for special events and providing supplemental forces on days requiring large numbers of musicians and it is impossible to know the specific singers’ names. The only other record of Bernardino Rossi is a payment of 14 lire for singing a solo role inside Santa Maria Maggiore on an undefined day in 1628.82 81 82 MIA 1154, ff 145r. MIA 1155, ff 357r. 228 Figure 3.4 - 1622 letter from Bernardino Rossi to the MIA. MIA 1154, ff 145r. Transcription and translation below 229 Sono due anni che io Bernardino Rossi chierico servo per cantor soprano nella nobilissima chiesa di S. Maria senza alcuno stipendio et se bene per vigor della mia condotta fatta dell VVSS[vostre signorie] a dì 12 Aprile 1619 io doveva esser pagalogia un’anno con quel salario che fosse passo à questo Mag[nifi]co Conseglio: tuttavia sapendo che presso alla prudenza loro ha maggior forza il continuato, et riverente servigio, che l’importuna domanda dopo l'haver servito un’anno per secondo soprano, ho servito ancora un’altro anno per soprano primiero senza alcun salario. Hora continuando pure la mia servitù in tempo che ella più che mai è necessaria. come è ben noto alle VVSS le supplico a determinarmi conveniente salario conforme alla detta condota con haver riguardo non meno al mio vigente bisogno, che alla servita che io presto. Et le faccio humilissima riverenza. -Bernardino Rossi I, the chierico Bernardino Rossi, have served as a soprano for two years in the most noble church of S. Maria [Maggiore] without any salary; and on the strength of my conduct, your Lordships determined, on April 12, 1619 that I would receive a salary in the form of one year’s lodging, and that this was considered a step by this magnificent council: however, knowing that while your prudence [recognizes] the greater advantage of my continued and reverent service, the importunate question arises, that after having served for one year as second soprano, I served yet another year as first soprano without an additional salary. Nevertheless, continuing to lend my service, a time when it is more necessary than ever, as your lordships well know, I beg you to determine a suitable salary for me in accordance with my conduct [and behavior according the regulations set forth for singers in the church], and with no less regards to my urgent need, than for the service which I provide. And I make the humblest reverence to you. -Bernardino Rossi. The 1629 Crisis Procession and Civic Identity The large, festive musical event for the 1629 Assumption took place just two months after the June crisis procession discussed in this chapter’s opening. If the timing seems inappropriate for lavish spending, the calendric realties of these two events stipulated an elaborate musical celebration for the feast of the Assumption every August. Much like how the sounds of bells served as temporal markers in the daily life of an early modern Italian citizen, the 230 calendric rituals and celebrations served as temporal markers on a macro scale. In the words of Edward Muir, Calendric rites ease the transition from scarcity to plenty, as at harvest feasts, or from plenty to scarcity, when winter hardships are magically anticipated. Calendrical rites are thus buffers against the potential of chaos; with these rites the superior claims of group over individual interests are emphasized, and the cohesiveness of society is, in theory, reinforced. If life crisis rites define the idiosyncratic, the personal, and the biological, then in contrast calendric rites proclaim the communal, the universal, and the eternal.83 The feast of 1629, in particular, not only marked a transition from scarcity to plenty, but from starvation to survival. Remi Chiu’s investigation into procession music during times of plague, famine, and pestilence offers insight into the sound of this June 9, 1629 event in Bergamo. On the first pestilential procession in 590 with Pope Gregory I, Chiu writes, As he headed the trains of suffering Romans, Gregory carried an image of Mary, purportedly made by St. Luke himself. At once, the sacred image cleansed the surrounding air of infection as it moved through the city. The voices of angels were heard around the image singing the Marian antiphon Regina coeli Laetare alleluia / Quia quem meruisti portare alleluia / Resurrexit sicut dixit alleluia, to which Gregory responded, “Ora pro nobis Deum rogamus, alleluia.”84 According to Benaglio’s account of the crisis procession in Bergamo, the route began inside the cathedral, moved outside and into the city streets, stopping in various churches along the way, and ended at the entrance to Santa Maria Maggiore. The standard procession formula in the postTridentine catholic world was an antiphon, versicle and response, then a collect (oratio).85 For Venetians—and Venetian subjects—who preferred Marian devotion for crisis processions, they 83 Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 75–76. 84 Remi Chiu, “Music for the Times of Pestilence, 1420–1600” (PhD diss., McGill University, 2012), 178. Chiu’s dissertation led to an excellent monograph, cited below, though the dissertation’s temporal range extends more so into the time period I focus on for this chapter. 85 John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy: From the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 127. 231 ended with a Salve Regina. One such example for use in Bergamo is the Salve Regina in Cavaccio’s Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611), the final motet in the collection, scored for five voices with no continuo, a perfect ensemble for a procession pausing at the entrance of the basilica. Particularly on days of special petition, such as the so-called crisis procession, litanies to the saints were sung in the streets. Chiu refers to these as the iconic sound of these public devotions, the term litany itself serving as synecdoche for the procession.86 The Greater Litany was associated with April 25, the old pagan day for blessing the growing crops, and as such was particularly appropriate during a procession for famine.87 These were solemn events, not meant for spectatorship. Participation was total, and if one was not taking part, the expectation would be to remain sequestered away from view. This attempt at totality was an aggregate act of civic cooperation and gave the impression of a shared communal goal.88 An example of the musical litany of the saints is Cavaccio’s Litanie…a doi chori (1587) (figures 3.5 and 3.6).89 Rather than a sole dedicatee, this collection is dedicated to the city’s confraternities. The number of specific names of MIA officials in this dedication is striking, as well as a reference to the year in which the MIA was founded. This is not only a complimentary musical praise to the MIA, the employers Cavaccio was actively courting at the time, but also a dedication to the city of Bergamo itself, as evidenced in including the bishop in the list of 86 Remi Chiu, Plague and Music in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 103. 87 Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy, 137. 88 C. Clifford Flanigan, “The Moving Subject: Medieval Liturgical Processions in Semiotic and Cultural Perspective” in Moving Subjects: Processional Performance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Wim Hüsken (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2001), 39. 89 Giovanni Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi con Pange lingua a doi chori (Venice: Gardano, 1587). The partbooks do not survive in complete specimen, but several remain intact in Milan’s Verdi Conservatory of Music library (I-Mc). 232 dedicatees. Additionally, Cavaccio’s litany draws from a specifically Bergamasque version of the traditional text. Figure 3.5 – Title page, Giovanni Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi (Venice: Gardano, 1587). I-Mc. 233 Figure 3.6 – Cavaccio, Litanie in doi modi, opening musical page of the sole surviving partbook. I-Mc. 234 One of the oldest liturgical offices in the Roman Catholic tradition, only minor additions have been made in over one thousand years, and the insertion of local saints was forbidden to prevent deviation from the norm, even before the push towards universal practice in the post-Tridentine era of reform. Nonetheless, Bergamo has always held fast to local variations independent from episcopal oversight, as previously shown, and there was significant deletion and insertion of local saints in the Bergamasque litany, as discussed by Gary Towne in his exploration of Gaspar de Albertis’ funerary works.90 Remi Chiu argues the litany was, on account of its very structure, the perfect musical tool against the communal scourge of plague and famine. The complete meaning of the litany prayer emerges in performance only through the coordinated participation of a penitential community—the call has to be met by a response, so every member of procession becomes indispensable to the success of the ritual. Moreover, the dynamic litany sends an audible pulse through the marching group and provides an ambulatory rhythm that unites the participants. At the same time, the call-and-response nature of this processional music articulates the difference in rank between the leaders and the followers, the clergy and the laity; each was held apart, and each had a distinct role to play. Weaving back and forth, the litany acts as a sonic suture that holds together the entire processional body.91 Even if the Cavaccio examples were not the exact musical selections heard on June 9, 1629, pairing the composer’s published litanies with the Salve Regina setting provides an auditory sample of what the soundscape of procession may have been. Besides the Salve Regina, the three other Marian antiphons that would have been appropriate were Alma redemptoris mater, Ave regina caelorum, and Regina caeli. 90 Gary Towne, “Memorial for a Mysterious Matron: The Funeral Cycle of Gaspar de Albertis,” in Sleuthing the Muse: Essays in Honor of William F. Prizer (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2012). 91 Chiu, “Music for the Times of Pestilence,” 187. 235 The decision to have the procession culminate at Santa Maria Maggiore—and to display the sacraments there for ten days—speaks to the basilica’s status as a symbol of communal unity. Edward Muir speaks of the city as made up of a mosaic of overlapping sacred and secular spaces that might imbue civic ritual with hidden meaning.92 There is no better example than the piazza in front of Santa Maria Maggiore in Bergamo, a space shared not only by the cathedral directly next door, but also the town hall. To add to this crowded ideological space is the Colleoni chapel, violently forced upon Santa Maria Maggiore’s façade itself in a direct act of political aggression, as argued by art historian Giles Knox (figure 3.7).93 Built as a personal funerary chapel to the Venetian condottiere Bartolomeo Colleoni in the late fifteenth century, Knox concludes the chapel expressed a visual representation of Colleoni’s political ideology, one that contrasted with Santa Maria Maggiore’s program of communal harmony. Colleoni’s was an ideal vision of “the signoria as a state ruled by a virtuous individual, as opposed to the by now defunct, but historically idealized communal form of government that once predominated in Bergamo.”94 Santa Maria Maggiore and the Colleoni chapel shared a wall but remained administratively separate. The basilica and the cathedral shared a piazza but remained ecclesiastically independent. In fact, the MIA had the basilica’s baptistry demolished and rebuilt outside the basilica solely to limit the bishop’s access to the church interior. A procession aiming to unify the population needed to navigate through the complicated urban space that conjoined the 92 Edward Muir, “The Virgin on the Street Corner: The Place of the Sacred in Italian Cities,” in Religion and Culture in the Renaissance and Reformation (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1989), 25–40. 93 Giles Knox, “The Colleoni Chapel in Bergamo and the Politics of Urban Space,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60, no. 3 (September 2001): 290–309. 94 Knox, “The Colleoni Chapel,” 292. 236 cathedral, the civic town hall, the Colleoni chapel, and of course, Santa Maria Maggiore (figure 3.8). Figure 3.7 – Entrance to Santa Maria Maggiore on the left, the Colleoni chapel to the right. Photo by author. 237 Figure 3.8 – Bird’s eye view of cathedral, basilica, and surroundings. According to plan of early modern Bergamo: 1) Cathedral San Vincenzo; 2) Santa Maria Maggiore; 3) Colleoni chapel; 4) town hall. Image source: Google Earth. Conclusion Cavaccio, having been intricately involved with logistics surrounding the Assumption for forty-four years, passed away four days before the 1626 feast, and his death must have caused considerable logistical challenges. Giacomo Cornolto, a tenor and vice maestro di cappella stepped in and was reimbursed 70 lire for hiring the necessary musicians and managing the 238 musical portion of the feast.95 Cornolto was rewarded by the MIA for his emergency work and was named temporary maestro di cappella through March 1627, earning a small bonus while waiting for Alessandro Grandi to arrive, whose reputation was such that he was offered the post without an in-person audition.96 The 1629 Assumption, now led by Grandi, once again shows the importance of this day in spite of turmoil, this time in the form of the famine. There were twentyeight singers, two cornetti, two violins, violone piccolo and violone basso, bassoon, chitarrone, four organs, and two maestri conducting, totaling forty musicians at 200 lire, the largest amount yet spent on any Assumption feast.97 It took an event of biblical proportion—a plague—to finally damper the Assumption festivities, but even that could not cease musical activity entirely; one imagines the town in even more dire need of spiritual support during such a horrific time. The first hint of the plague shows up in the archives in April of 1630 when someone writes to the MIA and mentions questi cosi calamitosi tempi.98 The author of this letter requests some grain and a little money, mentioning many others will soon be in need. Grandi would write the same month, stating his request to continue in his position, though at a higher salary owing to his large family.99 Unfortunately, the plague claimed Grandi’s life sometime between June and August of 1630, as well as nearly all of the musicians in Santa Maria Maggiore. Only four instrumentalists and three singers would survive the year.100 Fermo Bresciano—a bass singer serving at the basilica since 1614—was 95 MIA 1155, ff 228r. MIA 1155, ff 228r. The phrase they use is senza concerto. 97 MIA 1391, ff 591. 98 MIA 1452, ff 639r. 99 MIA 1452, ff 646r. 100 Benedetto Fontana, organ; the Moresco brothers, viole and violino; Giulio Cesare Celani, cornetto; Gaspare Corsini, Alto; Antonio Lameri, Soprano; and Girolamo Rossi, unspecified voice type. 96 239 appointed as interim maestro di cappella, as the festivities surrounding major Marian feast days were too important to cease.101 In fact, considerable expense was lavished upon the 1630 Assumption. A receipt shows that fourteen musicians were hired for the August 15 musical ceremonies at a cost of 108 lire.102 While nearly half of the amount spent for the lavish 1629 Assumption, this was still a major expense amid the most devastating and deadly crisis seen in centuries. The writer of this Spese is in an unfamiliar hand, and this scribe was less forthcoming with details regarding musician names, instead simply writing instrument or voice type, or the city from which they originated. What is clear is that nine singers were hired, as well as one cornetto, violin, violone, chitarrone, and the Santa Maria Maggiore organist Benedetto Fontana. Given the difficulty in locating competent and healthy musicians, regional networks were exploited. One of the singers was simply named “Geronimo from Brescia,” and there was an unnamed alto singer only designated by his Venetian origin. Bressiano was rewarded with 16 lire for putting the ad hoc ensemble together.103 While it is unlikely any large-scale cori spezzati repertoire would have been performed, this size of ensemble allows for a large array of possibilities. One can imagine the intense poignancy of a musical plea to Mary at this time, especially as many of the familiar musicians, some of whom had been performing at this feast for over three decades, were sadly absent.104 101 MIA 1391, ff 604. This Spese is found in MIA 1391, ff 12r. 103 MIA 1391, ff 12r. 104 Apart from Alessandro Grandi, members of the chapel who presumably died during the 1630 plague includ Giacomo Brignolo, organist since before 1601; Giacomo Grandi, Alessandro’s son and a soprano; Alessandro Perona, an alto and tenor singer since 1621; Andrea Camerata, alto singer since before 1601; Pietro Valcarenzo, bass singer since 1616; Marc Osio, bass singer since 1627, but active during feast days since the 1590s; Paolo Chiesa, alto singer since 1626; Batistsa Troni, newly acquired singer in 1630; Giovanni Battista Carrara, violinist since 1628; Giovanni Antonio Leporatti, trombonist since 1619; and Gerolamo Morari, violinist and trombonist since before 1601. 102 240 Examining the MIA’s response to turbulence in the 1620s—especially how it guided and shaped the course of musical life in Santa Maria Maggiore—not only offers a microhistory of one institution in one town, but underscores the interconnected networks that ran under the surface, and how decisions made in council chambers from Venice to Graz had ripple effects, determining for how many voices a composer in a fortress town on the edge of an empire chose to write. 241 Epilogue – Singing from the Balcony: Civic Music During the 2020 Covid-19 Crisis At the time of this writing, April 2020, the world is grappling with the global Covid-19 pandemic. My place of residence, Chicago, IL, is under a shelter-in-place order from our Governor and Mayor, while Italy is on nationwide mandatory lockdown. Italy’s crisis has been particularly devastating, with Bergamo at the epicenter of the European outbreak. Italy’s lockdown began with several towns in Lombardy and the Veneto going under quarantine on February 23, 2020. On March 8, all of Lombardy and the Veneto went under quarantine, extending nationwide the following day. As of April 2, the lockdown has no end in sight, neither here in Chicago nor in Italy. Numbers and facts change daily, but the situation in Bergamo is particularly grim and doctors and nurses are forced to make the unimaginable choice of deciding which patients to treat given the limited resources of an overwhelmed system. During the plague outbreaks in the late medieval and early modern periods, quarantine orders from temporal officials were sometimes ignored by ecclesiastic bodies in order to conduct the processions and community-wide religious pleas for healing. Knowledge of modern epidemiology advises against such large gatherings, yet Italians have shown during the current crisis, much like the Seicento as shown in this chapter, the spiritual need for communal contact through music is a powerful tool, even an essential need. As videos of Italians singing and playing instruments from their balconies began to sweep through social media, I was struck by the civic nature of the chosen melodies. Whereas my neighborhood of Rogers Park in Chicago attempted a Billy Joel singalong through Facebook invite that was poorly attended, residents of Siena began an impromptu moonlit singalong across empty streets of Il canto della Verbena, a folk song with uncertain origins but certainly at least a few centuries old, traditionally sung by members of a 242 contrada, districts set up in the Middle Ages to supply troops. Also known as “While Siena Sleeps,” it has become, in modern times, the unofficial anthem of Siena. Amazingly, the singers employ falsobordone, the same basic improvised harmonization technique that would have been used by singers in a Bergamo procession ca.1629 (link to video in footnote).105 The Siena video is but one example, and many of the viral clips exhibit explicitly local expression of civic identity. In Milan, one popular video showed a trumpeter regaling his neighbors with a textless Oh mia bèla Madunina, another unofficial city anthem.106 The song was written in 1934 by Giovanni D'Anzi and the “little Madonna” referred to in the title is the one on the spire of the Duomo. While a lovely melody for those viewing from around the world, this is a deeply impactful, explicitly local expression of communal identity with implied textual knowledge in the ears of the trumpeter’s Milanese neighbors. The above examples are of old melodies typically sung at football games in modern Italy. In the context of the current health crisis, the melodies accrue new meaning and serve to unite and to feed the soul, shown once again to be equally important to that of bodily necessities. 105 Kate Ng, “Coronavirus: Deserted Italian street rings out with song as people lean out of windows to sing together during lockdown,” The Independent March 13, 2020. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/coronavirus-italy-siena-song-canto-dellaverbena-video-lockdown-a9399176.html, accessed April 2, 2020. 106 “Coronavirus, a Milano un trombettista commuove i vicini con ‘O mia bela Madunina.’” VIDEO,” Sky tg24 March 14, 2020. https://tg24.sky.it/milano/2020/03/14/coronavirus-flashmob-milano.html, accessed April 2, 2020. 243 CHAPTER 4 VENICE WITHOUT VENICE: TRACES OF ITALIAN PRINTED MUSIC IN GERMAN MANUSCRIPTS DURING THE THIRTY YEARS WAR The Context and Influence of Lodovico Viadana’s Cento concerti ecclesiastici Printed music before 1600 rarely included detailed information for the reader. Customarily, prefatory material in music published during this era relied on rather formulaic and acclamatory prose addressed to a patron or public figure. Within this context, Lodovico Viadana’s lengthy preface to his 1602 Cento concerti ecclesiastici stands out as something relatively novel (figure 4.1).1 The composer includes extraordinarily specific details regarding performance, instrumentation, and the desired effect of his concerti. Among other details, the preface includes the first didactic passages on performing the new Italian basso continuo. The years around 1600 are considered to be a watershed in the history of Western music largely owing to publications such as this, as well as Giulio Caccini’s 1602 Le nuove musiche and its prefatory essay.2 Marked by a turn from cori spezzati scoring, Viadana’s Cento concerti consisted of small-scale motets for one to four voices with basso continuo. It is difficult to 1 Lodovico Viadana, Cento concerti ecclesiastici, a una, a due, & a quattro voci. Con il basso continuo per sonar nell’organo (Venetia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1602). The volume underwent numerous reprints in multiple cities, but the only complete specimen of the original 1602 printing of which I am aware is held by the Biblioteka Jagiellońska in Krakow: PL-Kj, Mus.ant.pract. V 485. 2 Giulio Caccini, Le nuove musiche (Firenze: Marescotti, 1602). 244 Figure 4.1 – Title page, Lodovico Viadana, Cento concerti ecclesiastici (Venice: Vincenti, 1602). PL-Kj, Mus.ant.pract. V 485. 245 overstate the influence and importance of Viadana’s collection, along with his 1607 Concerti ecclesiastici, also for one to four voices with basso continuo.3 These publications would find especially fertile ground in German-speaking lands; of the composer’s twenty-seven publications of music (published between 1588–1619), fourteen of them saw multiple editions.4 Cento concerti and Concerti ecclesiastici went through seven and eight editions respectively, a prodigious number compared to most contemporaneous examples. Viadana was published in Germany as early as 1609 by Nicolaus Stein’s publishing house in Frankfurt am Main.5 Stein’s 1613 reprint of Cento concerti included a German translation of Viadana’s lengthy preface to the performer. Stein embellished it somewhat, adding that Viadana was the inventor of the basso continuo, an erroneous attribution that persisted in music scholarship until the twentieth century.6 Venetian printers dominated the international music market (albeit with hefty competition from Antwerp, Lyon, and Paris) and it was not at all uncommon for composers from across the Italian peninsula to seek out one of Venice’s presses to distribute their work.7 The physical material then spread in all directions thanks to the printed book trade and found footholds in German-speaking lands partially through the Frankfurt book fair.8 Commonly, a number of 3 Lodovico Viadana, Concerti ecclesiastici a una, a due, & a qauttro voci, con il basso continuo per sonar nell’organo (Venetia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1607). 4 I rely on full subsequent publication details of Viadana’s oeuvre from Appendix I in, Federico Mompellio, Lodovico Viadana; Musicista fra due secoli, XVI–XVII, Historiae musicae cultores biblioteca 23 (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1967), 105–173. Mompellio’s comprehensive appendix catalogues contemporary library holdings, as well, and is often a more reliable source for the later Viadana reprintings than RISM. 5 Lodovico Viadana, Centum concertum ecclesiasticorum (Frankfurt: N. Stein, 1609). 6 Paul Henry Lang refers to Viadana’s Cento concerti ecclesiastici as the first publication to include thorough bass, in Music in Western Civilization (New York: W.W. Norton, 1941), 358. 7 For more on the Venetian music presses, see Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). 8 Stephen Rose, “The Mechanisms of the Music Trade in Central Germany, 1600–40,” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 130, no. 1 (2005): 1–37. 246 Italian prints were bound together and sold in pre-packaged bundles (Sämmelbände). As Peter Wollny observes, this aspect of the music-book trade is difficult to research, since very little information is available regarding professional music dealers working with Italian prints in Germany.9 An inventory of items purchased by the Frankfurt Kapellmeister Johann Andreas Herbst is a rare example of surviving evidence of the repertoire available during these book fairs.10 Herbst is credited for introducing the concertato style to various German cities. Among the Italian music prints purchased by Herbst in 1625 are composers that feature heavily in the following discussion of German manuscripts: Giovanni Priuli, Leone Leoni, Giovanni Gabrieli, Pietro Lappi, Giovanni Croce, Alessandro Grandi, Giacomo Finetti, Antonio Cifra, Gabriele Fattorini, Adriano Banchieri, Giovanni Valentini, and Giovanni Cavaccio. The numbers of Venetian prints were so vast that emerging musical stylistic trends came to be associated specifically with the city of Venice, regardless of any specific composer’s origin or place of employment. In fact, among the composers within Herbst’s purchase of Venetian prints, only Gabrieli, Grandi, and Croce were directly associated with the city. Further cementing the association of the concertato motet with the city were writings of Venetians such as Giovanni Bassano and Girolamo Dalla Casa, and Venetian composers would continue to develop the concertato motet to a high level in the coming years, namely Monteverdi and Grandi.11 The 9 Peter Wollny, “The Distribution and Reception of Claudio Monteverdi’s Music in SeventeenthCentury Germany,” in Claudio Monteverdi und die Folgen: Bericht über das internationale Symposium Detmold 1993 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1998), 53. Wollny cites here a 1653 catalogue published by the music shop of Paul Parstorffer in Munich. 10 Caroline Valentin, Geschichte der Musik in Frankfurt am Main vom Anfanges des XIV. bis zum Anfanged des XVIII. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt am Main: K. Th. Völckers Verlag, 1906), 263–66. My thanks to Dr. Kertig-Meuleman, a librarian at the Goethe Universitäts bibliothek in Frankfurt am Main for bringing this source to my attention while examining one such Sammelband: D-F, Mus 55. 11 Jerome Roche, North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 49. 247 German reprints of Viadana’s Cento concerti played an outsized role in the dissemination of the genre beyond the borders of the Venetian Republic. Through this publication, first printed in Venice by Giacomo Vincenti, what came to be thought of as a distinctly Venetian style spread both north and south of the Alps. And yet, Viadana himself was never active in Venice. How did this composer become representative of a Venetian musical ethos without attaining any post within La Serenissima? 1600 has come to signify a radical musical transformation for good reason. The first works later considered to be operas were performed in Florence in the 1590s. Monody was popularized, and there was the rise of the basso continuo, one of the principal features of Baroque compositional and performance practice. To modern minds it would appear to have burst forth distinctly around the year 1600, largely thanks to the publication dates of massively popular and influential printed collections of music, such as the aforementioned Caccini and Viadana prints. However, these trends had been developing for decades. As Viadana states in his preface to Cento concerti, the motets were designed to cater to the specific needs he encountered for years in the churches and chapels of Rome. Viadana was an itinerant cleric-musician, after all. Having worked at posts in Mantua, Cremona, Padua, Rome, Concordia Saggitaria, Fano, and Gualtieri, he was writing music that was utilitarian, practical, and curated for a variety of realistic circumstances found in these sacred institutions.12 The nearest Viadana came to Venice was his position in Concordia Saggitaria Cathedral, from 1608 to 1609. At these various locations, he encountered a lack of readily available music that was both of a high artistic level and affordable to produce on a daily basis. It was not every church that had the resources—both economic and 12 Lacunae in the sources make reconstructing Viadana’s biography rather difficult. The best source for biographical information on Viadana, as well as a detailed account of his twentyseven publications remains, Mompellio, Lodovico Viadana; Musicista fra due secoli. 248 personnel—to perform the expensive cori spezzati repertoire in the manner of Venice’s San Marco or Bergamo’s Santa Maria Maggiore. Even San Marco reserved this opulent display for special occasions, and we have seen it was limited to around thirty-four days per year in Bergamo. It is clear that Viadana was not a revolutionary composer looking to shatter the status quo; rather, he was offering a solution to the predicament of small churches with small choirs unable to perform large-scale polyphony, a pragmatic stylistic shift that was readily adopted in German-speaking lands amid economic and social turbulence brought on by the Thirty Years War, which depleted the coffers of German churches. The circulation of Italian prints and foreign reprints allowed these innovations to spread more quickly than would have been possible in previous decades. In this way, Viadana emerged as an example of a composer responsible for spreading a Venetian musical ethos without any specific association to the city; indeed, I suggests printers and scribes would often rely on the musical reputation of certain Venetian printing houses to broadcast the quality of their goods, whether or not the product itself was “Venetian” in any real sense. Part commodification, part fetishization, this phenomenon may be termed a musical “Venice without Venice.” Viadana’s influence north of the Alps, and the introduction of the concertato motet into German-speaking lands motet through agents such as Heinrich Schütz is well documented; further elucidation here is unnecessary.13 However, tracing this development invariably leads to 13 There is an extensive bibliography on the subject, but I would especially recommend the following selections: Denis Arnold, “The Second Venetian Visit of Heinrich Schütz,” The Musical Quarterly 71, no. 3 (1985): 359–74; Anthony F. Carver, The Development of Sacred Polychoral Music to the Time of Schütz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Alfred Einstein, “Italienische Musik und Italienische Musiker am Kaiserhof und an den Erzherzoglichen Höfen in Innsbruck und Graz,” Studien Zur Musikwissenschaft 1 (January 1934): 3–52; Hellmut Federhofer, “Graz Court Musicians and Their Contributions to the ‘Parnassus Musicus Ferdinandaeus’ (1615),” Musica Disciplina 9 (1955): 167–244; Metoda Kokole, “Venetian Influence on the Production of Early Baroque Monodic Motets in the Inner-Austrian Provinces,” 249 questions surrounding music printing and publishing. Considering the large quantity of scholarship on early modern printed music and the history of the book, there remain a surprising number of fundamental questions without satisfactory answers. How did printing allow music and ideas to reach interlocutors beyond the immediate academic, intellectual, civic, regional, and performative contexts in which they emerged? Who “read” and collected such texts in the early modern period both in Italy and beyond? What criteria guided their acquisitions? Under what kinds of circumstances did composers decide to have their works printed? Fundamentally, how were music prints used? The musicologist most adroitly addressing these questions is Kate van Orden, principally in her most recent monograph Materialities: Books, Readers, and the Chanson in Sixteenth-Century Europe.14 For van Orden, an investigation into book history includes manuscript cultures, very much alive for musicians and differentiated from the model of a singular print culture developed by Elizabeth Eisenstein in her influential monograph, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change (1979).15 Harold Love’s The Culture and Commerce of Texts, for example, includes a sustained discussion of scribal publication of music for viol Musica e Storia 8, no. 2 (December 2000): 477–507; Aleksandra Patalas and Marina Toffetti, eds., La musica policorale in Italia (Venezia: Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2012); Jerome Roche, “What Schütz Learnt from Grandi in 1629,” The Musical Times 113, no. 1557 (November 1972): 1074–75; Roche, “‘Aus Den Berühmbsten Italiänischen Autoribus’: Dissemination North of the Alps of the Early Baroque Italian Sacred Repertory Through Published Anthologies and Reprints,” in Claudio Monteverdi und die Folgen: Bericht über das internationale Symposium Detmold 1993 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1998). Finally, see also Parnassus Musicus Ferdinandaeus, devoted to one of the most significant collections of small-scale motets from the first decades of the seventeenth century, edited by Metoda Kokole in De musica disserenda 13, vol. 1–2 (Ljubljana: Institute of Musicology, 2017). 14 Kate van Orden, Music, Authorship, and the Book in the First Century of Print (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014); and Materialities: Books, Readers, and the Chanson in Sixteenth-Century Europe, The New Cultural History of Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 15 Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, 2 vols., Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). 250 consort, serving as a reminder that musicians continued to rely on handwritten dissemination in the era of print.16 Kate van Orden correctly points out that print and manuscript cultures have been, for too long, anachronistically separated.17 Inspired by van Orden’s nuanced and comprehensive examination of the material aspects of sixteenth-century books of French chansons, I consider the contents and materiality of several fragments of manuscript music partbooks housed at the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, originating from churches in Helmstedt and Magdeburg from approximately 1616 to 1638.18 I also trace the printed sources of selections from Italian composers to better understand the mediation and dissemination of Italian music north of the Alps in the early seventeenth century. The results of this investigation exhibit an increasing dependence on printed Italian musical sources as well as the rise of Venetian musical products as commodifiable objects in the marketplace, relying both on German-edited multi-composer collections and Venetiansourced volumes. However, two of the featured “Venetian” composers in these documents had little to do with the city of Venice; the aforementioned Viadana and the Austrian-born, Regensburg-trained, Ljubljana-based composer, Isaac Posch. Through print and manuscript networks, this style was internalized and imitated by composers such as Posch and copied by scribes in lower Saxony for performance in church. One manuscript featuring both Viadana and Posch was deliberately designed to look and feel like a printed music book, physically removing a frontispiece from a prominent Venetian printing house and pasting it into the manuscript with a handwritten border, a purposeful act of signposting, flagging the manuscript’s musical content as 16 Harold Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts: Scribal Publication in SeventeenthCentury England (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993): 23–31. 17 van Orden, Materialities, 25. 18 The three manuscripts are housed at the Bibliotheka Augusta: D-W, Cod. Guelf. 322–324 Mus. Hdschr. 251 a Venetian cultural product. Studying the manuscripts chronologically, one can see in action the massive compositional changes that burst forth after 1600, starting with equal-voiced FrancoFlemish polyphony, moving to a cori spezzati scoring of eight voices in two choirs, and finally a manuscript of mostly small-scale concertato motets with connections to the Thirty Years War. Both the frontispiece and the printed source material of the music within this final source epitomize Italian influence north of the Alps. Through print and circulation, these examples represent a newly possible mode of musical mediation—Venice without Venice. Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr. – Magdeburg, ca.1616 In the early modern period, music was not customarily displayed in scores that put all of the parts together, but in small individual partbooks with each voice or instrument printed separately from the others. Each musician used the partbook for his or her own voice or instrument with no conductor.19 One such collection of manuscripts in Wolfenbüttel consists of three surviving partbooks (CAB) from Magdeburg and were originally bound with the 1602 Opus melicum by Friedrich Weißensee, a German composer and Protestant minister who served as Kantor of the notable grammar school at Magdeburg and whose previous professors included Martin Agricola and Gallus Dressler. Dating the manuscript is difficult, though it is important to address possible errors in previous attempts to do so. The Herzog August Bibliothek’s records estimate the manuscript dates ca.1602–1605, and the RISM entry lists a 1605 date.20 RISM supposedly relies on the Herzog August Bibliothek records and there is scant scholarship on this 19 For a longer, nuanced description of how early modern partbooks were formatted and produced, see especially Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice, 29–72. 20 RISM ID no.: 451510074. 252 particular manuscript, Daniela Garbe’s two-volume collection on the repertoire for St. Stephanie in Helmstedt a notable and important exception.21 The manuscript certainly was produced no earlier than 1602, as this was the when Weißensee’s Opus melicum was printed.22 Garbe lists 1602–1605 as the probable date of the manuscript, as well. I am unable to parse out the particular reasoning behind an assertation of ca.1605, other than the internal Wolfenbüttel records. Although the contents largely point to late sixteenth-century sources containing works by Orlando di Lasso, Hans Leo Hassler, and Dressler, there are also three motets by Heinrich Grimm, who succeeded Weißensee for his Magdeburg post. Grimm was born in 1592/93 and it is highly improbable that a ten-year-old Grimm was behind the six and eight voice motets, Wie schön leuchtet der Morgenstern and Jauchzet dem Herren alle Welt.23 Grimm studied at the University in Helmstedt before attaining the position of Kantor at Magdeburg’s Altstädtischen Gymnasium in 1616 or 1617. Grimm had not yet achieved a high enough profile through print circulation to warrant inclusion in a manuscript such as this, one compiled from various printed material copied by one or more scribes.24 Grimm began studies with Michael Praetorius in Wolfenbüttel before entering Helmstedt University in 1609, and likely concluded his studies there in mid 1610s; the Magdeburg position was his first official post.25 Therefore, I propose 21 Daniela Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani Zu Helmstedt: Ein Bestand an Drucken Und Handschriften Des 17. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung 33 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998). 22 Friedrich Weissensee, Opus Melicum (Magdeburg: Andreas Seydner, 1602). 23 My thanks to Benjamin Dobbs for pointing to Grimm’s presence as a reason to question the RISM ascertained date of the manuscript. 24 An initial analysis of the scribal hand in these Wolfenbüttel manuscripts suggest two scribes: one for German-texted compositions, and another for Latin-texted ones. 25 Benjamin Dobbs, “A Seventeenth-Century Musiklehrbuch in Context: Heinrich Baryphonus and Heinrich Grimm’s Pleiades Musicae” (PhD diss., University of North Texas, 2015), 29–30. 253 1616, the year in which Grimm succeeded Weißensee in Magdeburg, as the earliest date Cod. Guelf. 322 could have been compiled. The partbooks of Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr. are in a choirbook format, with pages and notes large enough to be seen by a number of singers at one time [8.5 x 30 cm]. The contents are intriguing because Weißensee—the compiler of Opus melicum, originally bound to the manuscript—was a significant Protestant composer and Magdeburg was a noted center of antiCatholic sentiment. The music, however, is largely Catholic in origin with sizable contributions from Orlando di Lasso, a major Counter-Reformation figure in music. The repertoire is mostly liturgical, consisting of either the Ordinary of the mass or Vespers psalms and their antiphons. The opening of this collection follows the sequence of the Tridentine liturgical calendar year and begins with Lasso’s Missa entre vous filles. While the majority of the works are settings of Latin text, there are German language motets, as well, and the manuscript contains music by Protestant composers such as Praetorius and Melchior Vulpius, in addition to Grimm. In the late 1610s, Praetorius spent time in Magdeburg, working with Heinrich Schütz and Samuel Scheidt in efforts to revise sacred musical practices along more Italianate lines.26 It is possible Cod. Guelf. 322 was compiled as part of this effort, especially as Grimm was a former pupil of Praetorius and would have been amenable to the musical agenda of Scheidt and Schütz. Regardless of confessional origin, the musical style is similar throughout and the newest trends from early seventeenthcentury Florence and Venice have yet to be felt here. The manuscript includes 116 indexed works for four-to-eight voices, largely in a late sixteenth-century idiom of Franco-Flemish polyphony, with a smaller number of Italianate polychoral compositions (figure 4.2). Following the indexed contents are twenty-three additional works in a different scribal hand, likely added at 26 Dobbs, “A Seventeenth-Century Musiklehrbuch in Context,” 30. 254 a later date. The few Italian composers are not representative of new trends in Italianate music, but rather the aforementioned lingua-franca of the Western musical world during the late Renaissance. Palestrina and Vincenzo Ruffo are each represented by one motet, and there are masses by Luca Marenzio, Giovanni Gastoldi, and Vincenzo Ruffo. Figure 4.2 – Index, Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. Consisting of eighteen works, the large number of compositions by Lasso is hardly surprising. The Munich-based composer was one of the most famous and influential musicians in 255 Europe at the end of the sixteenth century, alongside Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina and Tomás Luis de Victoria. Lasso’s music was widely published and disseminated, not only in Venice, but in Munich, Antwerp, Lyons, and Nürnberg, to name just a few locations. Most of the contents in this manuscript—including the compositions by Italian composers—can be traced to German printed sources, though there is at least one Italian source. The single Palestrina motet is Viri Galilei for six voices, liturgically the first antiphon at second Vespers of Ascension. It originates from a book of motets published in Rome in 1569, reprinted in Venice in 1579, 1586, 1590, and 1600.27 To the best of my knowledge, there is no German source for the motet, so one of these Venetian editions was likely the source for the scribe of Cod. Guelf. 322. This manuscript source differs slightly from the 1579 edition by Gardano in the notation of the breves; the pitches are accurate, though a number of the longer rests are notated differently, plus there is some additional inconsistency in the accidental markings.28 There are enough of these small differences that the 1579 edition may be removed from consideration as a potential print source for the Magdeburg scribe. Conversely, it does follow the 1586 edition perfectly, printed in Venice by the Scotto press, which points to a conclusion this was the edition used by the Magdeburg scribe (compare figures 4.3 and 4.4).29 Comparing the two, even the stem directions match precisely. It also suggests that Venetian prints were more readily available than Roman ones in and around Magdeburg. 27 Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Liber primus ... mottettorum, quae partim quinis, partim senis, partim septenis vocibus concinantur (Roma: gli eredi di Valerio & Aloysio Dorico, 1569). 28 Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Motectorum, qvae partim Qvinis, Partim Senis, Partim Septenis vocibus concinantur (Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1579). 29 Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Motectorum, qvae partim Qvinis, Partim Senis, Partim Septenis vocibus concinantur (Venezia: erede di Girolamo Scotto, 1586). 256 Figure 4.3 – Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Viri Galilei, in Mottettorum, quae partim quinis, partim senis, partim septenis vocibus concinantur (Venice: Scotto, 1586). Source: gallica.bnf.fr. 257 Figure 4.4 – Palestrina, Viri Galilei, no.51 in Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. Apart from Palestrina, this manuscript includes works by several other Italian composers: Ruffo, Marenzio, Gastoldi, and one piece by Viadana. An antiphon for Mary Magdalene composed by Ruffo was first included in a collection of masses printed in Venice, 1574, another publication closely aligned to the Catholic Reformation.30 The copy held by the Newberry Library in Chicago shows that there are far too many inconsistencies for it to have been the source for the Magdeburg scribe.31 The antiphon is also found in a collection of mostly Italian composers, printed in Nürnberg in 1588 and was far more likely to have been circulating in 30 Vincenzo Ruffo, Il quarto libro di messe a sei voci ... piene d’inusitata dolcezza, composte ultimamente con arte meravigliosa, conforme al decreto del... Concilio di Trento fra le quali e una de morti con la sua sequenza (Venezia: Scotto, 1574). 31 US-Cn, Case minus VM 2011 .R92m. 258 Magdeburg.32 Ruffo (d.1587) held posts at the cathedrals in Verona and Milan and his style is representative of post-Tridentine reform, especially through his connection to the influential Archbishop Carlo Borromeo during the composer’s tenure at the Milan Cathedral from 1563 to 1572.33 The two Gastoldi motets were translated into German (Jesu wollst uns weisen, and In dir ist Freude). Gastoldi was based in Mantua but found immense popularity during his lifetime in the printed music market north of the Alps. His Balletti a cinque voci (Venice: Amadino, 1591) was reprinted thirty times, both in Venice and in Germany.34 Particularly successful in the German market was his Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia, settings of psalm texts, reprinted as late as 1705.35 Underscoring the popularity of this collection is the fact that no extant German translation exists in print; the scribe of Cod. Guelf. 322 evidently translated them or was working from a translated copy that had circulated in manuscript. Rather than a typical textual underlay connecting each syllable to a specific note, three German verses are written below the music at the bottom of the page, supporting a theory of translation from Latin to German without special thought to textual-musical synchronization. Print sources from the other selections remain elusive and the Marenzio masses appear to be unique sources, with no extant concordance. The one selection by Lodovico Viadana is a four-voice motet, [J]am de somno in quo tam diu, originally included in the 1602 Cento concerti. The Viadana motet is part of the material grouped near the end of the manuscript, presumably added at a later date given the change in 32 Franz Xavier Haberl, A. Lagerberg, and C.F. Pohl, Bibliographe der Musik-Sammelwerke des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts, ed. Robert Eitner (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1963), 210–11. 33 See, Lewis Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo (Wien: Universal Edition, 1970). 34 Denis Arnold and Iain Fenlon, “Gastoldi, Giovanni Giacomo,” GMO. 35 “Gastoldi, Giovanni Giacomo,” GMO. 259 scribal hand, the penultimate selection preceding an anonymous mass. Only the bass voice part survives. One possible source may have been Stein’s 1620 edition which included an abridged selection of sixty-nine of Viadana’s original ninety-six motets.36 The edition formerly belonged to George Rudolf of Liegnitz, creator of the Biblioteca Rudolphina.37 During this time, he met Schütz, who dedicated to George Rudolf his Cantiones sacrae. This underscores the scope of Viadana’s reach and influence into German-speaking lands well into the seventeenth century. The Italian-sourced additions to Cod. Guelf. 322. were from composers who had gained a foothold in the northern market for printed music, though almost entirely through editions of Italian music collected by German editors and printed for a German audience. Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. – Helmstedt, ca.1618–20 Examining the repertoire found in Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. reveals cori spezzati music and appears to be a repository for the repertoire at St. Stephanie (Stephanikirche) in Helmstedt. The church was consecrated in 1300 as a successor to the one destroyed in the same place, and from 1556 to 1703 served as the chapel for the University of Helmstedt. The first Protestant sermon of the Lutheran doctrine took place in the Stephanikirche in 1530 by the pastor Heinrich Wende, who was expelled a short time later by the ducal sovereign from the city.38 The compiling of this manuscript took place during a time when the church served as the University 36 Viadana, Sacorum contertuum…da Lodovico Viadana (Francoforti: Nicolai Steinius, 1620). A surviving copy of this edition is housed in the Biblioteka Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk in Legnica, Poland. PL-LEtpn, [Libr. Mus.] 104, [Rud.] 5234. 37 Aniela Kolbuszewska, Katalog Zbiorów Muzycznych Legnickiej Biblioteki Księcia Jerzego Rudolfa “Bibliotheca Rudolphina” (Legnica: Legnickie Towarzystwo Muzyczne, 1992), no. 232. 38 Hans Erhard Müller, Helmstedt – Die Geschichte einer deutschen Stadt (Helmstedt: Eigenverlag, 2004), 105. 260 chapel; in 1620, the approximate date of the manuscript, Helmstedt University was the third largest in German-speaking lands, with around five hundred students admitted annually.39 Within a few years, however, the ravages of the Thirty Years War would reach Helmstedt, and a plague in 1625 killed around one-third of the city’s population leading to a complete cessation of activity at the University. Ignoring these events for now and focusing on the year 1620, we can see an example of the musical repertoire chosen to sustain the University’s religious life before the encroachment of war and disease. There is a departure from the equal-voiced polyphony emblematic of the Franco-Flemish tradition as seen in the previously discussed manuscript. Cod. Guelf. 324 is representative of an adoption of northern Italian stylistic traits, particularly cori spezzati, a scoring that maintained a strong connection with San Marco in Venice, namely through print circulation and the introduction of Venetian prints to the German market through the Frankfurt book fair where the products of Venetian music printing houses were reified as superior objects. Designated book fairs were held twice yearly at both Frankfurt and Leipzig, attracting sellers and buyers from all over Europe.40 The book fairs were particularly active in the first two decades of the 1600s, when the catalogues list more books than in any other period before the 1760s.41 While not always easy to trace individual titles to their eventual homes, Stephen Rose’s study on the music trade through German book fairs sheds light on the method in which Italian prints circulated north of the Alps, and can explain how Michael Praetorius had so much printed material from Venice in his possession as sources from which to draw for his Syntagma musicum. Rose writes, 39 Wilhelm Havemann, Geschichte der Lande Braunschweig und Lüneburg, vol. 3 (Göttingen: Dieterichschen Buchhandlung, 1857), 36. 40 Rose, “The Mechanisms of the Music Trade in Central Germany, 1600–40,” 5. 41 Rose, 5. 261 In earlier decades Augsburg had a greater role in the import of Italian music, as can be seen from the seven extant catalogues issued by Caspar Flurschütz, dating from between 1613 and 1628. These mainly list partbooks from Venice, although other Italian cities are represented (Florence, Milan, Rome) and the later catalogues have an increasing number of editions from German cities such as Dillingen, Munich and Wolfenbüttel. The copy of the 1615 catalogue is heavily annotated and bears Michael Praetorius's initials on its title-page. He perhaps used it to research Italian music and gain bibliographical information for his musical encyclopaedia, Syntagma musicum (Wolfenbüttel, 1614–19); but his copy also shows how musicians in northern Germany could order Italian partbooks from bookdealers in southern German lands.42 Cod. Guelf. 324 consists of three surviving partbooks (TAB), all incomplete, plus loose sheets from a fourth missing partbook. There are approximately 522 compositions indexed, compiled during the first half of the seventeenth century, my best guess ca.1618–20. Composers are almost never mentioned, although the authorship of most of the pieces have been ascertained.43 The vast majority of composers in this collection are German-speaking, especially Melchior Vulpius, Praetorius, and Grimm. Vulpius is not well-known today but was considered one of the most important composers of Protestant hymn tunes in Germany during his day, with nearly two hundred motets and some four hundred hymns to his credit.44 The small performing forces required as well as their brevity made Vulpius’ hymns ideal for publication in small volumes and were probably intended for liturgical performance alongside a sermon.45 Praetorius was working in Wolfenbüttel and was arguably the most versatile and wide-ranging German composer of his generation. His three-volume Syntagma musicum remains a crucially significant source of information regarding instruments, theoretical thought, performance practice, and reception. Grimm, as previously stated, was once a pupil of Praetorius and studied at the 42 Rose, 13. Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani Zu Helmstedt. 44 Werner Braun, “Vulpius, Fuchs, Melchior,” MGG. 45 Janette Tilley, “Learning from Lazarus: The Seventeenth-Century Lutheran Art of Dying,” Early Music History 28 (2009): 150. 43 262 University in Helmstedt, where this manuscript was copied. Volume three of the Syntagma musicum is full of references to Italy, Italians, the Italian language, and many aspects of Italian poetry, literature, and music.46 Among the 108 Italian composers mentioned by Praetorius, special praise is reserved for Viadana, who is mentioned at the beginning of the treatise as the inventor of the genre of the small-scale motet with basso continuo, as well as being among those who use the term concerto to designate sacred vocal compositions with few voices and continuo. Praetorius was able to make use of the book fairs and bring Italian music to him, rather than make the trip to Venice as did his colleague Schütz. Viadana’s outsized role in the German print markets and circulation networks had an impact on Praetorius, as much of the directions used in Syntagma musicum for the performance of cori spezzati came directly from Viadana’s own prefatory essay printed in Salmi a quattro chori (Venice: 1612).47 The peak of development of cori spezzati was in the late 1580s and 1590s while Giovanni Gabrieli was organist and maestro di cappella at San Marco in Venice.48 The idiom was well known in Germany from the time of Orlando di Lassus and was galvanized by a number of Andrea Gabrieli’s pupils, of whom the most distinguished was Hans Leo Hassler, who has ten compositions in Cod. Guelf. 324. The manuscript is a perfect time capsule for this short period in early seventeenth-century Germany before the Thirty Years War ravaged the region. Italian composers are not well represented here, but there are single motets by Viadana, Gabriele Fattorini, and Giovanni Bassano, and two by Ruggiero Giovannelli. Although only five items in 46 A recent article by Marina Toffetti is devoted to Praetorius’s Italian references, and she counts at least 137. “Italian Musical Culture and Terminology in the Third Volume of Michael Praetorius’s Syntagma Musicum (1619),” De Musica Disserenda 15, no. 1–2 (2019): 71–103. 47 Peter Holman, “A Title Page of Michael Praetorius,” De Musica Disserenda 15, no. 1–2 (2019): 14. 48 For more on the early development of this repetoire, see especially Carver, Cori Spezzati. 263 a very large collection, examining these pieces and their concordance reveals the primary form of dissemination of Italian sacred music in Germany at this time. Rather than through singlecomposer Venetian prints, these compositions were edited and printed in Germany in large, multi-authored collections representing composers from both sides of the Alps. Giovannelli was active in the post-Tridentine reform of the Gradual in Rome. Jubilate Deo, one of his two motets included in Cod. Guelf. 324 was first printed in a diverse author collection in Rome in 1592.49 It was reprinted in Germany in 1603 and was arranged for keyboard in a number of German sources, as well.50 Giovannelli, possibly a student of Palestrina, was frequently reprinted both in Italy and abroad perhaps because of his post as maestro di cappella at the Collegio Germanico in Rome from 1591 to 1594. German clerics frequently came to study there and the institution maintained a rich musical tradition, Tomás Luis de Victoria among the most admired of its former maestri. The other Giovannelli motet in Cod. Guelf. 324, Laudate Dominum in sanctis ejus was included in a 1603 collection printed in Leipzig: Florilegium Selectissimarum.51 This was part of a series, Florilegium Portense and was a project of German Kantor Erhard Bodenschatz. The collection was intended to illustrate the practice of vocal music at Schulpforta, a school located in a former Cistercian monastery near Naumburg on the Saale River, and provides a valuable cross-section of the German and Italian motet in the early seventeenth century.52 The anthology favors German composers, including Hassler, 49 Psalmi motecta, magnificat, et antiphona, salve regina (Roma: Franciscum Coattinum, 1592). See Eitner, Bibliographe Der Musik-Sammelwerke Des XVI. Und XVII. Jahrhunderts, no. 1603. 51 Florilegium selectissimarum Cantiunum praestantissimorum aetatis nostrae autorum, 4. 5. 6. 7. & 8. Vocum…Collectum & editum Studio ac labore M. Erhardi Bodenschatz (Lipsiæ: Abraham Lamberg, 1603). 52 Otto Riemer and Clytus Gottwald, “Bodenschatz,” GMO. The GMO entry states further, “Notwithstanding the predominance of Latin motets and the absence of chorale variations, it affords a clear view of the compositional activity of the early 17th-century German Kantor.” 50 264 Praetorius, Vulpius, and many others though a selection of Italian composers was included, as well.53 Bodenschatz released multiple editions of Florilegium Selectissimarum in which he added new works. The 1617 printing includes four added compositions that were included in the manuscript Cod. Guelf. 324.54 One of the new motets included in a 1618 edition was Repleator Os Meum for eight voices by Gabrielle Fattorini, also included in the manuscript for Helmstedt.55 It appears multiple editions of the first part of Florilegium Selectissimarum were sources for the Helmstedt scribe of Cod. Guelf. 324. Unlike the German focus of the first part, the second part of Florilegium Portense from 1621 emphasizes Italian composers, Giovanni Gabrieli and Viadana among them. The complete absence of any motets from the 1621 collection coupled with the inclusion of selections from multiple previous editions leads me to date the manuscript ca.1618– 20. 53 The following composers are included: B. Ammon, G. Bassano, M. Bischoff, E. Bodenschatz (2), G. Boschetti, S. Calvisius (7), S. Cantone, P. Dulichius, C. Erbach (6), G. Eremita, A. Fabritius (5), A. Gabrieli (3), G. Gabrieli (2), R. Giovanelli, J. Handl (19), H. L. Hassler (3), V. Haussmann, M. A. Ingegneri, O. Lassus (9), L. Marenzio, T. Massaino (2), J. Meiland, A. Neander, A. Orologio, D. Phinot, H. Praetorius (6), S. Venturi, F. Weissensee, P. Zallamella, Anon. (7). 54 Promptuarii musici sacras harmonias V. VI. VII. & VIII. vocum, e diversis, clarissimis huius & superioris aetatis authoribus in Germania nusquam editis (Argentinae: Typis Anthonij Bertrami; sumptibus Pauli Ledertz, 1617). US-Cn Case M2083.P76 1617. The four compositions included in Cod. Guelf. 324 from this edition include: Iacobus Gallus, Dominus Jesus in qua nocte; and three Anonymous works, Audite me divini fructus, Laudate nomen domini, and Jubilate Deo. 55 The British Library record is, GB-Lbl B.67b. Composers included in this 1618 reprint: B. Ammon, G. Bassano, A. Berger (3), F. Bianciardi, M. Bischoff, E. Bodenschatz (2), G. Boschetti, S. Calvisius (2), S. Cantone, C. Demantius, P. Dulichius, C. Erbach (5), G. Eremita, A. Fabritius (5), G. Fattorini, M. Franck, A. Gabrieli (3), G. Gabrieli (3), R. Giovanelli, J. Gross, A. Gumpeltzhaimer, J. Handl (19), H. Hartmann, H. L. Hassler (3), V. Hausmann, M. A. Ingegneri, O. Lassus (9), L. Marenzio, T. Massaino (2), J. Meiland, C. Merulo, Moritz von Hessen, A. Neander, A. Orologio, A. Pevernage, D. Phinot, H. Praetorius (9), M. Praetorius (2), M. Roth, H. Steuccius, S. Venturi, L. Viadana, G. Vincent, M. Vulpius (3), C. T. Walliser (3), F. Weissensee, P. Zallamella, W. Zangius (2), Anon. (8). 265 Another Italian motet found in this manuscript is by the composer Giovanni Bassano, Dic nobis Maria for six voices. Giovanni was part of the Venetian branch of the famous Bassano family of musicians with Jewish origins, some of whom emigrated to England and made their name as royal consort musicians and instrument makers.56 Giovanni Bassano was part of the doge’s personal piffaro ensemble in Venice and published an influential treatise on wind playing.57 The motet in question, Dic nobis Maria, was printed in a collection of motets for fiveto-twelve voices in 1598.58 It is improbable the Helmstedt scribe selected this motet directly from Bassano’s publication; rather, the piece is additionally found in a 1600 collection, printed in Nürnberg.59 The question remains, why was this specific motet selected above others from Bassano’s original publication for inclusion in the Nürnberg edition? The answer lies in the cross-confessional possibilities of the text. Bassano, like Giovannelli and a number of the other Italian composers represented in these manuscripts, was active in the musical CounterReformation. It is curious that so many works by Catholic composers were compiled for use in German Protestant settings, yet the determination of what works to include and exclude shows a careful consideration of cross-confessional potential for specific Latin-texted selections. Dic nobis Maria is a sequence liturgically prescribed for both the Roman Catholic mass and the Protestant Eucharists of Easter Sunday. This is taken from Victimae Paschali Laudes, which is one of four medieval sequences preserved in the 1570 Missale Romanum and thus had a place in both a post-Tridentine Catholic service, as well as a Lutheran one. Looking to Bassano’s 1598 56 See David Lasocki and Roger Prior, The Bassanos: Venetian Musicians and Instrument Makers in England, 1531–1665 (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1995). 57 Giovanni Bassano, Ricercate, passaggi et cadentie per potersi esercitar nel diminuir terminatamente con ogni sorte d’istrumento (Venetia: Amadino, 1585). 58 Giovanni Bassano, Motetti per concerti ecclesiastici, 5–8, 12vv (Venezia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1598). 59 Sacarem symphoniarum continuatio (Noribergæ: Paul Kaufmann, 1600). 266 Venetian print, the selection following Dic nobis Maria is the Magnificat antiphon Gabriel Angelus locutus est Mariae, sung at Vespers of the Annunciation feast. Textual selections so closely associated to Catholic Marian devotion were generally avoided by editors selecting Italian-sourced music for a Protestant/Lutheran audience. The decision behind which of the Catholic-sourced Latin texts to include was calculated and deliberate, and Dic nobis Maria is an example of an amenable, cross-confessional possibility. Figure 4.5 – Title page, Promptuarii musici sacras harmonias sive motetas (Argentinæ [Strasbourg]: Pauli Ledertz, 1611). Munich BSB, 4 Mus.pr. 450-1/4: urn:nbn:de:bvb:12bsb00077792-3. 267 The one Viadana motet in this manuscript, Hodie nobis, can be found in the first volume of a four-part anthology of motets, Promptuarium musicum, edited by Abraham Schadaeus (figure 4.5).60 The anthology comprises works for five-to-eight voices and no fewer than thirtysix of its composers were leading exponents of cori spezzati publications in Italy. That the texts are entirely in Latin also reflects the Italianate orientation of the anthology; German-language motets, which have some place in the Florilegium Portense are entirely absent.61 This is not the only source to include this specific Viadana motet, though I am convinced it was present in Helmstedt and was the source for the scribe of this manuscript. The most decisive clue is the adjustment to black-note notation during two short triple-time sections of the music (note nere) (figure 4.6). There are different ways to indicate this in early modern notation, though this is a less commonly seen choice. A few pages later, the scribe notates an identical musical shift to triple time with open note-heads, the more frequently employed notation for such a musical shift (figures 4.7 and 4.8). Utilizing individual works such as Hodie nobis that appear in multiple editions each with their own notational idiosyncrasies, details such as this help confirm the existence and use of certain partbooks, as well as the one-time location of at least one copy. This evidence is especially helpful as so few early modern partbooks survive in complete specimen. First edition pressruns for partbooks and choirbooks generally averaged around five hundred.62 Survival rates for these items are extremely low, as can be deduced form van Orden’s table of print-runs and extant copies.63 60 Promptuarii musici sacras harmonias V. VI. VII. & VIII. vocum, e diversis, clarissimis huius & superioris aetatis authoribus in Germania nusquam editis (Argentinae: Pauli Ledertz, 1611). 61 Otto Reimer, “Abraham Schadaeus,” GMO. 62 van Orden, Materialities, 92. 63 van Orden, Materialities, 93–94. 268 Figure 4.6 – Note nere notation from print to manuscript. Left: Viadana, Hodie nobis, in Promptuarii musici. Munich BSB. 4 Mus.pr. 450-1/4, Tenor, XVIII, urn:nbn:de:bvb:12bsb00077792-3. Right: Viadana, Hodie nobis, no. 216 in Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. The paucity of surviving contracts and ledgers from Venetian music printing houses makes it extremely difficult to say with certainty how many copies of any Venetian print ever existed, let alone more specific information regarding the impetus behind the inception and subsequent circulation and use of said musical objects.64 Additionally, as many frustrated scholars of early modern printed music are aware, certain complete specimens can only be pieced together by 64 There are fewer than a dozen references to size of print runs in sixteenth-century Venice, the undisputed center of the music printing industry. For an example of one of the very few surviving contracts from the Scotto printing house, see Richard J. Agee, “A Venetian Music Printing Contract and Edition Size in the Sixteenth Century,” Studi Musicali 15 (1986): 59–65. 269 visiting multiple libraries and archives in several countries, if at all: an alto partbook in Bologna, a bassus partbook in Vienna, etc. Figure 4.7 – Detail, note nere notation in triple time. Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr., no. 216, Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. Figure 4.8 – Detail, open note notation in triple time. Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr., no. 283, Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. There is one sole surviving partbook from the 1598 edition of Viadana’s Motecta festorum. an alto partbook located in Rome’s Palazzo Doria Pamphilj archive, the earliest source 270 for Hodie nobis.65 It was published when Viadana was still active at the Mantua Cathedral and the dedication is to a Ferrarese religious figure and patron of the arts, Cardinal Petro Aldobrandini. The cardinal purchased the Palazzo Doria Pamphilj in 1601, answering questions about the provenance of Viadana’s Motecta festorum, as musical material is not well represented among the Pamphilj’s archival holdings. The music is mostly for eight parts, with one ten-voice and one twelve-voice composition. Hodie nobis, a responsory at Matins on Christmas Day, is the first motet in the collection and this may have been reason enough for Schadaeus to select this for inclusion in his 1611 Promptuarium musicum. A close comparison reveals that Schadaeus is faithful to the Venetian print, and the Helmstedt scribe copied it exactly, as well. This includes the note nere selection, so this choice can be traced to back Viadana, or at least to the Amadino printing house. Focusing solely on the musical notes, the scribe could have used the Venetian print or the Schadaeus edition; however, after carefully examining the textual underlay it is clear the Helmstedt scribe relied solely on the Schadaeus. For example, the 1598 Viadana prints the abbreviated text underlay, Hodie nobis coelorú, whereas the 1611 Schadaeus spells out Hodie nobis cælorum. The manuscript follows the latter. Schadaeus prints “ditto” signs when there is a repeated text (e.g. Jubilantes cantabimus), as does the manuscript. However, in the 1598 Amadino printing, the full text is printed regardless of repetition. There also seems to be disagreement in where the ‘sto’ of ‘Christo’ is placed, at the end of the first triple time section. It looks to be incorrect in the manuscript as compared to the Viadana print, and this error can be traced to Schadaeus. He attempted to accurately split ‘Chri-sto,’ though it is placed too far to the 65 Ludovivi Viadanæ, Motecta festorum totivs anni actonis vocibus (Venetijs: Ricciardum Amadinum, 1598). I-Rdp, Musica 3. My gratitude to Dottoressa Alessandro Mercanti, director of the Doria Pamphilj archives, for her flexibility with my abridged time in Rome and allowing me to consult this material. 271 left in the 1611 print, so one can forgive the scribe for this copying error. Cumulatively, there is enough evidence to say with certainty the Helmstedt scribe relied on the 1611 Schadaeus and that Schadaeus in turn relied on the Amadino printing of Viadana’s Motecta festorum. The dissemination of musical material is thusly traced from Mantua à Venice à Nürnberg à Helmstedt à Wolfenbüttel. Hodie nobis represents a rare example of unambiguous evidence of circulation and transmission, from a 1598 Venetian edition, to the 1611 Nürnberg collection, to the Helmstedt manuscript currently housed at the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel. Through the Wolfenbüttel manuscripts, tracing printed sources of manuscripts emerges as a valuable tool for understanding the circulation of early modern music. Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. – Halberstadt, 1638 A third Wolfenbüttel manuscript is also from Halberstadt, compiled in 1638, of which only the bassus partbook survives. This is fortuitous, because a full index was occasionally found only in the bassus partbook, as is the case here. This particular partbook includes 130 pieces to have included the bass voice, while the full index lists 221 compositions and their composers, information that would have been lost save for the index (the full 221-work index is reproduced in Appendix 7). Compared to the previous two manuscripts, there is a sudden and drastic shift in contents, with the vast majority consisting of motets in the newer concertato style (figure 4.9). Notably, there are a large number of solo motets, which was one of the most radical developments at the turn of the century.66 More than half of the contents are for fewer than four voices (table 4.1). The concertato motet drew from the madrigal, a massively popular secular 66 Roche, North Italian Church Music in the age of Monteverdi, 56. 272 genre, in that the meaning of the text had to be reflected in the music. This heightened personal expression was realized predominantly in works for solo voice.67 Including the anonymous works, there are twenty-nine different composers represented, seven Italianate and twenty-one Germanic. The texts are written both in Latin and German, for one-to-eight voices with basso continuo. There are also several examples of obbligato instrumental music, another recent compositional development. Two composers in particular represent Venetian musical transmission without the benefit of Venetians or Venice as an interlocutor—Lodovico Viadana and Isaac Posch. Viadana is well represented with twenty-four individual works in the manuscript, but not all of these originated from the two volumes mentioned above, Cento concerti and Concerti ecclesiastici (table 4.2). The main impetus behind publishing, as explained by Viadana, was to provide suitable sacred music for smaller ensembles. Much of the reason this caught on so strongly in Germany was that these performing forces so well suited the needs of impoverished German chapels. This new way of writing sacred music for one or two voices with continuo was widely imitated. In Italy between 1602–1630, around 150 collections of concertato motets were issued from various publishing houses.68 Composers active around Venice were particularly proficient and developed the style to a high degree, particularly Claudio Monteverdi and Alessandro Grandi—both of whom are represented in Cod. Guelf. 323—cementing abroad the association of this idiom to Venice. One such composer outside of Venice to be influenced by these developments was the Austrian born, Regensburg trained Posch, who settled in what is 67 Metoda Kokole, Isaac Posch: “Didtus Eois Hesperiisque Plagis” - Praised in the Lands of Dawn and Sunset (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2009), 183. 68 Kokole, Isaac Posch, 184. 273 now Slovenia. As far as we know, he never made the relatively short trip to Venice, yet his three published collections display strong Venetian influence. Figure 4.9 – First page of the index, listing motets for solo voice. Cod. Guelf 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. 274 Table 4.1 – Frequency of motets in Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. by number of voices. 1 voice 58 2 voice 51 3 voice 41 4 voice 30 5 voice 11 6 voice 12 7 voice 13 8 voice 5 Table 4.2 - Composers represented in Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. and number of compositions. Grimm Scheidt Viadana Anon/doubtful/illegible Schein Schütz Posch Hammerschmidt Praetorius Finetti Monteverdi Crause Lappi Ohmen Franck Vulpius Selich Weber Movius Dilliger Crüger Mezzegori 48 26 24 23 21 19 7 7 5 4 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 275 Ufferer Baryphonus Körner Selle Donati Zangius Heinne 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Posch’s closest friends, his printers, and his patrons were all Protestant. Metoda Kokole has unearthed convincing evidence for performance of these concertato motets in Protestant noble homes.69 This all serves to fundamentally challenge our understanding of Protestant musical practice in early seventeenth-century Catholic territories. Posch could be a fascinating and fruitful point of reference and framework for a larger study on Protestant musical practices in Catholic lands during the Thirty Years War. Nevertheless, he worked in and out of Catholic churches: in 1621, he repaired an organ at the Ljubljana Cathedral.70 The city was the cultural and administrative center of Carniola as well as the seat of a diocese. The repertoire from a 1620 inventory of the cathedral show Catholic and Protestant composers—Posch included—side by side.71 In Carniola at least, Posch was a typical example of a musician working both for official Catholic ecclesiastical authorities and a secular, Protestant elite. Despite zealous efforts, many aristocratic families in Carniola, Carinthia, and Styria remained largely faithful to Lutheran teachings, and this coexistence of official Catholic and private Protestant worship encouraged patrons to foster the new Italian style of concertato motets, which was ideal for private devotions and services at smaller churches where only a limited number of singers were available.72 The 69 Kokole, Isaac Posch, 184. Kokole, Isaac Posch, 51. 71 Kokole, Isaac Posch, 54. 72 Kokole, “Venetian Influence on the Production of Early Baroque Monodic Motets in the Inner-Austrian Provinces,” 478. 70 276 most important and influential model for these composers were Stein’s editions of Viadana’s Cento concerti, issued between 1609 and 1626. Posch’s music departs little from that of his Italian contemporaries active in Venice and Graz. Most popular were apparently his concertato motets from the 1623 Harmonia concertans, a number of which managed to be included in printed anthologies such as Deliciae sacrae musicae (Ingolstadt, 1626) and the Fasciculus primus and Fasciculus secundus geistlicher wolkligender Concerten (Goßlar, 1638 and 1637, respectively). In the preface to the Fasciculus primus composers are listed by nationality; Posch is grouped among the Italians, with Viadana and Finetti. It is worth examining which of Posch’s motets were included in Fasciculus primus and secundus to find out why this Austrian/Slovenian composer—one who had no connection to Italy—was included as an Italian. Four solo motets with continuo in Fasciculus primus originated from Posch’s Harmonia concertans.73 Five motets for two and three voices with basso continuo (and one with an obbligato trombone) are included in Fasciculus secundus.74 The monodic motets stand out because they show the composer’s familiarity with the cutting-edge concertato style. There were twelve of these in Harmonia concertans and they represent the earliest extant Protestant sacred monody (figure 4.10). As mentioned above, Posch explicitly refers to Viadana as his model in the collection’s preface and the two books are arranged in a similar fashion.75 Posch, like Viadana, arranges his motets in ascending order of vocal forces and both use a variety of vocal combinations. Both composers have limited examples of obbligato instrumental parts, although most of the motets are for unspecified continuo. We can only speculate whether Posch found his way to Italy sometime between 1607 and 1614, his 73 In te domine speravi, Benedicum dominum, Ad te levavi animea, and Quare tristes es. Cantate Domino, Borum est, Gaudent in coelis, Vulnerasti cor meum, and Ego dormio. 75 See Appendix L in Kokole, Isaac Posch, 263. 74 277 biographical lacuna. It would certainly explain his nuanced understanding of the Venetian style, though there was an example available to him closer to home, thanks to Archduke Ferdinand of Graz, who would ascend to the title of Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II in 1619. As archduke, Ferdinand maintained a large, expensive musical chapel and attracted many top musicians from both north and south of the Alps. A noted Italophile, he preferred Italian musicians and composers and Graz was an extremely desirable post for a court musician in the early seventeenth century. The Archduke notoriously treated his musicians extremely well, as he was often criticized for his massive expenditure on musical activity. He frequently justified it by contextualizing it as an extension of devotion, and “one can absolutely never spend too much to honor God.”76 In this respect, Ferdinand and Bergamo’s MIA council subscribed to the same philosophy. As early as 1596, Archduke Ferdinand sent his Hofkapellmeister Pietro Antonio Bianco to Italy to recruit musicians, at his personal expense.77 Bianco himself was Venetian and came to Graz in 1578 as a chapel tenor. In 1597 or 1598, the archduke made the trip himself and attended Vespers at San Marco, met Giovanni Croce, and heard Giovanni Gabrieli play the organ.78 Reminders of this experience were cemented in a choirbook as musical souvenirs— mostly Croce, Giovannelli, Pacelli, and Gabrieli.79 This book is noteworthy, as it shows a specifically Venetian bent to Ferdinand’s Italian taste and the cori spezzati repertoire that formed the bulk of his court’s repertoire. Perhaps unsurprisingly, every one of his Hofkapellmeisters came from Venice. 76 As quoted in Steven Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 10. 77 Saunders, 6. 78 Saunders, 6. 79 A-Wn, Cod. 16703. I have not consulted the manuscript myself and rely on Saunders’ description in Cross, Sword, and Lyre, page 7 and fn 13. 278 Figure 4.10 – Title page, Isaac Posch, Harmonia Concertans (Norimbergæ: Simon Halbmayer, 1623). D-F, Mus 55. 279 Around the year 1614, Archduke Ferdinand conscripted the service of two promising younger musicians from Venice, Giovanni Priuli and Giovanni Valentini. Composers in the Archduke’s employ had already been writing concertato motets and Ferdinand’s music chapel included Heinrich Pfendner, whose Delli motetti . . . libro primo (Graz, 1614) contains some of the earliest examples of the concertato style published outside of Italy.80 In 1615, the Parnassus musicus Ferdinandaeus was published, compiled by Giovanni Battista Bonometti, a Bergamasque singer working at the Milan cathedral, and dedicated to Archduke Franz Ferdinand.81 The anthology contains fifty-seven works by thirty-two composers. No fewer than nine of these musicians were employed at Ferdinand’s Graz court and only two composers represented in the collection were not Italian, though both of these Germans—Georg Poss and Reimund Ballestro—had studied with Gabrieli in Venice at the personal expense of Ferdinand. Bonometti presumably trained with Cavaccio in Bergamo, and Cavaccio was invited to contribute two motets to the Parnassus, one for solo voice, the other for four voices. Could Posch have known this collection? The answer is almost certainly yes. A complete musical inventory of Ljubljana Cathedral was compiled between 1620 and 1628, and the Parnassus is listed among the 317 items.82 It also shows up in Corinthia, in a 1622 inventory of Gerk Cathedral.83 Stylistically, Posch’s Harmonia concertans motets would be right at home in the Parnassus. One key difference in Posch compared with his Venetian counterparts is a 80 Saunders, 94. Parnassus Musicus Ferdinandaeus in quo Musici nobilissimi, quà suavitate, quà arte prorsus admirabili & diuina ludunt: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Vocum. A Joanne Baptista Bonometti Bergomate Serenissimi Ferdinandi Archiducis Austriae, &c. Musico congestus, eidemque Serenissimo in grati animi symbolum dicatus, & consecratus (Venetia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1615). 82 Kokole, “Venetian Influence on the Production of Early Baroque Monodic Motets in the Inner-Austrian Provinces,” 482. 83 Kokole, “Venetian Influence,” 484. 81 280 complete absence of Marian motets, hardly surprising from a Protestant composer; instead, the large majority of Posch’s texts come from the Song of Solomon and are paraliturgical, for private devotion. The erotic-poetic nature of these texts lends themselves well to expression. This sensitivity to musical-dramatic possibility is a further aspect of Posch’s style that sets him closer to Venice and away from Viadana. Posch was working in seeming isolation yet shows a remarkable stylistic similarity to Venetian composers working in Graz. The Harmonia concertans was published posthumously by his wife, Maria Posch and dedicated to Melchior Putz, a Carinthian Protestant nobleman. Simon Halbmayer, an important Protestant printer, published it in Nürnberg.84 Records from publishing houses show us that it was reprinted in 1624, though there are no extant copies of the reissue.85 Included in Harmonia Concertans are twelve solo motets for a variety of voice type, seven of which are found in Cod. Guelf. 323 (figure 4.11). One example is the solo motet for bass voice, Domine exaudi (figure 4.12). Typical for the genre, it necessitates a virtuosic singer and plays with word-painting for expressive effect. This is affect-determined music attentive to the text. For example, towards the beginning there is a long melisma on the word clamor—to cry—with an ascending scale to a high note. Also note the treatment of velociter—speedily—toward the close of the piece, where Posch conveys the narrator’s plea for a speedy fulfilment of his ardent wish through quick, repetitive sequences. After comparing the manuscript to one of the three extant complete copies of Harmonia Concertans in Frankfurt, there is little doubt as to the print source for the Halberstadt scribe of Cod. Guelf. 323.86 84 Isaac Posch, Harmonia Concertans (1623), ed. Metoda Kokole, Monumenta Artis Musicæ Sloveniæ 35 (Ljubljana: Muzikoloski institut Znanstvenoraziskovalni center, 1998), xxiii. 85 Harmonia Concertans (1623), ed. Metoda Kokole, xxiii. 86 The copy I consulted is D-F, Mus W 55 Nr. 4. 281 Figure 4.11 – Isaac Posch, index of 1vv and 2vv compositions in Harmonia concertans. The arrows indicate the seven solo motets included in D-W Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. D-F, Mus 55. An unusual feature of this particular manuscript is the intermingling of Catholic and Protestant composers, Latin and German texted motets presented side by side. While not the norm, it is important to note this is not especially rare, although one of the scribe’s print sources was a cross-confessional collection in two volumes that overtly alludes to the Thirty Years War: Fasciculus secundus and Fasciculus primus, printed in Goslar in 1637 and 1638, respectively. The title page mentions a long, sad war and encourages the practice of music by the youth amid the weight of conflict (see table 4.3 for a full transcription and translation). The music was compiled in Nordhausen, most likely by the local Kantor Andreas Oehme from the Collegium 282 Musicum repertoire for the city (figure 4.13).87 Additionally, each composition concludes with a Latin couplet commenting on the music, almost like a textual antiphon. Some of these refer explicitly to the war, such as a setting of Verleih uns Frieden, a paraphrased text by Martin Luther based on the seventh-century hymn, O pace, Domine: Give us Peace, O Lord, in our time. The ensuing Latin couplet is a plea to Jove for peace (figure 4.14). Figure 4.12 – Isaac Posch, Domine Exaudi, no. 53 in Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. 87 Hans Engel, Musik in Thüringen, Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 39 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1966), 38-39. 283 Figure 4.13 – Title page, Fasciculus secundus (Goßlar: Nicolas Dunkern, 1637). PL-Kj, Mus.ant.pract. D 600. The title page to the 1638 Fasiculus primus is identical, other than a different Latin couplet at the bottom. See Table 4.3 for transcription and translation. 284 Figure 4.14 – Verleih uns Frieden, in Fasciculus secundus (Goßlar: Nicolas Dunkern, 1637). Cantus partbook. PL-Kj, Mus.ant.pract. D 600. 285 Table 4.3 – Full title page and English translation for the Fasciculus series title page Geistlicher wolklingender CONCERTEN Mit 2. und 3. Stimmen sampt dem Basso continuo pro Organis Aus den vornembsten und besten Componisten / von etlichen der edlen Music Liebhabern fleissig comportiret in der Kayserlichen Freyen Reichsstadt NORTHAUSEN und Bey jetzigen langwerenden traurigen Kriegs-Pressuren zu sonderlicher recreation unterweilen in ehrlichen zusammenkunsten practiciret, Jetzo aber Undern Philomusis zu gefallen und der lieben Jugend In Hierosophia ad praxin Musicam accedenti zum besten Socialiter zum Druck verfertiget… Sacred melodius Concertos for 2 and 3 voices, with the basso continuo for Organ from the distinguished and best composers, diligently compiled by several of the noble music lovers in the Imperial free state of Nordhausen, sometimes practiced in genteel gatherings as form of special recreation, to counteract the pressures of the present, longlasting and sad war. Now put into print to please other music lovers [Philomusis] and to bring the beloved youth in schools to the practice of music. Cum gratia & Privilegio Sereniss, Elect. Saxon With the thanks and favor of his Highness, the elector of Saxony Aut limos averte oculos, & comprime linguam: Si potes, aut melius, Zoile, profer opus! Either turn your eyes from the mud and hold your tongue: or better, if you are able, Zoilus, advance this work! The music was compiled in Nordhausen and published in Goslar, both Imperial cities under the flag of the Holy Roman Empire. The series evidently made it to Helmstedt, as nineteen compositions were copied into Cod. Guelf. 323. Helmstedt was Protestant terrain and part of the principality of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, bordering the Archbishopric of Magdeburg, also Protestant territory since 1524. Notably, Magdeburg was the site of one of the worst catastrophes of the Thirty Years War. Imperial forces besieged the city in 1631 after it declared for Sweden, eventually storming the walls. The result was the slaughter of over 20,000 of the city’s 25,000 residents, and 1,700 out of its 1,900 buildings were completely burned down.88 A census taken the following year listed fewer than five hundred residents and most of the city remained in 88 Peter H. Wilson, The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 469. 286 rubble for nearly one hundred years.89 A new verb entered the German lexicon, Magdeburgisieren, to “make a Magdeburg” of somewhere.90 Over two hundred pamphlets describing the city’s fall appeared in 1632 alone.91 This was a well-known event, and the two Fasciculus publications must be viewed in this context (figure 4.15). Nineteen Fasciculus compositions are included in Cod. Guelf. 323: five from secundus and fourteen from primus (table 4.4). There is a conspicuous absence of Marian motets among the Italian works, relying instead on psalms such as O bone Jesu, Monteverdi’s contribution. Jubilate Deo from Psalm 100, set here by Mezzogori, calls for all lands to praise God with song. A German setting of the same psalm by Heinrich Grimm, Jauchzet dem Herrn, is also found in one of the Wolfenbüttel manuscripts.92 Two other references on the title page help support a reading of these items as war-weary, cross-confessional products. Philomusis, translated in this context as “music lover,” was also the penname of sixteenth-century poet Jakob Locher, whose texts were used at the Nordhausen Gymnasium. Locher was a pupil of Conrad Celtes, German humanist and founder of literary societies.93 Hierosophia refers to Johannes Girbert, a grammatician and rector of the Gymnasium.94 Locher, best known for his translations of Horace, remained faithful to the Catholic church even after the Reformation. It is of course possible that the Fasiculus series was printed at a time when printers thought they must add war references, though I consider it no accident there are allusions to these two figures with connections to 89 Wilson, 470. Geoffrey Parker, Europe in Crisis 1598–1648, 2nd edition, Blackwell Classic Histories of Europe (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 161. 91 Wilson, The Thirty Years War: Europe’s Tragedy, 470. 92 D-W, Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. 93 James D. Tracy, “Against the ‘Barbarians’: The Young Erasmus and His Humanist Contemporaries,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 11, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 5. 94 My thanks to Barbara Dietlinger for helping me to identify this figure. 90 287 Nordhausen—one Catholic and one Protestant—on the title page of a collection incorporating such a fascinating mix of Catholic and Protestant composers. It certainly aligns with both the cross-confessional ethos and the musical style of the Helmstedt manuscript. Given this background, when the title page says, “Now put into print to please other music lovers [Philomusis],” it may refer not just to other music lovers, but to those who—like Locher— have remained faithful to Catholic practice in Reformation Germany. Figure 4.15 – Plate depicting the sack of Magdeburg from: Seth Henricus Calvisio, Das zerstöhrete und wieder aufgerichtete Magdeburg, oder, Die blutige Belagerung, und jämmerliche Eroberung und Zerstöhrung der alten Stadt Magdeburg [The ruined and rebuilt Magdeburg, or, The bloody siege, and the miserable conquest and destruction of the old city of Magdeburg]. Magdeburg: Christian Leberecht Faber, 1727. US-Cn, Wing ZP 747 .S43. 288 Table 4.4 - Selections from Fasciculus secundus and Fasciculus primus included in Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., with number of voices. Fasciculus secundus (1637) Fasciculus primus (1638) -Heinneccius, "Lobet den Herrn" à2 -Heinrich Grimm, "Wie bin ich doch" à2 -Claudio Monteverdi, "O bone Jesu" à2 -Johann Hermann Schein, "Kom heiliger" à3 -Samuel Scheidt, "Dancket dem Herrn" à3 -Johann Dilliger, "O Herr hilff" à1 -Johann Krause, "Herzlich lieb hab ich" à1; "Domine Iesu Christe" à1 -Lodovico Viadana, "Domine Dominus noster" à1; "O Domine Iesu Christe" à1; Dulcissime Iesu Christe" à1; "Inclina Domine" à1 -Melchior Franck, "Das ist das ewige Leben" à1 -Heinrich Baryphonius, "Wir glauben" à1 -Andreas Oehme, "Wir glauben, pars 1" à1; "Wir glauben, pars 2" à2 -Giovanni Mezzogorri, "Iubilate Deo omnis" à2 -Daniel Selich, "Wer unter dem Schirm" à2 -Heinrich Schütz, "Lobe den Herzen" à2 -Giacomo Finetti, "Domine inclina" à2 A Frontispiece Collage Finally, what stands out in this manuscript is its uncommon materiality, carefully and deliberately designed to look and feel like a printed partbook. The size and layout are similar to what was pouring out of the Venetian printing houses, including a detailed index arranged by number of voices. The most unusual and striking feature is the title page. The compiler of this manuscript partbook cut out segments from two different printed books, one from a color print for the ornamental border and one of a full frontispiece, with an added “Third Voice” [III Vox] inked by hand to indicate voice type, as this originally would have formed one part of a full set (figure 4.16). This was a deliberate act that broadcasts the manuscript as a Venetian commodity. 289 Figure 4.16 – Title page with collaged frontispiece, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. 290 The source of the frontispiece was one of the printer’s devices used by the Scotto Press in Venice, one of the most prolific music printers of the era. A printer’s device, as Jane Bernstein states, not only acted as advertisement for a music book, but also attested to the quality of its contents.95 Scotto used around twenty different devices, several of which adopted emblems specifically associated with Venetian iconography, including the one used here.96 What kind of influence or thinking may have gone into the choice of Scotto’s very Venetian device for this hybrid product? While it is rare to see such printed material show up in manuscript, it is not entirely without precedent. However, the study of hybrid material such as this faces certain bureaucratic obstacles, as manuscripts and printed books are not only treated as distinct archival categories but are often studied in separate rooms on different floors of libraries.97 I am inspired by a recent turn towards materiality in book history and print culture, including not only van Orden’s Materialities, but also a recent special issue of The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies on the topic of the Renaissance collage.98 The contributors to this issue ask how scholars can think about collaging as an intellectual gesture. Juliet Fleming points out that cutting and pasting has a long history, a refutation of the claim by art historical scholarship claiming this as a 95 Jane A. Bernstein, Music Printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press (1539-1572) (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 79. 96 Bernstein, 79. 97 William Sherman and Heather Wolfe address this reality discussing their shared experience at the Cambridge University Library. See, “The Department of Hybrid Books: Thomas Milles between Manuscript and Print,” in “The Renaissance Collage: Toward a New History of Reading,” ed. Juliet Fleming, William Sherman, and Adam Smyth, special issue, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 45, no. 3 (September 2015): 457–85. 98 Juliet Fleming, William Sherman, and Adam Smyth, eds., “The Renaissance Collage: Toward a New History of Reading,” special issue, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 45 no. 3 (September 2015). 291 modern phenomenon.99 The title page to Cod. Guelf. 323 is unmistakably a collage that goes a step beyond mere scribal copying. It is an act of tactile intertextuality, one that emblematically connected the contents of this manuscript with a Venetian musical ethos, transmitted and mediated without the benefit of La Serenissima: Venice without Venice. The Scotto frontispiece acts as an emblem of Venetian musical quality and a reader of this text is first confronted with this imagery, which a trained musician would instantly recognize. In the center of the Scotto Press device lies an anchor surrounded by a palm frond and an olive branch above the letters SOS, which stood for “Signum Octaviani Scotto” (figure 4.17). The banner reads, “In tenebris fulget,” or, “in darkness he shines,” the he referring to Scotto and his products or, in its new context, music shining amid the darkness of war. The anchor and log joined together was specifically ascribed to Venetian iconography, symbolizing stability on both sea and land, referring to Venice’s maritime power. The manuscript’s curious materiality and its musical contents—curated from myriad printed material from a wide swath of geography—epitomizes the early modern reality surrounding musical mediation and circulation: a complex, multi-media, supraregional and transnational network of communication. 99 Juliet Fleming, “The Renaissance Collage: Signcutting and Signsewing,” in “The Renaissance Collage: Toward a New History of Reading,” ed. Juliet Fleming, William Sherman, and Adam Smyth, special issue, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 45, no. 3 (September 2015): 443. 292 Figure 4.17 – Detail, Scotto press device, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. Viadana’s Lack of Place Muddy historiographic waters notwithstanding, it is clear that Viadana’s novel Cento concerti ecclesiastici of 1602 had outsized influence in stylistic changes adopted by Venetian composers, prized in turn by German editors, and firmly adopted north of the Alps amid economically struggling religious institutions. Viadana had long-lasting connections to the Venetian publishing firms responsible for disseminating his works, but can we call him a Venetian composer? The penetration of the newly adopted Venetian idiom relied mostly on a composer with no connection to Venice, save for the printing houses. In fact, recent research has shown a much stronger connection between Rome and the earliest concertato works than previously realized. Noel O’Regan points to a Roman precedent for Viadana’s Cento concerti, 293 the previously neglected Asprilio Pacelli’s Chorici psalmi et motecta (Rome, 1599).100 Pacelli was once the maestro di cappella at the Collegio Germanico in Rome and the volume mentions the same need for flexibility in performance as does Viadana’s 1602 publication.101 Music historiography has buoyed the fallacious notion of the existence of a regionally specific Venetian idiom. Cento concerti ecclesiastici was far too influential a publication for any music historian to ignore, and it is included in every history of Italian music. It is sometimes grouped with Emilio de' Cavalieri, Jacopo Peri, Giulio Caccini and this cluster of turn-of-the-century publications. At other times, the nomadic Viadana is presented as an intermediary between Florentine monody and the so-called Venetian motet. I use the term “nomadic” because he is almost never attributed to any specific locale. Mompellio attributes the success of the 1602 collection largely to their modernity, the works being closely aligned with progressive composition techniques in the early seventeenth century.102 The first edition of the much-used Grout textbook assigns a new genre to Viadana and his antecedents, the “concerto for few voices.”103 While Viadana never leaves the Grout textbooks, his music is removed from the score anthology in more recent editions in favor of Alessandro Grandi. Cento concerti is not entirely ignored, though Viadana has not fared well in current concert and recording life as one of the major composers of the period, as evidenced by his expulsion from the Norton Anthology of Western Music anthology. I suggest this is due to the historiographic difficulty of attributing Viadana to a fixed locale. He overlapped with Monteverdi in Mantua, serving as maestro di cappella at San Pietro cathedral from 1593 to 1597, 100 Noel O’Regan, “Asprilio Pacelli, Ludovico da Viadana and the Origins of the Roman Concerto Ecclesiastico,” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 6, no. 1 (2000). 101 O’Regan, 5.2. 102 Mompellio, Lodovico Viadana; Musicista Fra Due Secoli, 56–66. 103 Donald J. Grout, A History of Western Music (New York: W.W. Norton, 1960), “Church Music.” 294 but the Monteverdian narrative of late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Mantua does not easily account for Viadana, partly because the cathedral was not the primary center of musical life. Rather, it was the Gonzaga court and their ducal basilica, Santa Barbara. The final maestro di cappella position attained by Viadana was at Fano Cathedral from 1610 to 1612, a musically active institution but not exactly the premier post on the peninsula, after which the composer shifted towards a life in the religious bureaucracy as a diffinitor within his Franciscan order, eventually forced out for reasons which remain unclear, and died in the convent of Sant’Andrea, Gualtieri in 1623. Meanwhile, his published works continued to be reprinted and reprinted again, while individual motets were prized by German editors for large collections.104 Denis Arnold advocates Giovanni Croce—maestro di cappella at San Marco from 1603 to 1609—as the best example of a Venetian link from the older Gabrieli style and Viadana’s new concertato idiom.105 It is true that Monteverdi and Grandi then took Viadana’s style and brought it to an extraordinarily high level, but this is not enough to warrant a “Venetian” label for the concertato motet. Indeed, the first anthology of the idiom emanated from Milan in 1608, the Concerti de diversi…auttori a 2–4 voc., edited by Francesco Lucino and published by the heirs of Tini and Lomazzo.106 Dedicated to Ettore Crispono, the curator of the Milan Cathedral, this is—for lack of a better word—a very Milanese collection. The compositions, what Lucino calls “these modern little works” (queste moderne operetta) were popular enough that the collection was 104 For a more detailed discussion on the role of the editor in the German collections discussed in this chapter see, Susan Lewis Hammond, Editing Music in Early Modern Germany (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 13–44. 105 Denis Arnold, “Giovanni Croce and the ‘Concertato’ Style,” The Musical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 1953): 37. 106 Francesco Lucino, Concerti de diversi eccell. auttori à due, tre, & quattro voci (Milano: L’herede di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1608). 295 reprinted two times with additional solo motets in 1612, and again in 1616 (figure 4.18).107 On the heels of this success, coupled with the musical predilections of the volume’s intended archducal target, came the Parnassus musicus Ferdinandaeus of 1615. Conclusion Tracing networks of printed material, we can see how quickly the concertato style spread throughout German-speaking lands and how the scribes of the three Wolfenbüttel manuscripts discussed in this chapter relied on editors who had capitalized on the cultural cachet of Venice as a musical commodity in order to sell their wares. By 1638, the date of Cod. Guelf. 323, the concertato motet had supplanted the previous decade’s reliance on large-scale polyphonic motets in Helmstedt, as evidenced by the manuscript’s Venetian emblem, irrespective of its lack of Venetian musical content. The borders of the Venetian Republic turn porous thanks to the printed music book trade. A conception of Venice as a commodifiable idea rather than fixed locale deepens our understanding of musical mediation and circulation outside of Venice in the early seventeenth century. 107 Francesco Lucino, Concerti de diversi eccell. auttori à due, tre, & quattro voci…di nuovo ristampi con bella agionta de diversi concerti (Milano: L’herede di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1612); and Francesco Lucino, Concerti de diversi eccell. auttori à due, tre, & quattro voci…di nuovo ristampi con bella agionta de diversi concerti (Milano: L’herede di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1616). 296 Figure 4.18 – Title page, Concerti de diversi auttori, edited by Francesco Lucino (Milan: l’herede de Tini & Lomazzo), 1612 reprint. PL-Kj, Mus.ant.pract. L 1051. 297 CONCLUDING REMARKS This dissertation began as an effort to understand regionalist terms in conventional musicological scholarship, especially surrounding northern Italy at the turn of the Seicento. As I made my way through the literature, I noticed a distinct parochialism in the historiography, intensely geared towards regional centers and focused around the stylistic features to arise in specific locations, reinforced through history textbooks and concert programming alike. Descriptors such as “Florentine,” Venetian,” and “Roman” tend to be presented in a reductive manner, with these distinctions presumed as self-evident. As I began to dig deeper in order to learn exactly what it was that such geographic adjectives were attempting to signify, the problems I encountered convinced me that the structure supporting this regionalist understanding of musical style in early modern Italy is in need of serious revision. This dissertation demonstrates early on that a framework in the model of a Vasarian geography of art leaves little room for discussion of Bergamo, even though it was an important center of musical activity. One example based on my initial research is the 1615 collection of concertato motets, Parnassus musicus Ferdinandaeus, dedicated to Archduke Ferdinand of Graz and representing the newest and most fashionable achievements of the Italian music phenomenon.1 Only two composers represented in the collection were not Italian, and even those Germans had studied with Giovanni Gabrieli in Venice. Curiously, among so many Venetians and Venetian-trained musicians are Milanese, Bergamasque, and Brescian composers writing in the same concertato style. One of these composers is, of course, Giovanni Cavaccio. Curiously, the “modern” style 1 Parnassus Musicus Ferdinandaeus in quo Musici nobilissimi, quà suavitate, quà arte prorsus admirabili & diuina ludunt: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Vocum (Venetia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1615). 298 exhibited by Cavaccio in this collection, seemingly at home next to concertato motets by Claudio Monteverdi and Giovanni Valentini, are distinctly at odds with the conservative church style of his many publications associated with Bergamo. Parnassus is a collection exhibiting connections and artistic networks extending across Italian territories and into Austrian provinces north of the Alps. This is initially what piqued my interest in the broad topic of supraregional musical networks since an umbrella term of “Venetian” did little to suitably describe the contents of the Parnassus motets. My own primary source research began by examining partbooks in Bologna and Verona, and I was particularly curious about Cavaccio and Bergamo after teasing out his connection to the Parnassus. In my ensuing concentration on Bergamo, I originally thought I had an interesting peripheral location on my hands, and that the city would become one small part of a larger narrative. However, my archival findings surprised me by revealing that Santa Maria Maggiore hosted polyphony in greater frequency than almost any other institution in northern Italy, with the exception of San Marco in Venice. Additionally, Cavaccio was far more prolific and renowned abroad in his time than I ever imagined, with connections arising in unexpected places, such as Mantua and Florence. As another example of regionalist frameworks breaking down on interrogation, one needs to look no further than the antiphonal polyphony so central to any discussion of music in Venice. For more than a half-century it has been widely assumed that the performance of cori spezzati, in its early stage, represented a regional practice peculiar only to a restricted area of northern Italy, particularly to the cathedrals of Padua and Treviso, as well as in Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo. The established account suggests the practice was then expanded upon by Adrian Willaert and the Gabrieli brothers at San Marco in Venice where polychoral music reached an 299 artistic peak, thus cementing the style as “Venetian.” New evidence has arisen in recent years in the form of eight manuscript partbooks preserved in Gubbio showing that in the first half of the sixteenth century, the idiom was by no means confined to northern Italy.2 Valerio Morucci’s article is part of a growing scholarly trend to push back against the parochialism of regionalism, by no means exclusive to musicology. Accordingly, there is still serious need of historiographic revision beyond the scope of this dissertation. I have been inspired by a growing number of early modern scholars who look beyond rigidly defined borders and recognize the complex network of interlocutors that play a role in any cultural production.3 This network-based, supraregional approach complicates the conventional center-and-periphery model. Additionally, a regionalist framework has a difficult time grappling with the flexibility and mobility of composers and artists operating outside of the largest population centers. Musicians rarely kept to one location, so why should ensuing scholarship? Another myth my dissertation dispels is the narrative of perpetual innovation. Styles considered new and antiquated, or perhaps progressive and traditional, existed side by side and 2 Valerio Morucci, “Reconsidering ‘Cori Spezzati’: A New Source from Central Italy,” Acta Musicologica 85, no. 1 (2013): 21–41. 3 To offer a few pertinent examples from the past six years, Karen-edis Barzman, The Limits of Identity: Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference (Leiden: Brill, 2017); Stephen J. Campbell, The Endless Periphery: Toward a Geopolitics of Art in Lorenzo Lotto’s Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019); Andrew J. Cheetham, Joseph Knowles, and Jonathan Wainwright, eds., Reappraising the Seicento: Composition, Dissemination, Assimilation (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014); Brandon Marriott, Transnational Networks and Cross-Religious Exchange in the Seventeenth-Century Mediterranean and Atlantic Worlds: Sabbatai Sevi and the Lost Tribes of Israel (London: Routledge, 2015); Ayesha Ramachandran, The Worldmakers: Global Imagining in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015); Simone Testa, Italian Academies and Their Networks, 1525 – 1700: From Local to Global (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); and Jane E. Everson, Denis V. Reidy, and Lisa Sampson, eds., The Italian Academies 1525– 1700: Networks of Culture, Innovation and Dissent (Cambridge: Modern Humanities Research Association, 2016). 300 new music was created within existing idioms considered by conventional musicological narratives to be conservative or outmoded. Particularly in sacred music in the two generations following the Council of Trent, there was a constant tug between the pulls of innovation and tradition. The reality is that supposedly old-fashioned genres of music maintained popularity well into the 1630s. The degree to which this artistic debate between “new” and “old” was waged on the backdrop of larger, supraregional, geopolitical processes is understudied, and my future research will continue to address this lacuna. One goal of my work is to finally defeat this myth of progress, of unilateral shifts to newer styles. The early decades of the seventeenth century saw an enormous published output of madrigals, falsobordone, and polyphonic masses for polychoral forces—all high-Renaissance genres. Although Cavaccio displayed familiarity with the newest compositional techniques through stand-alone motets in multi-composer editions such as the Parnassus, these are the genres in which he trafficked. The novel trends in church music were largely musical answers to economic questions. Ludovico Viadana, in his preface to the 1602 Cento concerti ecclesiastici— among the most widely reprinted publication of concertato motets—explains they were designed to cater to the needs of Roman singers and chapels where there was a lack of music affordable to produce on a daily basis. My research reveals that Bergamo simply did not have this problem. The MIA prioritized music and funded it accordingly based on the demands of the wider community, especially at the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore, designated as the spiritual heart of the community and a site with deep roots to the memory of an era of communal self-governance. Paradoxically, this ability to hold on to tradition in the face of crisis has been the chief contributor to Bergamo’s historiographic neglect. 301 Considering the vast expenditures and importance placed on music at Santa Maria Maggiore, its reputation beyond its borders, and the geopolitical importance of early modern Bergamo, it is curious that music and art in the city have previously been relegated to peripheral status. Cavaccio’s successor, Alessandro Grandi, is known today as one of the more musically adventurous composers of the early seventeenth century. When Jerome Roche dismisses Cavaccio, it is to praise Grandi, and for understandable reasons; his music is radical and astonishing.4 Before coming to Bergamo, Grandi was Monteverdi’s deputy at San Marco where he did not have the opportunity to write large-scale music for grand occasions, as this duty fell to maestro di cappella Monteverdi. When Grandi arrived in Bergamo in 1627, he immediately started to compose grandiose polychoral music requiring massive—and expensive—forces, as evidenced in his polychoral Salmi brevi of 1629 which included obbligato parts for violin and trombone, copies of which were attained by the MIA for use in the basilica.5 Unfortunately, he only had a short time to experiment with such an operating budget since he perished in the 1630 plague, and therefore this type of repertoire occupies little discussion within Grandi historiography. These facts are deeply telling in the context of my dissertation’s argument surrounding the misleading narrative of perpetual innovation in musical stylistic development, as well as the financial and geopolitical currents under the surface and finally, the persistent confrontation between innovation and tradition in sacred musical life. By examining military history, the political maneuverings behind local factions within Bergamo’s cathedral complex, artistic programs in the context of a post-Tridentine aesthetic, print networks extending well beyond the Venetian Republic and into German-speaking lands, as well traditional musicological 4 Jerome Roche, “Music at S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643,” Music & Letters 47, no. 4 (October 1966): 305. 5 Roche, 307. 302 interrogations into performance practice, I am able to offer a richer, more nuanced discussion of musical life in Bergamo than previously available. I additionally provide a methodological framework that can be applied to many other locations and institutions to reveal supraregional networks behind local musical production. In hindsight, experiments with monody and musical drama ca.1600 became fundamental in an increasingly popular genre later called opera, an idiom that has maintained substantial cultural significance. In accordance with this entrenched and overly reductive historiography, Florence and Venice have long held fascination as central to a monumental shift in Western music toward such modern stylistic elements as a strong bass line with a melody, the expressive capability of a solo voice, and the emergence of enduring genres. Within this narrative, Renaissance-style Requiem Masses by a so-called peripheral composer hold little interest. This fundamental realization can be a starting point for revealing just how interesting and important such items really are in their own political and cultural contexts. Even more divergent from the innovation narrative is a progressive composer such as Grandi making what could be perceived as a backwards step by embracing cori spezzati techniques in 1627, decades after its obsolescence in the existing, misleading teleological narrative of seventeenth-century musical development. Based on the staggering volume of musical production in the villages, towns, cities, and states of early modern Italy, as well as within academies, confraternities, and convents, one could make an entire career of rescuing forgotten voices from perpetual obscurity. However, my work is not an attempt to simply shed light on yet another neglected Italian composer and city, but rather to explore the ways in which an individual built a successful career through personal and professional networks amid larger geopolitical processes. The next major step of my project is asking these same questions in a monograph 303 addressing the absence of scholarship relating to the Terraferma. Bergamo represents only a part of the story, though there is still more to explore. The intertextual relationship between the artistic and musical program in Santa Maria Maggiore, for example, is a topic I plan to investigate in much greater depth moving forward. Concentrating on the geopolitical entity that was the Venetian Republic’s mainland empire, my book project Between Innovation and Tradition: Musical Life in the Venetian Terraferma, 1550–1650 will offer the first monographlength study of music and culture throughout Venice’s mainland empire. In addition to Bergamo, my investigation will expand into musical life in other Terraferma locales including Brescia, Treviso, Padova, Verona, and Cividale del Friuli, and the networks of musicians and musical objects that existed between them. Additionally, I will further explore the Uskok War (1615– 1618) and its impact on musical and cultural life in the Friulian territories, especially Cividale del Friuli, a locale deeply impacted by the war. One of the more intriguing untold stories is the dichotomy between Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s musical predilections and political ambitions. The future Holy Roman Emperor was simultaneously one of the great patrons of Venetian musicians and composers and the direct military and political opponent of the Venetian Republic during the Uskok War. For the Italian musicians entering his employ during that period, it must have presented a delicate balancing act. A corollary secondary project will be to create a critical edition of selected works by Giovanni Cavaccio, whose music is almost entirely unavailable to performers. Based on my research, Hinni correnti (1605), Musica concordia concorde (1620), and Nuovo giardino (1620) are three acutely attractive candidates for a critical edition, and I have included several individual, edited motets in this dissertation’s Appendices. My hope is that, in addition to putting the Terraferma on the musical map, I can offer a corrective in musicological literature surrounding northern Italy at the turn of the seventeenth century and its 304 reductive emphasis on Florentine and Venetian innovation. One of the primary reasons that music in the Terraferma remains unstudied, unknown, and under-performed is that there is so much exceptional music from Florence and Venice that, for good reason, has attracted the attention of scholars, musicians, and the listening public alike, but there is still room for discussion of Bergamo and cities on the borders of the Venetian Republic. From Cavaccio, Messe per i defunti (Milan, 1611). 305 BIBLIOGRAPHY Manuscript Sources See “List of Abbreviations” for library sigla ASDBg, Archivio Capitolare, folder 159 ASDBg, Archivio Capitolare, folder 202 D-F, Mus 55 D-W, 3 Musica 2° D-W, Cod. Guelf. 322 Mus. Hdschr. D-W, Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr. D-W, Cod. Guelf. 324 Mus. Hdschr. I-BGc, 1207D I-BGc, 1208D I-BGc, 1209D I-Fr, MS 2547 Us-Cn, Novacco 4F 319 (PrCt) Misericordia Maggiore Archives, Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai, Bergamo MIA 237–238: Eredità Natale Caverlotti da Crema, colonnello e governante della milizia in Corfù (testamento 1567): il primo registro contiene le spese di Orazio Scaletta, affidato per l’educazione alla MIA nel 1566. 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Abbreviations MdC – Maestro di cappella MdC^ – Interim maestro di cappella VMdC – Vice maestro di cappella S – Soprano singer A – Alto singer T – Tenor singer B – Bass singer F – Falsetto singer Cap – Cappella singer, unspecified voice type Org – Organ Tr – Trombone Tr ca – Alto trombone [trombon contr’alto] Tr b – Bass trombone [trombon doppio] Vln – Violin Vle – Viols or viola (unspecified) Vlne – Violone (sometimes violone, sometimes as violone basso – See Bonta, “Terminology for the Bass Violin in SeventeenthCentury Italy.”) Crnto – Cornetto Lt – Lute x – salaried member of regular musical roster for the full year y – paid member of the musical roster for part of the year y* – presumed deceased during this year When voice type or instrument changed from original appointment, listed in parenthesis in the space for given year. This shows that soprano singers sometimes stayed on as a different voice type after their voice broke, for example, although this was relatively rare. 327 Giovanni Cavaccio, MdC Giacomo Brignolo, Org Antonio Osio, Org Geronimo Carrara, S Giuseppe Pezoli, S Francesco Bazino, S Domenico Chiapino, S Gio. Seplo Pezolo, S Pietro Marcone, S Francesco Banzolino, S Francesco Cavaccio, S Tomaso Salvino, S Gio. Battista Avogadro, S Battista Brembate, S Donato Rensi, S Antonio Scaramazzo, S Giulio da Lecce, F Natale Bazino, A Andrea Camerata, A Geronimo Posetto, A Pietro Rondi, A Ferrante Ziliolo, A Giuseppe Romano, A Alessandro Perona, A Eleuterio Guazzi, A Alessandro Asperti, Cap Giovanni Biadoni, T Franco Carrara, T Giacomo Cornolto, T; VMdC (1608–1626) 1601 x x x x x 1602 x x x x 1604 x x x 1605 x x x 1606 x x x 1608 x x x x y x x x(A) x(A) x(A) x x x 1609 x x x 1610 x x x 1611 x x x 1612 x x x 1613 x x x 1614 x x x 1615 x x x 1616 x x x x x(A) x(A) x(A) x(A) x(A) x(A) x x x x x y y y y x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x y x x x y y x x x x x x x x x x x x x x y x x x x x x x x x x x x y x y y x y x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 328 Horazio Marzolo, T; VMdC (to 1605) Battista Ratis, T Francesco Vertova, T Angelo da Cesana, T Troilio Agosti, T Giovanni Battista Antonelli, T Giovanni Battista Nobili, T Fra Amante, B Federico Mangile, B Fra Antonio da Salo, B Geronimo Cotio, B Tomaso Latuano, B Antonio dall’Onguelo, B Fermo Bresciano, B Francesco Violesco, B Paolo Montino Cremonese, B Pietro Valcarenzo, B Battista Venturello, Cap Domenico Ortiga, Cap Lorenzo Lameri, Cap Sedio Aresio, Tr Franco Marchese, Tr Gerolamo Morari, Tr/vln Gio. Balino, Tr Ghirardo Pedrocco, Tr Ludovico Cavaccio, Tr Carlo Festino, Tr ca Bernardino Tirabosco, Tr b Giuseppe Locatello, Tr b Giulio Pelini, Tr b 1601 x 1602 x 1604 x 1605 x 1606 1608 1609 1610 1611 1612 1613 1614 x x x x x x y x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x y y y x x x x x x x x x x x x y y x x x y y x x x x x x x x x x x x y x x x x x 1615 1616 x x x x x y x x x y y y x x x x x(Tr only) x x x x x x x x x x x x y x x x x x y x x x y x(Tr) x x x x x x(Vln) x x x x x x x x y x x x x y x x x x x x x y y x y 329 Giuseppe Dalmagione, Vln Ghirardo Colleoni, Vlne Marc’Antonio Garzerino, Vle Giulio Cesare Celani, Crnto Giuseppe del Bono, Crnto Bernardo Bernadello, Lt 1601 1602 x(+Vlne) x x 1604 x x x 1605 x x x 1606 1608 1609 1610 x x x x x y x x x y x x x 1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 x x x x x(Vle) y x x x x x x x x x x x x x 1616 x y x y 1617–1630 Giovanni Cavaccio, MdC Alessandro Grandi, MdC Giacomo Brignolo, Org Antonio Osio, Org Benedetto Fontana, Org Francesco Bazino, S Gio. Battista Avogadro, S Antonio Scaramazzo, S Giovan Zucco, S Alfonso Cani, S Giovanni Leoni, S Francesco Camerata, S Gerolamo Christiani, S Bernardino Rossi, S Giacom Andrea Insoli, S Martino Calvi, S Lattantio Aglio, S Giacomo Grandi, S Antonio Lameri, S Francesco Piazzoni 1617 x 1618 1619 x x 1621 x 1622 x 1624 x 1625 x x x x x x x x y x x x x x(A) x(A) y x x x x x x x x 1630 x 1626 1627 1628 1629 x y x x x x x x x x x x x x y* x x x y* y* x x x y x y x y x y y x x x x 330 1617 Natale Bazino, A Andrea Camerata, A Alessandro Perona, A Lorenzo Asperti, A Alessandro Asperti, A Gio. Battista Muti, A Francesco Guatia, A Dionisio da Vigevano, A Pietro Fran. il Parmisiano, A Giovanni Persone, A Giovanni Ferarri, A Giacomo Cornolto, T; VMdC (1608–1626) Fermo Bresciano, B Francesco Violesco, B Paolo Montino Cremonese, B Pietro Valcarenzo, B Marc Ossio, B Alessandro Balanza, B Giovanni Gandello, B Antonio Guerini, B Paolo Chiesa, Cap Giuseppe Rocloni, Cap Rocco Manganoni, Cap Michel Balino, Cap Geronimo Ghitti, Cap Girolamo Rossi, Cap Battista Troni, Cap Gerolamo Morari, Tr/vln Gio. Antonio Leporatti, Tr Marovino Aparnie, Tr 1618 1619 1621 1622 1624 1625 x x x x(T) x x(T) x x x x(T) y 1626 1627 1628 1629 y x x x x x x(T) 1630 y* y*(T) x y x x x x x x x x x x x x x(MdC^) x x x x x x x x(T) x y x x x(T) x x x x y x x x x x x y x y* y x(MdC^) x x y x x y* y* y y x(A) y*(A) x x x y* y* y* y y x y y x x x x x x x x x x x x y x x x x y y x x 331 Giuseppe Dalmagione, Vln Gio. Battista Carrara, Vln Gio. Battista Moresco, Vln Brother of Gio. Moresco, Vln Marc’Antonio Garzerino, Vle Giulio Cesare Celani, Crnto 1617 y y x 1618 1619 1621 y x(+vlne) y x 1622 y x 1624 x 1625 x 1626 1627 1628 1629 x y x 1630 x x x x x y* x x 332 Appendix 2a: Giovanni Cavaccio, full list of sole-authored publications Notes The title page of Cavaccio’s 1620 Musica concordia concorde states, “OPERA VIGESIMAQUARTA.” Seeing as this was his penultimate publication this suggests twenty-five put forth in his lifetime. There are eighteen extant publications in complete or incomplete specimen, leaving us with seven missing publications. Cavaccio’s entries in Calvi, Scena letteraria de gli scrittori Bergamaschi (Bergamo, 1664) and O. Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi e avvisi degli editori e librai musicali italiani dal 1591 al 1798 (Florence, 1984) offer clues to three of the missing publications. Additionally, we can assume Cavaccio released a fourth and fifth book of madrigals, as the existing record jumps from Terzo libro di madrigali to Il sesto libro de madrigali. This leaves us with two unknown, lost publications. Of the twenty-three known publications: • 12 sacred vocal • 9 secular vocal • 2 instrumental Of the eighteen extant publications: • 10 sacred vocal • 6 secular vocal • 2 instrumental Abbreviations cs – complete specimen (all partbooks extant) incm – incomplete specimen (at least one partbook extant, no complete set) C – Cantus or Soprano A – Altus T – Tenor Q – Quintus B – Bassus bc – basso continuo See “List of Abbreviations” for library sigla 333 1 Publication Missae quinque et septem vocum. Venetiis: Alexandrum Gardanum, 1580. 2 Magnificat omnitonum. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1581. 3 Liber Secundus Magnificat omnitonum. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1582. 4 Libro primo di madrigali a cinque voci. Venetia: Angelo Gardano, 1583. 5 Psalmorum quaternis vocibus toto anni tempore vespertinis horis decantandorum adiectis insuper octo Gloria patri, cuilibet tono congruentibus, quae octonis vocibus pro musicorum libito cantari poterunt. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1585. Musica a cinque voci…sopra le parole di una leggiadrissima canzon pastorale, & alcune napolitane. Venice: Gardano, 1585. Litanie in doi modi con il Pange lingua a doi chori. Venezia: Angelo Gardano, 1587. 6 7 Dedicatee Reverendo Utrique Canonicorum Collegio Divorum Vincentii, & Alexandri [the canons of San Vincenzo and Sant’Alessandro] Multum Magnificis Misercordiae Bergomi Praesidibus Ornatissimis Viris [The MIA] Multum Illustri et Reverendissimo D.D. Hieronymo Ragazzono Bergomi Episcopo [bishop of Bergamo] Il signor Giulio Secco Soardo Reverendo D. Praesbytero Hieronimo Campiono [yet to consult] Alli Molto Ven. In Christo Confratelli Della Venerabile Confraternità Del Consalone Di Bergamo Source(s) I-Mc. cs, CATBQ I-Bc. cs, CATB D-Kl. cs, CATB D-Rp, incm AT D-Kl. cs, CATB I-Bc. incm, B A-Wn. incm, CAQ I-VEaf. incm, AB *A complete specimen can be reconstructed combining these two sources. I-Bc. incm. This is a cori spezzati work, and Bologna has all four parts of the second choir, but the entire first choir is missing. I-Rsc. cs, CATBQ A-Wn. incm, CTQ PL-GD. incm, TBQ I-Mc. incm, C1, T1, B1, C2, A2. Missing A1, T2, B2 334 8 Secondo libro di madrigal. Venezia: Gardano, 1589. Girolamo and Giovanni Battista Solzi I-Fb. incm, C. Previously thought to be missing. Missing. Mischiati I no. I.236. Missing. Mentioned in Calvi. 9 Terzo libro di madrigali. Before 1591. 10 Salmi di compietta, 8vv, falsobordoni, 5vv, 1591. 11 Canzonette a tre voci. Venezia: Amadino, 1592. [yet to consult] A-Wn. cs, CTB 12 Missae quatuor pro defunctis. Venetiis: Riciardum Amadinum, 1593. Cavallo, Eccleſię Cathedralis Brixię Sacerdoti [Priest of Brescia Cathedral] I-VCd. cs, CATBQ 13 Salmi…per tutti i vespri dell’anno, 5vv, 1593. 14 Motetti ... a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a otto, & a dodeci voci. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1596. 15 Musica ... ove si contengono due fantasie, che dan principio e fine all'opera, canzoni alla franzese, pavana co'l saltarello, madrigali, et un proverbio ... a quattro voci. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1597. 16 17 Missing. Mentioned in Calvi. SIGNOR CONSTANTIO ANTEGNATI, Organista Nel Duomo Di Brescia Il Signor Camillo Nicolini PL-Kj. incm, A Il sesto libro de madrigali a cinque voci. Venezia; Angelo Gardano, 1599. [yet to consult] Hinni correnti in tutti i tempi dell' anno secondo il rito romano. Venezia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1605. Bartolomeo Fini PL-GD. incm, CATBQ * No surviving record anywhere of a fourth or fifth book of madrigals. Thus, we can assume this accounts for two of the missing publications. I-Bc. cs, CATB PL-Kj. cs, all in one Sammelband, but with many missing pages. I-Bc. incm, CATB. Digitized online. 335 18 19 20 21 Messe per i defunti parte a quattro, parte a cinque voci, piene & mutate, con alcuni motetti corrispondenti. Milano: Per l’Her. di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1611. Nuovo giardino di spiritval et harmoniosa ricreatione. Venetia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620. Musica concordia concorde all'armoniosa cetra Davidica de salmi de vespri intieri a quattro voci con l'organo ... opera vigesimaquarta. Venezia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620. Sudori musicali ... accomodati in partitura & divisi in tre parti, nella prima si contengono, quatro toccate gravi a 4., nella seconda alcuni ricercari a 3. & a 4., nella terza, molte canzon francese a 4. & nel fine un'altra, a 8. Venezia: stampa del Gardano; appresso Bartolomeo Magni, 1626. Il Padre Marc’Antonio Beluiſo meritiſsimo Vicario Generale della Congreg.ne Carmelitana di Mantoa Sillano Licino I-VEcap. cs, CATBQ I-Bc. incm, BQ. Cavallier Girolamo Roncali PL-Kj. cs, C1, C2, B, bc. Previously presumed lost. I-Bc. cs, CATBbc Sillano Licini [Licino] I-Bc. cs, organ score format 336 337 Appendix 2b: Musical Contents of selected Publications by Giovanni Cavaccio Nb: Following is a full index of musical contents from the publications I have been able to study either in person or in facsimile. The numbers correspond to the list of publications in Appendix 2a. 1. Missae quinque et septem vocum. Venetiis: Alexandrum Gardanum, 1580. Missa Aspice Domine. Missa Confundantur. Missa pro Defunctis. Missa Brevis Oratio. Quinque Vocum. Quinque Vocum. Quinque Vocum. Septem Vocum. 2. Magnificat omnitonum. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1581. Anima mea, first, second, third, and fourth tone. Et exultavit, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth tone. 3. Liber Secundus Magnificat omnitonum. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1582. Et exultavit, first, second, third, and fourth tones. Anima mea, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth tones. 5. Psalmorum quaternis vocibus toto anni tempore vespertinis horis decantandorum adiectis insuper octo Gloria patri, cuilibet tono congruentibus, quae octonis vocibus pro musicorum libito cantari poterunt. Venetijs: Angelum Gardanum, 1585. Dixit Dominus Primi toni Confitebor Secundi toni Beatus vir Terdi toni Laudate pueri Quarti toni In exitu Mixti toni Laudate dominum Quinti toni 338 Dixit dominus Octavi toni Laudate pueri Quinti toni Laetatus sum Secundi toni Nisi dominus Septimi toni Lauda Hierusalem Sexti toni De profundis Quarti toni Memento domine Primi toni Credidi Terti toni In convertendo Septimi toni Domine probasti me Octavi toni Beati omnes Quinti toni Confitebor angelorum Sexti toni Magnificat Primi toni Octo Gloria patri [all 8 tones, for 8 voices] Falsi Bordoni [all tones] 12. Missae quatuor pro defunctis. Venetiis: Riciardum Amadinum, 1593. Miſſa a 4 Adoramus te Falſi bordoni Litanię Miſſa a 5. voc. par. O bone Ieſu Falſi bordoni Litanię Peccantem me Dilexi quoniam. Litanię a 8. Litanię a 10: Contents: Miſſa a 4 Quatuor voc. Requiem æternam 339 Kyrie Dies iræ [even verses] Domine Ieſu Chriſte Sanĉtus Adoramus te in elevatione Agnus Dei Lux æterna Requiem æternam Falſi bordoni [in eight tones] Litaniae [first part only] Miſſa a 5. voc. par. Quinque voc. paribus Requiem æternam Kyrie Dies iræ [even verses] Domine Ieſu Chriſte Sanĉtus O bone Ieſu in elevatione Agnus Dei Lux æterna Requiem æternam Falſi bordoni [in eight tones] Litaniae [first part only] Peccantem me quotidie Dilexi quoniam exaudiet Litaniae a 8. Oĉto voc. [short Litany of Saints] Litaniae a 10 decem voc. [short Litany of Saints] 14. Motetti ... a quattro, a cinque, a sei, a otto, & a dodeci voci. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1596. 4vv Ave Maria Conserva fili mi Memor esto Congratulamini Hodie nata est Sancti dei omnes Que est ista 5vv Cantate Domino Domine Iesu Christe Surgens Iesus Dominus Veni sponsa Christi Lapidabant Stephanum 340 Gabriel Angelus Vincenti dabo Qui vicerit Tollite jugum meum Mandatum novum Adoramus te Christe Ave virgo gratiosa de g sol re ut Alexandri Martyrs Quando natus est Adoramus te Christe Osculetur me Ave virgo senza b molle Hodie nata est Tu es Petrus 6vv Istorum est enim O salutaris hostia Qui odit animam suam O Patriarcha pauperum O sacrum convivium 8vv Dum medium silentium Angelus Domini Canite tuba Ego dormio 12 vv Magnificat. Sexti toni. Magnificat. Secundi toni. Egregius Dei martir In signe preconium 15. Musica ... ove si contengono due fantasie, che dan principio e fine all'opera, canzoni alla franzese, pavana co'l saltarello, madrigali, et un proverbio ... a quattro voci. Venezia: Ricciardo Amadino, 1597. La Bertani La Nicolina La Verità La Lafranchina La Brigientia Il proverbio [Dal tempo che canta il Cucco] La Solcia 341 La Foresta La Fina Mentre mia stella La Bignani La Nova La Morari Argo son le miserie La Villa chiara L’Agosta La Marina La Pasti Ero cosi dicea La Benaglia La Massaina La Moiola L’Aresia Pavana Saltarello La Gastolda 17. Hinni correnti in tutti i tempi dell' anno secondo il rito romano. Venezia: Giacomo Vincenti, 1605. In festo S. Joan Baptiste Ut queant laxis In festo Apostolorum Petri & Pauli Aurea luce In festo S. Maria Magdalene Lauda mater Ecclesia In festo S. Maria Magdalene Pater superni lumini In festo S. Petri ad Vincula Petrus Beatus In festo Transfiguratione Domini Quicunque Christum quaeritis In festo S Michaelis Archangeli Tibi Christe splendor patris In festo omnium Sanctorum Christe Redemptor omnium In Communi Apostolorum Exultet caelum laudibus In Communi Apostolorum, & Evangel Tristes erant Aposti In communi unius Martyris Deus tuorum militium 342 In communi unius Mart. Tempore Paschali Deus tuorum militum In communi Plurium Martyrum Sanctorum meritis In communi Plurium Marty. Tpe Paschali Rex gloriose Martyrum In communi confessorum Iste Confessor In communi Virginum Iesu corona Virginum In communi Sanctarum Mulierum Huius obtentu In oedem SS. Mulierum non Virginum Fortem virili pectore In Dedicationis Ecclesiae Urbs beata Hierusalem In communi Virginum Tempore Paschali Iesu corona virginum In festo Inventionis S. Crucis Vexilla regis prodeunt In festo S. Vincentij Beate martyr prospera In festo S. Romualdi abbatis Te Romualde canamus In festo S. Benedicti Abbatis Laudibus civis In festo S. Francisci de Paula Hic Pater Sanctus In festo S. Petri Coelestini In Paradisis culmine In festo S. Antonij de Padua En gratulemur hodie In festo S. Ioan. Gualberti Canticis laude In festo S. Dominici Gaude mater Ecclesia In festo S. Alberti Carmelitae Mensis Augusti In festo S. Bernardi Abbatis Bernardus Doctor inclytus In festo S. Augustini Magne Pater Augustine In festo S. Nicolai de Tolentino Laudibus civis In festo S. Hieronymi Exultent modulis In festo S. Francisci de Assisio Decus morum lux minorum In festo S. Ambrosis Miraculum laudabile 343 18. Messe per i defunti parte a quattro, parte a cinque voci, piene & mutate, con alcuni motetti corrispondenti. Milano: Per l’Her. di Simon Tini, & Filippo Lomazzo, 1611. Miſſa Quatuor Voci Par. Requiem Kyrie Absolue Domine Traĉtus Sequentia [odd verses + verse 20] Domine Ieſu Offertorium Hostias Sanĉtus O Domine Ieſu in elevatione Sanĉtissimi Corporis Chriſti Agnus Lux æterna Postcommunio Requiem Falsa Bordoni [in eight tones] Kyrie eleiſon [short litany] Miſſa Quatuor Vocibus Requiem Kyrie Absolue Domine Traĉtus Sequentia [even verses] Domine Ieſu Offertorium Hostias Sanĉtus Adoramus te Chriſte in elevatione Sanĉtissimi Corporis Chriſti Agnus Lux æterna Postcommunio Requiem Falsa Bordoni [in eight tones] Kyrie eleiſon [short litany] Miſſa Quinque Vocibus Requiem Kyrie Absolue Domine Traĉtus Sequentia [odd verses + verse 20] Domine Ieſu Offertorium Hostias Sanĉtus Chriſtum Regem in elevatione Sanĉtissimi Corporis Chriſti Agnus Lux æterna Postcommunio Requiem Falsa Bordoni [in eight tones] Kyrie eleiſon [short litany] 344 Miſſa Quinq; Vocibus Voci Pari Requiem Kyrie Absolue Domine Traĉtus Sequentia [even verses] Domine Ieſu Offertorium Hostias Sanĉtus O Bone Ieſu in elevatione Sanĉtissimi Corporis Chriſti Agnus Lux æterna Postcommunio Requiem Falsa Bordoni [in eight tones] Kyrie eleiſon [short litany] Dilexi Pſalmus [all verses] Peccantem me quotidie Peccavi super numerum Ad Dominum contribularer Domine Ieſu Chriſte Salve Regina 19. Nuovo giardino di spiritval et harmoniosa ricreatione. Venetia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620. Ad una voce Repleatur os suum Tenore o canto Lætare Hierusalem Tenore o canto A due voci O quam suavis Canto o tenore, e Basso Anima mea Alto e Basso, o Canto e Tenore Ave virgo gratiosa Canto e Basso Quid moraris Canto e Basso Anima mea liquefacta est Alto e Basso Laudemus virum Canto o tenore, e basso O Maria Canto e Basso Laudabo te Dom. Canto e tenore, e basso 345 Cives Apostolorum Canto e tenore, e basso Hodie Maria Virgo Basso e soprano Pulchra facie Basso e alto In sanctitate fulgida due bassi Vulnerasti Cor meum Alto e baritono Ave virgo gratiosa Canto e basso Miles Christi Tenore e basso O constantia Martirum Alto e basso Vulnerasti cor meum Baritono e canto Ardens est cor meum due tenori o due canti Quae est ista Canto e tenore Caput meum Alto e basso, o canto e tenore Veni in hortum meum Canto e basso Egredimini Alto e basso, o canto e tenore Spem in alium Canto e basso Ego Rosa due canti Dilectus meus due alti Dulcis amor Jesu due canti Benidicam Soprano e mezzo soprano O Beatum Carolum due bassi Quam pulchra es due canti Dilectus meus due canti O quam suavis di Gio. Pasti Basso e canto 346 A tre voci Anima mea due canti e basso Gloria tibi Trivitas [trinitas?] Canto, alto, e basso Veni in hortum Canto, tenore, e basso A quattro voci Quam benignus Canto, alto, tenore, e basso Hodie cælestia regna. Canto, alto, tenore, e basso Exultate justi due canti, tenore, e basso Regina Cæli Canto, alto, tenore, e basso A sei voci Victime pascali laudes due soprani, due tenori, alto, e basso 20. Musica concordia concorde all'armoniosa cetra Davidica de salmi de vespri intieri a quattro voci con l'organo ... opera vigesimaquarta. Venezia: Alessandro Vincenti, 1620. Domine ad adjuvandum Dixit Dominus Confitebor Beatus vir Laudate pueri Laudate Dominum Lætatus sum Nisi Dominus Lauda Hierusalem Credidi propter In convertendo Beati omnes Beatus vir Laudate peuri Ave Maris stella Magnificat Dixit Dominus Nunc dimittis Cantemus omnes Sexti toni Quinti toni Tertij toni Quarti toni Sexti toni Sexti toni Secundi toni Octavi toni Sexti toni Septimi toni Quinti toni Sexti toni Secundi toni Primi toni Quarti toni 347 21. Sudori musicali ... accomodati in partitura & divisi in tre parti, nella prima si contengono, quatro toccate gravi a 4., nella seconda alcuni ricercari a 3. & a 4., nella terza, molte canzon francese a 4. & nel fine un'altra, a 8. Venezia: stampa del Gardano; appresso Bartolomeo Magni, 1626. Toccata Prima à Toccata Seconda à Toccata Terza à 4 Toccata Quarta à 4 Ricercar Primo à 3 Ricercar Secondo à Ricercar Terzo à Ricercar Quarto à 3 Sesta Canzon Francese à 4 Settima Canzon Francese à 4 Octava Canzon Francese à 4 Nona Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Canzon Francese à 4 Undecima Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Terza Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Quarta Canzon Francese à 4 Ricercar Secondo à 4 Ricercar Terzo à 4 Prima Canzon Francese à 4 Seconda Canzon Francese à 4 Terza Canzon Francese à 4 Quarta Canzon Francese à 4 Quinta Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Quinta Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Sesta Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Settima Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Ottava Canzon Francese à 4 Decima Nona Canzon Francese à 4 348 Appendix 3: Capitoli, e oblighi dei Cantori di S. Maria MS source: MIA 2285, ff 43. 349 Transcription: Sono obligati andar in Chiesa con la veste lunga, e con la cotta à cantare, overo à sonare rispettivamente ogni volta, che si sarà musica in detta Chiesa, e obedire al Maestro di Capella, e anco alli Secondo Maestri, e alli Organisti, secondo che il bisogno ricerca, e devono stare con modestia nel Coro, Cantorie, e Sacrista, guardandosi dalli scherzi, ragionamenti, e atti licentiosi, contese, strepiti, inguirie, e da ogni atto scandaloso. Si trovino pronti al tempo, che si hà d’andar in Coro, alle Processioni, e Orationi, ogni volta, che si hà da far musica, andando nelli lochi dove loro sarà ordinato dal Maestro di Capella, sotto pena d’esser puntati, come si dirà apresso, di modo che. Alla Messa alta si trovino presenti al principio delli Kyrie, quando non si canta l’introito, e quando si canta, si trovino presenti al principio di esso, ma differendo fino al Prefatio, siano puntati per mità, dopò siano tenuti come assenti. Al Vespro si trovino al principio del primo Salmo, ma differendo fino al principio dell’Hinno, siano puntati per mità, e dopò siano tenuti per assenti. Alle Processioni in Chiesa, partita che sia dal Choro, siano puntati per mità, fuori di Chiesa partita che sia dalla Chiesa, siano tenuti per assenti. Sempre, che si fà musica devonsi cantar tutti i Salmi, e un paro di motetti per ogni Messa, e per ogni Vespro, e dopò ciascun Salmo sonar gli Organi, ma nelle solennità maggiori, cioè nelli giorni privilegiati si devono sonar gli Organi anco mentre li RR. Sacerdoti vanno processionalmente dalla Sacristia al Choro, e dal Choro alla Sacristia, e far musica più solenne, secondo il giudicio del Maestro di Capella, il quale doverà haver riguardo di corrispondere nelle maggiori solennità, e nelle maggiori frequenze del popolo con la magnificenza della musica al decoro della Chiesa. Li Cantori non ponno esser dispensati dal servitio nelli giorni privilegiati segnati di † se non dal Mag. Conseglio, con i trè quarti de voti, e nelli altri giorni ponno haver licenza da due de’ Sig. Deputati, purche la ottenghino in scritto, e la presentino anticipatamente al Puntatore. Translation: [The singers] are obliged to go to church wearing a long robe with a surplice to sing, or to play [an instrument] respectively every time there will be music in said church, and to obey the Maestro di cappella, and also the Vice Maestro di cappella, and the Organists, according to their demands, and they must stand modestly in the choir, cantoria, and the sacristy, guarding themselves from jokes, argument, and licentious acts, disputes, clamor, insults, and from every scandalous act. They [will] find themselves prepared to go the place where upon they will be ordered by the Maestro di cappella, to go to the choir, during Processions, and Orations, every time that they have to make music, under penalty of being fined, as said below. At high Mass they are present at the beginning of the Kyrie, when the introit is not sung, and when they are sung, they are present at the beginning of it, but if missing up to the beginning of a service, they are fined half [the designated penalty], after they are considered as absent [and fined as such]. At Vespers they are present at the beginning of the first Psalm, but if absent until the beginning of the Hymn, they are fined half [the penalty], and afterwards they are considered as absent. To the Processions in the Church, [if missing] starting from the choir, they are fined half [the penalty], outside of the church and after entering the church, they are considered as absent. Always, when music is performed all the Psalms must be sung, and a couple of motets for each mass, and for each Vespers, and after each Psalm the organs are played, but on the greatest 350 solemnities, that is, in the privileged days, the organs must also be played while the Priests go processionally from Sacristy to Choir, and from Choir to Sacristy, and make more solemn music, according to the judgment of the Maestro di cappella, who must have consideration to communicate the magnificence of music during these greatest solemnities, and among the large attendance of people according to the decorum of the Church. The Singers cannot be released from service in the privileged days marked by † if not by the council with three quarters of the votes, and on the other days they are licensed by two of the council deputies, provided they obtain it in writing and present it in advance to the Puntatore. Le pene per l’ommissioni, & trasgressioni sono, cioè. [financial penalties for truancy and other transgressions] Nelle feste, & vigilie ordinarie. Per la Messa alta Nelle feste solenni. 1 lire Per la Messa alta Per il Vespro lire 1 Per le Compiete la Quresima 2 lire Per il Vespro 2 lire Per l’Orationi 10 soldi 1 lire Per l’Orationi Per le Processioni 8 soldi 10 soldi Per le Processioni del Corpus Domini, e del Venerdì Santo 2 lire Per l’Officio della Settimana Santa. 2 lire Transcription: Le quali pene s’intendano per quelli Musici, che haveranno di salario da vinticinque scudi in giù, ma se haveranno maggior salario fino a scudi cinquanta, siano duplicate, e se maggior di scudi 50 siano triplicate. Andando in Cantoria, ò in altre fontioni della Chiesa senza la cotta, siano puntati per mità della pena statuita per l’assenza. Facendo disubidienze, ò parole strepitose, ò immodeste, in Cantoria, in Chiesa, ò in Sacristia, e per ogni altro mancamento, siano puntati di pena, da esser liquidata da Sig. Deputati, secondo la qualità dell’eccesso. Translation: Going to the Cantoria, or to other places in the Church without the surplice, incurs a fine of half the penalty for absence. Disobedience, or use of sensational words, or immodesty within the choir gallery, in church, or in the sacristy, and for any other failure, they are punished with a fine, to be collected by the Deputies, according to the severity of the fault. 351 Giorni, neº quali si fà musica nella Chiesa di S. Maria Maggiore [days in which music is held in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore] The following is a list of days in the year on which polyphonic music takes place. First is a general list of days, and then the specific calendar days, month by month. Days marked with † indicate days on which singers may not be excused from attendance unless they obtain a 3/4 vote of the MIA council. I interpret that to mean these are valued above the others in terms of musical importance. On other days, singers may be excused if they obtain written permission from two deputies. [Repeating days] Tutte le Dominiche dell’anno, eccettuate le Dominiche dalla Settuagesima fino alla Dominica delle Palme, e la Dominiche delle vacanze autumnali. Le Compiete dopo meza Quaresima ogni giorno. La quarta Dominica Quaresima. † La Dominica delle Palme, la mattina. † Il Mercordì, Giovedì, Venerdì, e Sabbato Santi, con gli officie, orationi, e processioni. † Domenica di Resurrettione, con li due giorni seguenti, e con l’orat. † L’Ascensione di N.S. †Domenica della Pentacoste, con li due giorni seguenti, con li primi vespri, e orationi. † La Santissima Trinità, con li primi vespri, processione, e orationi. La Messa dello Spirito Santo, che si canta al principio di Decembre ad instanza della Mag. Città, e occorrendo qualche altra fontione estraordinaria saranno avisati anticipatamente. GENARO † 1 Circoncisione, con li primi vespri, e oratione. † 6 Episania, con li primi vespri, e oratione. † 20 S. Sebastiano, con li primi vespri. † 22 S. Vincenzo Martire. † 25 Conversione di S. Paolo, la Messa solamente. 27 S.Gio. Chrisostomo, la Messa solamente. FEBRARO † 2 Purificatione, con li primi vespri, e oratione. 3 Messa da morti, se non è Dominica, e se è Dominica, si canta il giorno seguente per i benefattori. 10 Messa da morti, se non è Dominica, e se è Dominica, si canta il giorno seguente per i benefattori. 24 S. Matthia Apostolo, Ancorche venesse di Quaresima. MARZO † 19 S. Giosesso con le prime Compiete, e Orationi. † 25 L’Annonciata, con li primi Vespri, e orationi. APRILE † 25 S. Marco Evangelista. 352 26 Messa da morti, se non è Dominica, e se è Dominica, si canta il giorno seguente per i benefattori. MAGGIO 1 SS. Filippo, e Giacomo Apost. 3 S Croce. 6 S. Gio.ante Portam Lat. la mattina solamente. 15 Messa da morti, per li benefattori, se non è Dominica, e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. GIUGNO 1 Messa da morti per Gio. Zuccheraro, se non è Dominica; e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. 11 S. Barnaba Apost. † 24 S. Gio. Batista, con li primi vespri. 25 Messa da morti per detto Zuccheraro, se non è Dominica; e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. † 29 SS. Pietro, e Paolo Apostoli, con li primi vespri. LUGLIO † 2 Visitatione della M. con li prima vespri, e orationi. 3 Messa da morti per Gio. Zuccheraro, se non è Dominica; e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. 25 S Giacomo Apost. 26 S. Anna Madre della B.V. 27 Messa da morti, come sopra, se non è Dominica; e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. AGOSTO † 5 Madonna della Neve, con li primi vespri, e orationi. 6 S. Salvatore. 7 Messa da morti per la Sig. Co. Dorotea Calepia, se non è Dominica; e se è, si canta il giorno seguente. 10 S. Lorenzo Mart. † 15 Assontione della Madonna, con li primi vespri, e orat. † 16 S. Rocco. 24 S. Bartolomeo Apost. SETTEMBRE † 8 Natività della B.V. con li primi vespri, e orationi. NOVEMBRE † 1 Ogni Santi, con li primi vespri, e orationi. † 2 Commemoratione de’ morti, la mattina solamente. 21 Presentatione della B.V. con li primi vespri, e orat. 30 S. Andrea Apost. DECEMBRE † 8 Concettione della B.V. con li primi vespri, e orat. 21 S. Tomaso. † 25 Natale del Signore, con li primi vespri, e orationi, e officio, e messa della notte precedente. 353 † 26 S. Stefano, con l’oratione. † 27 S. Giovanni, con l’oratione. 31 S. Silvestro, con l’oratione. 354 Appendix 4: Hodie Maria Virgo, Giovanni Cavaccio, from Nuovo Giardino (Venice: Vincenti, 1620)      
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                           (           (          (             ( ' ()*                *     *    *        *   380 Appendix 7: Full contents, D-W Cod. Guelf. 323 Mus. Hdschr., Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel Composer Title Voice Type MS page number I VOCUM [torn page, illegible] [J]udica Domine T 3 Finet. [Finetti, Giacomo] In te Domine spera[vi] C 16 Sagit. [Heinrich Schütz] Eile mich Gott C 42 ["] Ich schlaffe aber T 41 ["] Ach Herr straffe C 43 Crause [Johann Krause] Hertzlich lieb ab C 46 ["] Vulnerasti cor meum C 47 ["] Tu cognovisti T 48 ["] Amor meg[meum] crucifix[us] C 49 ["] Erce triumphator C 50 [Isaac Posch?] In te Domine Speravi C 51 notes 381 [Isaac] Posch Credidi pp [propter] quod. B 52 " Domine exaudi B 53 " Benedictus es Deus C 54 ["] Judica Domine T 55 [Pietro] Lappi Omnes gentes plaudite C 56 ["] Jesu dulcis memoria C 57 [Pietro] Lappi Ego dormio C 58 ["] Quam pulchra es C 59 [Lappi?] Domine Deus B 64 [Claudio] Bone Jesu Monte[verdi] C 83 " Ecce panis Angelor[um] C 84 Viad [Ludovico Viadana] Cum appropinquaret [Dominus Jerusalem] B 104 [103] It is in the MS index as #104. In the actual partbook, this is #103. The actual 104 is by Scheidt for 7vv and is missing from index. 382 Baryph [Heinrich Baryphonus] Wir glauben all C 107 Sagitt. [Heinrich Schütz] Bringet her dem H[errn?] C 151 [Jakob?] Körner Bringet her dem H[errn] C 112 Baryphonus represents one of the rare direct Helmstedt connections, as he went to University there and was most well known as a theorist, espeially on the thoroughbass. Unknown composer. It is difficult to find anything on a “Körner” from this time period. There is one reference in MGG to a Jakob Körner in the entry for Graz: Based on this, I am fairly confident this composition is by Jakob Körner, a Preceptor who worked in Graz in the late 16th century. This is one of the only extant references to his music. [Ignazio?] Donati O admirabile com[mercium] C 122 There is a German family of organ builders from the mid 17th c. with the family name Donati, but I rather suspect this is Ignazio Donatio (15701638), an Italian working all over from Urbino, Fano, Ferrara, and eventually Milan. 383 Sagit. [Schütz] O süsser T 127 HG [Heinrich Grimm] Herr dem du bist No indication 128 [Thomas] Selle [1] Und der [Herr] lobete [den ungerechten hausalter] [2] Machet eauch Freunde [1]B [2]C 130 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Super flumina bab[ylonis] C 169[a] From Concerti eccl. Ohmen [Oehme] Wir glauben all T 170 Andreas Oehme was a local cantor in Nordhausen, so he would have been instrumental in compiling the compositions in the Fasciculus series. " Wir glauben all C 171 [Giovanni Damasceni] Ufferer Repleator os meum C 172 [Lodovico] Viad[ana] Inclina Domine T 173 In Fasciculus primus " Quem vidistis past[ores] C 174 In Cento concerti " Domine Dominus noster C 176[b] In Fasciculus primus 384 " Peccavi super C 179 In Cento concerti " Collaudat te C 180 In Concerti eccl. " Ego sum vermis C 202 " Cantemus Domine C 203 [Melchior] Franck Alleluia Hodie Christe T 204 [Isaac] Posch Ad te levavi [animam meum] C [T] 205 [Ludovice ] Viad[ana] Jesu nostra red[emptio] B 206 There is no extant printed source for this Viadana motet, and as such, represents a unique source. " O Jesu dulcis B 207 In Cento concerti " Guadebunt labia me B 208 In Fasciculus Primus " Salve corpus Jesu T 209 In Concerti eccl. Sagit. [Schütz] Ego autem sum Dominus B 221 " Veni Domine et noli C 222 In Fasciculus primus 385 [Isaac] Posch Benedicam Domino C 198 [Melchior] Franck Das ist das[ewige?] C 199 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Dulcissime Jesu C 200 In Fasciclus primus " Voce mea C 169[b] In Cento Concerti " O Jesu Christe C 181 Sagit. [Schütz] Ich danke dir C 182 Dillig [Johann Dilliger] O herr hilf o Herr C 194 In Fasciculus primus M.P. [Michael Praetorius] Herr kehre dich C 196 In Fasciculus primus Crause [Johann Krause] Domine Jesu C 197 In Fasciculus primus II VOCUM Sagit. [Schütz] [Illegible] ist groß 2C [Illegible] Heinne[cius] Lobet den herren 2C 2 In Fasciculus secundus 386 HG [Grimm] Wie bin ich doch 2C 6 [Daniel] Selich Wer unter dem Schirm 2C 7 ["] Wol dem [?] in Gotteß 2C 10 HG [Grimm] Ich habs gewagt 2T 11 " quam pulchra es 2C 12 ["] Lobat den Herren in 2C 14 ["] Jedermann gibt zum 2C 13 ["] Wol demder ein tug 2C 15 HG [Grimm] O Jesu Christ du magst 2C 21 [Johann Hermann] Schein Fillis ist keusch 2C 35 [Caspar] Movius Magnificat {5 Toni 6 Toni 7 Toni 8 Toni} 2C 36 37 38 39 Sagitt. [Schütz] O lieber herre Gott 2C 192 In Fasciculus primus 387 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] O quam suavis CB 195 [Possibly Alessandro Grandi] Bone Jesu Verbum 2C 44 HG [Grimm] Frölich wollen wir 2C 60 [Georg?] Weber Liebe du mich CT 61 " Declina te a me 2B 62 [scribe 2] [Anon.] Duo Seraphim 2C 63 [Giacomo] Finetti Vox dilecti CT 65 [scribe 2] Hammersch [Andreas Hammerschmidt] Ach Herr ich hab gesünd[iget] CB 211 This is an instrumental part, for trombone " Ach Herr wie sind meiner CB 212 As above " Siehe meine freundin CT 213 As above " Ach Herr straffe mich nicht CB 216 As above " Liebe sehle du hast einen CB 217 As above 388 Sagitt. [Schütz] Wol dem der nicht wand[elt] CA 219 " O hilf Christe Gottes 2T 220 " Lobe den herren 2C 68 S.S. [Samuel Scheidt] Hertzlich thut mich erfeuen 2C 74 " Machet die thore weit CT 75 " Herr, lehr uns bedenken CT 76 " Herr wen ich nur dich CT 77 " Wirf dein Anliegen CT 78 " Ich freue mich deß CT 79 [illegible; Likely, Scheidt] Lobe den Herren CT 80 S.S. [Scheidt] Ruffe getrost CT 81 Sagitt. [Schütz] Ach herr straffe mich [nicht] CT 1 389 S.S. [Scheidt] Danket den herren TA 5 [Giovanni Nicolò] Mezzogor[i] Jubilate Deo 2C 96 ["] O Domine Jesu [Christe] 2T 97 [Giacomo] Finetti Domine inclina coelos 2B 98 [Dillinger?] Mein hertz ist ber[eit] 2C 101 [Giacomo] Finett[i] Coeli enarrant 2B 105 [Claudio] O bone Jesu Montever[di] 2C 123 HG [Grimm] Freud euch ihr lieben 2C 135 Sagitt. [Schütz] Fürchte dich nicht 2B 191 ["] Jesaia dem proph. 2C 136 Schein Exaudiat te Dominus 2T 144 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Indica mihi 2C 166 Sagit. [Schütz] O herr hilf o herr 2C 193 In Fasciculus primus In fasciculus Primus In Fasciculus secundus 390 III VOCUM Schein Exaudiat te Deus CTB 144 Mistakenly listed as Exuadiat te Dominus in index HG [Grimm] Nu komm der heiden [heiland] 3C 186 In 2 parts Sagitt. [Schütz] himmel und erde 3B 183 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] O quam pulchra es 2C B 177 Hammersch [midt] Nehmet hin und ess 2C B 214 First and third parts vocal, second part for symphonia. No instrument(s) specified, though directly follows three pieces for trombone. " Ich bin die Wurtzel 2C B 215 HG [Grimm] Sieh wie fein 2C B 164 " Herr unser herrscher 2C B 163 " Singet dem herrn 2C B 162 " Lobat ihr himmel 2C B 161 In 2 parts Piano and forte dynamic markings throughout. 391 " Cor mundum unspecified 158 " Jubilate Deo 2T B 157 " Reminsicere Domine unspecified 153 Schein Fürwar er trug CTB 149 Instrumental part: viola da gamba " Herr wen ich nur CTB 148 Instrumental part: Violin ó Fagotto " Erscheinem ist Herr[liche] 2C B 143 Instrumental part: Trombone ó Fagotto " Mit fried und fr[eud] 2C B 140 Only a text incipit. Probably 2vv plus bass instrument, plus bc. No instrument specified. Mostly long tones, so possibly for a trombone. " O Jesu Christe 2C B 138 As above " Magnificat 6 Toni CTB 118 Trombone ó Fagotto " Der gerechte wird CTB 117 As above " O quam metuendus 2C B 116 As above [Andreas Rauch?] Vein in hortum meum n/a 8 In 2 parts 392 M.P. [Praetorius] Nu lob mein sehl n/a 18 " Nu freud euch n/a 19 [blank possibly Praetorius] Laß sorgen wer da n/a 20 S.S. [Samuel Scheidt] Vater under im CTB 22 The following 10 compositions by Scheidt are bracketed together in the MS, but they do not all come from the same printed source. " Dreierley Corall: [Ich ruff zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ] CTB 23 In 3 parts " Wie schön leuchtet CTB 24 3 parts " Wies Gott gefelt CTB 25 2 verses, 5 parts " Von Gott wil ich CTB 26 " Durch wortes CTB 27 " In meinem hertzen CTB 28 " Danket dem herren CTB 29 2 parts Above the number: Pral: 136 Fasciculus Secundus 393 " Nu lob mein seel CTB 30 " Aller augen warten CTB 34 [blank] In toto mundo 2C B 40 Garbe vol.2 lists this as: [Andreas Rauch?] [Georg?] Weber Fürchet den herren n/a 45 Included here is an instrumental Simphonia to start. Single voice in bass part, instrument not specified, with Chorus written at the bottom towards the end of it. After the vocal portion, directions to repetate chorus; tacet 28 bars; repatate chorus. [anon.] Liebe du mich na 69 HG [Grimm] Pater Noster 2T B 108 " Auxilium meum a Domino n/a 109 " Si bona suscepimus n/a 110 IIII VOCUM HG [Grimm] Tota pulchra es 155 394 S.S. [Scheidt] Herr unser Herrs[cher] 31 Included here is the Tenor and Discantus. They are on adjacent pages, and continue on the following pages, with the “secunda pars.” following on the bottom of the 2nd page. This tells me that two singers could have easily stood next to each other and read from the same book, the tenor on the left, the discantus on the right. HG [Grimm] Was Gott ausersehen 66 Included here is Discantus 2 and Alto parts. [anon.] 67 Frisch auf ihr von der HG [Grimm] Cantate Domino Sagitt. [Schüt] Verba mea S.S. [Scheidt] 159 \ 72 In 2 parts Es gingen drei heilige 73 Altus and Bassus part included. Altus on LH side, Bassus on RH. [anon.] Solennitates Missa 85 [anon.] Missa 87 [Melchior] Vulpius Magnificat 4 Toni 88 395 HG [Grimm] Ich liege und schlaffe 99 " Christ wiegelein 111 Sagitt. [Schütz] Turbabor sed non [perturbabor] 129 [Schütz also?] Sag o sonne meiner [seelen] 133 Sagitt. [Schütz] Nu kom der heiden [heiland] Schein Nu kom der heiden [heiland] [CCBB] Written above the notes in small, green ink are dynamics: forte and piano 184 137 Under 137: Instrum. There is only the text incipit, so I interpret this as either an instrumental contrafact, or that it is for 3vv and bass instrument, plus BC. No instruments specified. " Christ lag in todeß 139 " Siehe das ist mein kn[echt] 141 " Herr nu lestu deinen 142 " Wir glauben all 145 As above. Instrumental part: Trombone ó Fagotto 396 " Gehet hin in alle [welt] 146 " Kom heiliger Geist 165 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Imple os nostrum 178 " Quis dabit capiti meo 185 In Fasciculus secundus HG [Grimm] Da antwortet Laben 188 [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Dilectus meus mihi 189 " O Domine Jesu Christe 210 In Fasciculus primus Schein Gelobet seistu Jesu 218 Instrumental part, none specified " Nun freudt euch Gottes kin[der] 223 Instrumental part: Trombone ó Fagotto 397 [Johannes or Pancratius?] Crüger Siehe also wird geseg[net] This is either Johannes or Pancratius. The dates of Johannes and his publication history fit, and he may have studied with Gabrieli at one point. Pancratius was a bit earlier (d. 1615), though was actually in Helmstedt. Both are possible. They may have been related to one another. V VOCUM HG [Grimm] Meine Schwester liebe [braut] 131 " Dancket dem herren 9 " Wer Gott nicht mit 168 S.S. [Scheidt] Kombt her ihr geseg[ne]ten 32 HG [Grimm] Missa: super Hosianna 89 " Ich beschwere euch ihr 125 " Siehe meine Freundin 132 Title in partbook: Dialogus a 5 voc . There are indications for ‘Symphonia tacet’ and ‘concerto’ when 398 the instruments should start playing again. No specified instruments [Ludovico] Viad[ana] Fit porta Christi per via 147 HG [Grimm] Alleluia: Cantate Domino 175 [anon] Es ging ein alter lump[enmann] 227 S.S. [Scheidt] Cantate Domino 230 The most specific descriptions for performance anywhere in the MS. In order, they are: Tromb: Sinfonia Voce Viol Braccia: Sinfonia Voce 3 Versus Fagott. Sinfonia Voce 4 versus Viol de Gamb. Sinfonia Plenus chorus voce et Tromb: This is from Scheidt’s Conc. Sacr. (1622) Nr.3 VI VOCUM S.S. [Scheidt] Alleluia: Lobet ihr himmel 33 Included here, 2nd tenor and Bassus. 399 [Nikolaus] Zangius Ach Gredel liebes 70 HG [Grimm] Missa: Super dilectus meus 86 MP [Praetorius] 90–93 Quatuor symphoniae 2 parts included here on 2 staves; altus and bassus. It might seem odd to do this for a 4vv motet, but these two parts seem to be in conversation. They never sing at the same time, like a call and response, so this was done with the performers specifically in mind. More evidence that this was a partbook intended for performance. Four short, fully instrumental symphoniae. No instruments specified. [Daniel] Selich Benedicamus Domino 94 [Melchior] Vulpius Magnificat 1 Toni 95 HG [Grimm] Ehre sei Gott in der [Höhe] 100 Schein 115 Hosianna dem sohne Instrumental part for Bombardon. This was a term for a bass wind instrument, at this time a great bass shawm. 400 HG [Grimm] Nu bitten wir den 124 " Jesu Christeus uns.[er heiland] 150 [anon.] Herr wo soll ich hin[gehen] [?] 167 HG [Grimm] Veni Domine et noli tardare 187 VII VOCUM HG [Grimm] Christ unser herr zum 120 " Es wolt uns Gott 126 MP [Praetorius] O lamb Gotteß unschuld[ig] 154 Structure is written in: 1 et 2 V tacet 3 Versus... 4 Versum habet chorus 5 Versus... 6 Versus tacet 7 Versus... #156 corrected to 154 by original scribe VIII VOCUM HG [Grimm] Lieblich und schöne sein 102 [Scheidt] [104] [Lobat ihr himmel den] In 2 parts This is not in the MS index at all. 104 is 401 misplaced as a Viadana solo bass motet which is actually 103. HG [Grimm] Gelobet seistu Jesu [Christ] 106 Listed under 106: Tenor 1 chorus Concerto This has a “ripieno” inserted in here, only use of this term in MS. " Jubilieret Fröhlich und 114 " Ehre sei dem Vater 119 " Der Herr segne dich 121 " Fröhlich wollen wir 134 Sagitt. [Schütz] An den wassern zu 152 HG [Grimm] Surgite populi 156 S.S. [Scheidt] 160 Lobet den herren in sein[em] HG [Grimm] Wer ist die herfürbricht 224 " 225 Dies ist der tag In 3 strophic verses 402 Sagitt. [Schütz] Dancket dem Herren 226 S.S. [Scheidt] Tulerunt Dominum meum 229