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2020, Celtica 32
This paper examines the three principal environments in which spirantisation occurs in all of the Brittonic languages: (a) as fricatives which ultimately continue geminate aspirated voiceless plosives; (b) as the result of various triggering forms that cause the spirant mutations; and (c) after liquids. It is argued that these changes — long a vexed problems of Brittonic diachronic phonology — fall out naturally when one adopts a Laryngeal Realism view of Celtic phonology, under which the plosive series are not contrasted via the laryngeal feature [voice] but via the feature [spread glottis], i.e. the phonological contrast between the plosive series is /ph th kh/ vs. /p t k/.
Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. An International Handbook. Edited by Jared S. Klein, Brian Joseph, Matthias Fritz [= Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikations-wissenschaft 41/2], Berlin – New York: Walter de Gruyter
The Phonology of Celtic2017 •
Linguistic Reconstruction and Typology
Sound change and typological shift: Initial mutation in CelticEvidence and Counter-Evidence: Essays in Honour of Frederik Kortlandt, Volume 1
The Problem of Spirantization and Nasalization in Brittonic CelticAnglia - Zeitschrift für englische Philologie
Problems in English Historical Phonology: Introduction2010 •
Die Sprache
Eska Grounding Celtic diachronic phonology I2018 •
This paper initiates a series of treatments of sound changes in the Celtic languages that have not been satisfactorily or fully explained to date. After providing an orientation to method, two sound changes that occurred in the Brittonic languages are treated: (1) the shift of *[x] > /j/ / _t; and (2) the shift of */j/ > /ð/ / ˈ{e, i}._V.
Transactions of the Philological Society 116: 320–331.
LARYNGEAL REALISM AND THE PREHISTORY OF CELTIC 12018 •
This paper examines the proto-Celtic plosive system through the lens of Laryngeal Realism. Drawing upon phonetic data from contemporary Celtic languages and philological data from medieval Insular Celtic and ancient Continental Celtic languages, it concludes that the active Laryngeal feature in these languages is not [voice], but [spread glottis], and that this feature should be projected back to proto-Celtic. Such an analysis allows for a much more straightforward analysis of the evolution of the early Celtic plosive system, and, in particular, allows for a non-stipulative analysis of perhaps the best known of Celtic sound changes, the loss of proto-IE */p/, in simple aerodynamic terms. It is demonstrated, furthermore, that the loss of proto-IE */p/ cannot be explained by contact with pre-Basque or Iberian, but, instead, was, in all likelihood, a natural development. with pre-Basque or Iberian, but, instead, was, in all likelihood, a natural development.
'What keeps a historical phonology up at night?' Part I: Phonologization (3 December) Part II: Structuralization (4 December) What are the things we all need to think about in order to understand phonological change...?
2009 •
Most handbooks and grammars contend that in Old English the voiced fricatives [v, ð, z] were merely allophones of /f, θ, s/ in sonorous environments. How these voiced fricatives became phonemes is debated among scholars. In this article, all previous accounts are critically reviewed. A new proposal is then presented, which explains the facts in a more direct way than previous theses. I argue that phonemicisation of a previous allophonic voice alternation in fricatives had already taken place in many areas of Anglo-Saxon England through language contact with Brittonic. Voiceless as well as voiced fricative phonemes existed in Brittonic at the time of contact, and language shift would have led directly to the phonemicisation of the previous allophonic variation found in early Old English.
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2011 •
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