National and Social Identity Construction among the Modern Assyrians/Syrians

Parole de l’Orient 36 (2011) 547-561 NATIONAL AND SOCIAL IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS BY Marta WOŹNIAK INTRODUCTION a. Scope and structure The subject of interest in this article is the modern Assyrian/Syrian national and social identity with special focus on the autoperception of the Assyrian/Syrian diaspora. The text consists of three main parts. The first one discusses the transformation in the status of the category of identity in modern social science. In the second part the authoress presents the results of the online survey which was conducted in March/April 2008 among a group of 300 Assyrians/Syrians. The quantitative research is supported by a qualitative one (in-depth interviews). The third part contains a critical analysis of the presented data and conclusions, which may be regarded as most important. b. Modern Assyrians/Syrians: the People and the Name Modern Assyrians/Syrians are one of the most fascinating ethnic groups originating from the Middle East (the lands of today’s Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey1). Many of them emigrated to Western Europe, the United States, Australia and countries of the former Soviet Union, and as a consequence a considerable diaspora lives in the aforementioned states. In recent years, this diaspora has been enlarged even more by Assyrian/Syrian refugees from Iraq. There are no official statistics for the Assyrian/Syrian population – the numbers vary from 1 million to 4 millions. Modern Assyrians/Syrians are 1) These lands will be called “Assyrian homeland” or “homeland” in the conduct of this paper. 548 MARTA WOŹNIAK spread all over the world and divided – they belong to several Christian denominations. Their traditional language is Aramaic (from the Semitic linguistic family), or rather modern dialects of Aramaic (the majority of which belong to the Eastern or Western type – the border lies between Syria and Iraq). The name “Assyrians” generates a great deal of confusion and controversy as “the basic identity of the names does not necessarily imply the identity of the people(s) named by them”2. Until the 19th century the interested ones called themselves primarily “Suryoye” or “Suryaye”3; the name “Assyrians” was popularized mainly by Western researchers4. Nowadays scholars tend to use the term “Syrians” or “Arameans”5. The members of the Syrian Orthodox Church call themselves predominantly “Syrians”, or “Syriacs”6, while the followers of the Chaldean Catholic Church prefer to be addressed as “Chaldeans”. All these names relate to the same ethnic group. The usage of the definite name by a single representative arises from his or her belonging to a concrete church, or has ideological motivation (the name “Assyrians” reflects the recognition of ancient Assyrian descent, while the terms “Syrians” or “Arameans” do not imply such connotations, but neither do they exclude them). The choice of the compound name “Assyrians/Syrians” in this article was caused by the adoption of a sociological perspective to overcome a division between two major groups defining themselves as “Syrians” (Arameans) and “Assyrians”, as well as between the latter and Western scholars. In the main part, where the results of the survey 2) Wolfhart HEINRICHS, “The Modern Assyrians: Name and Nation”, in Riccardo CONTINI, Fabrizio PENNACCHIETTI, Mauro TOSCO (Eds.), Semitica, Serta philological, Constantino Tsereteli dicata, Silvio Zamorani Editore, Torino, 1993, p. 103. 3) This name is gaining more and more popularity. For example the organizers of the 4th Symposium “Suryoye l-Suryoye” (October 3th-5th, 2008, Stockholm/Sweden) restrict that: “For the designation of our people only the term Suryoyo/e will be accepted”. 4) See Jean-Maurice FIEY, “ ‘Assyriens’ ou ‘Araméens’?”, L’Orient syrien, 10, Paris, 1965, pp. 141-160. 5) See John JOSEPH, The Modern Assyrians of the Middle East Encounters with Western Christian Missions, Archaeologists & Colonial Powers, Brill, Leiden, 2000. See also John MESSO, “Assyria and Syria: Synonyms?”, Bahro Suryoyo, Nos 1-3 (2001) accessible at http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/9-4-2005-76063.asp [last visited July 12, 2008]. 6) Since 2000, by approval of Syrian-Orthodox synod, the word “Suryoyo” is translated as “Syriac” instead of “Syrian”, as Suryoye do not want to be associated with “Arab (Syrians) from Syria”. See John MESSO, “The Identity of People Described in the Writings of Gabriele Yonan”, 2004, accessible at http://www.midyatcity.com/articles/gyonan_messo.pdf [last visited July 12, 2008]. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 549 are discussed, only the term “Assyrians” is used as the title of the questionnaire was “Assyrian Identity” and the greater part of the respondents called themselves “Assyrians”. I. IDENTITY Identity is one of the most ambiguous umbrella-terms in modern science. It used to be a relatively fixed, stable and unproblematic concept. The people knew who they were, their place and role in society. In modernity, identity started to be more problematic, it became a dynamic concept, though still determined by societal forces. Increasing social mobility would have involved a possibility of changing the identity, though the choice was still delimited by a number of factors. Identity shaping was firstly constrained by what society would allow at the time and secondly one’s own self-identity was also mutually dependent on how others saw him/her and how he/she interpreted it. Identity, therefore, had ceased to be thought of as an innate construct, a fixed given, but was now thought of as a social construction7. For the use of this article the conception of Manuel Castells is adopted, hence by identity the authoress understands: “the process of construction of meaning on the basis of a cultural attribute, or related set of cultural attributes, that is given priority over other sources of meaning”8. As Naures Atto points out: “the internalization of these cultural attributes is (…) essential for the construction of a meaning and with that for the construction of an identity”. That means that identity is subjective and personal9, and is a process not a state. Anthony Giddens claims that: “the identity of an individual is never given as a result of continuity of his actions, but something which must be (…) created and sustained by the reflective operating individual”10. It is acceptable to divide identity into individual (personal) and collective (social). Collective and individual identities exist and impact on one an- 7) See Avi SHANKAR, “Lost in music? Subjective personal introspection and popular music consumption”, Qualitative Market Research, An International Journal, Volume 3, Issue 1, 2000, pp. 27-37. 8) Manuel CASTELLS, The Power of Identity, Blackwell Publishing, Malden-OxfordCarlton, 2004, p. 6. 9) Naures ATTO, Perception of identity among Suroye in European diaspora, Presentation Symposium Syrianum, Sayyidat al-Bir 2004 (unpublished text in digital version). 10) See Anthony GIDDENS, Modernity and Self-identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1991. 550 MARTA WOŹNIAK other reciprocally11. Personal identity is an attempt to answer the question about “I” (besides the linguistic category, of course) and it consists of many features like self-knowledge, biological, physical and social features, character, social roles, values, etc. On the other hand, the social identity is a construction created by others and imposed on us during interaction. The social (collective, group) identity refers to various groups and links between them: national, ethnic, religious, work groups, etc. National identity is a subtype of social identity and could be understood as an individual’s sense of belonging to the nation or the distinguishing features of the national population. a. Changes in Assyrian/Syrian Identity – Presumptions The basic assumption of my research was that Assyrians/Syrians are still in the nation-building process as in political terms they do not have a nation yet. What exists is an imagined community, a ‘virtual Assyria’12. As Naures Atto notices, non-Assyrians often impute that Assyrians/Syrians construct their identity, which is not “legitimate”. From the sociological point of view all the identities are constructed ones. Therefore, more important than asking “if”, is asking “how”, “from what”, “by whom” and “for what purpose” the identities are constructed13. Do the Assyrians/Syrians want to be(come) a nation? Based on which determining factors (ethnic, cultural, linguistic or ideological) will they build the nation (as they share enough binding elements and adequate identity markers to unite them)?14 Traditional Assyrian/Syrian identity was based on the origins from a concrete village and church, on cultural and occasionally linguistic differences. Nevertheless, the tragic events of World War I caused the murder of one third of the Assyrians/Syrians at the hands of the Turks and Kurds and mass emigration of those who survived. This period, especially the year 1915, is known among the Assyrians/Syrians as Seyfo (Aramaic for 11) George SHÖPFLIN, “The construction of identity”, Österreichischer Wissenschaftstag, 2001, accessible at: http://www.nt.tuwien.ac.at/nthft/temp/oefg/text/wiss_tag/Beitrag_Schopflin.pdf [last visited July 12, 2008]. 12) John MESSO, “The Identity of People Described in the Writings of Gabriele Yonan”, 2004, accessible at http://www.midyatcity.com/articles/gyonan_messo.pdf [last visited July 12, 2008]. 13) See Naures ATTO, Perception of identity among Suroye in European diaspora, Presentation Symposium Syrianum, Sayyidat al-Bir 2004 (unpublished text in digital version). 14) John MESSO, “The Identity of People Described in the Writings of Gabriele Yonan”, 2004, accessible at http://www.midyatcity.com/articles/gyonan_messo.pdf [last visited July 12, 2008]. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 551 “Sword”), which means the “Assyrian/Syrian genocide”. It triggered the period of great division and weakening of traditional structures – from that time till now two groups of the Assyrians/Syrians have been exposed to different influences. These Assyrians/Syrians who inhabit the homeland must often defend themselves from physical extermination but also culturally divest as Christians in predominantly Muslim surrounding (Arabic, Turkish, Kurdish, or Persian). On the other hand, Assyrians/Syrians living in the diaspora, especially in the wealthy countries of the West, are exposed to unification due to globalization processes, “melting” into sheltering societies. The threat is even bigger due to the fact that the basic differentiating element in the Middle East – the belonging to Eastern Churches – stops to play such a role in mostly Christian (or post-Christian) countries of the West. The proceeding globalization needs redefinition of the term “identity”. Many modern humanists have given theoretical frames for it. Anthony Giddens stresses that local space has no more the value of exclusiveness and in the general consciousness new reference points as well as numerous possibilities of choice have been planted15. According to him, former immobile or not very mobile groups found themselves in a totally new situation16 which, on one side, enforces the redefinition of one’s identity for better adaptation to a multicultural world, but on the other side, gives the opportunity of shaping this identity according to a wide spectrum of previously non-existing patterns. The birth of new identities appears to be the result or sometimes a side-effect of adaptation processes. b. Internet as a Tool of Shaping the Identity According to the authoress, Assyrians/Syrians, deprived of their own statehood, try to construct or reconstruct their national identity. Presently, they make broader use of mass media, especially the Internet. In the past ten years, a huge number of Assyrian/Syrian web-sites have appeared. Some of them seem to build the Assyrian and/or Syrian (Aramean) national consciousness17. A good example of such a phenomenon is Nineveh On-line, 15) Anthony GIDDENS, Consequences of Modernity, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1990, p. 19. 16) Anthony GIDDENS, Consequences of Modernity, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1990, p. 103. 17) A separate article should be written on the topic whether and when it is one and the same identity and when these are two separate identities. In this article the authoress focuses 552 MARTA WOŹNIAK founded in 1997. The creators of this portal address their potential visitors with the words below: Does Assyria exist? Is it a country, a nation, or an organisation? Well, what is a nation, exactly? What does it mean when some people call themselves Assyrians – a people? “Cyberland Assyria”. It sounds like a vision of the future, or possibly a video game. With the opportunities that global electronic networks put at our disposal, our experience of reality is changing. The “real” world now has a rival. Through virtual realities, such as “The Internet World”, we are forced to consider the question: what actually is a nation, a community, a union, etc? Well then, does Assyria exist? Yes, but not as a nation in the old sense, where we imagine a country with geographical borders – a specific region inhabited by people who call themselves Assyrians. Certainly, the ancient Assyrian Empire – “the land between the rivers” – Beth Nahrain or Mesopotamia, can still be pointed out on a map. But for more than 2,500 years the region has been in the hands of other nations18. * The Basic Psychological Features of Cyberspace The processes of communication as well social interactions, which are crucial for identity shaping, operate in utterly different ways in the real world and the Internet. American psychologist, John Suler, points out that cyberspace has its own rules, and the phenomena which occur in it are described by: limited sensory experience, identity flexibility and anonymity, equalization of status, transcending spatial boundaries, time stretching and condensation, access to numerous relationships, permanent records, altered and dreams states19. The above mentioned features of the Internet have influenced the conduct of its users by changing the standard patterns of their behaviour – primarily in the virtual world, and then possibly, though not necessarily, in reality. The biggest Assyrian/Syrian portals integrate people from all over the world by disseminating information, especially about the persecutions of on building one, common Assyrian/Syrian identity, though deeper research into Syrian (Aramaic) identity is needed. 18) “The Virtual Assyria: Cyberland – Music, Nationalism & Internet”, accessible at: http://www.visarkiv.se/en/mmm/media/assyrien/index.htm [last visited July 12, 2008]. 19) John SULER, “The Psychology of Cyberspace” (online hypertext book), accessible at: http://users.rider.edu/~suler/psycyber/basicfeat.html [last visited July 12, 2008]. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 553 compatriots in the Middle East, or attempts to gain publicity on the international arena, but also about celebrations of the festivals, successes of Assyrian football teams, conferences, seminars and even traditional cuisine. By doing this, they (re)create Assyrian/Syrian social and national identity. II. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY An attempt to observe the Assyrian/Syrian “nation genesis” was the prime reason for an electronic survey to be designed and a link attached to it, along with the article explaining the purpose of the research, on a number of Assyrian/Syrian portals. It was completed by 300 Assyrians/Syrians in March/April 2008. The construction of the survey was preceded by conducting several in-depth interviews with the Assyrians/Syrians in Sweden, Germany, Turkey and Brazil (the results of which will be discussed further in Section IIc). Constructing the survey, the authoress tried to include not only the high culture (in the understanding of the modernists, who focus their research on the political symbols, national ideologies, mass ceremonies, role of the elites, or ethnosymbolists, who investigate myths of origin, historical memories, customs and religion), but the low culture and its aspects (cuisine, sport, newspapers, etc.) as well. The purpose of such an action was to understand the problems of the micro and mezzo level, that is also the manifestations of national feelings in daily life. The authoress supports a claim that a nation to survive must be “reproduced” in everyday life in an unnoticeable way. Michael Billig wrote a book on this process of reproduction of nationalism in the course of common activities. According to him, a process of “flagging” the nation could be achieved thanks to two kinds of practices – ceremonial, festive, typical for critical or sublime moments (Billig calls them “waved flag”), and the routine, banal, almost unnoticed (“unwaved flag”)20. a. The Characteristics of the Respondents Out of 300 respondents 64% were men and 36% women. The oldest respondent has 86 years, the youngest – 11 years. The average age was 36 years. 85% respondents had higher education, 9% secondary education and 6% primary education. The vast majority were professionals: 7% managers, 6% engineers, 4% teachers, 4% doctors and dentists, 2% computer pro20) Michael BILLIG, Banal Nationalism, Sage Publications, London, 1995, pp. 14, 39-41. 554 MARTA WOŹNIAK grammers/analysts, 2% lawyers, 1% soldiers, 2% were retired. 10% worked in business. Many still studied – 16% were high school or university students, 2% PhD students. Only 2% were unemployed21. 22% were born in Iran, 20% in Iraq, 18% in the United States, 11% in Sweden, 7% in Syria, 7% in Turkey, 4% in Lebanon, 3% in the United Kingdom, 2% in Australia, the rest, 4%, were born in Canada, Georgia, France, Switzerland, Kuwait, Austria, Holland and Greece22. The great majority emigrated from the homeland. 57% live in the United States, 21% in Sweden, 7% in Australia, 4% in the United Kingdom, 2% in Canada, Holland and Germany respectively, the rest, 5%, in Switzerland, Belgium, Turkey, Austria, France, Syria, Jordan and Iraq. Almost all of the parents of the respondents were born in the Middle East. 30% of mothers came from Iran, 27% from Iraq, 18% from Turkey, 16% from Syria, 3% from the United States, 2% from Lebanon, 2% from Russia, the rest, 2%, from Georgia, Poland, the United Kingdom, Australia and Puerto Rico. 29% of fathers came from Iraq, the same number from Iran, 23% from Turkey, 12% from Syria, 3% from Russia, 1% from Lebanon, the rest, 3%, from the United States, Georgia, Canada, Switzerland and Palestine. 51% of respondents were single, 44% married, 4% divorced, 1% widowed. 23% of the spouses of respondents came from Iran, 21% from Iraq, 19% from the United States, 12% from Syria, 6% from Turkey, 6% from Sweden, 4% from Lebanon, 1% from Australia, the rest, 8%, from France, Holland, Armenia, Germany, Philippines, Vietnam, Russia, Kuwait and the United Kingdom; 81% of them were of Assyrian/Syrian origin, and only 19% of non-Assyrian origin23. 36% of respondents had children, and total fertility rate for an Assyrian family was 2.27, which is slightly more than the replacement fertility rate24. 21) Such sex and education distribution was determined by the form of survey – electronic and voluntary. 22) Four respondents answered “Assyria” or “occupied Assyria” for the question: “country of origin” (meaning Iraq and southern-eastern Turkey). 23) The result was higher than predicted. In the in-depth interviews, which preceded the construction of the survey, the respondents anticipated the percentage of mixed marriages as varying between 1%-5%. Probably such estimation is connected to promoted endogamy. 24) This level is varying between 2.11-2.15. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 555 b. The Results of the Survey In the main part of the survey the most important was to determine who, according to the Assyrians, is an Assyrian. For almost 87%, it is a person born in an Assyrian family. For 54% an individual, who shares Assyrian traditions and customs, for 40% a Christian of one of Assyrian Churches, for 39% one, who actively participates in cultural, religious and political life of Assyrian community. For 36%, speaking Aramaic is important; only 11% think that a “true” Assyrian should live in the ancient lands of Assyria. For 5% it is anyone who feels like an Assyrian. 28% of the respondents declared knowledge of ktubunoyo (Classical Syriac); 10% knew the basics, 24% had a weak, 27% moderate, 22% good and 16% very good command of it. The modern dialects of Aramaic were spoken by 80%: 2% knew the basics, 6% had weak, 20% moderate, 39% good and 39% very good knowledge of it. 81% of the total number of those who knew Aramaic learnt it from their parents, 2% from grandparents, 4% at school, the rest, 13%, in the church, thanks to friends, private studies and courses. Regarding the participation in modern Assyrian culture: 48% read Assyrian newspapers and magazines25, 58% watched Assyrian TV26, 29% listened to Assyrian radio stations27, 79% visited Assyrian web-sites28, 65% were able to mention books written by Assyrians29, 74% could mention famous Assyrians30. Tradition was very important for 77%, for 20% only occasionally important, and for 3% no importance at all. Among the proposed elements of Assyrian tradition, the respondents considered to be “the most important”: Assyrian myths and legends (44%), Assyrian cuisine (38%), Assyrian music 25) Inter alia Zinda Magazine, Hujådå, Bahra, Funoyo, Nineveh, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, Qenneshrin, Stimme Des Turabdin, and church newspapers. 26) Suroyo TV, Suryoyo Sat, Ishtar TV, Ashur TV, AssyriaSAT, Bet Nahrain TV. 27) Qolo, Assyrische Stimme, Ankawa-Music Radio, Bahra Radio, Turlock. 28) Inter alia www.aina.org, www.hujada.com, www.zindamagazine.com, www.auf.nu, www.assyria.se, www.assyrianvoice.net, www.zowaa.org, www.nuri.nu, www.kamishly.com, www.zahrira.net, www.ankawa.com, www.chaldean.org, www.chaldeannews.com, www.christiansofiraq.com. 29) Most read authors are: Rosie Malek-Yonan, Fuat Deniz, Frederick A. Aprim, Gabriel Afram, Ninos Warda, Nuri Kino. 30) Andre Agassi, Josef Fares, Nuri Kino, Juliana Jendo, Linda George, Rosie MalekYonan, Fuat Deniz, Sabri Atman, Mar Dinkha IV, Sargon Gabriel, Kennedy Bakircioglu, Tarik Aziz; mostly writers, sportsmen (footballers), singers, actors, bishops and ancient kings. 556 MARTA WOŹNIAK and dance (37%), Assyrian proverbs and folk sayings (37%), Assyrian folk dress (14%). 94% knew their family history, 93% shared Assyrian tradition in the family. Tradition was understood by the majority as celebrating the feasts (especially Akitu – Assyrian New Year) and family gatherings (particularly weddings), religious practices (mainly fasts, like the three day Fast of Nineveh), preserving the language, hospitability, staying with parents until marriage, music and dance, cuisine (with the stress on Lenten). 98% were interested in the lives of other Assyrians, 92% in the homeland and in the diaspora, 7% only in the homeland, and 1% only in the diaspora. The Assyrians tried to sustain social ties by attending weddings (96%), funerals (89%), birthdays (78%), church feasts (77%) and Assyrian New Year (63%). For 84% church and national feasts were important. 45% treated them as a good occasion for meeting the family, 32% as a chance for selfidentifying with the national group, 6% as a time of reflection, 1% as a day off school or work; 11% never thought about it. Concerning religious adherence, 40% belonged to the Assyrian Church of the East (“Nestorians”), 27% to the Syrian Orthodox Church (“Jacobites”), 12% to the Chaldean Catholic Church (“Chaldeans”), 7% to various Protestant churches, 7% were Christians of other denominations, 6% were atheists and 1% pantheists. 58% were practising believers, 27% believed but did not practice, 7% did not identify with any religion but believed in supernatural powers, 7% did not believe or practiced. 1% did not believe, yet practiced. 32% attended a church each Sunday or more frequently, 42% a few times a year, 13% only on special occasions, 5% only during feasts, and 5% never. Respondents principally attended church with the families (86%), 5% went with friends, only 9% went alone31. The question about Assyrian national symbols appeared to be ambiguous. 20% of respondents confessed to having no idea about it, or not being able to remember any symbols. The rest largely mentioned: the Assyrian flag, winged bull, Lamassu (a winged bull with a man’s head), a winged 31) Such level of religiosity is relatively high, especially in comparison to the level of religious beliefs in the Western Europe. Nevertheless, it is lower than the anticipated one – the respondents of the in-depth interviews commonly expressed an opinion that: “all Assyrians are good Christians”. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 557 disc, Shamash (Assyrian sun or star), the ancient kings (Hammurabi, Sargon, Ashurbanipal), Gilgamesh, Gate of Ishtar, Tree of Life, Assyrian cross, Assyrian eagle, Crescent of Sin, Hanging Gardens of Semiramis, Assyrian anthem. 71% of respondents supported Assyrian organizations32, 45% supported Assyrian sport clubs (the great majority supported a football team from Södertälje in Sweden – Assyriska FF33). 97% of respondents were happy to be Assyrians. 93% were sure that modern Assyrians are the descendants of the ancient ones. Also for 93% the preservation of Assyrian identity was very important. Despite such a clearly crystallized social identity and the satisfaction derived from it, Assyrians relatively quickly assimilate into the diaspora. The speed of assimilation depends to a great extent on the immigration policy of a given country. 58% of Assyrians took part in non-Assyrian political life, 76% in non-Assyrian cultural life, but only 34% in non-Assyrian religious life. These results are the proof that Assyrian Churches are still the bastions of the national identity. The greatest threat to the Assyrian identity according to the respondents was: abandoning the language (71%), political and social disturbance in the homeland (70%), emigration from the homeland (61%), assimilation into the diaspora (59%), abandoning the tradition (57%), losing ties with the Assyrian community (55%), losing contact with the homeland (42%). In the light of the abovementioned results, it is not astonishing that the majority of respondents believed that Assyrian identity could be preserved by learning Aramaic (30%). 21% of respondents thought that such a goal could be achieved by teaching the history and preserving the customs. For 14% education, building new schools and introducing modern teaching programs were the priority. 13% wanted Assyrian autonomy (the majority men32) The most often mentioned: Assyrian Democratic Organization, Assyrian Democratic Movement (Zowaa), Assyrian Aid Society, Assyrian Foundation of America, Assyria Foundation, Assyrian Universal Alliance, Chaldean Assyrian Syrian Council of America, Chaldean American Chamber of Commerce, Assyrian American Ladies Association, Assyrians Without Borders, SEYFO Center, Assyrian Academic Society. 33) On April 9, 2006, film by Nuri Kino (Assyrian journalist living in Sweden) “Assyriska: a National Team without a Nation” was awarded the “overall winner” in every category receiving the prestigious Golden Palm. Assyriska was the first immigrant team in Europe, which rose to the National Premiere League. See Nuri Kino winner of the Golden Palm award, accessible at: http://www.assyria.se/news/nyheter.asp?ID=542&PageID=28 [last visited July 12, 2008]. 558 MARTA WOŹNIAK tioned the Nineveh Plan in Iraq as the best place for it). 10% craved a fully independent Assyrian state. The same number stressed a necessity of uniting and co-operating. 7% considered staying in touch with other Assyrians as crucial for preserving the identity. The same number spoke about the preservation and development of Assyrian culture. Slightly less, 6%, wished for safety and freedom in Assyrian homeland, as without it the stream of emigrants cannot be stopped. 5% of respondents wanted the restriction of the role of Assyrian Churches and a strict division between religion and politics, however, 5% also supported the activities of their Churches and considered the role of religion as still too limited. 5% noted the need to inform the world, especially the host countries, about the problems of the Assyrians. c. In-depth Interviews The objective of in-depth interviews, conducted between August 2006 and July 2007 in various locations in Brazil, Sweden, Turkey and Germany, was to analyse the Assyrian/Syrian narratives about their social and national identity construction. Of the thirteen respondents who completed the interview, two were women and eleven were men; eleven were non-manual workers, two were manual workers, two were priests, eleven were laic people. Two interviews were conducted in Brazil, two in Turkey, two in Germany, the rest in Sweden. All the interviewees were conscious that the traditional Assyrian/Syrian identity is threatened and noticed the conflict between various groups of Assyrians/Syrians (for two interviewees from Turkey the biggest problem, though, is not losing/recreating the identity but solely their survival in the Middle East). Depending on the name chosen by the respondents for themselves (Assyrian, Syrian, Chaldean, Suryoye) they tended to malign compatriots who preferred other self-denominations. The majority thought that only unification under the name, which they believed to be “right”, is the solution. Three interviewees underlined that Assyrian national identity has its roots in Seyfo (1915), but it has been constructed (they used exactly this term) since the 1960s. Five respondents (all from Europe and all belonging to Assyrian/Syrian elite) mentioned the leading role of intelligentsia in this process, as the older generation is often unconscious of the tradition and customs, not speaking about far-reaching plans to build the nation. This group recognized the fact, that the re(construction) of forgotten customs and traditions is at least ambiguous, nevertheless, they were certain of their ancient origin and ready to work to convince others about it. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 559 The two manual workers who were not able to answer the questions about identity, were still deeply devoted Church members, and together with two priests, one teacher and one student formed a “Church supporting group” (six other interviewees were evidently anticlerical, even if not necessarily unbelievers). All seven respondents from Sweden noticed the illusory character of Assyrian/Syrian integration in this country (although the Assyrian/Syrian minority in Sweden is a prosperous and successful one) and threat of ghettoization (which is a danger, though, it is also a chance for identity survival). They stressed Swedish “coldness” and “disinterest” in the immigrant societies. On the other hand, they knew that in Scandinavia they had been given the possibilities of development which they had never had before. The situation in Brazil is totally different – due to a warm welcome and policy of a true “melting pot” Assyrians/Syrians are intermarrying and losing their identity quickly. These are only examples of different policies in two host countries (France, Germany and each other states have policies of their own). As one informant put it: despite the attitudes in sheltering countries, the fact of Assyrians/Syrians being non-Europeans and Christians matters; the first factor hinders the assimilation, the second facilitates it. Other respondents stressed that assimilation is not an aim but integration is. Two interviewees trusted Assyrian political parties as platforms for representation and dialogue. The rest were indifferent if not sceptical about the Assyrian/Syrian political scene. One respondent talked about an autonomy in Iraq as a place where Assyrian/Syrian leaders of different background will be forced to work together with respect to democratic principles. Another one mentioned the habit of giving Assyrian/Syrian children names of ancient kings and queens in order to mark the ancestry of their ethnic origin. Eight respondents perceived their people as the ones who gave a lot to the world and still have much to offer (Assyrians/Syrians could be a bridge between the East and the West – if only the Westerners would ask them). As for the vision of the Assyrian/Syrian future in the world, respondents were almost equally divided between being pessimistic and optimistic. CONCLUSIONS The issue of re(building) the social and national identity is extremely important for most of the Assyrians/Syrians. They declared a deep attachment to Assyrian/Syrian culture and tradition, first of all to Aramaic language, whose modern dialects are still spoken by the vast majority. On the other hand, the 560 MARTA WOŹNIAK Assyrians/Syrians living in the diaspora were rather sceptical about the possibility of preserving a distinct identity in the long run. They stressed the fact of not having the problems associated with the assimilation. The cultures of host countries, especially of the United States or Australia, are very attractive for Assyrian immigrants. One respondent, living in the United States, summed it up: “it is a choice between being a member of a non-existent nation and being a citizen of the most powerful state in the world”. The generation gap is an additional problem. The elderly follow the tradition by the inaction, while the youth, who have the choice, are quickly westernized (with few exceptions). The elder generation’s affection for the Church is symptomatic (and has an influence on sustaining the rest of the confessional identity), in contrast to the younger generation’s disappointment of clergymen and yearning for separation between religion and politics (which in turn serves to shape the national identity). The openness of the Assyrian/Syrian youth in the diaspora is also a reason of a growing numbers of marriages with non-Assyrians. It is impossible not to notice that Assyrian/Syrian society is strongly divided and still paralyzed by frequent conflicts and arguments – especially over the name. The confessional divisions overlap with cultural and linguistic ones, which hinder the search for identity markers and weaken the Assyrian/Syrian voice on the international forum. It is easy to hear the allegations of fuelling separatism from the side of concrete bishops or priests, who are told to care only for their own positions and Churches. The lack of a charismatic and recognizable leader is also a problem for the laic organizations. On the subject of the political program, the vision of building autonomy in northern Iraq is advocated. However, considering present socio-economical situation, it seems to be unrealistic for the time being. The feeling of being endangered also by non-material factors has intensified among Assyrians/Syrians. There is nothing strange that in the face of mounting complexity, the unknown, the different, they tend to take refuge in what they have – the collective identity – which seems to be able to resolve individual fears. Besides, every collective wants to protect its own existence over time and, therefore, engages in cultural reproduction using a variety of instruments to secure its future34. One of these instruments could be an ide34) Georgie SHÖPFLIN, The construction of identity, Österreichischer Wissenschaftstag, 2001, accessible at: http://www.nt.tuwien.ac.at/nthft/temp/oefg/text/wiss_tag/Beitrag_Schopflin.pdf [last visited July 12, 2008]. IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MODERN ASSYRIANS/SYRIANS 561 ology. Peter BetBasoo, co-founder and director of the Assyrian International News Agency, claims that there is no better strategy of survival for the Assyrians than implementing the nationalistic ideology35. This is the reason behind the importance of nationalism reproduction during the festive celebrations, like the Assyrian New Year, in the eyes of national-orientated Assyrians (waved flag). Still, in the final account, following the Assyrian nutrition traditions, listening to Assyrian music or supporting Assyrian football team seem to be equally, or even more important (unwaved flag). These banal, everyday activities, if backed with “Assyrian spirit” (a term used by one of the respondents) can integrate young Assyrians/Syrians more effectively than any imposed actions. The future of the Assyrians/Syrians does not depend only on themselves, but also on the complex configuration of power and interest in the broader global system. In the multicultural reality the Assyrians/Syrians try to construct their identity deriving from their long history, Christian religion, Aramaic language and distinct customs. Globalization is a chance for creating a virtual, symbolic homeland and finding each other despite geographical boundaries. Yet, it is also a threat, as it does not serve any nationalisms nor national cultures – it substitutes them with a universal culture. For centuries, the Assyrians/Syrians have resisted assimilation. From the 19th century until now, they have been trying to build their national identity. Nonetheless, the temptation of emigration or staying in the diaspora is, paradoxally, the biggest challenge for Assyrian/Syrian incomplete national identity along with the perspective of physical extermination in the homeland. Modern Assyrians/Syrians stand at the crossroads, their fate as a nation will be determined in the coming decades. 35) Peter BETBASOO, Assyrian Nationalism: a Mechanism for Survival, accessible at http://www.aina.org/aol/peter/survival.htm [last visited July 12, 2008].