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THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
Shalva Weil
Online Publication Date: 01 November 2009
To cite this Article Weil, Shalva(2009)'THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY',Journal of Modern Jewish
Studies,8:3,319 — 335
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Shalva Weil
THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN
COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY*
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msshalva@mscc.huji.ac.il
ShalvaWeil
CMJS_A_426478.sgm
Modern
10.1080/14725880903263044
1472-5886
Original
Taylor
8302009
000002009
and
&
Jewish
Article
Francis
(print)/1472-5894
Francis
Studies
(online)
New directions have been found in the study of Jewish topographies. This article attempts to
relocalise Jewish space and move it beyond European and American cityscapes to encompass
a wider Jewish geographical horizon. The article explores the summer resort of Alwaye (or
Aluva), the holiday home to the Cochin (or Kochi) Jews of south India, as an example of a
hitherto unexplored Jewish location. In this holiday space, social divisions influenced by
hierarchical perceptions of society in India between Paradesi (“White”), Malabar (“Black”)
and “Meshuchrarim”, manumitted slaves, were replicated. It was in Alwaye in the year 1909
that the death of the two-year old Rivka, nicknamed Dolly, occurred. An elegy in Hebrew
written by Dolly’s father, community leader Isaac Elias (I.E.) Hallegua, is mentioned for the
first time in Cochin Jewish history. It is hoped that the awareness of the space in which the
death occurred and the interconnectedness between Jewish holiday space and Jewish quotidian space will contribute to the ever-growing field of the study of Jewish landscapes.
Indian Jewish topographies
Recently, attention has been turned to exploring Jewish space as a legitimate academic
pursuit. The focus is synchronic as opposed to the diachronic, and until now it has
reflected the more historical emphasis in Judaism. Where Jewish geography has been
studied in the past, the subject matter has tended to be pilgrimages or religious sites such
as synagogues or cemeteries, on the one hand, or Zionism and Holocaust remembrances, on the other.1 In recent sociological and anthropological studies, researchers
have highlighted “imagined communities” and the dialectic between “homeland” and
“diaspora”2 or territorial discourse, which has emphasised “land” in relation to colonialism, post-colonialism and Zionism. 3 However, with the publication of the pioneering
volume Jewish Topographies, 4 new directions have opened up in the study of Jewish locations. These include the construction of the Sukkah (Tabernacles),5 the position of the
eruv,6 the location of an Iraqi music club in Israel, 7 and more. Needless to say, the
volume Jewish Topographies makes no mention of “Indian Jewish space.” This article,
then, attempts to relocalise Jewish space and move it beyond familiar Jewish landscapes
to encompass a wider Jewish geographical horizon.
India’s Jews consist of three distinct communities: the Bene Israel, who settled on
the Konkan coast, the “Baghdadis”, who came to Calcutta and Bombay from the 19th
century on, and the Cochin8 Jews. The Bene Israel, today numbering over 60,000 in Israel
and fewer than 4,000 in India, are the largest Indian Jewish ethnic group. Several thousand
Baghdadi Jews are dispersed in the English-speaking world and in Israel, and only about
*This article is dedicated to the memory of Samuel Hallegua.
Journal of Modern Jewish Studies Vol 8, No. 3 November 2009, pp. 319–335
ISSN 1472-5886 print/ISSN 1472-5894 online © 2009 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/14725880903263044
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JOURNAL OF MODERN JEWISH STUDIES
200 remain in Bombay and Calcutta. In addition, there are other Judaising groups in India
claiming Israelite ancestry, the most prominent amongst these being the Shinlung or the
“Bnei Menasseh” from Mizoram and Manipur in north-east India. 9 To date, Indian Jewish
space has been restricted to migratory patterns 10 and cityscapes,11 largely among the
Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews. In this paper the focus will be placed upon the Jewish
landscape of the smallest group of Indian Jews, the Cochin Jews, who only numbered
2,400 at their height before their “mass” emigration to Israel in 1954. Today, there are
about 7,000 Jews of Cochin origin in Israel and fewer than 30 remain on the Malabar coast.
Cochin Jewish topography has dwelt upon synagogue architecture 12 in transnational locations.13 However, this paper will broaden the scope of this field in general,
and Cochin Jewish topography in particular, by focusing upon a doubly unusual Jewish
landscape: the Jewish holiday resort in a south Indian setting. To the best of my knowledge, the Jewish holiday location has not been studied as a Jewish topography. Furthermore, from an ethnocentric Western point of view, Cochin Jewry has been little
documented in mainstream academic journals. Moreover, within the corpus of scientific
literature on Cochin Jews, no article has ever been written on Alwaye, the holiday home
of the Jews of Cochin.
The holiday resort as Jewish landscape
Jewish holiday destinations are clearly not the exclusive territory of Indian Jews. For
years, New York Jews have made the Catskill Mountains, dubbed the “Jewish Alps”, in
New York State north-west of New York City and south-west of Albany, their second
home; the famous Jewish vacation resorts, such as Grossinger’s, Kutsher’s and Brown’s,
became known as the “Borscht Belt”. In the United Kingdom, Bournemouth, replete with
kosher hotels and Jewish services, became a favourite seaside resort among British Jews.
In Calcutta, India, the Indian Jewish “Baghdadi” community regularly took a holiday in
three different places: the rural town of Madhapur, the hill station at Darjeeling and the
fishing village of Gobalpur. The “Baghdadis” usually went there during December and
January, coinciding with Christmas holidays so that the children would not miss school.
Some members of the community also visited the holiday resorts in September–October,
where they held High Holiday services. 14 The children loved the holidays, which provided
relaxation for the adults, who transported all the household paraphernalia, including the
servants, to the resort so that they could eat kosher food, hold religious services and
continue to lead a full Jewish life while on vacation. Mavis Hyman reports that Aaron
Aaron’s family would call Madhupur “Little Jerusalem, not only because the Jews congregated there, but also because of the toast, “next year in Jerusalem!” at Passover.” 15
The Cochin Jews, like their coreligionists, were no exception in this Jewish golden
rule. As was the case with other Jewish communities, the Cochin Jews of south India
moved to the holiday resort of Alwaye in Kerala, where they could comfortably
continue their religious life in a more favourable climate during the monsoon season.
The Cochin Jews: origins and history
As has been noted above, the Cochin Jews are one of the smallest Jewish ethnic groups
in the world. They never suffered anti-Semitism at the hands of their Indian neighbours,
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THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
who were Hindu, Christian and Muslim. Nevertheless, the colonising Portuguese
persecuted them for a brief interlude in history. The Portuguese explorer Vasco da
Gama arrived in Cochin in 1498, and in 1560 the Portuguese established an Office of
the Inquisition in Goa in India. Francis Xavier, the Archbishop of Goa, tried to purge the
area of Jews, events which impacted upon the Cochin Jews, who were also under Portuguese dominion. Despite the difficulties of that period, the Cochin Jews lived in
harmony with members of other faiths until their emigration to the State of Israel after
Israeli independence in 1948. Religious attachment to the people of Israel and messianic
fervour were the only factors that encouraged the Cochin Jews to leave for Israel, where
they eventually settled successfully in moshavim (agricultural villages). Today, they have
also spread out to urban locations and intermarry freely with members of other Jewish
ethnic groups.
There are several theories about the origins of the Jews on the Malabar coast. One
legend holds that they arrived with King Solomon’s merchantmen. The most popular
local legend in south Indian Christian repertoires attributes the arrival of Cochin Jewry
in India to the first century. Thomas the Apostle and Abbanes, an Indian merchant,
arrived at Cranganore, the ancient capital of Cochin, on the wedding day of the king’s
daughter. Thomas recited poetry in Hebrew and only a Jewish flautist understood him.
He subsequently converted her to Christianity. The legend is oral proof of the existence
of Jews already residing on the Malabar coast before the first century C.E.
Documentary evidence of Jewish settlement in Kerala can be found in the famous
Cochin Jewish copperplates inscribed in an ancient Tamil script (dated 1000 C.E.). In
that year, during the reign of Bhaskara Ravi Varman (962–1020 C.E.), the Jews were
granted 72 privileges, which included the right to use a day lamp, to erect a palanquin,
to blow a trumpet and to be exempt from, and to collect, certain taxes. As stated on the
copperplates, these privileges were given
To Joseph Rabban the Prince of Anjuvannam and to his descendants, sons and
daughters, and to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who married his daughters in
natural succession. So long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his
hereditary possession. Hail.
According to most authorities, Anjuvannam was a guild, but Anjuvannam and its
counterpart Manigrammam, also mentioned on the copperplates, could have been two
different yet symmetrical groups: Jews and Christians respectively. 16
In 1524 Muslims attacked the Jews of Cranganore, and most of them fled to Cochin,
taking protection under the Hindu Raja, who granted them their own protected quarter
in Jew Town, Mattancherry.17 In 1568 the Jews built the Paradesi synagogue,
constructed during the otherwise hostile rule of the Portuguese. In 1660 the Dutch
conquered Cochin and the Jews prospered. Ezekiel Rahabi (1694–1771), a Cochin Jew,
acted as the principal merchant for the Dutch in Cochin and signed his memoranda in
Hebrew. In 1795 Cochin came under British control, and the Jews were still treated
with tolerance.
After 1947 and Indian independence and the establishment of the State of Israel in
1948, and despite the lack of anti-Semitism, the Cochin Jews decided to leave for Israel.
Only a few hundred remained. The Cochin Jews were acclaimed in 1968 when Prime
Minister Indira Ghandi celebrated the quarter-centenary of the Paradesi synagogue and
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the Indian government honoured the community by issuing a commemorative stamp for
the occasion.
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Social differentiation among Cochin Jews
The Cochin Jews were divided into subgroups reminiscent of castes, although, as Jews,
they were clearly “out-of-caste”. The “White” (Paradesi) Jews were the descendants of
European and other Jews, who had arrived on the Malabar Coast from the 16th century
on. Two of the prominent Paradesi families were the Koders, who originated in Iraq and
became great traders from Cochin, and the Halleguas, who trace their origin from Spain
and who reached Aleppo, Syria, after the Inquisition in 1492. Many Paradesi families
settled in Mattancherry, Cochin. The “Black” (Malabar) Jews lived in seven congregations, including Ernakulam, Mala, Parur, Chendamangalam and Cochin. Social and
religious interaction between the White and wealthier Paradesi and the darker-skinned
and poorer Malabari Jews was restricted and there was not a single case of intermarriage
between them.18
In addition, both communities held manumitted slaves known in Hebrew as
meshuchrarim (freed people)19 who were distinct from the Jews with impeccable descent
(known in Hebrew as meyuchasim (privileged)). The meshuchrarim have been mistakenly
identified as a separate caste and called “Brown Jews” by some researchers, 20 but in
practice, while White Jews were distinguishable from Black Jews on the basis of colour,
the dark-skinned meshuchrarim were not “Brown”. Until the middle of the 20th century,
in an imitation of caste-like practices, the meshuchrarim were not allowed to dine or
intermarry with their masters. In the Paradesi synagogue they were prohibited from
being called up to the Torah or participating equally in a minyan (quorum). This castelike situation changed in the middle of the 20th century, in large manner due to the
activism of Abraham Barak (henceforth A. B.) Salem.
A. B. Salem (1882–1967) was the first meshuchrar to receive a university degree in
law. He became actively involved in politics and served on the Cochin Legislative
Assembly.21 He used certain Gandhi-like satyagraha non-violent tactics to improve the
status of the meshuchrarim in his own synagogue. Only in the 1940s was he allowed to
read the Torah in the synagogue (which, as I have mentioned, was previously prohibited), and in the late 1940s meshuchrarim were finally allowed to be buried in the Paradesi
cemetery, but in a separate section. 22 In 1950 Salem’s son Balfour married Seema
“Baby” Koder, a Paradesi woman—in Bombay since they were prohibited from getting
married in the Paradesi synagogue. When Seema returned to Cochin, most of the
Paradesi female members walked out of the ladies’ gallery. A few months later, in 1951,
Louis Rabinowitz, Chief Rabbi of the Transvaal, South Africa, went on a mission to India
and recorded the episode as recounted to him by the head of the Paradesi community,
Samuel Shabtai (henceforth S. S.) Koder. Rabinowitz described the incidence thus:
When, on the following Festival Mrs. Salem, a pure-blooded White Jewess,
entered the ladies’ gallery of the Synagogue, the whole female congregation rose as
one woman from their seats and flounced out of the Synagogue. But the young
Mrs. Salem was a determined young lady who was not prepared to be slighted in
this way, and refused to be intimidated into relinquishing her rights. She refused to
THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
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budge and declared her intention of continuing to worship in the White Jews’
Synagogue.23
The “pure-blooded White Jewess” was Seema “Baby” Koder, the Paradesi woman
who was forced to marry in another Indian Jewish congregation because she chose to
marry a meshuchrar, who happened to be the son of A. B. Salem. By the next generation,
with dwindling numbers, due to emigration to Israel and opposition to caste-like
distinctions evaporating, the marriage of Baby and Balfour’s son Leslie Salem to Glennis
Simon, a woman from a prominent Paradesi family, was celebrated with joy in the
Paradesi synagogue.24
Until the 21st century the history of Cochin Jews was, with few exceptions, monolithic, referring exclusively to Paradesi “White” Jewish history. In parallel, the spatialisation of Cochin Jewish research was confined to Mattancherry, Cochin, where the
Paradesi synagogue was located. In 2004, Galia Hacco, a Malabar Jew recently known
as a “Black” Jew, wrote about the ritual cycle of Cochin Jewish holidays from “a Malabari
perspective”.25 Since then, scholars and the general public have become aware of
“other” Jewish spaces in the annals of Cochin Jewish history, and specifically Malabar
Jewish landscapes. The restoration of the Chendamangalam synagogue in February 2006
and its opening as a Jewish tourist site 26 has triggered interest in other settlements
where Malabar Jews resided and enacted their lives. As noted in a Jerusalem Post article
on July 12, 2009, Parur (or Paravur), the site of another Malabar Jewish congregation,
will now be included in the study of Cochin Jewish topography, as plans to conserve the
synagogue and a Jewish house are progressing.
Future research still has to explore more ancient Jewish settlement in Kerala,
Cranganore, and other sites. The archaeological dig in Pattanam at Parur is shedding
new light on the ancient history of trade in Kerala, and specifically on the role of the
Jews there. It is hoped that the Muziris Heritage Project will unearth proof of the Jewish
presence in other Jewish landscapes on the Malabar coast from early times. 27
Alwaye: the place
A Cochin Jewish topography that has never been documented as such is Alwaye, or
Aluva, as it is known in Malayalam. Alwaye is a large city in Kerala, close to today’s
Cochin International Airport. Even in ancient times the town was a holiday resort and
a commercial centre. This pivotal town of over 25,000 souls was once the summer
home for many Cochin Jews, particularly during the 20th century. Despite its ephemeral and seasonal significance for the Cochin Jews, it is interesting to document
Alwaye’s role in modern Cochin Jewish history in order to show both the attachments
of various Cochin Jewish communities and the complexities of Diaspora life. The
unusual facet in this discussion is the influence of hierarchical modes of perceiving
society and the replication of social Jewish topographies in a home-away-from-home
location by the river in India’s southernmost state of Kerala.
Until 1341, when the Periyar River, then known as the Churniyar River, was silted
up, Alwaye used to be a continuous area of land spread across Kakkanad and Alangad.
The river, 229 kilometres in length, is the longest river in the Ernakulam district. It had
a single course, flowing through Thottummukham, round Mangalappuzha and into the
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JOURNAL OF MODERN JEWISH STUDIES
Arabian Sea. Traders sent spices and goods to foreign parts, including the Middle East,
using this route. Quilon, also identified as Cranganore or Kodungallor, opened up as a
major port in the Indian Ocean after an international trade route was established from
the seventh century, linking Abbassid Persia and T’ang China. 28 Against this backdrop,
Jews from Fatimid Egypt also began to visit Quilon from the ninth century on, trading
in spices, such as pepper, ginger and cardamom, as can be seen in the Jewish letters of
the Cairo Genizah, from the 11th and 12th centuries. 29
In 1341 a type of tsunami occurred and the river was silted up and forced to flow
into two tributaries at Thottummukham. One continued to flow through Desam and
Mangalappuzha to the Kodungallor backwaters. The other made a new track flowing
downward dividing the Alwaye mainland in two: north and south. At Kunjunnikkara
Island, one tributary flowed into the Varapuzha backwaters and the other into the
Cochin backwaters. After the river was silted up, the Jews who were already living in
Cranganore, moved to establish communities in Cochin and elsewhere. 30 After the
Periyar river flood, the first synagogue of Cochin which was established is attributed to
a man named Joseph Azar at Cochangadi. 31 It was not until the 20th century that the
two parts of the mainland were connected by the construction of the Marthandavarma
Bridge in 1939.
All the colonial powers who reached Kerala made Alwaye their home. The Dutch,
who occupied Cochin from 1663 to 1793 after the Portuguese, and the British, who
colonised India from 1797 to 1948, built bungalows on the banks of the Periyar. Tipu
Sultan (or Sultan Fateh Ali Tipu) (1750–1799), the Muslim conqueror, in his quest to
take over Travancore, camped on the sandbanks of the river. Members of the wealthy
Paradesi Jewish community were no exception. Initially, the settlement in Alwaye was
work-linked. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the wells of Cochin started
drying up, so the entrepreneurial Koders developed a city water service by piping in
fresh water from the Periyar River in Alwaye to Cochin. That is when they began buying
up properties along the riverside.
Every year after the festival of Passover, when the monsoons were already threatening and many offices were on holiday for a month, the Paradesi community shifted
temporarily lock, stock and barrel to the quieter and cooler environs of the summer
resort. Katz and Goldberg describe the move as follows:
As an escape from the climate, most of Jew Town would migrate to Alwaye for
the duration. Travelling by barge-like boats, they brought everything they would
need to sustain them—an entire household of servants and kitchen requisites, as
well as Torah scrolls and ritual requirements for prayers. The boats—each of
which had a sleeping area, a makeshift kitchen, a place for recreation, and
servants’ quarters—proved satisfactory for most of the vacationers. 32
Along the riverbank, the huge tall coconut palms gave shade. The children swam in
the river while the parents lazed in their villas and gardens and replicated the community
life they had known in Mattancherry, Cochin. The prayer halls they built inside their
estates did not hinder their multicultural neighbours, who had also constructed temples,
churches, and mosques along the banks of the Periyar River. Isaac Samuel (henceforth
I. S.) Hallegua, a Paradesi Jew from Jew Town, Cochin, who died in 2005, wrote in a
yet unpublished manuscript:
THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
The Halleguas and the Koders, who owned large residences by the riverside at
Alwaye, usually spent eight to ten weeks from Passover to Shavuot until the
monsoons made it impossible to live there, always raising the river level high above
the hills on which the houses were built. The river with its two banks is at least 1000
metres wide at its narrowest course and the hills rise 25 meters above the river
banks…. The reader of these lines (will)… appreciate the tranquillity, loveliness
and green colour of this holiday home of Cochin Jews. 33
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Ruby Daniel, a member of the Paradesi meshuchrarim community, describes the
summer resort thus:
Alwaye is a health resort some miles from Cochin, where the Periyar River comes
down from the mountains. The river is a little bit wide there, and on both sides it
is just like a beach—all beautiful, cream-colored sand. The water is fresh and sweet,
good for drinking, and it is said to have sulphurine curing properties. Three or four
times a day you bathe in the river or it won’t be effective. You are always in the
water. Even in the evening it is not cold…’ 34
The days in Alwaye are recalled by members of the community with nostalgia.
Nathan Katz and Ellen Goldberg write:
There they would while away the days, swimming —often under specially
constructed coir sunshades—and avidly playing cards. The most popular game was
canasta-like sanbar, and they would return to Mattancherry in time for the cooler
rainy season, a season heralded by winds. They would know it was time to return
to Mattancherry… “when you couldn’t play anymore because the cards would be
blowing off the table.” The Alwaye interlude ended in 1969 with the untimely death
of Essie Koder. Elias35 sold his summer home, and “the gang” stopped going there.
Gradually, all the Paradesi properties were bought up by non-Jews and the idyllic
days of Alwaye were over.
Home away from home: the replication of social
difference in space
I. S. Hallegua wrote in the abovementioned manuscript:
Every Jewish family of Cochin spent at least a fortnight at Alwaye, a health resort
35 kilometres north of Cochin, to enjoy a short holiday in May or June every year,
as guests of a Koder or Hallegua. It was a fun holiday for each person, bathing thrice
a day in the clearest fresh water of a long river in Kerala that supplied Cochin with
drinking water collected and treated at a location far away from industries and
residences before public use.36
When Hallegua wrote “every Jewish family of Cochin…,” he referred only to the
Paradesi Cochin Jews in Alwaye. As has been documented above, the Cochin Jews were
separated into caste-like divisions: they prayed in different ritual locations and lived in
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JOURNAL OF MODERN JEWISH STUDIES
different Jewish topographies. Even the Jewish cemeteries were separate. Until 1954
when the majority of Cochin Jewry emigrated to Israel, the Paradesi were concentrated
in Jew Town, Fort, Cochin and their family estates. The Malabar Jews lived in two additional communities in Jew Town, Cochin, and in other communities in Ernakulam, in
Chendamangalam, and elsewhere, as described above.
In Alwaye, the social differentiation between Jewish groups was replicated in the
holiday resort. On the waterfront stood the finest properties owned by the two wealthiest and prestigious Paradesi families, who also intermarried throughout the generations. S. S. Koder,37 the father of Queenie Hallegua (who today resides in Synagogue
Lane in Jew Town, Mattancherry) owned a beautiful house called “Shady Villa”, which
was adjacent to the Hallegua bungalow with a small lane separating the two houses.
Next to that bungalow was Queenie and her husband Samuel Hallegua’s common
grandfather’s property, complete with lounge and dining room, three large bedrooms,
outside bathrooms, storerooms, a pantry, verandahs surrounding the whole house and
a magnificent portico. There was also a prayer hall in the garden from which there was
a view of the white sands and the river bank, in which a regular minyan (quorum) was
held when the house was occupied. 38 Behind this villa lay another Hallegua bungalow.
At the end of the row of Paradesi bungalows stood the hill palace of one of the Rajas of
Travancore, Aluva Palace,39 mirroring the close proximity of the Paradesi synagogue
and homes in Jew Town to the Mattancherry Palace 40 owned by the Maharaja of
Cochin, Veera Kerala Varma (1537–1563) and his descendants.
During the 20th century the Malabar (“Black”) Jews, in turn, began to make
Alwaye their summer resort, once the prerogative of only the wealthier Paradesi Jews.
However, as in everyday life, they lived in the same general neighbourhood, yet at a
distance. Simcha Yosef , a Malabar Jewess of the Cochin Kadavumbagam community,
told me that they had a house in Alwaye, too, “across the river on the other side.” 41 In
Jew Town, Cochin, she also lived near the Paradesi Jews, but at a distance, down the
road. Other Malabar Jews came to Alwaye from Ernakulam from the Tekkumbagam
community, who owned houses there, as well as members of the Parur and Chendamangalam communities. All enjoyed taking the waters and the freedom and relaxation
that the resort offered. In the late 1940s Galia Hacco’s father, a notary born in the
village of Chendamangalam, bought a three-bedroom house in Alwaye with a large
garden. “I can remember the feeling of the sand like silk,” she recalls nostalgically. “The
river was shallow and we used to go swimming during the day and sailing at night.” 42
Prayer halls were installed inside houses, particularly for the festivals. Another family
from Chendamangalam opened a store in Alwaye and purchased a house near the holiday home of the Cochin royal family. As children, caste restrictions operated so that the
Jews and the high-caste Hindus were allowed to play together but not dine together;
intermarriage with members of another caste or religious group was out of the question. Some poorer people who could not afford a house, made a temporary home in
Alwaye, or hired a boat-house. A few Malabari Jews even took up permanent residence
there.43 One Malabari informant told me that owning a holiday home in Aluva “was for
the rich alone”.44 Despite the fact that the Jewish topographies of the Paradesi and the
Malabar Jews were separate, they were also connected at some level, as they were in
Mattancherry. Samuel Hallegua of the Paradesi community recalled that after the
concrete suspension bridge was constructed in 1939, Jewish friends from the other side
of town would come over to play rummy, and there was certainly social interaction
THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
between the two groups. Nevertheless, the Malabar Jews did not participate in the
Paradesi minyan.
The Paradesi meshuchrarim, for their part, would stay in Alwaye in the Paradesi
houses. An extensive description of the resort is to be found in Ruby Daniel and Barbara
Johnson’s book, where Ruby Daniel tells of her vacations in Alwaye:
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Our family used to stay in the Koders’ house, or sometimes in the Halleguas’
house nearby, if they weren’t there. On both sides of the river are hills—one very
high and one not so high. From the Koders’ house going down to the water you
have to climb 32 steps. Only the Koders have steps down to the river. Their
house was a big one with a veranda, with mango trees and jackfruit trees all
around.45
During the Second World War, when the Japanese bombed Chittagong in northeast India, the authorities in Cochin encouraged the residents to evacuate the port cities
and go inland, since Chittagong was only five days’ ride from Cochin. 46 According to
Ruby Daniel, many poor people followed this advice and sold their meagre property and
when they returned they possessed nothing. As she put it: “I wonder if the Japanese
knew there was such a place as Cochin!” 47 However, the important point with regard
to this paper is that, according to Ruby Daniel,
the White Jews ran away to Alwaye, where the rich people had two or three houses,
and they all stayed there. The other Jews 48 went inland to villages such as Parur and
Chendamangalam, where they had relatives. My mother took Grandmother and the
rest of the family to Chendamangalam. There she rented a small house in Paliath,
the property of the rich and famous Paliam tarwad [matrilineal joint family].49 When
I came back home, Jew Town itself was empty.50
The death of Dolly
Although life was blissful in Alwaye, there were natural disasters in the days when
modern medicine and technology were less developed. Ruby Daniel narrates the story
of the great flood that occurred in the 1920s when she was 10 or 12 years old. It was
caused by artificial means after two inches of water were let out of an overflowing dam
built further up the river. She describes a childhood trauma: a terrible current which
arose from the river, a huge storm, boats set free and rolling, trees falling, and children
and adults swept away in the river. 51
According to informants, the Paradesi children and their friends often developed
dysentery when on holiday in Alwaye. David, the youngest brother of the previous head
of the Paradesi community, S. S. Koder, died there at a tender age. One of the greatest
dramas in Alwaye, so far not recorded in the annals of Cochin Jewish history, was the
death of Dolly, a two-year old girl, born in 1907. This tragedy is significant in that it
took place in Alwaye, and it highlights the replication of social and spatial differentiation
in a vacation setting.
Dolly, born to one of the scions of the Paradesi community, was a nickname for
Rivka, the youngest of eight children born to Isaac Elias (henceforth I. E.) and Esther
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Hallegua, who were first cousins. I. E. Hallegua was born on 11th Nissan 5622 in 1862
and died on 7 Tevet, January 1941 at the age of 79. He married Esther Hallegua (1870–
1951), who was eight years younger. They had eight children, although after Dolly’s
death, they had no more offspring.
Dolly developed a stomach complaint in Alwaye and died of her ailment. Although
there were prayer halls in the holiday resort, there was no Jewish cemetery. In the days
before the Marthandavarma Bridge was opened, the quickest route for Dolly’s corpse
to be sent back to Cochin was by water down the Periyar River through the backwaters
on a vallum, a large country craft with bamboo canopy. The journey took 12 hours. 52 In
accordance with Jewish law, Dolly’s corpse had to be disposed of immediately.
Although an infant, Jewish law prescribes identical burial to adults of children above the
age of two months. Dolly was therefore buried without ado in the Paradesi cemetery in
Jew Town, Cochin,53 symbolically reuniting a member of the Paradesi community,
however young, with her ancestors. Dolly was buried next to a female relative Miriam,
who had died several months previously in 1908.
Today, the road in which the cemetery is situated is called A. B. Salem Road, named
after the Cochin Jewish meshuchrar, who has been described as a “Jewish Gandhi”. In this
cemetery, no Malabari Jew from any of the other seven Cochin Jewish communities was
ever buried until 22nd February 1999 when Abraham Aron (born 20th April 1930) of
Chendamangalam, who had joined the Paradesi synagogue after his own synagogue had
become defunct, passed away.54 The meshuchrarim were finally allowed to be buried in
this cemetery in the 1940s, but they died in the same inegalitarian manner as they lived:
separate yet a part of Paradesi space, with their tombstones against the far wall at a
distance from the graves of the Paradesi families.
I. E. Hallegua was a businessman, but he was also a paytan (liturgical poet), composing dozens of songs and poems in Hebrew, including a song on the merry festival of
Purim.55 In 1909 he wrote an elegy in memory of his daughter Rivka, or Dolly, which
has hitherto remained unpublished. 56 The elegy is written in poetic Hebrew in a 32-page
tract in which the author pours out his heart and expresses his grief at the death of Dolly.
The first part of the elegy was written in the I. E. Hallegua residence in Alwaye. Here
he describes the happiness he would enjoy in his holiday home until the illness that beset
his young daughter. In the body of the text, which was apparently written eleven months
after her death just before the Jewish ceremony of unveiling the tombstone, Hallegua
expresses his deep love for his daughter. He is concerned that the tombstone epitaph
composed by another member of the community rather than by him will upset Dolly.
He begs her to forgive him and offers his elegy in lieu of the tombstone inscription. The
epitaph on Dolly’s tombstone, which can be seen today in the Paradesi cemetery, reads
as follows (my English translation; see Appendix for original Hebrew):
After the Destruction (of the Temple) 57
Call the (female) mourners
So that they shall come and proclaim
Crying and weeping for that excellent [girl]
Whom the earth has swallowed up
And eulogise her, Woe! Sister. On behalf of
The beloved and pleasant
Rivka
THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
Daughter of the respected Rabbi 58 Isaac Hallegua, May the Lord keep him alive and
look after him59
Who was plucked at a tender age
And she breathed her last breath on Sunday
10th Sivan (5)66960
And who was born on Friday night 7 Nisan
(5)66761
May her memory be blessed forever.
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After the death of Dolly, I. E. Hallegua, who died in 1941, never returned to
Alwaye.
The spatial turn
In this paper I have analysed the Jewish topography of the Cochin Jews, who have never
hitherto been studied as such in relation to Jewish living space. I hope that this paper will
now relocalise Jewish space and move it beyond European and American cityscapes to
encompass in a less ethnocentric manner a wider Jewish geographical horizon. Moreover, the paper has focused upon a hitherto neglected Jewish space—the holiday
resort—in which the social relations common in everyday Jewish life were replicated.
It would be illuminating to compare the Indian Jewish holiday resort with those of other
Jewish communities.
Alwaye, a summer resort where Cochin Jews relived social divisions and social relationships in a holiday context, while escaping the hot summers and recharging their
energies during the monsoon break, thus becomes a representation of spatial configurations in an ephemeral context. In this microcosm of one of the tiniest Jewish community
in the world, social differentiations and caste-like divisions were reproduced spatially.
The Paradesi Jews lived by the river banks in comfortable large villas with beautiful
gardens; the meshuchrarim, who lived among the Paradesi in daily life, as a part of their
community yet separate, stayed with the Paradesi Jews in the holiday resort or lived in
their houses in their absence in exactly the same manner as they did in their permanent
homes in Cochin. Some of the Malabar (“Black”) Jews from other Cochin Jewish
communities set up homes on the other side of Alwaye, thereby repeating the division
of space existing between the Jews of Mantancherry and other Jewish settlements in
Kerala. It can thus be seen that even in a holiday resort, social divisions were perpetuated and expressed topographically. This is particularly interesting in an Indian Jewish
context, influenced by Hindu hierarchical notions of society, in which divisions between
groups affected social relations. Thus, Alwaye, which only had a miniscule seasonal
Jewish population, is a representation of day-to-day Jewish topography.
While Alwaye has not been placed in the forefront of modern Cochin Jewish
history, probably because of the small size of its Jewish population and the temporality
of its nature, for the older generation of Cochin Jews still living, Alwaye represents a
nostalgic childhood memory and a significant part of their identity. The Paradesi Jews
continued to enjoy holidays on the banks of the Periyar River until the end of the 20th
century, but the place is still tainted for them by the memory of the death of Dolly. For
I. E. Hallegua, who composed a beautiful elegy in memory of Dolly, historical
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JOURNAL OF MODERN JEWISH STUDIES
consciousness merged with personal tragedy to such an extent that he himself never
returned to the place. This is the first time that the tragic death of Dolly, the two-yearold daughter of one of the greatest leaders of Cochin Jewry, has ever been mentioned
in the diachronic study of Cochin Jewry. Mention of the tragedy is important because it
is the subject of a hitherto unpublished text written in highly sophisticated poetic
Hebrew. While recently academic attention has been paid to Malayalam folksongs and
other songs by Cochin Jews, the Hebrew repertoire of Cochin Jews has largely been
ignored.62 Furthermore, from the point of view of Jewish topography, the tragedy is
significant in that it highlights the replication of social differentiation in physical space,
even for an infant: Dolly was returned to Jew Town, Cochin, and buried in the Paradesi
cemetery. I hope that the awareness of the space in which the death occurred and the
interconnectedness between Jewish holiday space and Jewish quotidian space in an
Indian framework will contribute to the emerging field of the study of Jewish landscapes
in a global context.
Epilogue
In the 1950s when the Cochin Jews departed for Israel, a Christian priest preached in
church every Sunday requesting that the Jews not leave. After the Jews had sold their
houses in Alwaye, most of the waters dried up and the remaining water became polluted
and dirty.63 Today, two Malabari Jewish brothers and their families live in the city of
Alwaye, where they run successful businesses. However, no Jewish homes remain on
the riverbanks. In a visit to Alwaye in 2006, the Muslim owner of the Hallegua house
showed me the beautiful villa, and took me to “Shady Villa”, the Koder house and garden
with the mango and jackfruit trees and the steps leading down to the river. On a visit to
Cochin in December 2008, I paid my respects at Dolly’s grave, overgrown with weeds,
in the Paradesi cemetery in A. B. Salem Street, Jew Town, Cochin.
Notes
1. Lipphardt, Brauch and Nocke, “ Jewish Topographies”, 1–26.
2. E.g. Kaplan, “Contested, Constructed home(lands)”, 85–100; Weil, “Motherland
and Fatherland”, 91–99.
3. E.g. Pappe, A History of Modern Palestine; Shafir, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.
4. Brauch, Lipphardt, and Nocke (Eds.), Jewish Topographies, 2008.
5. Lipis , “A Hybrid Place of Belonging”, 27–42.
6. Herz, “Eruv’Urbanism: Towards an Alternative ‘Jewish Architecture’”, 43–62.
7. Dardashti, “ The Buena Vista Baghdad Club”, 309–326.
8. Today, Cochin is known as Kochi; similarly, Bombay is known as Mumbai and
Calcutta has become Kolkata. I have retained the original names since this corresponds
to the literature. For general information on all three Jewish communities, see Weil,
“Jews in India”.
9. For more information on this group see Weil,“Lost Israelites”.
10. Musleah, On the Banks of the Ganga; Weil, “Motherland and Fatherland”.
11. E.g. Lentin, “The Jewish Presence in Bombay”, 22–36.
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THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
FIGURE 1
Source: I. S. Hallegua (unpublished manuscript)
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JOURNAL OF MODERN JEWISH STUDIES
FIGURE 2
A Paradesi villa on the banks of the Periyar River.
12. Waronker, “In Search of India’s Synagogues”, 36–49; I. Weil, “The Paradesi Cochin
Synagogue Architecture”, 50–59.
13. Fishoff, “Moving the Cochin Synagogue”, 19–28.
14. Ezra, Turning Back the Pages, 45–53.
15. Hyman, Jews of the Raj.
16. Weil, “Symmetry”, 175–196.
17. This is how the area where the Paradesi Jews lived is known locally until the present
time. It is also called “Jew Town” by Malayalam speakers. Most community members
reside in Synagogue Lane (sic). Since there was no anti-Semitism in India, the terms
are reminiscent of a Jewish ghetto, but with none of the negative implications.
18. Cf. Katz and Goldberg, The Last Jews of Cochin; Fernandes, The Last Jews of Kerala.
19. The Malabar manumitted slaves were also known as urumaker in Malayalam.
20. Cf. Mandelbaum, “Social Stratification”, 183.
21. Chiriyankandath, “Nationalism, Religion and Community”, 21–22.
22. Katz and Goldberg, The Last Jews of Cochin, 126–160; Mandelbaum, “Social Stratification among the Jews of Cochin in India and Israel”, 188–190.
23. Rabinowitz, Far East Mission, 118.
24. Katz and Goldberg, The Last Jews of Cochin, 147–160.
25. Hacco, “The Ritual Cycle”, 68–77.
26. For further information, see http://www.chensyn.com
27. For further information, see http://www.muzirisheritage.org
28. Malekandathil, “The Jews of Kerala”, 7–31.
29. Goitein and Friedman, India Traders; Weinstein, “Jewish Traders in the Indian
Ocean”, 79–91.
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THE PLACE OF ALWAYE IN MODERN COCHIN JEWISH HISTORY
30. Segal, The Jews of Cochin.
31. The synagogue was apparently razed to the ground by the armies of Tipu Sultan in
1789 during the Anglo-Mysore wars (Katz and Goldberg, 62). The original cornerstone of the Cochangadi synagogue is to be found today in the inner courtyard of the
Paradesi synagogue.
32. Katz and Goldberg, The Last Jews of Cochin 119.
33. I. S. Hallegua, On Dolly, Beloved Daughter of Isaac Elias Hallegua of Cochin, 1.
34. Daniel and Johnson, Ruby of Cochin, 40.
35. Elias Koder was the husband of Essie.
36. I. S. Hallegua, On Dolly, Beloved Daughter of Isaac Elias Hallegua of Cochin, 1.
37. Also known as Sattu Koder. He was the leader responsible for organizing the quartercentenary celebrations of the Paradesi synagogue in 1968 in the presence of Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi.
38. Interview with Samuel Hallegua, Cochin, 13.12.2008.
39. Today, known as the KTDC Guest House, this palace was once a favourite site for
shooting films.
40. The Mattancherry Palace, built by the Portuguese, is also known as the “Dutch Palace”
since the Dutch renovated it in 1663. It was presented to Veera Kerala Varma by the
Portuguese in 1555. Today, it is a portrait gallery of the Cochin Rajas.
41. Interview with Simcha Yosef, Ernakulam, 24.2.2006.
42. Interview with Galia Hacco, Jerusalem, 3.2.2008.
43. For example, Samuel Abraham of the Ernakulam Tekkumbagam community used to
live in Alwaye as a child. His son got married in December 2008 to a Bene Israel bride
from Mumbai at the Paradesi synagogue, dubbed by the media “the last Jewish
wedding in Cochin”.
44. Interview 8.1.2009.
45. Daniel and Johnson, Ruby of Cochin, 40.
46. Ibid., 80.
47. Ibid.
48. The reference is to the Malabari “Black” Jews. (S. W.)
49. The tarwad is a matrilineal joint family, prevalent in Kerala, particularly among highcaste Hindus.
50. Daniel and Johnson, Ruby of Cochin, 80.
51. Daniel and Johnson, Ruby of Cochin, 41–45.
52. It is possible, however, that Dolly was taken by ferry boat to Cochin. Samuel
Hallegua’s maternal grandfather (Miriam Hallegua’s father, known as Shabtai Elias
Naftali) was Chairman of the Ferry and Transport Company, which opened in the
same year that Dolly died. His boat was called M.L.SEN. The initials were M=
Miriam, his mother’s name, L=Lily, her daughter, and SEN = Shabtai Elias Naftali,
his grandfather’s name. Interview with Samuel Hallegua Cochin, 13.12.2008.
53. The wall around this cemetery was completed on 16 September 1898.
54. Abraham Aron was known as P. T. Aron in his professional life as an advocate.
55. Weil, “Today is Purim”, 575–588.
56. Research on the “Elegy to Dolly” discovered in the house of I. S. Hallegua in Jew Town,
Cochin is being carried out with the support of the Ben Zvi Institute, Jerusalem.
57. “May the Lord keep him alive and look after him” is an abbreviation in Hebrew.
58. “The respected Rabbi” is an abbreviation in Hebrew.
59. Similarly, “May the Lord keep him alive and look after him” is an abbreviation in
Hebrew.
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60.
61.
62.
63.
The Jewish year 5769 is 1909.
The Jewish year 5767 is 1907.
Weil, “Today is Purim”, 575–588.
Daniel and Johnson, Ruby of Cochin, 141.
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Shalva Weil is Senior Researcher at the Research Institute for Innovation in Education
at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She is editor of India’s Jewish Heritage: Ritual, Art,
and Life-Cycle (Marg 2002: 2nd edition 2004) co-editor (with Prof. D. Shulman) of Karmic
Passages: Israeli Scholarship on India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi), and co-editor
(with Profs. N. Katz, Chakravati and Sinha) of Indo-Judaic Studies in the Twenty-First
Century: A Perspective from the Margin. She is a foremost international scholar on India’s
Jews and Indo-Judaic studies and has published over 80 articles in scientific journals and
major encyclopaedias. She is founding Chairperson of the Israel-India Cultural Association and President of SOSTEJE (Society for the Study of Ethiopian Jewry). In 2005, she was
elected Coordinator of the European Sociological Association’s Qualitative Methods
Research Network, and in 2007 was elected to the ESA’s Executive Committee.
Address: Research Institute for Innovation in Education , Hebrew University , Mt. Scopus,
Jerusalem 91905 Israel.
Email: msshalva@mscc.huji.ac.il
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