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Chief Editor José Paula Volume 17 | Issue 1 | Jan – Jun 2018 | ISSN: 0856-860X Western Indian Ocean JOURNAL OF Marine Science
Chief Editor José Paula | Faculty of Sciences of University of Lisbon, Portugal Copy Editor Timothy Andrew Published biannually Aims and scope: The Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science provides an avenue for the wide dissem- ination of high quality research generated in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, in particular on the sustainable use of coastal and marine resources. This is central to the goal of supporting and promoting sustainable coastal development in the region, as well as contributing to the global base of marine science. The journal publishes original research articles dealing with all aspects of marine science and coastal manage- ment. Topics include, but are not limited to: theoretical studies, oceanography, marine biology and ecology, fsheries, recovery and restoration processes, legal and institutional frameworks, and interactions/relationships between humans and the coastal and marine environment. In addition, Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science features state-of-the-art review articles and short communications. The journal will, from time to time, consist of special issues on major events or important thematic issues. Submitted articles are subjected to standard peer-review prior to publication. Manuscript submissions should be preferably made via the African Journals Online (AJOL) submission plat- form (http://www.ajol.info/index.php/wiojms/about/submissions). Any queries and further editorial corre- spondence should be sent by e-mail to the Chief Editor, wiojms@fc.ul.pt. Details concerning the preparation and submission of articles can be found in each issue and at http://www.wiomsa.org/wio-journal-of-marine- science/ and AJOL site. Disclaimer: Statements in the Journal refect the views of the authors, and not necessarily those of WIOMSA, the editors or publisher. Copyright © 2018 —Western Indian Ocean Marine Science Association (WIOMSA) No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the copyright holder. ISSN 0856-860X Western Indian Ocean JOURNAL OF Marine Science Editorial Board Serge ANDREFOUËT France Ranjeet BHAGOOLI Mauritius Salomão BANDEIRA Mozambique Betsy Anne BEYMER-FARRIS USA/Norway Jared BOSIRE Kenya Atanásio BRITO Mozambique Louis CELLIERS South Africa Lena GIPPERTH Sweden Johan GROENEVELD South Africa Issufo HALO South Africa/Mozambique Christina HICKS Australia/UK Johnson KITHEKA Kenya Kassim KULINDWA Tanzania Thierry LAVITRA Madagascar Blandina LUGENDO Tanzania Aviti MMOCHI Tanzania Nyawira MUTHIGA Kenya Brent NEWMAN South Africa Jan ROBINSON Seycheles Sérgio ROSENDO Portugal Melita SAMOILYS Kenya Max TROELL Sweden Cover image: Maputo (© Jose Paula, 2010)
Western Indian Ocean J O U R N A L O F Marine Science Volume 17 | Issue 1 | Jan – Jun 2018 | ISSN: 0856-860X Chief Editor José Paula Western Indian Ocean J O U R N A L O F Marine Science Chief Editor José Paula | Faculty of Sciences of University of Lisbon, Portugal Copy Editor Timothy Andrew Editorial Board Louis CELLIERS Blandina LUGENDO South Africa Tanzania Lena GIPPERTH Aviti MMOCHI Serge ANDREFOUËT Sweden Tanzania France Johan GROENEVELD Nyawira MUTHIGA Ranjeet BHAGOOLI South Africa Kenya Mauritius Issufo HALO Brent NEWMAN Salomão BANDEIRA South Africa/Mozambique South Africa Christina HICKS Jan ROBINSON Australia/UK Seycheles Johnson KITHEKA Sérgio ROSENDO Kenya Portugal Jared BOSIRE Kassim KULINDWA Melita SAMOILYS Kenya Tanzania Kenya Atanásio BRITO Thierry LAVITRA Max TROELL Mozambique Madagascar Sweden Mozambique Betsy Anne BEYMER-FARRIS USA/Norway Published biannually Aims and scope: The Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science provides an avenue for the wide dissemination of high quality research generated in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, in particular on the sustainable use of coastal and marine resources. This is central to the goal of supporting and promoting sustainable coastal development in the region, as well as contributing to the global base of marine science. The journal publishes original research articles dealing with all aspects of marine science and coastal management. Topics include, but are not limited to: theoretical studies, oceanography, marine biology and ecology, fisheries, recovery and restoration processes, legal and institutional frameworks, and interactions/relationships between humans and the coastal and marine environment. In addition, Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science features state-of-the-art review articles and short communications. The journal will, from time to time, consist of special issues on major events or important thematic issues. Submitted articles are subjected to standard peer-review prior to publication. Manuscript submissions should be preferably made via the African Journals Online (AJOL) submission platform (http://www.ajol.info/index.php/wiojms/about/submissions). Any queries and further editorial correspondence should be sent by e-mail to the Chief Editor, wiojms@fc.ul.pt. Details concerning the preparation and submission of articles can be found in each issue and at http://www.wiomsa.org/wio-journal-of-marinescience/ and AJOL site. Disclaimer: Statements in the Journal reflect the views of the authors, and not necessarily those of WIOMSA, the editors or publisher. Copyright © 2018 —Western Indian Ocean Marine Science Association (WIOMSA) No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the copyright holder. ISSN 0856-860X Cover image: Maputo (© Jose Paula, 2010) WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 Original Article 53 Navigating the sea space: the nature and significance of giriama indigenous knowledge on marine resources Khamati Shilabukha Institute of Anthropology, Gender and African Studies University of Nairobi P. O. Box 30197 Nairobi 00100 GPO dennis.shilabukha@uonbi.ac.ke Abstract This paper presents the findings of a study on indigenous knowledge and management systems of marine resources among the Giriama people of the Kenyan north coast and their intimate relationship with their environment, especially marine resources. The product of this relationship is a profound knowledge of the resources dependent on indigenous ecological knowledge of marine resources. This knowledge is distributed in the community based on age, gender and professional affinity to the resources. Thus, the community has evolved an elaborate system of knowledge of the natural world such as species distribution, diurnal changes in the behaviour of the sea, and wind movement. This knowledge is instrumental in regulation of activities in the sea, mangrove forests and around coral reefs. As a result their indigenous knowledge has become an aspect of everyday experience of the marine environment as it helps distinguish the objects of experience, together with their similarities and differences. Keywords: Culture, ecology, ecosystem, environment, indigenous knowledge, marine resources Introduction ronmental knowledge (Shilabukha, 2000; Willis, 1990; The Giriama are a bantu-speaking people found along Robbins, 2010). For example, traditional agricultural Kenya’s north coast. They are part of the larger Miji- practice is a major field of indigenous knowledge; others kenda community that straddles the Kenya – Tanzania include traditional medicine and architecture. It is nota- border and are highly dependent on marine resources. ble that much of the literature on indigenous knowledge, They have developed elaborate knowledge systems especially in anthropology, is not about ecological rela- of marine resources over the years. Their indigenous tionships (Berlin, 1975; Hunn, 1975; Chilisa, 2012; Berlin, knowledge underpins discourse on the relationship 2016). Rather, it is about other kinds of ethno-science, between humans and nature and, therefore, the rele- including agriculture, ethno-biology, ethno-pharma- vance of indigenous knowledge in the contemporary cology, ethno-veterinary medicine, and ethno-pedol- world (Clifton, 2003). The emphasis here being on ogy (soils). Some of these areas, for example, traditional the idea that humans’ relationship with nature should practices of water conservation and soil erosion control, be dialectical and holistic as opposed to dualistic are directly related to ecological knowledge, but oth- (Willis, 1990). Giriama indigenous structure and sys- ers such as ethno-astronomy are less so (Posey, 1985). tems of practice (experienced events), belief, and con- The anthropological shift of emphasis from the docu- text (CPB), provides an epistemological basis for the mentation and taxonomy of species used by indigenous understanding of indigenous ecological knowledge. groups, to a consideration of functional and structural relationships and mechanisms, gave rise to the field of Paradigmatic Discourses on Human/ Nature Interactions in Anthropology traditional ecological knowledge (Berkes, 1999). There is a very rich and elaborate corpus of anthropo- Indigenous knowledge as a sub-field in anthropology logical literature on various kinds of indigenous envi- borrows heavily from the cultural ecology tradition 54 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha of the anthropologist Julian Steward (Steward, 1958), but is not a sub-set of these fields because it often who emphasised the study of adaptive processes, goes beyond the discipline of anthropology. How- and argued that a social organisation itself may be ever, a number of other anthropologists have crit- considered an ecological adaptation of a group to icised Steward’s analysis of social reality because its local environment. A number of scholars such as they consider it to be deficient in terms of consid- Figure 1. Map of the research site. Balee (1989) as well as Berkes (1999) have agreed with ering other important environmental variables such Steward’s argument. For such anthropologists as as disease and population pressure (Acheson, 2003; Balee, Berkes and others, the emphasis on adaptive Williams and Baines, 1993). Steward has also been processes in human-nature relations as observed in criticised for being subjective in identifying aspects traditional ecological literature, overlaps with cul- of what he referred to as ‘the affective environment’ tural ecology, ecological anthropology or anthropo- and the culture core (Netting, 1968; Ellen, 1982; logical ecology, and anthropology of conservation, Acheson, 2003). 55 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 The intellectual foundations of indigenous ecological societies lessons in the management of resources in knowledge are to be found in ethno-science (mainly complex forest, wetlands, marine, mountain and arid ethno-botany) and human ecology (Berlin, 1975; land ecosystems (Majid-Cooke, 2003). Hunn, 1975). Effectively, the field has its roots in the study and documentation of lists of species identi- In this study, indigenous ecological knowledge is fied, categorised and named by different indigenous analysed from the perspective of neo-structuralism. groups, and elaborated a science of folk taxonomies of As Mendoza (2000) elaborates, since the essence of plants and animals and other environmental features neo-structuralist theory is concerned with relating the such as soils (Berlin, 1975; Hunn, 1975). These studies minute and the large-scale, the short-term and the are acknowledged in some recent studies, demonstrat- long-term, presence and absence, it can be applied ing how important they were in their influence (Shila- to local/indigenous knowledge in a global world. bukha, 2000; Majid-Cooke, 2003; Gachihi, 2012). The presence of indigenous knowledge has influence In discussing the evolution of this sub-field, it becomes on the management and conservation of mangroves, instrumental to mention that early ethno-botany goes corals and fisheries in many indigenous communi- back at least to Barrows’ 1900 work on the Coahuila ties, including the Giriama. In the ensuing analysis, Indians of southern California who made a living in the relationship between indigenous knowledge and a seemingly barren desert environment by harvesting the conservation of marine resources is done through no less than 60 kinds of edible plants and 28 kinds studying indigenous knowledge using time-space of medicinal plants (Berlin, 1975; Warren et al., 1995). analysis (Mendoza, 2000). Mendoza’s analysis can However, the science of folk taxonomies is often asso- then be applied to local/indigenous knowledge in ciated with the name of Harold Conklin who in the a global world. Inference made from this analysis is 1950s documented the extensive plant knowledge and that the presence of indigenous knowledge has influ- classification systems of traditional groups such as the ence on the management and conservation of natural Hanunoo of the Philippines (Warren et al., 1995). resources in many communities, making the analysis not only relevant to the Giriama context but also The rapid development of traditional ecological applicable to its use and management of mangroves, knowledge as a field in its own right started with the corals and fisheries. This is because, for the Giriama, documentation of a tremendously rich body of envi- many elements of the biophysical environment are ronmental knowledge, not just of species, but also imbued with human characteristics. So the commu- their ecological relations among a diversity of groups nity, through indigenous knowledge of the marine outside the mainstream Western world (Berkes, 1993; ecosystem, relates to these features of the ecosystem 1999). These included studies of shifting cultivation on a relational and personal level, making it less likely and biodiversity conservation in tropical ecosystems for the concept of nature to be viewed as separate and traditional knowledge and management systems from humans. in coastal fisheries and lagoons, semi-arid areas, and the Arctic (Balee, 1989; Berkes, 1999; Callicot, 1994). Placing the findings of this study in the context of These studies showed that a variety of traditional peo- other anthropological and cognate studies on indige- ples, in diverse geographical areas from the Arctic to nous ecological knowledge sheds light on how indig- the Amazon, had their own understandings of ecolog- enous peoples, such as the Giriama, often depend on ical relationships and distinct traditions of resource coastal resources for various livelihood and subsist- management (Callicot, 1994). ence reasons (Zavarin, 1991; Ruddle, 1994; Hale et al., 1998). There are implications for prudent use of By the mid-1980s, the rapidly growing anthropological resources that allows for adaptive management. This literature on traditional ecological knowledge led to a management is a function of lived and experiential recognition in the international arena of its potential learning which have immensely contributed to the applications to contemporary resource and environ- emergence of elaborate management and governance mental problems. This recognition is reflected in the systems. These systems have, in essence, evolved a report of the World Commission on Environment and sustainable and symbiotic relationship between the Development (UNICED, 1987). Among other things, people and resources (Zavarin, 1991). this report pointed out that indigenous peoples hold a wealth of knowledge based on thousands of years of As a result, these communities have internalised experience, and that their practices can offer modern considerable amounts of knowledge not only about 56 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha the resources, but also their management and use. knowledge. Such studies will also expand, where neces- Of course, if adopted by the larger scientific and pol- sary and possible, national policy frameworks on con- icy making fraternity, such knowledge can potentially servation. This study is one such attempt. inform contemporary and future approaches to management. This can happen in two ways. First, indige- Materials and Methods nous knowledge is a rich source of baseline data to fill The study was carried in area between Kisauni in information gaps that cannot otherwise be addressed Mombasa County and Matsangoni in Kilifi County on through pragmatic scientific approaches. Second, and Kenya’s north coast between June 2012 and Decem- more importantly, this knowledge could provide sub- ber 2013. In Mombasa, the study site included villages stitute management approaches from which scientists in Kisauni and Bamburi, while in Kilifi County, it was and resource managers might learn. In general, how- conducted in villages in Shanzu, Mtwapa, Takau- ever, little attention has been given to the relevance ngu, Mwakirunge, Kanamai and Matsangoni (Fig. 1). of such knowledge for resource management (Ihezue, (Source: Department of Geography and Environmen- 2007). Acknowledging the existence of such knowl- tal Studies, University of Nairobi). edge would be the first step in the direction of plural application in a dynamic future of managing the envi- The research site was chosen for the study on the basis ronment in general, and resources found therein in of its geographic location and adjacency to the marine particular (Shilabukha, 2007; Ihezue, 2007). resources under consideration. Mangroves, corals and fisheries feature predominantly in the subsistence The foregoing suggests that the discourse on indige- livelihoods of the people within the research site. nous ecological knowledge is important for anthropo- Sampling for in-depth interviews was multi-stage. logical reflections on a broad range of interrogations The site was divided into villages along a contin- related to nature-human relations. This is mainly uum, then respondents were randomly selected for so because anthropologists treat culture as the most the interviews. The inclusion/exclusion criteria used important concept in understanding how different were membership of the Giriama community and groups of people in various parts of the world per- proximity to the resources. The research design was ceive and interact with nature (Shilabukha, 2007). descriptive-qualitative, and both exploratory and Yet indigenous knowledge is part of this culture. cross-sectional. Data were collected using observa- Indigenous people’s perceptions and knowledge are tion, transect walks, informal interviews, in-depth in part shaped by their values, worldviews, and envi- interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and key ronmental ethics - religion in the broader sense (Rob- informant interviews. For the in-depth interviews, bins, 2010). This may explain why, in the exploration 25 men and 15 women were interviewed. For the FGDs of environmental ethics and religion towards an eco- sampling was purposive, while key informants were logically sustainable society, indigenous peoples and sampled by intensity sampling. In this case, specific traditional ecological knowledge have attracted con- groups within the community were targeted, includ- siderable attention from both scholars and popular ing healers, fishing expedition leaders, mangrove cut- movements (Shilabukha, 2000). ters and community leaders. Since most of the data were qualitative, analysis was done through content In most of the literature reviewed regarding indig- analysis and presented through anecdotal quotes. enous knowledge, it can be observed that many Quantitative data were analysed by computation of scholars have focussed on discussions of traditional means, percentages and ranges, and presented in fre- ecological knowledge and indigenous knowledge of Aus- quencies and percentages. tralian and North American Indian peoples (Balee, 1989; Callicot, 1994) This in not necessarily bad. However, Ethics statement there are many other traditions of ecological knowl- The findings presented in this paper were part of a edge found among various indigenous societies in PhD study entitled “Indigenous knowledge and manage- Europe, South America and parts of Africa and Asia, ment systems among the Giriama of north coastal Kenya”. which also deserve mention (Williams and Baines, The thesis was examined and passed at the Institute of 1993). Research and dissemination of information from Anthropology, Gender and African Studies, University these diverse cultures will not only enrich anthropo- of Nairobi in November 2015. A permit for the study logical knowledge on the nature/culture nexus, but also was issued by the National Commission for Science, stimulate other disciplinary discourses on indigenous Technology and Innovation. Ethical considerations 57 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 were observed throughout the study. Verbal and writ- the living dead. This illuminates the deference and ten consent for participation in the study was sought reverence for ancestors; the dependence on knowl- from all the adults recruited after they were given edge and skills passed from generation to generation. information about the study. To ensure anonymity That is why indigenous knowledge on ecosystems and confidentiality of the participants, personal identi- among the Giriama is a function of perception, lived fiers were removed in the final thesis, apart from cases experience and interaction with nature. In this way, where respondents were insistent on being cited by the community has developed an elaborate system name. This paper is part of the efforts to disseminate of naming and categorizing the natural world. This the findings of the study to professional colleagues system is essentially an aspect of everyday nomen- who may be interested in the thematic area of study. clature of distinguishing aspects of nature through presence and absence, similarities and differences, Results and Discussion as well as symmetry and asymmetry. As a result this Background characteristics indigenous nomenclature helps to mentally struc- The background characteristics of the respondents ture the natural world in relation to word meanings captured were gender, age, marital status and occu- and experiences. pation.. Age is an important indicator of the level of knowledge on the marine ecosystem and resources For the Giriama, just like many other indigenous com- while occupation may indicate the scope of interac- munities, the environment is where all the resources tion with the resources as well as a factor that deter- are found and nurtured, including human beings. mines the position of leadership of activities in the As the findings of this study indicate, in Giriama cos- sea and mangrove forests. The gendered possession of mology, the environment cannot be divided into dif- knowledge was important, hence the need to record ferent parts. Therefore, the environment, or the world, the gender of respondents. In this case, 25 (62.5%) is a whole whose every component is connected to of the respondents were men while 15 (37.5%) were others. The marine ecosystem, together with all the women. In terms of age, respondents ranged from resources found therein, is important to the function- 21 to 70 years. The majority (80%) of the respondents ing of the whole world. were married, while slightly below a fifth (15%) were widowed. Only 5% were divorced. Hence, as a Giriama, when you think about the earth, with all the oceans, with their (tides) rising and ebbing, The period the respondents had lived in the village with the forests and their inhabitants, the moon shin- ranged from 10 to 70 years, while time of interaction ing upon them at night and the sun by day, that is the with the resources ranged from 5 to 47 years. One of environment. When you think of the water in oceans, the elders in Mtwapa described his experience with rivers, wells, and about the sun in the sky, all the grass the marine resources thus: that grows from the water, of the rain that falls from the clouds, and the mangroves in the tepid waters of ‘I am now 72 years and I have grown up fishing since the sea shore; the coral reef and its inhabitants; the I was 15 years of age. I have practically lived in the sea deep sea, and the creeks and the lagoons, all the ani- all my life. The sea is like my home, I know all the corners mals and plants in the sea, those we can see and those and the nooks, the fish know me and they come to me.’ we cannot see, the estuaries of the rivers that pour from inland into the blue waters; the forests and the Nature and Structure of Giriama Indigenous Knowledge of the Natural World animals and plants, and the air we breathe; then the Among the Giriama, knowledge is generally tied to in the sea, and on land. That is the environment. All the ancestry of experience and is stored in the collec- these make up the environment. Are there bounda- tive memories of the community elders and experts ries? The Giriama can only fathom contiguous, but of various kinds. This knowledge is transmitted not dichotomous borders. They talk about parts of largely through non-written processes such as telling the environment, one by one. Natural resources are people, who inhabit the land, and use the resources stories, creating relationships and establishing per- referred to as mali ya mulungu mwenge, which loosely sonal meaning. Therefore, each generation of fishers translates to God’s natural (or real) wealth. The Giri- and mangrove cutters is expected to pass this knowl- ama have a strong sense of belief in the supernatural, edge to succeeding generations. Those who teach are the reference to God is connected to ancestors, who mainly the elderly, ready to transit to the world of are intermediaries between the living and Mulungu 58 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha mwenge (the Supreme Being). The deference accorded This is also the reason why the distribution of indig- to ancestors allows one to acquire knowledge about enous knowledge on the marine resources is not the resources as well as how to utilise them. homogenous. It is differentiated according to experiences, gender, age and occupation of individuals In this community, the natural world is consid- in regard to interaction with the resources. In refer- ered sacred and the property of the Supreme Being ence to diverse occupations, rain makers, healers, (Mulungu). According to the participants in one FGD at fishing expedition leaders, those who perform rituals Mtwapa, Mulungu directs how the resources should be of an environmental nature, and some with multiple used because they are sacred and belong to everyone roles, were identified in the present study. The ritual, in the community. Some mangrove species, coral reefs spiritual, religious and physical value of the resources and fisheries are not touchable. In some instances, sea- was captured vividly by the respondents. sonal bans are pronounced on some sections of mangrove forests or the sea, or some species. These bans Considering indigenous ecological knowledge accord- are enforced until certain rituals or ceremonies are ing to gender among the Giriama, men spend more performed. Thus, community members inherit knowl- time outdoors compared to women, hence they inter- edge about the environment from their parents and act more with the resources compared to women, an experts who obtained it from ancestors; the custodians aspect of the gender roles and ritual occupation of the of this information. Because the environment is imper- public and private spaces in the community. Thus, the ative to the Giriama people, this may explain why the roles of cutting mangroves, building and fishing are community retains knowledge of different environ- part of men’s public domain activities. The implica- mental features and their place in the ecosystem. tion is that men are knowledgeable about mangroves and fisheries, their distribution and characteristics. Since all the resources are considered the property of Men are also responsible for carrying out rituals related the Supreme Being, the spiritual connection between to mangrove cutting or fishing. Women are responsi- the human and natural world is apparent. However, ble for gleaning, picking those species found near the some resources are particularly deified and consid- shore or shallow waters. Women are also healers; they ered the property of ancestors. This is typical of par- collect leaves and roots of the mangroves. This utilisa- ticular medicinal plants in the mangrove ecosystem, tion is also an indication of who is most likely to have or entire mangrove forests, creeks and coral reefs. more knowledge on which resource found in the man- Some fish species are also considered taboo due to groves. This information is summarised in Table 1. biological as well as symbolic reasons. For instance, mangrove species such as mchu are considered to be Like other communities, the stock of ecological knowl- the house of sea spirits and so must be taken care of edge is distributed differently in the Giriama popula- meticulously by herbal healers. Andersen et al. (2004) tion, whereas culture is understood in terms of sharing, found similar ideas in their study on traditional eco- depending on spatial, social and cohort experiences. logical knowledge among the Eskimo people of Alaska Indigenous knowledge gives the Giriama individual in regard to subsistence harvest of non-Salmon fish in the capacity for orientation with marine resources. The the Koyukuk River Drainage. knowledge structures the individual’s understanding of the world, and provides purposeful ways of acting, Many other anthropologists have similarly found guiding interaction with marine resources, and provid- connections between knowledge of the natural envi- ing rules of extraction and utilisation through context, ronment and the complex of context, belief and practice and belief. This then lends itself to manage- practice in areas inhabited by indigenous communi- ment efforts, leading to conservation outcomes layered ties. In Tonga, for instance, Malm (2009) found that in terms of age, gender and occupation. what one sees depends on what one knows. And what one knows is a function of how one was socialised to know. Among the Giriama, people have gained deep Indigenous Knowledge and Classification of the Features of the Natural World insights based on interpretations made in connecting For the Giriama, natural environmental features can life with the ever-present nature. That is why the con- be divided into land, water and air. In this classifica- cept of the environment is understood in many ways tion, land is the area of the environment which is dry. as demonstrated in the community’s representation There is no river, lake or ocean water on it. It is locally of space, and what it comprises. referred by the Kiswahili phrase nchi kaavu. Water is 59 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 to be found in lakes, rivers and the ocean. Air (hewa, Furthermore, the ritual, spiritual, religious and phys- anga) is unseen. All these components of the envi- ical value of the resources was captured vividly by ronment are useful. The Giriama, like many other the respondents. According to one female healer in indigenous communities, classify the environment Bamburi, the environment is the provider of food and through cognitive or oral maps. These maps undoubt- livelihood. It contains the resources the community is edly reflect the worldview of how the land and sea- interested in. But remember some parts of the envi- scapes are organised and utilised. The use of lexical ronment cannot be utilized for anything. These places categories to identify eco-zones that reflect the local are used for performing traditional rituals of the com- inhabitants’ intimate connection with marine nature munity to cleanse the environment. The Giriama call come into place. Similarly, symbolic kinship ties with them ‘palani’. Such spaces are mostly used by the com- the natural environment is often based on a strong munity elders and the diseased who attend the rituals. spiritual connection with Giriama ancestors and the Young people may not be allowed into these areas. land where their ancestors are buried, as well as on The physical world is very important to the Giriama subsistence needs. people. According to the accounts of the respondTherefore, these maps reflect social behaviour and ents, it provides building stones (timbo za mawe). These aspects of marine resource use and conservation. For stones are dug just like minerals from the ground. the Giriama, these oral maps serve as a framework The stones are, however, not deep into the ground. from which to operationalize local lexical items that Hence the local individuals find an easy task in getting may serve as part of the cultural code for aspects of them and putting them into their preferred shapes. biogeographic categories. Because the very nature of The environment also provides building poles for many indigenous societies’ lexical items is spatial in their houses. Some poles are obtained from the man- nature, it allows for the mapping of terms to form a groves (fito) and others from the trees available in ter- graphic representation of oral (cultural) maps of var- restrial forests. In addition, the environment provides ious marine ecological zones (including reef loca- food for the people and space for shelter of the people tions and fisheries movements) and human activities. living there. The clean air people and other animals This is the basis of marine environmental classifica- breathe is provided by the environment. According tion. Those who have the knowledge use it routinely, to the respondents, environmental features can be perhaps every day, and because of this, it becomes classified into natural and artificial, or human-made something that is a part of them and unidentifiable features. Natural features are those features that grow except in a personal context. These personal cognitive on their own. They are formed by natural forces or maps are created through humour, humility, toler- powers. They could also be attributed to supernatural ance, observation, experience, social interaction, and forces or powers. Artificial features, on the other hand, listening to the conversations and interrogations of are features which are made or planted by human the natural and spiritual worlds. beings in the environment. Table 1. Use of the mangrove ecosystem. Type of activity Cutting of trees for poles Collection of medicinal extracts Collection of vegetables Collection of firewood Harvesting of crustaceans and molluscs Source: Author, 2013 Gender of users Use Men Poles for house and boat construction Trained men and women Healing and performance of rituals Women and girls Domestic consumption Women and children of both sexes Sale and domestic use Women For domestic use and sale 60 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha One of the areas of interest are the terminologies the many useful marine resources. In the indigenous used to refer to environmental features in the local cosmology of the Giriama people, seawater is both a language. To set off the naming of the environment, living and a non-living feature of the marine environ- we may begin with the term environment itself. Among ment. It is living because it provides life to all the plant the Giriama, the term environment is related to other and animal species found in it. It is non-living because categories of naming; the closely related concepts are it does not have life of its own. In the words of one space, weather, climate and time. The concept of the male elder in Mtwapa, there is an umbilical relation- environment is referred to as mazingira, which may also ship between sea water and those resources found in mean surroundings. This term has its etymology in the the sea. He intimated that the sea water itself is a living verb kuzingira, meaning to surround. Indeed, this is the thing. It breathes life as it has clean air that it gives same term used in Kiswahili, the dominant language in to creatures living in it. It also cleans itself after the East Africa and the national language of Kenya. creatures have deposited their waste products. It is the creatures which make the sea complete. The sea can- Climate, on the other hand, is referred to as musimu, not be complete without the creatures and physical which may interchangeably refer to season. The term features found in the water. Likewise, the sea creatures is also found in Kiswahili. The term for the weather is and physical features would be naked if the sea was to dzoho, while space is referred to as nafasi, and time is be wiped away, and they would not exist as we know wakadhi. It is notable that dzoho also refers to tempera- them. The sea is a big living thing. ture, particularly high temperature. Natural resources are referred to as mali ya mulungu mwenge, which In Giriama cosmology, an interesting aspect of the loosely translates to God’s natural (or real) wealth. It marine environment, in particular reference to is remarkable that the Giriama have a strong sense of sea water, is the assertion that the sea is not a mas- belief in the ancestral spirits. In this case, the reference sive boundless body of water. In that sense, the sea to God is connected to the ancestors, who are consid- is demarcated in terms of cognitive or oral maps ered intermediaries between the living and Mulungu through lexical categories which reflect the world- mwenge (the Supreme Being). view of how the land and seascapes are organised and utilised. Cognitive mapping allows for the for- As the findings of the study indicate, the Giriama peo- mation of a graphic representation of oral (cultural) ple perceive the natural world in ways that suit them maps of various marine ecological zones (including and their particular context through a strong tradition reef locations and fisheries movements) and human of spiritual and cosmological ties to environmental activities. According to one elder in Kilifi, the sea has knowledge. This knowledge is rich, diverse and vibrant plenty of marks that nobody sees; it is only the leader and it helps the community to adapt to their physical of the expedition who knows these routes. They are environment, biologically as well as ritually. This ties his secret power over the rest. When he is tired (old) in with anthropological interest to relate ecological and wants to retire, he will leave the secrets to his son. survival to cultural institutions that pursue livelihoods (Kuper, 2014). It is apparent that the Giriama practice The cognitive maps are important for fishers and ‘ecological survival’ in their relationship with nature, those working in the mangrove forests. These maps through indigenous knowledge. Therefore, the com- are facilitators of knowledge about the spatial distri- munity takes the physical world and the resources bution of resources in the sea as well as mangrove for- found in it as much more than a set of material possi- ests, such as coral mining areas, fishing spots or man- bilities to which their culture, social organisation and grove cutting areas. This knowledge is converted into kinship system have adapted, for provision of materi- concepts which are frequently named, especially if als for reflection and premises for action making the they are socially and economically important linguis- concept of ‘knowledge’ to situate itself in a particular tic reference points. Therefore, finding a fishing spot and unequivocal way relative to events, actions, and in the immensity and vastness of the sea is not about social relationships (Barth, 2002). luck. Each fishing expedition has a leader and that leader must be competent to sail at night guided by For this community, an important aspect of the the position of the moon and stars, whether physically marine environment and resources is the sea. Locally, visible or not, in order to locate the best and most pro- referred to ziwa or bahari, the sea is an important aspect ductive fishing grounds. The leader should be vastly of the natural world because seawater is the home of and proficiently erudite of the routes in the vast sea, 61 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 by use of cognitive maps. According to a renowned classify the resources. For a start, marine resources are fisher in Kanamai, the cognitive maps are constructed classified into inter-tidal zones, the mangrove forests, through observing routes of water running along the the coral reef, and the open deep sea. The classifica- direction of coral reefs and the caves found in the sea. tion of the areas has remarkable geo-spatial as well as Each expedition has its own system of routes that is ritual significance. not used by any other. The more routes the expedition leader discovers and keeps surreptitiously secret, Mangroves form a very important part of the natural the more fishing spots he claims and the more vener- world in general and marine ecosystem in particular. ation he gets within the community. For the community, the forest exists because the trees have not been cut down en masse. As exemplified by a The cognitive maps for the Giriama can be inferred 67-year-old elder at Mtwapa, the forest is part of the to imply the use of their gen and ken of the marine creation given to their ancestors for their children and environment to represent the spatial dimension of the children of their children in the distant future. important geographic features on the landscape and The mangroves have medicinal and aesthetic value. seascape. For thousands of years mental, physical or The bark of the mangroves and their leaves can be oral maps have been used for defining boundaries of used for medicinal purposes. They are also used to sacred and secular spaces on land and sea among many heal the wounds of the circumcised. Dyes processed indigenous communities around the world. This has from the bark can also be extracted and used to col- then been used for depicting the location of impor- our the women for beauty purposes. In modern times, tant resource zones and sacred sites. For instance, in a mangroves have attracted many tourists, both domes- study of mapping customary land in East Kalimantan, tic and international, to the region. Indonesia, Sirait et al. (1994) found that the combined use of oral histories, sketch maps and GIS and the Therefore, mangroves are not just the fringing vegeta- Global Positioning System (GPS), could be instrumen- tion along the lagoons, estuaries and creeks. They are a tal in mapping customary land tenure and comparing major source of livelihoods and have esthetic, spiritual villagers’ perceptions of land ownership and land use and cosmological significance. Mangroves also pro- to those of the state. This has also been demonstrated vide important nursery, shelter and feeding habitats by Alexander and van Djik (1996). for a wide array of fishes, crustaceans and molluscs, which are utilised in commercial and subsistence fish- Mangroves, fisheries and corals hold a very special eries. Mangroves also provide medicine and firewood place in Giriama cosmology. Some wearing worn apart from providing shade for the mirindi, (seaweed), out boots, others barefoot, fishers, mangrove cutters which women collect for subsistence as well as com- and the coral reef explorers wade into the deep sea mercial use. Young women only collect mirindi and from the shallow muddy shore, or make their way into firewood and only those who are trained in medici- the sea through the forest. Over the years they have nal herbs can access trees with medicinal properties as learned everything there is to know about the fish these are the property of the ancestors. Ancestors can types, the trees in the lush forest and the shiny under- only talk to those who are invited to the trade. Among water seascapes that form the corals and the reef. the women, it is those who no longer menstruate, or They know all the species and their associates. With- have stopped giving birth, that are invited. out the sea water, there would be no fisheries, mangroves, nor the reefs and their inhabitants. And with- According to some elders in Matsangoni and Mwa- out the mangroves, there would be no forests; without kirunge, the significance of the mangroves is further the forests, there would be no trees. demonstrated by the presence of three birds; shake and membe, types of egret, and nyange nyange, the Therefore, the Giriama also identify, name and classify kingfisher. These birds nest in the mangrove forests marine resources as part of their indigenous taxon- and feed on the fish that nest or hide in the forests. omy which forms an integral aspect of the communi- There is a symbiotic relationship between the fishers ty’s indigenous ecological knowledge. This knowledge and the birds. Any area of the sea being overflown stems from the fact that traditionally, the Giriama by many kingfishers and egrets is an indication that depend on the resources and exploit the environ- many fish, particularly prawns, are in the water. The ment for rituals and livelihoods, hence the need for fishers then move in rapidly to catch the fish. This is classification. The community uses various criteria to the root of the friendship between humans and the 62 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha two bird species referred to above. They are appropri- One can observe the stages of division of the mangroves ately called ‘friends of the fishers’. The kingfisher par- from a distance as they grow. It is as if they divide them- ticularly feeds on prawns, locally known as mashaza, a selves according to the conditions. There are three zones local delicacy. The small sizes of the prawns make it in any mangrove forest. In the first zone, which is nearer difficult for fishers to locate them in the sea water. the shore, the trees are hard, narrow, have narrow whitish leaves and are strong. Here the trees regenerate The community acknowledges that mangroves are through dropping their seeds in sandy soils. In the sec- home to many aquatic animals. According to the ond zone, the middle one, the trees are bigger and softer respondents, kaa, a generic name for all crabs, are with whitish leaves. Here, the trees regenerate through the most conspicuous invertebrates inhabiting man- vegetative propagation. This means twigs fall into the groves. There are also fish, which feed on plants and muddy soils, anchor themselves and germinate imme- other animals in the mangroves. Apart from the diately. In the last zone, deeper into the sea water, the aquatic animals, there are bird species such as the trees are softest with green, broad leaves. Here, the trees great white heron (membe), which feed on the aquatic regenerate through seed propagation. animals. This was summarised by one 55-year-old male respondent from Shanzu as follows: Generally the mangroves are referred to as mikoko, the plural of mkoko. The term mkoko itself has the connota- ‘The upper zones are inhabited by those crabs that do tion of strength, fortitude and sturdiness in the com- well in marshy areas. Then closer to the shore we have munity’s metaphors. It is, however, important to note others. On top of the roots we have prawns and shrimp. that mkoko in the real sense refers to the commonest Some of the crabs feed on small organisms and this helps and most widespread of the species, Rhyzophora mucro- in fertlising the ecosystem. Other crabs feed on some nata. This is the hardest of the species. As described snails. We harvest smaller crabs for food. There are also by the respondents, the Rhyzophora mucronata trees are oysters, which secure themselves to lower stems of the of average size and have stilt arch and prop roots that mangroves and suck plankton and other food from sur- function to strengthen the tree stand. rounding waters.’ Another species described is locally known as mliAnother function of the mangroves is to provide lana (Sonneratia alba). The bark looks almost white protection for the dry land from the invasion of the although shaded brown. At times it also looks like ash. sea water during high tide. According to the wom- It has normal roots like other trees and the leaves are en’s FGD in Matsangoni the waves from sea water are rounded and leathery. The flowers are white and pom- very strong and wash everything standing in their way pom-like and open only for one night. Their fruits are during the high tide. The mangroves act as a block- large, green, leathery berries with a star-shaped base ade for the water. In this way, erosion is prevented by and have many seeds, which are white and flat. Its their presence. Our fathers knew about the important wood is mainly used to make canoes, boat ribs, pad- nature of these forests. They, therefore, did not uproot dles, masts, Smith pneumatophores used for float- or deplete them. For the Giriama people, the man- ing fishing gears, as well as window and door frames. groves have many uses and these are not limited to It may also be used for firewood and charcoal. the trees. There are other resources found in the mangroves and the waters surrounding them. As pointed The mkandaa (Ceriops tagal) is a tree that has many out earlier, these resources are extracted according to shapes and sizes, according to the respondents. It is age and gender. also called mkandaa mwekundu (the red mkandaa) or mkoko mwekundu (the red mkoko). According to the The Giriama have a system of classifying and nam- men’s FGD in Kanamai, it is the tallest among the ing the mangrove ecosystem. There are species and mangroves. Then there is muia/mkoko wimbi (Bruguiera sub-species in the ecosystem. For the Giriama, the gymnorhiza) whose seeds germinate while still attached mangroves not only refer to the trees found in the to the tree. Its alternative name, wimbi, means wave. intertidal zones, but also the animals. Discussions with Its growth is characterised by a wave-like develop- the elderly respondents revealed that the mangroves ment. After the seedlings are released they fall verti- actually divide themselves in zones and stages from cally into the mud and become established rapidly. inland into the sea. According to one 57 year old male The tree likes very salty areas where it can grow up respondent at Matsangoni: to 20 metres. Absence of salty conditions stunts its 63 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 Nyangumi (whale) and Papa (shark) Humans Kiboma (Tuna) Dagaa Ngisi (squid) Kifuvu (Rays) Tafi, Changu Mkunga chui Small plants Yavuyavu (Jellyfish) Kaa (Crabs) Eggs of crabs and lobsters Mangrove seeds Figure 2. An indigenous food web and trophic levels for marine organisms. growth. Its wood is used mainly for building material, habitats for marine fish species for feeding and spawn- roof supports and firewood. ing. Corals and coral reefs are the houses and resting places for some fish species. Additionally, they pro- Another interesting species is mkomafi dume (Xylocar- vide fresh air for the fish which they take in through pus moluccensis), which literally translated, means the their breathing organs, gills (locally called mathefu). male type of the tree. However, it is rare in the area where the study was conducted. The leaves of the The Giriama classify all the animal species found in tree are less leathery and lighter green than those the sea as fish (samaki). The number of aquatic organ- of other species, and the end of the leaf is pointed. isms distinguished and named by the Giriama fishers The tree has underground roots just like other terrestrial is substantial, reflecting both the extent of indige- trees. The respondents also named and described the nous knowledge they possess and the species diver- looking-glass msikundazi, also known as mkungu (Heri- sity characteristic of the coral reef areas, mangrove tiera littoralis). Another species is kikandaa (Lumnitzera forests and the deep sea. In classifying the fish, there racemosa) which, according to one male respondent in are those species found among corals, those found Shanzu aged 47 years, the local people refer to as the in mangroves, and those found in the open deep sea. black mangrove or the small mkandaa. Finally, there is The location of the species is a function of adaptation mchu (Avicennia marina), which is sometimes referred to the conditions as well as their survival needs. to as mtu (person). It is also called mtswi (or white mangrove). The white mangrove is considered sacred The respondents could construct food webs and energy among the Giriama people. levels based on interaction with resources over a long period. At the lowest point are species that feed on Another important resource are corals and coral reefs. planktons and mangrove droppings; they include mkizi They are known locally as matumbawe and miamba ya (cuttlefish) and tafi (mudfish). Then there are the changu baharini (rocks of the ocean), respectively. They are (Variegated emperor) that feeds on other species such as classified at two levels. One parameter is according to small crabs and worms. Then there are the tewa (Rock the amount of life found in them. Thus, dry (or dead) fish) that approaches the higher echelons of the food rocks, and the living corals which are still breathing, chain because it feeds on other fish species. At the top are identified. The first category are found along the of the chain are nyagumi (the whale), papa (the shark), shore or inland where there is no water to nurture and Pomboo domo-refu (the dolphin), which respondents them. They are effectively dead. Corals are also classi- indicated do not lay eggs, but give birth. The dolphin fied according to the size of the rocks, which is also a is the most intelligent and it feeds on sea grass and function of their location. In this case, there are those weeds. Another species is the barracuda, locally called found in the open sea and those found in the creeks. tangesi, and ngisi (squid) which feeds on other sea spe- Those found in the open sea are bigger in size com- cies. The food web and trophic levels in Fig. 1 was con- pared to those found in the creeks. Coral reefs provide structed from information gathered from elders in a 64 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha participatory process. It is based on the description of This is similar to what Oso (2007) found among the the food different fishes feed on. Therefore, much as the Yoruba of Nigeria. In this community, there are vil- food web may resemble a typical scientific one, although lages which specialise in producing herbal medicine. derived from indigenous description, and implies that Some of the herbs used in healing grow naturally, these fishers have deep knowledge on the food webs and while others are planted. Similarities between the trophic levels in the marine ecosystem. Yoruba and the Giriama in this case is the transmission of the indigenous knowledge about natural resources Giriama knowledge of the larger ecosystem and the as well as the linking of the resources to the supernat- relationship between different aspects of it which pro- ural. Among the Yoruba, plants are part of the broad vides habitat for valued marine species includes broad aspect of life; they maintain their personality, individ- physical and biological features such as the deep sea uality and psychic space. Each plant has its own aura, itself, the inter-tidal zone, the shallow areas of the sea, surrounding magnetic field, and relates to the univer- and the outer border where it drops off into the ocean sal energy in terms of floral consciousness. This knowl- depths. Therefore, for the Giriama, the environment edge is transmitted to herbal healers through spiritual is not a “vast blank slate” in the ordinary course of visitations, visions or trances. life, a space simply awaiting the imposition of cultural order. Instead in the course of their daily interactional activities, people acquire intimate knowledge of the Indigenous Meteorology and Seasonal Work on Fisheries, Mangroves and Corals environment, and discover meaningful patterns. The local community has internalised the weather changes that influence the tidal schedules over the Evidence for this may be found in their ecological years. Thus, fishers and mangrove cutters work accord- knowledge in general and taxonomic naming of var- ing to a natural tidal timetable. In case of changes, they ious elements that exist in the marine environment. have to wait for three days to a week before the new Their dependence on the marine resources highlights tidal schedule normalises and the sea settles down the relationship between their perception of the phys- to welcome them back. This is important knowledge ical characteristics of the environment and the social for this work in the sea, fishing or cutting mangroves. production of knowledge. Thus, the lack of a particular The fishermen monitor changes in climatic conditions word in the local language that denotes environment by observing. For instance, dark, grey clouds indi- does not imply that the community cannot perceive and cate the onset of rainfall, while increase or decrease categorise the environment. In fact, different aspects of in water temperature and change in the direction of the natural world are aptly and elaborately differenti- wind indicate a change of seasons. Another source of ated and named by the community, such as the different meteorological knowledge is the profound knowledge mangrove and fish species, according to location, char- of the behaviour of the sea in terms of wave turbu- acteristics and use. The vast ocean is also categorised lence and water colour. along utilitarian as well as ritual and symbolic schema. The colour of the seawater is key in predicting tidal In their own studies, anthropologists Fraser et al. and weather changes. If the water is dark (described as (2006), Diegues (2001), and Cunha (1997), have also dirty) and turbulent, such that one cannot see beyond brought to the fore the cultural perception of the rela- a few centimetres, rain is on the way and no activi- tionship between land and sea space, highlighting the ties should be undertaken in the sea or mangroves. perception indigenous people have of the relationship Otherwise, if the sea is clear and calm, it is safe to go between physical characteristics of the environment fishing and mangrove cutting. These indications are and the social production of knowledge. Among the also important for catch prospects. The colour green, Giriama, knowledge of the environment is culturally according to older fishers, is a positive signal because produced, accumulated through professional practice it signifies “fertility” of the sea. This colour is due to and continually recreated according to the features the abundance of algae on which some fish species of the maritime environment which presents itself feed. According to one of the fishers: as cyclic, mobile, and unpredictable. The appropriation of the sea and its resources is expressed in the The sea always appears “blue”. This does not indicate principle and practice of ‘knowing-how’, and marine barrenness. This is because some fish species such as papa territory is constructed and ritualised by means of tra- (sharks and rays) are caught in blue looking waters. dition, apprenticeship, experience and intuition. The weather changes enable people, especially fishermen 65 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 to know the behaviour of fish. These behaviours change A fisher in Kanamai intimated that climatic fac- with changing weather conditions. We are also keen on tors affect the way the community interacts with the the colour appearance of the corals. They change from marine resources. The major factors are rainfall, wind dark to shiny with changing weather conditions. and temperature. During the rainy season, fisheries migrate from the deep sea to the shores. This is The behaviour of mangroves, fish and corals are for cool temperatures, which are preferred by fish. not only indicators of change in weather and cli- This means fish species distribution is due to the tem- matic conditions, but also an indicator of the effect perature of the water. We also know that rainfall sup- of weather on the resources. According to mangrove ports the existence of fisheries depending on the fish cutters, heavy rainfall that carries soil and other rub- species. Some fish species such as pono appear most bish to the mangrove ecosystem leads to flooding that in rainy seasons while others appear when there is no covers the breathing roots of the mangroves, which rain, such as simsim. Wind direction enhances species can then die. Therefore, rainfall can cause negative security. Clouds also offer clues for interaction with effects on mangrove forests. Strength of the wind marine resources. In monitoring the clouds, the com- also affects the mangroves as heavy winds can break munity looks at the concentration of the clouds in the branches. Temperature also affects the man- the sky. As mentioned, heavy cloud cover, known as groves as it enhances evaporation that exposes the kolowa, leads to the presence of many fish, which then breathing roots making them die. Weather elements means positive prospects for fishers. also affect the regeneration of mangroves. The FGDs reported that during the cool season, when there Corals are also affected by climatic conditions in is limited sunshine, the ground on which the man- various ways. According to the respondents this is groves grow is very soft and wet. Some mangroves because they are alive, and they breathe, grow and, shed their fruits; these fruits are very sharp at the finally, die. In Takaungu, a female healer informed us end facing down. On falling, the fruits penetrate the that when corals change in appearance and become ground, after which the seed inside the fruit germi- shiny it is an indication that heavy rainfall is on the nates leading to regeneration. Corals are also affected way. The shedding of leaves by the mangroves and by climatic conditions in various ways. Heavy rain- the appearance of certain fish species is also an indi- fall leads to floods from the rivers. These cover the cator of heavy rain on the way. This also has prospects corals and kill them. Very high temperatures lead to for catching fish and working in the mangrove for- evaporation of the waters hence exposing the corals, ests. Fishers keenly observe these signs from nature, which die. which they have observed for a long period. This also has implications for catching fish and working in the The inference here is that weather, especially tem- mangrove forests. perature, also affect species distribution and migration. High temperatures usually bring many fish to Meteorological and climatic insights depict knowl- the shores. Wind direction helps fish locate their food edge on seasonal behaviour of living and non-liv- and enemies and so contribute to species distribution, ing aspects of the environment. The Giriama have behaviour and migration. Clouds also offer clues for internalised the names and behavioural patterns of interaction with marine resources and the concentra- mangroves and fish species, making it possible to tion of the clouds in the sky is key, as this influences know when and where to catch certain fish species. catch prospects. Heavy cloud cover, known as kolowa, This knowledge regulates activities in the mangrove leads to the presence of many fish; a positive prospect forests as well as the sea. Those going into the sea for fishers. Fish usually breed during the cool weather or mangroves must take note of the schedules and or season when there is moderate sunshine for the seasonal changes such as temperature, wind, waves survival of the young fish. There are some fish species and cloud cover. It is noteworthy that fishing is an that thrive in windy and cloudy conditions, for exam- occupation undertaken as a family, clan or lineage, ple, the shoaling simsim. These are a delicacy, and they meaning that knowledge about fish behaviour is kept are dangerous to follow. One elder at Mtwapa revealed within these confines of the community, although that it requires expert fishers who know the sea maps this information is available to those who wish to to follow and catch them. The maps are dictated by join fishing as a profession. In his study in Msamb- the direction and strength of the winds, hence the weni, Kwale County of south coastal Kenya, Shila- paths to be followed by humans. bukha (2000) found similar ideas among the Digo 66 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha community regarding mangroves. This is probably from the rain so as to alleviate the impact of the flood- because the Digo are also a Miji-kenda community. ing in the community. In their studies, Wagner and da Silva (2014) and Drew From these studies, it can be inferred that Giriama (2005) have demonstrated that indigenous meteor- meteorological knowledge is part of the fusing of ological expertise is used in forecasting weather and the physical with the cultural. Indigenous knowledge seasonal changes in many indigenous communities about seasonal and weather changes reflect the fact around the world. These studies have identified and that the Giriama are thoroughly acquainted with documented evidence which reveals that communi- the biology, physics, and geography of their terres- ties observe changes in their climate over long periods trial as well marine environments. This knowledge is of time which then enable them to correctly predict also a reflection of perception involving process and atmospheric changes. Through this knowledge, com- self-organisation, making indigenous knowledge a munities have substantial understanding of what goes guiding metaphor. Therefore, indigenous meteorol- on around them and how they should make adjust- ogy should be analysed and presents as the master ments to ensure their livelihoods continue. science of ecological survival for the community. In the same way, Ruddle (2000) notes, ‘resource Indigenous meteorological knowledge has also been use patterns among indigenous communities are noted by anthropologists regarding plant and animal products, not of the physical environment and its behaviour which responds to changes in the weather. resources per se, but of their perceptions of the cul- Among the Tallensi of Ghana mammals, birds, worms turally formed images of the environment and its and even reptiles have been observed to provide clues resources’. Thus, to properly understand human eco- on changing weather and seasons in a given year logical relationships, climatic and weather patterns, (Gyampoh and Asante, 2011). The movement of a cer- it is crucial to get a firm understanding of a society’s tain bird which looks like a duck or cattle egret, locally indigenous knowledge base, and the cosmological called haahor, indicates seasonal changes. When this system underlying it. bird moves from the south to north, making its sound “Kwaaa kwaaakwaa”, it is an indication that there will This may explain why indigenous ecological knowl- be plenty of rainfall. When the bird flies southwards, edge of climatic and weather patterns is the reason it is an indication of less rain, an approaching dry why fishing is not undertaken all year round among season, or in some cases, drought. Likewise, when a the Giriama. The fishing season begins in October and species of an old frog, locally referred to as yakase, are ends in April. The climatic conditions, especially the heard in May to June, it is a sign of the rainy season direction of the wind, are a factor to consider. Fish- approaching. Their sound is said to call the rains, so ers have internalised these conditions. The south to when they are heard together at a certain time of the north winds herald the beginning of the dry season, year, it means it is time for the rains. Using this signal, kusi. Fish swim along with these winds. This is the time farmers can begin preparing their fields for the plant- to go fishing because the sea is generally calm and the ing season. The frogs are usually heard in June or July temperatures low. When the winds change direction, (Gyampoh and Asante, 2011). the sea begins to change colour and becomes rough. It is dangerous to go into the sea in such conditions. In the same community, it was reported that a tree This is the beginning of the wet season and, therefore, known as kakapenpen or nkudua, is also closely mon- no fishing takes place. Fishing is regulated in this way. itored for clues of imminent change in weather or The species availability and catch differs in different season. The fruit of this tree does not always ripen, seasons. Some species appear during the wet season therefore, when it bears fruit and the fruit ripens, while others appear during the dry season, and others the rainy season is near (Gyampoh and Asante, 2011). are present year round. These anthropologists have also found that the Tallensi use the behaviour of invertebrates to predict In this regard, Giriama indigenous meteorology iden- weather changes. When millipedes and centipedes are tifies and recognizes two seasons in the normal cal- observed climbing to higher grounds when the rainy endar year, which are affected by the direction of two season begins in July, it is an indication that the com- seasonal winds, kusi (blowing south to north) and kasi munity will experience flooding. They then begin to (blowing north to south). The two winds have differ- build traditional dykes and canals to guide the water ent hydrological and temperature implications. These 67 K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 climatic and seasonal factors affect the way the com- The identification and choice of a particular spot in munity interacts with the marine resources. The major the open sea is puzzling to a casual observer. However, factors are rainfall, wind and temperature. Therefore, according to Maldonado (1997), the ability to identify the ecological experts in the community monitor the particular zones of the sea and to find one’s bearings in climatic conditions that affect the resources for the the midst of the immensity of the sea, out of sight of onset or end of the fishing season. land, is part of what he refers to as ‘the cognitive skill set of fishermen’. This ability seems to be the direct The fishing season must begin with an elaborate cer- and accumulative result of continuous interaction emony consisting of many rituals. A group of fishers between many fisher communities and the marine prepare a meal of rice and what they refer to as sam- environment. In a related study, Wavey (1993) found aki mabaki or “wasted fish”. The “wasted fish” are those that elders in Manitoba, Canada, teach skills and caught for the first time at the onset of the fishing sea- maintain continuity and links to community resource son. They are referred to in that way because they are areas by transferring highly detailed ‘oral maps’ and remnants from the previous season. After the prepara- inventories of resource values and land use to their tion of the meal, the fishers take their boats to a central younger members. place in the deep sea and anchor them. This specific place is called kitwani (at the head), where fishers of If the choice of the place called kitwani is considered, an expedition go to at the beginning of every season. the ritualistic and sacred nature of the location points There are many kitwani places in the sea. The choice to a coterie of observances which, from a superficial of the site is based on tradition, although no reason viewpoint, could just be another superstitious cer- was given for its choice. A number of rituals are per- emony undertaken every year. From an anthropo- formed including prayers, and libations are poured logical and analytical perspective, this place and the into the sea to appease the gods, ancestors and other ceremonies that take place there, are part and parcel spirits. After the praying they burn ubani (or incense). of the wider cultural picture of the marine resources. It is here that the installation of new fishing expedition The ceremonies also point to the beginning of the skippers occurs. fishing season, because prior to the ceremonies, no fishing is allowed in the sea. The elders are aware To confirm that their prayers have been received well, that many fish species spawn during the period of one of the party must experience a seizure and is inter-seasonal rest for the fishers. Thus, these prohi- then given chetezo, a small water vessel, and a wooden bitions and taboos are used to mask the natural cycle sculpture called chano, and dives into the sea to com- of replenishment. mune with the ancestors and spirits of the sea for half an hour. The vessel contains ashes of burnt incense The immersion of the man in a trance makes him which is believed to appease ancestors and mollify the messenger to the origin of the community, which malevolent spirits in the sea. The sculpture is itself a connects the distant past through the present to the piece of abstract art. It is a generic representation of near, yet unforeseeable future, deep into posterity for ancestors, the reason why it is gender-neutral. the continuity of the community. He goes to commune with the ancestors to bring back fresh knowl- At the end of the half hour, the one in the water resur- edge about the sea and the land for the new season. He faces from the deep sea unscathed. Upon his re-emer- is the connection to the origin, differentiation, migra- gence, the ceremony begins in earnest with the eating tion and creative deeds of the ancestors, starting from of the food that was carried to the open sea shrine. the very beginning of the world and continuing with After the ceremony, the fishers disperse and this the establishment of the traditional order and lead- marks the beginning of another season of plentiful ing to the roots of the present generations that may fishing. The fishers are very categorical that the ritual bring forth posterity. This immersion also anticipates is about minimising negative events such as drown- the contemporary culture as the creation of the dis- ing while at sea. They acknowledge that they cannot tant past indigenous knowledge of nature unfolding eliminate them all, since there are some individuals in utilitarian categories of classification, management in the community who will still commit crime that and use. The immersion pieces together the prelude will attract the wrath of ancestors and the repercus- to the awareness that led to the identification and sions of these crimes will affect even innocent people subsequent classification of the components of the in the community. empirical environment which forms the basis for 68 WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 | K. Shilabukha contemporary ecological behaviour. The immersion natural world. Rather, natural resources are connected also reveals the geography of the sea that is at once to the human world through language, ritual, taboo mythical and real, thus serving as the basis for behav- and kinship ties. In a nutshell, the sacredness with ioural options within this territory. which human social relations are treated is extended to the use of natural resources. Nature is sacred; there- This ritual can be explained as a model of reality that fore, humans respect and worship the natural, and combines myth with the empirical nature through nature is taken to be part and parcel of their kinship culture because it brings forth information about the and friendship ecosystem. coming season. The gen and ken is defined and deified through the borrowed authority of the ancestors and This study brings out the contextual, relational and other benevolent spirits of the sea. This ritual seeks to experiential nature of indigenous knowledge among deflate and deflect the influence of negative forces of the Giriama in regard to the natural world in general, nature in the sea. The entry of the man into the sea and marine resources in particular. This indigenous symbolises the death of the old season, leading to a ecological knowledge is not only based on a world- rebirth, witnessed through re-emergence, heralding view but also on the culture that respects wholeness, the new season of work in the marine environment. community and harmony which are deeply embed- As Gachihi (2012) noted, rituals carried out by elders ded in beliefs, norms, practices and values. Among the related to natural resources reveal symbolism of death Giriama a person becomes human only in the midst and rebirth, depletion and regeneration as well as of others and seeks both individual and collective har- pollution and purification. These ceremonies are an mony as the primary task in the process of becom- admission of human limits in regard to the control of ing a true person through knowledge, including that natural forces, in spite of knowledge of the same. of nature and respect for it. Thus, indigenous knowledge of time, space, nature and resources among the Therefore, the ritual behaviour of a community also Giriama emphasises the practical, interpersonal and forms part of the perception and knowledge reper- social domains of functioning, and they are quite dif- toire as well as scheduling of events that characterise ferentiated from the cognitive ‘academic’ intelligence resource use. Activities are scheduled to indicate the that dominates Western concepts of the construct. start and end of the fishing season as well as entry into the mangrove forests. The fact that the particular place From this study and other anthropological stud- is chosen through tradition and the reason it is cho- ies on human/nature interactions, it can be inferred sen is unknown is indicative of the ritual importance that ecosystems are in part socially constructed, and of fishing in the community. The specific area in the resource management and conservation practices in sea where rituals take place points to the indigenous indigenous systems are based on a variety of social geographical information systems (GIS), a connection processes. One facet is concerned with the genera- between physical and ritual space through indigenous tion, accumulation and transmission of indigenous GIS. The ability to identify particular zones of the sea knowledge. The second could be about the edifice and and to find one’s bearings in the midst of the immen- dynamic subtleties of institutions, together with con- sity of the sea, out of sight of land, is part of “the cog- trol, guidance and regulations that run those institu- nitive skill set of fishermen” (Maldonado, 2005). tions. Yet, a third set also needs to be contended with, which is about rituals and ceremonies. These provide Conclusion the contextual meaning to the cultural processes for There is a very vibrant knowledge of the marine envi- the internalisation of indigenous ecological knowl- ronment and its resources among the Giriama. This edge practices. Cosmology also comes into play, and is has become refined, and should be allowed space in concerned with the world view and cultural values of policy documents and research agenda since its influ- the group in question. Each of the processes is assim- ence can no longer be ignored. For the Giriama, indig- ilated and fused into a vortex of cultural practices in enous knowledge about natural resources generally various places in the world. and marine resources in particular, combined with the regulations that are in place for the management Consequently, of the resource, depict a complex picture of the meet- simply analysed at the level of cerebral activity only indigenous knowledge cannot be ing of culture and nature. The implication is that nat- as ‘knowledge’ or ‘technique, but also as a knowl- ural resources do not just belong in the realm of the edge/practice/belief complex in which the context K. Shilabukha | WIO Journal of Marine Science 17 (1 ) 2018 53-70 is provided by culture and history. 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