2014 · VOLUME 6 · NUMBER 2 TRENDS IN CLASSICS EDITED BY Franco Montanari, Genova Antonios Rengakos, Thessaloniki SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE Alberto Bernabé, Madrid Margarethe Billerbeck, Fribourg Claude Calame, EHESS, Paris Philip Hardie, Cambridge Stephen Harrison, Oxford Stephen Hinds, U of Washington, Seattle Richard Hunter, Cambridge Christina Kraus, Yale Giuseppe Mastromarco, Bari Gregory Nagy, Harvard Theodore D. Papanghelis, Thessaloniki Giusto Picone, Palermo Kurt Raaflaub, Brown University Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM ISSN 1866-7473 ∙ e-ISSN 1866-7481 All information regarding notes for contributors, subscriptions, Open access, back volumes and orders is available online at www.degruyter.com/tic Trends in Classics, a new journal and its accompanying series of Supplementary Volumes, will publish innovative, interdisciplinary work which brings to the study of Greek and Latin texts the insights and methods of related disciplines such as narratology, intertextuality, reader-response criticism, and oral poetics. Trends in Classics will seek to publish research across the full range of classical antiquity. Submissions of manuscripts for the series and the journal are welcome to be sent directly to the editors: RESPONSIBLE EDITORS Prof. Franco Montanari, Università degli Studi di Genova, Italy. franco. montanari@unige.it, Prof. Antonios Rengakos, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece. rengakos@the.forthnet.gr EDITORIAL OFFICE Paola Ascheri, Stephanos Matthaios, Lara Pagani, Evina Sistakou JOURNAL MANAGER Claudia Hill, De Gruyter, Genthiner Straße 13, 10785 Berlin, Germany, Tel.: +49 (0)30 260 05 – 172, Fax: +49 (0)30 260 05 – 250, Email: claudia.hill@degruyter.com RESPONSIBLE FOR ADVERTISEMENTS Claudia Neumann, De Gruyter, Genthiner Straße 13, 10785 Berlin, Germany, Tel.: +49 (0)30 260 05-226, Fax: +49 (0)30 260 05-322, Email: anzeigen@degruyter.com © 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/München/Boston TYPESETTING Dörlemann Satz, Lemförde PRINTING Franz X. Stückle Druck und Verlag e.K., Ettenheim Printed in Germany Cover Illlustration: Signet-Entwurf für TC: Christopher Schneider, Laufen Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM TC 2014 | Volume 6 | Number 2 Table of Contents Special Issue: Theban Resonances in Homeric Epic Issue Editor: Christos Tsagalis Preface | 239 PART I: Theban Epic and the Iliad Ete Barker – Joel Christensen Even Herakles Had to Die: Homeric ‘Heroism’, Mortality and the Epic Tradition | 249 Corinne Pache Theban Walls in Homeric Epic | 278 Benjamin Sammons A Tale of Tydeus: Exemplarity and Structure in two Homeric Insets | 297 Mary Ebbott Allies in Fame: Recruiting Warriors in the Theban and Trojan Epic Traditions | 319 PART II: Theban Epic and the Odyssey José Torres Teiresias, the Theban Seer | 339 Christos Tsagalis γυναίων εἵνεκα δώρων: Interformularity and Intertraditionality in Theban and Homeric Epic | 357 Justin Arft Immanent Thebes: Traditional Resonance and Narrative Trajectory in the Odyssey | 399 Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM TC 2014 | Volume 6 | Number 2 Stephanie Larson Thebes in the Odyssey’s ‘Catalogue of Women’ | 412 PART III: Theban and Trojan Epic Across the Lines Malcolm Davies Oedipus and the Riddle of the Sphinx | 431 Athanassios Vergados Form and Function of Some Theban Resonances in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey | 437 Bibliography | 452 General Index | 468 List of Contributors | 470 Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM TC 2014; 6(2): 339–356 José Torres Teiresias, the Theban Seer DOI 10.1515/tc-2014-0018 Theban Identity Thebes, the main town in Boeotia, the “seven-gated city”, is mentioned several times in both the Iliad and Odyssey;¹ the name Θῆβαι is also used in relation to Egyptian Thebes, which had one hundred gates according to the reference made by Achilles.² The usual word in Greek for “Theban”, Θηβαῖος, is used only once in the Iliad (8.120), and then as a proper name, Thebaeus.³ In both epic poems, it is usual to designate the inhabitants or the people born in Thebes with another adjective, “Cadmean” (Καδμεῖος, Καδμείων), derived from Cadmus, the legendary founder of the city. The Cadmeans are first mentioned in the Iliad in the context of Tydeus’ embassy to Thebes before the breaking out of the war between Polyneices and Eteocles.⁴ The alternative form, Θηβαῖος, is used six times⁵ in the Odyssey, where it always refers to Teiresias, a fixed figure in the Theban saga who plays no role in the Trojan legend and is not even mentioned in the Iliad.⁶ His Greek name, Τειρεσίας, related to τέρας, “sign, wonder”, may be regarded as a speaking name which characterizes him as “qui interprète les signes”.⁷ This paper is not intended to be a complete study of Teiresias in ancient literature, not even in archaic epic. Its goal is to analyze the character of Teiresias in 1 The first occurrences of its name are Il. 4.378; Od. 11.263. The Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.505) includes a reference to Hypothebai, the lower town grounded after Thebes was conquered by the Epigonoi. Hypoplacian Thebe (Θήβη Ὑποπλακία), the city Andromache comes from, is also mentioned in the Iliad several times (1.366; 2.691; 6.397, 416; 22.479). 2 See Il. 9.381–384. 3 He is the father of Eniopeus, Hector’s chariot driver. 4 See Il. 4.382–398. 5 See Od. 10.492, 565; 11.90, 165; 12.267; 23.323. 6 In relation to Teiresias, the main references are Buslepp (1919–1924); Schwenn (1933); García Gual (1975); Brisson (1976); Ugolini (1995); and Di Rocco (2007). On the possibility of Teiresias playing a role in the Nostoi, see below. 7 See DELG 1106 and LfgrE, s.v. “Τειρεσίης”. José Torres: University of Navarra, E-Mail: jtorres@unav.es. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 340 José Torres the Odyssey from a point of view that assumes, when necessary, the neoanalytical and oralist approaches to the Homeric epic.⁸ The following pages present and discuss what the Odyssey recounts about the soothsayer. Then the fragmentary epic texts (shamanic poetry and Stesichorus included),⁹ together with the testimony of Attic tragedy and iconography, are analyzed to put the evidence of the Odyssey against a wider backdrop. Finally, this paper makes some suggestions that pay special attention to the probable pre-Homeric life of Teiresias and also to the way in which the Odyssey adapts the figure of the seer to its own narrative purposes. Teiresias in the Odyssey: Dead but Almost Alive The Odyssey mentions Teiresias for the first time in Book 10, when Circe answers (10.488–495) Odysseus’ request (10.483–486): if he wants to go back to Ithaca, he must first visit the house of Hades and consult the soul of the Theban seer: διογενὲς Λαερτιάδη, πολυμήχαν’ Ὀδυσσεῦ, μηκέτι νῦν ἀέκοντες ἐμῷ ἐνὶ μίμνετε οἴκῳ. ἀλλ’ ἄλλην χρὴ πρῶτον ὁδὸν τελέσαι καὶ ἱκέσθαι εἰς Ἀΐδαο δόμους καὶ ἐπαινῆς Περσεφονείης ψυχῇ χρησομένους Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο, μάντιος ἀλαοῦ, τοῦ τε φρένες ἔμπεδοί εἰσι· τῷ καὶ τεθνηῶτι νόον πόρε Περσεφόνεια οἴῳ πεπνῦσθαι· τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀΐσσουσιν. Royal son of Laertes, Odysseus of the nimble wits, I am not going to keep you in my house against your wishes. But before I can send you home you have to make a journey of a very different kind, and find your way to the Hall of Hades and Persephone the Dread, to consult the soul of Teiresias, the blind Theban prophet, whose understanding is unimpaired. For 8 The combination of both methodologies may have seemed odd in the twentieth century; it is more widely accepted nowadays. See, e.g., Torres (1995) 13–14; Willcock (1997) 189; Burgess (2006); Currie (2006); Tsagalis (2008) 66–68, (2011); Torres (2012) 517–518. Meanwhile, see Fowler (2004) 230 n. 42. 9 Clearly, the case of P.Lille 76 (= fr. 222b PMGF), containing a fragment of the sometimes called Stesichorean Thebaid (see Campbell 1991, 137), must be taken into account. The poetry of Stesichorus may be regarded as a bridge between lyric and epic (see Haslam 1978); some scholars (see Russo 1999, 347) have even argued that Stesichorus should be regarded “as an epico-lyric composer”. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 341 dead though he is, Persephone has left to him, and him alone, a mind to reason with. The rest are mere shadows flitting to and fro.¹⁰ Od. 10.488–495 Some scholars thought in the past that Odysseus’ visit to the Underworld was unmotivated,¹¹ since it was not necessary for the hero to travel to Hades to discover his way back to Ithaca; it would have been enough if Circe had instructed him, which she does actually do in Odyssey 12. An interpretation of this kind overlooks two important points. First, Odysseus’ journey is essential because it presents him as the best possible sailor, who could go with his ship farther than anybody else, beyond the limits of the human world, even so far as the realms of death (εἰς Ἄϊδος δ’ οὔ πώ τις ἀφίκετο νηῒ μελαίνῃ, “No-one has ever sailed a black ship into Hell”, Od. 10.502). And such a singular voyage also had a very definite goal, the encounter with Teiresias, who is presented as a unique character, almost as a living person among the dead. As Circe puts it, his φρένες, his mental capacities, are still ἔμπεδοι (Od. 10.493) and, thanks to a very special privilege granted by Persephone, he retains his mind (νόον, Od. 10.494) as it once was, which makes him singularly exceptional among the dead (Od. 10.495: τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀΐσσουσιν, “the rest are mere shadows flitting to and fro”).¹² Before Odysseus tells his shipmates about the new journey that lies before them, he receives detailed information from Circe concerning the procedures they are supposed to follow (Od. 10.504–540). They must reach Persephone’s sacred forest and Hades’ home of Decay (Od. 10.509–512). Once there, Odysseus will make an offer to the dead and promise them a rich sacrifice after his return to Ithaca; then he will kill two black victims, a ram and a ewe, to appease Teiresias (Od. 10.516–537)¹³; after the seer has come and drunk from the blood of these animals, he will explain to Odysseus how he can reach his home (Od. 10.538–540).¹⁴ Circe’s instructions are followed by Odysseus in Odyssey 11, the so-called Nekyia.¹⁵ 10 All translations of the Odyssey included in this contribution are based (with slight adaptations) on Rieu (1945). 11 For an analytical approach to the Nekyia, see Merkelbach (1951) 185–192; see also Heubeck (1983) 259–260. 12 For the difference between “νόος” and “φρένες”, see LfgrE, s.v. As Heubeck (1983, 252) notices, the Odyssey (10.240) also says, in the case of the comrades of the hero converted into pigs by Circe, that their νοῦς ἦν ἔμπεδος ὡς τὸ πάρος περ. 13 On the peculiarities of the sacrifice and ritual depicted in Od. 10.516–534, see Reinhardt (1960) 111–112; Heubeck (1983) 254–255. For Teiresias as oracular divinity, see below. 14 These verses (10.539–540) are a repetition of Od. 4.389–390; see Heubeck (1983) 256–257. On the similarities between Odysseus-Teiresias and Menelaus-Proteus, see Reinhardt (1960) 94–97. 15 See Od. 11.25–33 (= 10.517–525). Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 342 José Torres Modern readership may be surprised to discover that, contrary to what might be expected, Odysseus does not descend in principle to Hades as other Greek heroes are supposed to have done.¹⁶ A νέκυια is actually a consultation of the dead and, therefore, something different from a κατάβασις or descent to the Underworld. Then it is surprising that the “consultation of the dead” that Odysseus has initiated turns into a visit to Hades where he “sees” (ἴδον)¹⁷ those dead men or women who are worth seeing. The hero will speak later of his voyage to the Underworld as being a descent.¹⁸ After some among the dead have desperately tried to drink from the blood of the victims, the soul of the Theban seer appears, bearing, as a distinctive feature, a golden scepter¹⁹: ἦλθε δ’ ἐπὶ ψυχὴ Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο, / χρύσεον σκῆπτρον ἔχων, ἐμὲ δ’ ἔγνω καὶ προσέειπε, “And the soul of the Theban Teiresias now came up, with a gold rod in his hand, saw who I was, and saluted me” (Od. 11.90–91). Teiresias, who retains his φρένες ἔμπεδοι and his νόον as Circe said (Od. 10.493–494), can recognize Odysseus before drinking the blood that will provide fresh consciousness to other dead.²⁰ Once the seer has drunk the blood and after asking Odysseus how he has come to Hades (Od. 11.93–94), he tells the hero what will happen afterward (Od. 11.100–137): the perils provoked by Poseidon that await him in the sea, the prohibition on disturbing the cattle of Helios in Thrinacia, his arrival alone in Ithaca, the killing of Penelope’s suitors, the journey of atonement he will undertake to propitiate Poseidon, and his own death ἐξ ἁλὸς (Od. 11.134), “far from the sea” according to some interpreters, or perhaps “coming from the sea”²¹: 16 The most famous heroic katabasis may be that of Heracles, also mentioned in this song (Od. 11.601–626); see Hooker (1980) and Tsagalis (2011a) 223; see also Il. 5.395–404; 8.362–369. In the Nekyia (Od. 11.631), there is also a reference to the descent of Theseus and Peirithous; the verse is suspicious and held to be an Attic addition; see Heubeck (1983) 308–309. 17 See Od. 11.235, 260, 271, 281, 298, 306, 321, 326, 329, 568, 576, 582, 593, 630. 18 When Odysseus speaks with his mother, his voyage to Hades is already a descent (see Od. 11.164: μῆτερ ἐμή, χρειώ με κατήγαγεν εἰς Ἀΐδαο). It is the same when he tells Penelope of Teiresias’ prophecy (Od. 23.252: ἤματι τῷ, ὅτε δὴ κατέβην δόμον Ἄϊδος εἴσω). On this change of perspective and the transformation of the Nekyia into a katabasis, see Clarke (1999) 215–225; Santamaría Álvarez (2011) 26; see also Reinhardt (1960) 110–112. 19 In a similar way, Chryses appears in the Il. 1.14–15 as στέμματ’ ἔχων ἐν χερσὶν ἑκηβόλου Ἀπόλλωνος / χρυσέῳ ἀνὰ σκήπτρῳ. 20 The first such instance is Anticleia, Odysseus’ mother; see Od. 11.152–153. Teiresias had explained to Odysseus (Od. 11.140–149) that dead bodies need fresh blood to recover their speech. 21 On the problems arising from the prophecy, see Reinhardt (1960) 99–104; Heubeck (1983) 272–273; Ballabriga (1989); Peradotto (1990) 60–76; Danek (1998) 214–220, 285–287; Malkin (1998) 120–155; Marks (2008) 100–104; Tsagalis (2011a) 218, 221. The events here prophesied seem to be given their narrative development in the Telegony (see below and Tel. arg. 7–8 Bernabé; [Apol- Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 343 θάνατος δέ τοι ἐξ ἁλὸς αὐτῷ ἀβληχρὸς μάλα τοῖος ἐλεύσεται, ὅς κέ σε πέφνῃ γήρᾳ ὕπο λιπαρῷ ἀρημένον· ἀμφὶ δὲ λαοὶ ὄλβιοι ἔσσονται. τὰ δέ τοι νημερτέα εἴρω. As for your own end, Death will come to you out of the sea, Death in his gentlest guise. When he takes you, you will be won out after an ease old age and surrounded by a prosperous people. This is the truth that I have told you. Od. 11.134–137 This prophecy involves many problems that have been repeatedly discussed since antiquity itself. The different interpretations of ἐξ ἁλὸς comprise only one example among others. If the meaning of ἐξ ἁλὸς is open to discussion, something similar can be said about the ἀβληχρὸς (Od. 11.135) death that awaits Odysseus. Is this really “Death in his gentlest guise”, as the cited translation proposes, or should we write, in line with Ballabriga’s interpretation,²² “a feeble death”? In the expression ὅς κέ σε πέφνῃ (Od. 11.135), does the verb πέφνῃ imply a death in combat, as is usual in the Homeric poems?²³ And last but not least, is there an ironic sense to the ambiguous words of the soothsayer who, despite the ambivalence of his prophecies, proclaims definitively τὰ δέ τοι νημερτέα εἴρω, “this is the truth that I have told you” (Od. 11.137)?²⁴ It has been already said that Odysseus’ journey into Hades is essential because it presents him as the best possible sailor and that its ultimate justification is the encounter with Teiresias. So it is striking that Teiresias does not actually explain to Odysseus what Circe had promised²⁵ (see, “your journey, and the distances to be covered, and the return”), and that it is Circe herself who will later (Od. 12.37–141) outline the particularities of the return voyage. Circe had made clear that Odysseus needed to consult Teiresias, but the question is: why necessarily Teiresias? At this juncture, it should be recalled that, according to Plutarch, there was an oracular shrine to the Theban soothsayer in Orchomenos;²⁶ therefore, it has sometimes been supposed that the role he plays in the Odyssey is an lod.] Epit. 7.34). But the intertextual relations between this passage of the Odyssey and the Telegony could be more intricate than expected, as Ballabriga (1989) notes. On this question, see Tsagalis (forthcoming). 22 See Ballabriga (1989) 294. 23 See, e.g., Il. 21.55–56: ἦ μάλα δὴ Τρῶες μεγαλήτορες οὕς περ ἔπεφνον / αὖτις ἀναστήσονται ὑπὸ ζόφου ἠερόεντος. 24 On the ironical sense which may be embedded in Teiresias’ prophecy, see Ballabriga (1989). 25 See Od. 10.538–540: μάντις (…) / ὅς κέν τοι εἴπῃσιν ὁδὸν καὶ μέτρα κελεύθου / νόστον θ’. 26 De def. orac. 434c. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 344 José Torres extension of the role that pertained to him as an oracular divinity.²⁷ But in so far as the cult of Teiresias is not attested to until a late date, it seems more probable that the truth runs the other way around: the role played in the Nekyia provided him later with the status of subterranean oracle.²⁸ The best possible theory is perhaps simply that the best sailor must speak with the best seer, who unfortunately is dead. Meanwhile, what could have been an insurmountable setback becomes a contrario a positive challenge for Odysseus, who is forced to undertake the most difficult journey of his life. It is true that Teiresias will not tell Odysseus anything specific concerning his voyage. But he will explain the main events of his future life. Is Teiresias really the best possible seer? Yes, if Calchas²⁹ is not considered to be the greatest, or, at least, he is the most famous soothsayer in the Theban saga, in which he seems to be the μάντις κατ’ ἐξοχήν. Certainly, Odysseus plays no role within Teiresias’ legendary complex. Fortunately, death, the final frontier, seems to have removed the borders between different sagas, so that Teiresias can have a place of his own in the literary afterlife of the Odyssey. It may be assumed that the reason that allowed the migration of Teiresias into the Trojan saga must have been the important role the Θηβαῖος μάντις played in his own saga, within which he is, as noted already, the seer par excellence. Was he always so? Yes, at least in the earliest phase of the legend’s shaping. Teiresias, thanks to the extraordinary length of his life, was the seer who counseled all the Theban kings since Cadmus and Pentheus, with whom he appears on stage in Euripides’ Bacchae, and he remains there until the age of Laodamas, the son of Eteocles.³⁰ It is significant that, when Circe speaks of Teiresias in the Odyssey for the first time, she does not need to say very much about him. For the audience of this passage, the Phaeacians with whom Odysseus speaks, and the real audience who attended the rhapsodic performance, a brief indication (Od. 10.492–493: ψυχῇ … Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο / μάντιος ἀλαοῦ, τοῦ τε φρένες ἔμπεδοί εἰσι, “the soul of Teiresias, the blind Theban prophet, whose understanding is unimpaired”) seems to have been enough. This implies that Teiresias was a familiar figure to the audience of the Odyssey. The question to be answered now is if he was so well 27 This hypothesis was proposed by Buslepp (1915) 187, 192, 200. 28 The analogous case of Amphiaraus, who also had an oracular sanctuary at Oropos, is discussed by Schachter (1981–1994) I 19–26. 29 Calchas must also be dead at this point of the story. This is so according to the epic tradition which says that Calchas died in Colophon after losing in a contest against Mopsus; see Nost. arg. 7–9 Bernabé; [Hes.] Melamp. fr. 278 M–W (see fr. 279 M–W). 30 For Teiresias and Laodamas, see [Apollod.] Epit. 3.7.3. On the longevity of the character, see below. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 345 known because of the role he played in the general stuff of legend or through specific epics with which both poet and public were acquainted.³¹ The second possibility may seem to be the most probable at first sight.³² Some specific, factual evidence must be adduced in relation to this point. A textual hint of Teiresias’ presence in previous dactylic poetry can be found in the Homeric phraseology about him: the expressions used to designate the seer in the Odyssey could be part of a formulaic system³³ that was most likely inherited by “Homer”, as Teiresias does not play such an important role in the Odyssey as to merit his own set of formulas. The space between the penthemimeral caesura and the end of the verse is filled by the word-group Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο (“Teiresias, the Theban”), the first formula used for Teiresias in Od. 10.492 and on five other occasions (Od. 10.565; 11.90, 165; 12.267; 23.323); the group μάντιος ἀλαοῦ (“blind seer”) occupies the space between the beginning of the hexameter and the penthemimeral caesura (Od. 10.493; 12.267); for the space between the beginning of the verse and the trochaic caesura, the poet can use Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος (“lord Teiresias”), with only one such occurrence in the Odyssey (Od. 11.151). Some of these possible traditional formulas could also be modified as usual in the formulaic systems; this is the case of Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος, which could be inverted (ἄνακτος Τειρεσίαο) to occupy the space between the trochaic caesura and the end of the verse. The epic fragments have not transmitted other possible formulas used to refer to the Theban seer. But it should also be noted that Stesichorus, in his poem sometimes labeled “Thebaid” that is partially preserved in the Lille papyrus, may be speaking about Τειρ[ε]σίας τ[ερασπό]λος, “Teiresias, acquainted with prodigies”, and (according to the more probable reconstruction) [Τειρεσίας ὀ]νυμάκλυτος, “renowned Teiresias”.³⁴ Both expressions, although dactylic, cannot be inserted in the metrical structure of the hexameter; notwithstanding this, the epithets could have been employed to designate the seer in groups such as ὀνομάκλυτος or τερασπόλος ἀνήρ. It is also interesting that Teiresias is called once by Euripides (Phoen. 767) οἰωνόμαντις, “one who takes omens from the flight and cries of birds”.³⁵ It is tempting to detect here a trace of dactylic phraseology and recon- 31 This hypothesis was already proposed in Torres (1995) 72–73. In the precedent bibliography, see, e.g., Reinhardt (1960) 99; Heubeck (1983) 252. 32 For a similar case (the information in the Iliad concerning the expedition of the Seven against Thebes and their relationship with the Theban epics), see Torres (1995) 32–44); see, in general, Tsagalis (2011a) 229–230. 33 As first defined by Parry (1971) 276–278. 34 See, respectively, frr. 222b, 232, 291 PMGF. τερασπόλος, if sound, is only attested in this fragment; Teiresias is called τερασκόπον in Eur. Bacch. 28. 35 See LSJ9, s.v. On Teiresias as augur and his θᾶκον ὀρνιθοσκόπον, see Soph. Ant. 999–1004. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 346 José Torres struct a hexametrical formula that fills the space between the beginning of the verse and the penthemimeral caesura: οἰωνῶν μάντις. If it is accepted that the Odyssey presupposes the existence of previous poetry in which Teiresias figured, the question then should be which specific poems are being referred to by the Homeric poem. This is a point that will be dealt with in the next section. But before this, it may be helpful to take into account the broader context of Teiresias’ intervention, in particular, the first exchanges Odysseus takes part in in the world of the dead. After the seer had uttered his prophecy,³⁶ the narrator (Odysseus himself) begins his consultation of the inhabitants of Hades by speaking first with his mother Anticleia, whom he left alive in Ithaca when he departed for Troy (Od. 11.86). When their dialogue (Od. 11.152–224) is over, the so-called “Homeric Catalogue of Women” (Od. 11.225–330) begins;³⁷ it is Persephone herself who encourages them to come before Odysseus: αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες / ἤλυθον, ὤτρυνεν γὰρ ἀγαυὴ Περσεφόνεια, / ὅσσαι ἀριστήων ἄλοχοι ἔσαν ἠδὲ θύγατρες, “and now, impelled by dread Persephone, there came up all the women who had been the wives or the daughters of princes” (Od. 11.225–227). It may seem strange that Odysseus does not speak immediately with the heroes who are in Hades but with their wives and daughters.³⁸ It is even more surprising that many of these women are Theban heroines. This is not the case of Tyro, the first woman the narrator speaks about (Od. 11.235–259).³⁹ But afterward, Odysseus will see Antiope, the mother of Amphion and Zethus, who built the wall around Thebes (Od. 11.260–265, see 262–263: Ἀμφίονά τε Ζῆθόν τε, / οἳ πρῶτοι Θήβης ἕδος ἔκτισαν ἑπταπύλοιο, “Amphion and Zethus, the founders of Thebes of the Seven Gates”), Alcmene, the mother of Heracles, the most famous Theban hero, his wife Megara (Od. 11.266– 270), and Epicaste, better known in the tradition as Iocaste, the mother and wife of Oedipus, king of Thebes (Od. 11.271–280; see ἐν Θήβῃ πολυηράτῳ, “in lovely Thebes”, in 275).⁴⁰ Odysseus speaks later about Eriphyle (Od. 11.326–327), also connected with the Theban legend through her husband Amphiaraus, whom she betrayed and forced to become one of the Seven who marched against Thebes. It 36 In Od. 23.264–287, Odysseus will repeat it almost verbatim to his wife Penelope. 37 The expression “Homeric Catalogue of Women” is used, e.g., by Nagy (2009a) 296. On the relationship between this passage and the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, see Heubeck (1983) 278–279; West (1985) 6, 32; Larson (2000) 194. 38 This fact led to different analytical interpretations of the passage; see Heubeck (1983) 278. Meanwhile, various scholars have called attention to the functional aspects they have traced in this episode; see Doherty (1995) 65–69, 82–83, 92–121; Larson (2000) 196. 39 Tyro is directly related to Thessaly; see Larson (2000) 197–198. 40 On the passage relating to Epicaste and the version of the Theban legend that it presupposes, see Torres (1995) 67–69. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 347 should be remembered that some heroines who seem to have no connection with Thebes are at least linked to Boeotia, as is the case of Chloris (Od. 11.281–297), daughter of another Amphion, king of Orchomenos.⁴¹ The “Homeric Catalogue of Women”, foreshadowed in Teiresias’ preceding speech, contains a kind of feminine summary of the Theban legend, from the time of the legendary builders Amphion and Zethus until the days in which the city was attacked by the Seven. The inclusion of this survey is very probably with a clear reflection of the eminent status of Teiresias as a Theban figure. Moreover, the analysis of the text suggests at least two other questions which deserve a brief analysis. First, it must be recognized that a reference to Teiresias’ role as a seer in the Theban court might have been expected when Epicaste and Oedipus discover their true situation. Instead of this, the text (Od. 11.274) says: ἄφαρ δ’ ἀνάπυστα θεοὶ θέσαν ἀνθρώποισιν, “the gods soon let the truth come out”. Probably, this silence about Teiresias does not necessarily imply that he was not yet connected with the kings of Thebes in the eyes of the poet of the Odyssey.⁴² This would be an argument ex silentio, and the fact that the soothsayer is not the point of interest in these verses should also be acknowledged; meanwhile, this sentence (ἄφαρ δ’ ἀνάπυστα θεοὶ θέσαν ἀνθρώποισιν) does not exclude the mediation of Teiresias as the seer who transmitted the divine message. The second question that deserves attention is more speculative: might the presence of the Theban theme within the Catalogue of Women in the Odyssey have something to do with a Pan-Hellenic cultural policy, as other scholars have tried to show?⁴³ Something more will be added in relation to this point by the end of this paper. Teiresias in the Epic Cycle, Shamanic Poetry, and Archaic Iconography The presence of Teiresias in the Odyssey has been explored above. It has been suggested that the role he plays in the poem may indicate his special status and recognition, probably through previous epic poetry in which he appeared as the soothsayer by antonomasia. Now it is time to explore fragmentary archaic epic 41 See Larson (2000) 199–200. 42 See Ugolini (1995) 168–169, 171–173. According to Ugolini, Teiresias first became part of the legend with Stesichorus. 43 See Larson (2000) 206, 220–222; Nagy (2009a) 296. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 348 José Torres and search for Teiresias. The first poems in this regard are those that dealt with the Theban saga, the Oedipodeia, the Thebaid, the Epigonoi, and the Alcmeonis. In the case of the Oedipodeia, the poem must have told the main events concerning the legendary king of Thebes. A scholium to Euripides’ Phoenissae, attributed to Pisander and supposed to be an argument of the epic poem, affirms that Teiresias advised Laius not to consult the Delphic oracle but appease Hera as it was she who had sent the Sphinx against Thebes:⁴⁴ τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Τειρεσίας ὡς μάντις εἰδὼς ὅτι θεοστυγὴς ἦν ὁ Λάιος, ἀπέτρεπεν αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα ὁδοῦ, τῇ δὲ Ἥρᾳ μᾶλλον τῇ γαμοστόλῳ θεᾷ θύειν ἱερά. Therefore Teiresias, who, being a seer, knew that Laius was hated by the gods, dissuaded him from going to Apollo; instead of this he obliged him to make a sacrifice to Hera, who arranges marriages.⁴⁵ It cannot be confirmed that this refers to the Oedipodeia. This possibility seems indeed dubious because of the many inconsistencies in the scholium.⁴⁶ Meanwhile, it is true that oracles and soothsayers must have played an important role in this poem, which would at least have mentioned the prophecy received by Laius concerning the birth of a son who would bring disgrace to him.⁴⁷ But it is not known definitively who proclaimed the prophecy in the Oedipodeia, a seer (Teiresias?) or the Delphic oracle. The situation is even worse in the case of the second Theban epic, the Thebaid. Teiresias’ role can be reconstructed for this poem only by way of conjecture. The testimony of Stesichorus, for example, lets us know that Teiresias could have played an important role in the portion of the Theban saga narrated in the Thebaid. Whether in this poem, as it is the case in the Lille papyrus, the seer spoke with the queen of Thebes about the future of her sons is another matter.⁴⁸ 44 Σ Eur. Phoen. 1760 (Schwartz) = Pisander, FGrHist 16 F 10 = Oed. arg. (?) PEG 1. According to this version, Hera, the goddess of marriage, was angry with Laius because he kidnapped Chrysippus to have sexual intercourse with him. The scholium applies to Hera the epithet γαμοστόλος, which could be employed in a hexametric formula (γαμοστόλος Ἥρη); see Nonn. Dion. 7.296 (e.g.), Mus. 7 and 282. 45 Author’s translation. 46 Nowadays, scholars who defend the pertinence of this scholium are a minority; neither Davies (EGF) nor West (GEF) include the text in their editions of the epic fragments. See Bethe (1891) 4–12; Robert (1915) 149–167; Jacoby (1923–1954) Ia 494–496; de Kock (1962) 15–37; Valgiglio (1963) 154–166; Bernabé (1987) 17–19; Mastronarde (1994) 31–36; Lloyd-Jones (2002) 2–10; SewellRutter (2008) 61–65; Cingano (forthcoming-a). 47 According to the usual version of the legend, as can be read in [Apollod.] Epit. 3.5.7. 48 For the problems concerning the interpretation of the text (fr. 222b PMGF), see Parsons (1977) 7; West (1978); Bremer (1987); Davies frr. 213–218 PMGF; Ugolini (1995) 151–177; Macinnes (2007). Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 349 The most legible section of the papyrus contains a speech by the queen (201– 231), who explains how Oedipus’ heritage should be divided between his sons. Although the introduction to this speech has not been preserved, she must be speaking with Teiresias, who has communicated to her Apollo’s prophecies concerning the destiny of her sons (see 209–210: μαντοσύνας δὲ τεὰς ἄναξ ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων / μὴ πάσας τέλεσσαι).⁴⁹ There is an allusion to a previous intervention by the soothsayer at 227 in the queen’s speech (μάντιος φραδαῖσι θείου, “the considerations of the divine prophet”) and he is probably mentioned by the narrator in 234 (Τειρ[ε]σίας τ[ερασπό]λος, “Teiresias, acquainted with prodigies”). It is usually supposed that the Theban legend evolved toward an always greater influence of the Delphic oracle, which displaced native Theban elements such as the seer Teiresias;⁵⁰ the earlier the texts are, the more probable it is that the role played by those elements remains active. An epic text proceeding from the Epigonoi (fr. 4 GEF) actually speaks about the conflict between the Theban seer and Delphi, personified in the story according to which Manto (“Soothsaying”), Teiresias’ daughter,⁵¹ was offered to Delphi by the Argives after their victory during the second expedition against Thebes.⁵² Although the fragment was assigned by its source, a scholium to Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica (1.308b Wendel), to the Thebaid, the text must proceed from the Epigonoi.⁵³ Teiresias appears again in some conjectures proposed in relation to the reconstruction of the Thebaid, the Epigonoi, and the Alcmeonis. The cases of the two latter poems will be discussed first. It is possible that Teiresias had advised the Theban citizens to leave their country and flee in the Epigonoi, as happens in authors and texts such as Diodorus Siculus, Pausanias, and [Apollodorus’] Bibliotheca.⁵⁴ The death of Teiresias at Tilphussa, attested in other sources, could also have been included.⁵⁵ In the case of the Alcmeonis, it is possible (albeit it is only another conjecture) that the epic told a different story about Teiresias’ daughter. According to the Epigonoi (see above), Manto went to Delphi and married Rhacius, a man from Colophon; afterward, she went with her husband from 49 These verses can be interpreted in two different ways, with the queen addressing Teiresias (Segal 1985) or Apollo (Campbell 1991). 50 Robert (1915, 69–70, 107) already commented on the progressive infiltration of Delphi in the Theban saga. The idea was later developed, among others, by Vian (1963) 76–93. 51 There are no references to Teiresias’ ascendants or descendants in Homer. According to [Apollodorus] Epit. (3.6.7), he was a descendant of the Spartoi, and so a native of Thebes; Vian (1963, 179) regards this genealogy as an ad hoc invention. 52 On this fragment and its implications, see Cingano (forthcoming-b). 53 On this question, see Welcker (18652) 194; Immisch (1889) 141, n. 1; Cingano (forthcoming-b). 54 See Cingano (forthcoming-b) and Diod. Sic. 4.66.4–5.67.1; [Apollod.] Epit. 3.7.3; Paus. 9.33.1. 55 See Cingano (forthcoming-b). Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 350 José Torres Delphi to Asia Minor and founded in Claros an oracle of Apollo.⁵⁶ The concurring Delphic tradition says that Manto remained in Delphi. This tale, which is to be found in [Apollodorus] (Bibl. 3.7.3–4), could have been included in the Alcmeonis as an alternative version according to some scholars.⁵⁷ More interestingly, perhaps, there are hints in Attic tragedy that suggest that Teiresias may have played a decisive role during the assault launched by the Seven against Thebes.⁵⁸ When Creon and Teiresias appear together on stage in Sophocles’ Antigone, they speak allusively⁵⁹ about a previous occasion in which Creon saved the city by following the counsel of Teiresias: Κρέων· τί δ᾽ ἔστιν, ὦ γεραιὲ Τειρεσία, νέον; Τειρεσίας· ἐγὼ διδάξω, καὶ σὺ τῷ μάντει πιθοῦ. Κρέων· οὔκουν πάρος γε σῆς ἀπεστάτουν φρενός. Τειρεσίας· τοιγὰρ δι᾽ ὀρθῆς τήνδ᾽ ἐναυκλήρεις πόλιν. Κρέων· ἔχω πεπονθὼς μαρτυρεῖν ὀνήσιμα. Creon: What news do you have, old Teiresias? Teiresias: I will explain – and you will obey the seer! Creon: I never shunned your thinking, in the past. Teiresias: That is why you captained this ship of a city rightly. Creon: I am a witness, from experience, to your services.⁶⁰ Soph. Ant. 991–995 Modern readers may not fully understand what is meant here because of the allusiveness of the verses.⁶¹ Sophocles presupposes in his audience knowledge of events that were perhaps recounted in the epic tradition, maybe in a poem as significant as the Thebaid. It has been argued that in that tradition, the soothsayer could have prophesied that the city would be saved only if a son of Creon died.⁶² This son would not have been the young Menoeceus, as in Euripides’ Phoenis- 56 See Immisch (1889); Sakellariou (1958) 152–160; Debiasi (forthcoming). 57 See Debiasi (forthcoming), with references to previous bibliography. 58 See Sommerstein (forthcoming). 59 See also 182–183 and especially 1058 (Teiresias to Creon: ἐξ ἐμοῦ γὰρ τήνδ᾽ ἔχεις σώσας πόλιν); both parallels are mentioned in Sommerstein (forthcoming), the second one in Kamerbeek (1978) 172. 60 The translations of the Antigone are based (with later adaptations) on Gibbons and Segal (2003). 61 Kamerbeek (1978, 173) explains that these verses allude to the sacrificial death of a son of Creon, Megareus (see v. 1303): “We have to assume that the audience knew of Megareus’ death as a well-established fact in the legend”. 62 See Griffith (1999) 350–351; Sommerstein (forthcoming). Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 351 sae, but Megareus, who is mentioned near the end of the play, when a messenger refers to Eurydice’s words, also in an allusive way:⁶³ κωκύσασα μὲν τοῦ πρὶν θανόντος Μεγαρέως κλεινὸν λάχος, αὖθις δὲ τοῦδε, λοίσθιον δὲ σοὶ κακὰς πράξεις ἐφυμνήσασα τῷ παιδοκτόνῳ. After she wailed for the empty bed of dead Megareus and for this son, too; and last, she chanted hymns of evil curses on you, killer of sons. Soph. Ant. 1302–1305 If Megareus perished pro patria sua in the epic tradition, following Teiresias’ prophecy and, perhaps, the counsel of his father,⁶⁴ this would have been an emotive and impressive moment. The Athenian public could very well have been reminded of it by Sophocles’ verses. The evidence in relation to the Theban epics is therefore scanty and elusive. Teiresias is assumed to have been mentioned also in a Trojan poem, the Nostoi. When Proclus (Nost. arg. 7–9 PEG 1) summarizes it, he says strikingly (because of chronological and thematic reasons) that, after the Trojan War, Teiresias died and was buried in Colophon: οἱ δὲ περὶ Κάλχαντα καὶ Λεοντέα καὶ Πολυποίτην πεζῇ πορευθέντες εἰς Κολοφῶνα Τειρεσίαν ἐνταῦθα τελευτήσαντα θάπτουσι, “The group around Calchas, Leonteus, and Polypeites make their way on foot to Colophon; Teiresias dies there and they bury him”.⁶⁵ This is most likely a textual mistake and Teiresias’ name appears instead of Calchas’, as suggested by the comparison with [Apollodorus] Epit. 6.2: Ἀμφίλοχος δὲ καὶ Κάλχας καὶ Λεοντεὺς καὶ Ποδαλείριος καὶ Πολυποίτης ἐν Ἰλίῳ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολιπόντες ἐπὶ Κολοφῶνα πεζῇ πορεύονται, κἀκεῖ θάπτουσι Κάλχαντα τὸν μάντιν, “But Amphilochus, and Calchas, and Leonteus, and Podalirius, and Polypoetes left their ships in Ilium and journeyed by land to Colophon, and there buried Calchas the diviner”.⁶⁶ 63 Jebb (1888, 231) thought that Megareus and Menoeceus were the same figure. They must be seen as separate characters according to Sommerstein (forthcoming). 64 See Sommerstein (forthcoming). In the Oedipodeia (fr. 3 GEF), another son of Creon, Haemon (who in this version, having lived before Oedipus became king of Thebes, clearly could not be Antigone’s betrothed), had been killed by the Sphinx. 65 West’s translation (2003). 66 Frazer’s translation (1921). See Wilamowitz-Moellendordd (1884) 178; Rzach (1922) 2426; West (2003) 155; Danek (forthcoming). Mopsus, Teiresias’ grandson, was involved in the death of Calchas (see n. 29); the next sentence in [Apollodorus’] text (Epit. 6.2) says ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ <sc., Κάλχαντι> λόγιον τελευτήσειν, ἐὰν ἑαυτοῦ σοφωτέρῳ περιτύχῃ μάντει. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 352 José Torres It was also to be expected that the Theban seer should be mentioned in the Telegony, as here Odysseus fulfills what Teiresias prophesies to him in the Nekyia. The fragments of the poem do not contain any information concerning the soothsayer but Proclus’ summary (Tel. arg. 7–8 PEG 1), supplemented by [Apollodorus’] Epit. 7.34, says: ἔπειτα εἰς Ἰθάκην καταπλεύσας τὰς ὑπὸ Τειρεσίου ῥηθείσας τελεῖ θυσίας. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα εἰς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἀφικνεῖται <καὶ κατὰ τὰς Τειρεσίου μαντείας θυσιάσας ἐξιλάσκεται Ποσειδῶνα>. Then he sails back to Ithaca and performs the sacrifices specified by Teiresias. After this he goes to the land of the Thesprotians <and appeases Poseidon by making sacrifice in accord with Teiresias’ prophecies>.⁶⁷ The expression employed by Teiresias in the Odyssey when he foretells Odysseus’ death (see Od. 11.134: θάνατος δέ τοι ἐξ ἁλὸς αὐτῷ) was presumably reinterpreted in the Telegony, which recounts how Telegonus killed his father Odysseus without knowing their mutual relationship (Tel. arg. 16 PEG 1); according to [Apollodorus] Epit. 7.36, he did so when he hit Odysseus with his spear, which had at its tip the barb of a sting ray: καὶ Ὀδυσσέα βοηθοῦντα τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας δόρατι Τηλέγονος <τρυγόνος> κέντρον τὴν αἰχμὴν ἔχοντι τιτρώσκει, καὶ Ὀδυσσεὺς θνήσκει, “When Odysseus comes to defend it, he wounds him with the spear he carries, which has the barb of a sting ray as its point, and Odysseus dies”.⁶⁸ Conjecture is a normal part of analyzing epic fragments. It may be even more unavoidable still if the scholar turns to shamanic poetry, as our evidence concerning this genre is scarcer still. Notwithstanding this, in the case of the Hesiodic Melampodia, the situation may not be as disappointing as might be expected.⁶⁹ The poem received its name from the seer Melampus and tells of soothsayers like Teiresias, Calchas, and Mopsus.⁷⁰ The fragments of the poem contain the first references to two features of the Theban seer that exceed what may be regarded as natural. It was a very well-known story in antiquity that Teiresias was born a man, had become a woman after watching the intercourse of two snakes, and converted 67 Proclus’ and [Apollodorus’] texts are combined in West’s edition. See West (2003) 166. 68 For this story, its presence in the Telegony and the sense of the intertextual relation that connects the Cyclic poem with the Odyssey, see Ballabriga (1989); Tsagalis (forthcoming). 69 On this poem and Greek shamanic poetry, see Löffler (1963); Huxley (1969) 51–59; Burkert (1983); Ugolini (1995) 33–65; Dillery (2005) 173–178; Lane Fox (2008) 224–223. 70 See [Hes.] Melamp. fr. 273 M–W (Melampus), frr. 275–276 M–W (Teiresias), fr. 278 M–W (Calchas), frr. 278–279 M–W (Mopsus). Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 353 again later into a man.⁷¹ It is also well known what came later: Zeus and Hera argued about the respective pleasure that man and woman take in sexual relations, so they asked Teiresias, the only human being with both experiences. Hera blinded him when she heard his answer, transmitted in this form in the Hesiodic Melampodia (fr. 275 M–W)⁷²: οἴην μὲν μοῖραν δέκα μοιρέων τέρπεται ἀνήρ, / τὰς δέκα δ᾽ ἐμπίπλησι γυνὴ τέρπουσα νόημα, “in only one portion out of ten portions a man has delight / but the ten a woman fills out, delighting her senses”.⁷³ The supposed life span of the Theban seer is also extraordinary, seven generations according to the Melampodia (fr. 276 M–W): μακρόν γέ μ’ ἔθηκας ἔχειν αἰῶνα βίοιο / ἑπτά τ’ ἐπὶ ζώειν γενεὰς μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, “you who established that I would have a long period of life / and live as long as seven generations of speech-endowed human beings”.⁷⁴ This transgenerational span of Teiresias as a character enables him to know, as already noted above, the reigns of all the Theban kings from Cadmus to Laodamas. This feature is directly linked to his special status as a shaman: Teiresias’ longevity and clairvoyance are presented in the texts as compensations Zeus or Athena granted him for his blindness.⁷⁵ Longevity is typical for other shamans or shaman-like figures, as in the case of the Cretan Epimenides, who was supposed to have lived almost three hundred years.⁷⁶ The Odyssey does not speak about the transsexual experiences of Teiresias, nor does it speak about a human being living seven times the life of a normal man. This silence is not surprising if the selective character of the Homeric mythology, which usually avoids stories of this kind,⁷⁷ is taken into account, as is clear from the case of the birth of Helen. “Homer” does not speak, like the Cypria,⁷⁸ about 71 For different approaches to the transsexual experiences of Teiresias, see Delcourt (1958); Loraux (1989); Brisson (1997). 72 For the alternative version of Teiresias’ blindness (Athena blinded him when he saw her naked), see Pherec. fr. 92 EGM; Callim. Lav. Pall. 75–84; Nonn. Dion. 5.337–345. 73 The translations of the Melampodia are those of Most (2007). The fragment is only cited and translated according to [Apollod.] 3.6.7; see also Σ Lyc. 2.226 (Scheer). 74 The three first verses of this fragment include the lament of Teiresias, who complains about his long life: Ζεῦ πάτερ, εἴθε μοι εἴθ’ ἥσσω μ’ αἰῶνα βίοιο / ὤφελλες δοῦναι καὶ ἴσα φρεσὶ μήδεα ἴδμεν / θνητοῖς ἀνθρώποις· νῦν δ’ οὐδέ με τυτθὸν ἔτισας. 75 On the relationship between bisexuality and divination, see Delcourt (1958) 33–43; DuplainMichel (1991); Brisson (1997) 111–112; Loraux (1989), (2010). There may be also a relationship between clairvoyance (wisdom) and longevity (vitality), as Nagler (1980, 103) notes. 76 See FGrHist 457 T 1, 2, 4 d; Dodds (1951) 140–147; West (1983) 45–53. 77 This was the general thesis of Griffin (1977), a contribution which explored the differences between “Homer” and the Cyclic epic. For its critics, see Ballabriga (1989) 301 n. 17; see also Tsagalis (2011a) 214–217. 78 See fr. 10 GEF. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 354 José Torres Zeus turning into a swan to seduce Nemesis, who had transformed herself into a goose. In the Cypria, the goose (Nemesis) laid an egg after being impregnated by Zeus; Leda later got the egg and hatched it until Helen was born.⁷⁹ Whether or not the poet of the Odyssey knew myths like this and preferred to overlook them is another matter. A tenuous hint indicates that this could be the case of the transsexual Teiresias. However, at the very least, it should be noted that the long speech he utters in the Odyssey (Od. 11.100–137) opens the way to the Catalogue of Women (Od. 11.225–330), preceded by the dialogue of Odysseus and Anticleia (Od. 11.152–224). It seems coherent with the feature under discussion here: Teiresias, a man who had also been a woman, as the audience was probably aware, introduces into the masculine world of the Homeric heroes the feminine elements that have prompted surprise among analytical scholars.⁸⁰ If the audience was aware of the story of the transsexual Teiresias, it would have remembered, despite the Homeric silence, that the seer had been once a Theban woman that could have had theoretically a place of its own in this catalogue. As regards the visual arts, it seems surprising that Teiresias, such a traditional figure in the Theban legend from our point of view, simply does not feature in archaic iconography: he appears depicted for the first time ca. 450 BC in a red figure crater, in which King Oedipus receives, seated on his throne, the visit of the seer.⁸¹ In a similar chronology (fifth century BC, second third) Teiresias was also represented in Delphi in Polygnotus’ Nekyia.⁸² Later, there are some illustrations that show Odysseus consulting the dead Teiresias. The author may have had in mind the scene narrated in the Nekyia, as in the case with a well-known crater (ca. 380 BC), the work of the Dolon Painter, on which Odysseus is sitting, holding a sword, and staring at Teiresias, whose face emerges from beneath the earth.⁸³ There are only fourteen ancient representations of the Theban seer according to the LIMC. The question is how this silence concerning Teiresias is to be interpreted. Clearly, what is being dealt with once again here is an argument ex silentio. Therefore, Teiresias’ absence from iconography might be the result of fragmentary evidence. Meanwhile, it cannot be denied that this silence is not what might have been expected a priori, just as the fact that the Theban seer features so poorly in the archaic fragmentary epics is likewise unexpected, in light of an analysis of 79 See Griffin (1977) 40, 48; Currie (forthcoming). 80 See n. 38. 81 Teiresias 10 LIMC. See Schmidt (1982); Schefold and Jung (1989) 61; Zimmermann (1997) 1190–1191. 82 Teiresias 1 LIMC; see Paus. 10.28.1, 29.8. 83 Teiresias 11 LIMC; see Zimmermann (1997) 1190–1191. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM Teiresias, the Theban Seer 355 his outstanding appearance in the Odyssey. It is interesting to draw a comparison and recall that other soothsayers like Melampus or Mopsus are poorly attested in iconography, as is also the case with Calchas despite the role he plays in the Iliad.⁸⁴ Provisional Conclusions The archaic evidence concerning Teiresias has been reviewed and analyzed in this paper. In an another work (1995), I have suggested that the Odyssey could presuppose in its audience a knowledge of Teiresias through epic poetry; at the same time, that study also acknowledged that the scanty cyclic fragments did not allow definitive proof of this point.⁸⁵ A new examination of the evidence and a broader sample of materials can lead now to new conclusions or at least can suggest some provisional considerations. In the first instance, it must be stressed that, because of the lack of evidence, it would be conjectural to affirm that the audience of the Odyssey knew Teiresias through specific epic poems (e.g., the oral forms of the Oedipodeia or the Thebaid).⁸⁶ Meanwhile, it may be argued that the rejection of this possibility is based on an argument ex silentio. But it is superfluous to explain in this way the knowledge of Teiresias presupposed in the audience of the Nekyia when the seer is so clearly attested to in another archaic genre that seems to have been his original “home”, dactylic shamanic poetry.⁸⁷ It should be noted that, when Teiresias appears in the Odyssey, the role he may have played as the counselor to Laius or his son is irrelevant. In the Homeric poem, he is characterized as the “Theban” Teiresias, which connects him to the city, not with the Labdacids; he is even “lord Teiresias” (Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος). In the archaic period, the evidence speaks of him above all as the protagonist of shamanic poetry, which cannot preclude of course 84 Melampus is attested in 9 items according to the LIMC (see Simon 1992a), Mopsus in 4 (see Simon 1992b); in relation to Melampus, Simon (1992a, 409) observes: “Die Darstellungen der Bildkunst entsprechen nicht seiner Popularität”. Calchas appears in 28 items, the oldest (Kalchas 8 LIMC) dating to the fifth century BC; see Saldino (1990) 934: “La fortuna iconografica di Kalchas appare … relativamente recente”. 85 See Torres (1995) 73–74. 86 This idea was central to the approach of Neoanalysis adopted by Torres (1995). See also n. 41 and Torres (forthcoming). 87 A modification to Tsagalis (2011a, 236) is being proposed here: Homeric poetry interacted not only with other epic song-traditions – it may also have interacted with other dactylic songtraditions. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM 356 José Torres his occasional appearance in Theban epics, just as Calchas did in the Iliad. The absence of iconography seems to be another feature shared with figures like Calchas, Melampus, and Mopsus. It is usual to speak about Teiresias as the mythical mediator who resolves contradictions. He is the one who mediates between man and woman, between human beings and gods,⁸⁸ between what is divine and profane, between past and future, between life and death. Some of these mediations do not appear in the Homeric poems, or at least they may be only hinted at, as in the conjectural case of the transsexual Teiresias. At a thematic level, it is also interesting to discover in the Homeric Teiresias the figure who mediates between different sagas, who can establish a link between the Trojan complex and the Theban one, possibly because of his shamanic “potential”. The possibility of linking this fact with the Pan-Hellenic cultural policy of the Odyssey should also be taken into account.⁸⁹ Having made my finishing remarks, let me briefly revisit the adjective with which my analysis began: Θηβαῖος. A student of Wolfgang Kullmann told me in 1991 that this could mean that Teiresias was “the man from the Thebaid”.⁹⁰ Such a proposal is suggestive but improbable⁹¹ and open to discussion from the point of view of grammar, as “the man from the Thebaid” would have been called not Θηβαῖος but probably θηβαϊδικός. Therefore, it seems that Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο cannot mean “Teiresias, the man from the Thebaid”, but it could mean perhaps “Teiresias, the man of the Theban saga”, though its ultimate meaning was, most likely, “Teiresias, the shaman of Thebes”. 88 Also between human beings and animals, as is usual in the case of other shamans in ancient Greece (Melampus: see [Apollod.] Bibl. 1.9.11–12) and many other cultures. For Teiresias’ special relationship with snakes and birds, see above. 89 On Homeric poetry and Pan-Hellenism, see the general considerations of Tsagalis (2011a) 236–237. 90 This is a proposal made by a student (Markus Klämt) in the seminar “Motivgeschichtliche Probleme in der Homerforschung (Neoanalyse)” conducted by Kullmann in Freiburg (Germany). See Torres (1995) 73, n. 150. 91 There are no mentions to the titles of poems in archaic poetry, probably not before Herodotus; see Davison (1968) 79. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:19 PM TC 2014; 6(2): 452–467 Bibliography DOI 10.1515/tc-2014-0024 Vase Archives ABV = Beazley, J. D. (ed.) (1956), Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters, Oxford. ARV2= Beazley, J. D. (ed.) (1963), Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2nd ed, Oxford. Addenda2 = Carpenter, T. H., T. Mannack, and M. Mendonca (eds.) (1989), Beazley Addenda, 2nd ed., Oxford. Paralipomena = Beazley, J. D. (ed.) (1971), Paralipomena, Oxford. BAD = Beazley Archive Database, http://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk. LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (1981–1999), Zurich. Adkins, A. W.H. (1970), Merit and Responsibility: A Study in Greek Values, Oxford. Alden, M. (2000), Homer Beside Himself: Para-narratives in the Iliad, Oxford. D’Alessio, G. (2006), “Note al nuovo Archiloco”, ZPE 156, 19–22. Allan, W. (2006), “Divine Justice and Cosmic Order in Early Greek Epic,” JHS 126, 1–35. Aloni, A. (2000), “Anacreonte a Atene: Datazione e significato di alcune iscrizioni tiranniche,” ZPE 130, 1–94. Andersen, Ø. (1978), Die Diomedesgestalt in der Ilias, Oslo. — (2012), “Older heroes and Earlier Poems: The case of Heracles in the Odyssey,” in Ø. Andersen and D. T.T. Haug (eds.), Relative Chronology in Early Greek Epic Poetry, Cambridge, 138–151. Apthorp, M. J. (2000), “Did Athene Help Tydeus to Win the Cadmean Games (‘Iliad’ 5.808)?,” ZPE 131, 1–9. Arnush, M. (1995),“The Career of Peisistratos Son of Hippias,” Hesperia 64, 135–162. Aronen, J. (2002), “Genealogy as a Form of Mythic Discourse: The Case of the Phaeacians,” in: S. des Bouvrie (ed.), Myth and Symbol I: Symbolic Phenomena in Ancient Greek Culture, Papers from the First International Symposium on Symbolism at the University of Tromsø, June 4–7, 1998, Athens, The Norwegian Institute at Athens, 89–110. Athanassaki, L. (2011), “Song, Politics, and Cultural Memory: Pindar’s Pythian 7 and the Alcmaeonid Temple of Apollo,” in: L. Athanassaki and E. Bowie (eds.), Archaic and Classical Choral Song: Performance, Politics, and Dissemination, Berlin, 235–268. Austin, N. (1975), Archery at the Dark of the Moon: Poetic Problems in Homer’s Odyssey, Berkeley CA. Bakker, E. J. (1997), Poetry in Speech: Orality and Homeric Discourse, Ithaca NY. — (2013), The Meaning of Meat and the Structure of the Odyssey, Cambridge. Ballabriga, A. (1989), “La prophétie de Teiresias,” Mètis 4, 291–304. Barker, E. (2009), Entering the Agon: Dissent and Authority in Homer, Historiography and Tragedy, Oxford. — (2011), “The Iliad’s Big Swoon: A Case of Innovation Within the Epic Tradition,” TC 3.1, 1–17. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 453 Barker, E. and J. Christensen (2006), “Flight Club: The New Archilochus Fragment and Its Resonance With Homeric Epic,” MD 57, 19–43. — (2008), “Oedipus of Many Pains: Strategies of Contest in the Homeric Poems,” Leeds International Classical Studies 7, 1–30. — (2011), “On not Remembering Tydeus: Diomedes and the Contest for Thebes,” MD 66, 9–44. Bassett, S. E. (1938), The Poetry of Homer. Berkeley and Los Angeles. Beck, D. (2005), Homeric Conversation. Washington D. C. Bener, F. (1945), Amphiaraossage in der griechischen Dichtung, Chur. Berman, D. (2004), “The Double Foundation of Boiotian Thebes,” TAPA 134, 1–22. — (2007), Myth and Culture in Aeschylus’ Seven Against Thebes, Rome. — (2013), “Greek Thebes in the Early Mythographic Tradition,” in: S. Trzaskoma and R. S. Smith (eds.), Writing Myth: Mythography in the Ancient World, Leuven, 37–54. Bernabé, A. (ed.) (1987, corrected edition 19962), Poetae Epici Graeci: Testimonia et Fragmenta, vol. 1, Stuttgart and Leipzig. Abbreviated as PEG 1. Bernardini, P. A. (2010). “Eracle: una biografia eroica tra epos arcaico, poesia lirica e tradizioni locali,” in: E. Cingano (ed.), Tra panellenismo e tradizioni locali, Alessandria, 385–409. Bethe, E. (1891), Thebanische Heldenlieder. Untersuchungen über die Epen des thebanischargivischen Sagenkreises, Leipzig. — (19292), Homer. Dichtung und Sage, vol. 2, Leipzig-Berlin. Binder, G. (1964), Die Aussetzung des Königskindes: Kyros und Romulus, Meiserheim am Glan. Bizard, L. (1920), “Fouilles du Ptoïon: Inscriptions,” BCH 44, 227–262. Boardman, J. (1975), “Herakles, Peisitratos, and Eleusis,” JHS 95, 1–12. – (1978). “Herakles, Delphi, and Kleisthenes of Sikyon,” Révue Archéologique 2 (n.s.), 227–234. Bölte, F. (1934), “Ein Pylisches Epos,” RhM 83, 319–347. Bousset, W. (1915), Jüdisch-Christlicher Schulbetrieb in Alexandria und Rom, Göttingen. Bowra, C. M. (1950), Tradition and Design in the Iliad, Oxford. — (1957), “Asius and the Old-Fashioned Samians,” Hermes 85, 391–401. Boyd, T. W. (1995), “A Poet on the Achaean Wall,” Oral Tradition 10, 181–206. Braswell, B. (1971), “Mythological Innovation in the Iliad,” CQ 21, 16–26. — (1998), A Commentary on Pindar Nemean Nine, Berlin. Bremer, J. M. (1987), “Stesichorus: The Lille Papyrus,” in: J. M. Bremer, A. M. van Erp Taalman Kip, and S. R. Slings (eds.), Some Recently Found Greek Poems: Text and Commentary, Leiden, 128–174. Brisson, L. (1976), Le mythe de Tirésias: essai d’analyse structurale, Leiden. — (1997), Le sexe incertain. Androgynie et hermaphrodisme dans l’antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris. – (1979a), “The Historical Traditions of Early Boiotia,” in: J. Fossey and A. Schachter (eds.), Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities, Montreal, 21–24. Buck, R. (1979a), “The Historical Traditions of Early Boiotia,” in: J. Fossey and A. Schachter (eds.), Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities, Montreal, 21–24. – (1979b), A History of Boiotia, Edmonton. Burgess, J. (1997), “Beyond Neoanalysis: Problems with the Vengeance Theory,” in: AJP 118, 1–19. — (2001), The Tradition of the Trojan War in Homer and the Epic Cycle, Baltimore and London. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 454 Bibliography — (2006), “Neoanalysis, Orality, and Intertextuality: An Examination of Homeric Motif Transference,” Oral Tradition 21, 148–189. — (2009), The Death and Afterlife of Achilles, Baltimore. — (2012), “Intertextuality without Text in Early Greek Epic,” in: Ø. Andersen, & D. T.T. Haug (eds.), Relative Chronology in Early Greek Epic Poetry, Cambridge, 168–183. Burkert, W. (1981), “Seven Against Thebes: An Oral Tradition Between Babylonian Magic and Greek Literature,” in: C. Brillante, M. Cantilena, and C. O. Pavese (eds.), I poemi epici rapsodici non omerici e la tradizione orale, Padova, 29–51. — (1983), “Itinerant Diviners and Magicians. A Neglected Element in Cultural Contacts,” in: R. Hägg (ed.), The Greek Renaissance of the 8th Century BC, Stockholm, 115–119. — (1985), Greek Religion, Cambridge MA. Burnett, A. (1988), “Jocasta in the West: The Lille Stesichorus,” CA 7, 107–154. Buslepp, C. (1915), “Teiresias,” in: W. H. Roscher (ed.), Ausführliches Lexicon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, vol. V, Leipzig, 178–207. Camp, J. (1994). “Before Democracy: Alkmaionidai and Peisistratidai,” in: W. Coulson et al. (eds.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, Bloomington ID, 7–12. Campbell, D. (ed.) (1991), Greek Lyric: Stesichorus, Ibycus, Simonides, and Others, vol. 3, Cambridge MA. Chantraine, P. (1983–19842), Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: Histoire des mots, Paris. Abbreviated as DELG. Chantry, M. (1996), Scholia in Thesmophoriazusas; Ranas; Ecclesiazusas et Plutum; pars III, fasc. IVb, Leiden. Christensen, J. (2010). “First-Person Futures in Homer,” AJP 131, 543–571. — (2013), “Innovation and Tradition Revisited: the Near-synonymy of Homeric ΑΜΥΝΩ and ΑΛΕΞΩ as a Case Study in Homeric Composition,” CJ 108, 257–296. Cingano, E. (1992), “The Death of Oedipus in Epic Tradition,” Phoenix 46, 1–11. — (2000), “Tradizioni su Tebe nell’epica e nella lirica greca arcaica,” in: P. A. Bernardini (ed.) Presenza e funzione della città di Tebe nella cultura greca. Atti del convegno internazionale (Urbino 7–9 luglio 1997), Pisa-Rome 2000, 127–161. — (2003), “Riflessi dell’epos tebano in Omero e in Esiodo”, Incontri triestini di filologia classica 2, 55–76. — (2004). “Tradizioni epiche intorno ad Argo da Omero al VI sec. A. C.”, in: P. A. Bernardini (ed.), La città di Argo: mito, storia, tradizioni poetiche, Rome, 59–78. — (2008), “A Catalogue Within a Catalogue: Helen’s Suitors in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (frr. 196–204),” in: R. Hunter (ed.), The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, Cambridge, 118–152. — (forthcoming a), “Oedipodea”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.),The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. — (forthcoming b), “Epigonoi”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Clarke, M. (1999), Flesh and Spirit in the Songs of Homer. A Study of Words and Myths, Oxford. Classen, C. J. (2008), Vorbilder- Werte – Normen in den homerischen Epen, Berlin-Boston. Clay, J. S. (1983), The Wrath of Athena: Gods and Men in the Odyssey, Princeton. — (2003), Hesiod’s Cosmos, Cambridge. — (2011), Homer’s Trojan Theater: Space, Vision, and Memory in the Iliad, Cambridge. Collins, D. (1998), Immortal Armor: The Concept of Alkê in Archaic Greek Poetry, Lanham. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 455 Cook, E. (1995), The Odyssey in Athens: Myths of Cultural Origins, Ithaca NY. — (1999), “Active and passive heroics in the Odyssey,” CW 93, 149–167. — (2012), “Introduction,” in: E. McCrorie (transl.), Homer. The Iliad, Baltimore. Coppola, A. (2008). L’eroe ritrovato. Il mito del corpo nella Grecia classica, Venice. Crome, J. (1935–1936). “HIPPARXEIOI ERMAI,” AM 60–61, 305. Currie, B. (2005), Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, Oxford. — (2006), “Homer and the Early Epic Tradition,” in: M. J. Clarke, B. G. F. Currie, and R. O. A. M. Lyne (eds.), Epic Interactions. Perspectives on Homer, Virgil, and the Epic Tradition Presented to J. Griffin by Former Pupils, Oxford, 1–45. — (2012), “The Iliad, Gilgamesh, and Neoanalysis”, in: F. Montanari, A. Rengakos, and C. Tsagalis (eds.), Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, Berlin, 543–580. — (forthcoming), “Cypria”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Danek, G. (1992), “Zur Prologrede der Aphrodite im Hippolytos des Euripides,” WS 105: 19–37. — (1998), Epos und Zitat: Studien zur Quellen der Odyssee, Vienna. — (2002), “Traditional Referentiality and Homeric Intertextuality”, in: F. Montanari and P. Asheri (eds.), Omero tremila anni dopo, Rome, 3–19. — (forthcoming), “Nostoi”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Davidson, O. M. (1980), “Indo-European dimensions of Herakles in Iliad 19.95–133,”Arethusa 12, 197–202. Davies, M. (1988a), Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Göttingen. Abbreviated as EGF. — (1988b), “Stesichorus’ Geryoneis and its Folk-Tale Origins,” CQ 38, 52–64. — (1989/2001), The Greek Epic Cycle. London. — (1991), Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta: Alcman, Stesichorus, Ibycus, vol. 1, Oxford. Abbreviated as PMGF. — (2000), “Euripides Telephus fr. 149 (Austin) and the Folk-Tale Origins of the Teuthranian Expedition,” ZPE 133, 7–10. — (2002), “The Folk-tale Origins of the Iliad and Odyssey,” WS 115, 5–43. — (2003), “The Judgements of Paris and Solomon,” CQ 53, 32–43. — (2007), “Hesiod’s Theogony and the folk–tale,” in: P. J. Finglass, C. Collard, and N. J. Richardson (eds.), Hesperos: Studies in Greek Poetry presented to M. L. West on his seventieth birthday, Oxford, 66–82. — (2008), “Hermes the Helper-Figure,” Prometheus 34, 27–32. — (2013a), “The hero at the Crossroads: Prodicus and the Choice of Heracles,” Prometheus 39, 3- 17. — (2013b), “‘Stat vetus … silva’: Burlesque and Parody in Ovid Amores 3.1 and Persius Satires 5.132–53,” Prometheus 39, 165–176. — (2014). The Theban Epics, available on-line from the CHS website. Davison, J. A. (1968), “Quotations and Allusions in Early Greek Literature,” in: J. A. Davison (ed.), From Archilochus to Pindar: Papers on Greek Literature of the Archaic Period, New York, 70–85. de Jong, I. J.F. (1987), Narrators and Focalizers: the Presentation of the Story in the Iliad, Amsterdam. — (2001), A Narratological Commentary on the Odyssey, Cambridge. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 456 Bibliography de Kock, E. L. (1962), “The Peisandros scholium. Its Sources, Unity and Relationship to Euripides’ Chrysippos,” Acta Classica 5, 15–37. Debiasi, A. (2013), “The Norm of the Polyp,” TC 5.2, 195–207. — (forthcoming) “Alcmeonis”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l’antiquité classique, Paris. Dentice di Accadia Ammone, S. (2012), Omero e i suoi oratori: tecniche di persuasione nell’Iliade, Berlin-Boston. Di Rocco, E. (2007), Io Tiresia. Metamorfosi di un profeta, Rome. Dickie, M. (1983), “Phaeacian athletes,” in: Papers of the Liverpool Latin Seminar 4, 237–276. Dietrich, B. C. (1964), “Xanthus’ Prediction – a Memory of Popular Cult in Homer,” Acta Classica 7, 9–24. Dillery, J. (2005), “Chresmologues and Manteis: Independent Diviners and the Problem of Authority,” in: S. I. Johnston and P. T. Struck (eds.), Mantike. Studies in Ancient Divination, Leiden, 167–231. Dindorf, W. (1855), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Odysseam, Oxford. Dodds, E. R. (1951), The Greeks and the Irrational, Berkeley. Doherty, L. (1995), Siren Songs: Gender, Audiences, and Narrators in the Odyssey, Ann Arbor MI. — (2008), “Nausikaa and Tyro: Idylls of Courtship in the Phaiakian Episode of the Odyssey and the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women,” Phoenix 62, 63–76. Donlan, W. (2002). “Achilles the Ally,” Arethusa 35, 155–172. Dova, St. (2012), Greek Heroes in and out of Hades, Lanham. Ducat, J. (1971), Les Kouroi du Ptoion, Paris. Dué, C. (2002), Homeric Variations on a Lament by Briseis, Lanham. Dué, C. and Ebbott, M. (2010), Iliad 10 and the Poetics of Ambush: A Multitext Edition with Essays and Commentary, Washington DC and Cambridge MA. Duffy, W. (2013), “The Necklace of Eriphyle and Pausanias’ Approach to the Homeric Epics,” CW 107, 35–47. Duplain-Michel, N. (1991), Tirésias et les chamanes. Étude comparative des liens entre bisexualité et divination dans la mythologie grecque et l’idéologie chamanique, Neuchâtel (on-line: http://home.page.ch/pub/henaro@vtx.ch/Teiresias.htm). Ebbott, M. (2010), “Error 404: Theban Epic Not Found,” TC 2.2, 239–258. Edmunds, L. (1981a), “The Cults and the Legend of Oedipus,” HSCP 85, 221–238. — (1981b), The Sphinx in the Oedipus Legend, Königstein. — (1997), “Myth in Homer,” in: I. Morris and B. Powell (eds.), A New Companion to Homer, Leiden, 415–441. EM: Enzyklopädie des Märchens. Berlin-New York 1979–2014. Edwards, M. W. (1987), Homer: Poet of the Iliad, Baltimore. — (1991), The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 5: Books 17–20, Cambridge. Ekroth, G. (1999), “Pausanias and the Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-cults,” in: R. Hagg (ed.). Ancient Greek Hero Cult: Proceedings of the Fifth International Seminar on Ancient Cult, organized by the Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, Göteborg University, 21–23 April 1995, Stockholm, 145–158. Elmer, D. (2013). The Poetics of Consent: Collective Decision-making and the Iliad. Baltimore. Erbse, H. (1961), “Betrachtungen über das 5. Buch der Ilias,” RhM 104, 156–189. Falkner, T. M. (1995), The Poetics of Old Age in Greek Epic, Lyric, and Tragedy, Norman. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 457 Farnell, L. R. (1920), The Cults of the Greek City-states, Cambridge. Faulkner, A. (2011), The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite: Introduction, Text and Commentary, Oxford. Fenik, B. (1968), Typical Battle Scenes in the Iliad, Wiesbaden. — (1974), Studies in the Odyssey, Wiesbaden. Finkelberg, M. (2000), “The Cypria, the Iliad, and the Problem of Multiformity in Oral and Written Tradition,” CP 95, 1–11. — (2011), “Homer and His Peers: Neoanalysis, Oral Theory and the Status of Homer,” TC 3.2, 197–208. Fitch, E. (1922), “The Evidence for the Homeric Thebais,” CP 17, 37–43. Floyd, E. (1968), “The Première of Pindar’s Third and Ninth Pythian Odes,” TAPA 99, 181–202. Foley, J. M. (1990), Traditional Oral Epic: The Odyssey, Beowulf, and the Serbo-Croatian Return Song, Berkeley CA. — (1991), Immanent Art: From Structure to Meaning in Traditional Oral Epic, Bloomington IN. — (1995a), The Singer of Tales in Performance, Bloomington, IN. — (1995b), “Sixteen Moments of Silence in Homer,” QUCC 50, 7–26. — (1999), Homer’s Traditional Art, University Park, PA. — (2002). How to Read an Oral Poem, Urbana and Chicago. Foley, J. M. and J. Arft, (forthcoming), “The Epic Cycle and Oral Tradition”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Ford, A. (1992), Homer: The Poetry of the Past, Ithaca NY. Forrest, W. G. (1956), “The First Sacred War,” BCH 80, 33–52. Foster, M. (2013), “Hagesias as Sunoikistêr: Seercraft and Colonial Ideology in Pindar’s Sixth Olympian Ode,” CA 32, 283–321. Fowler, D. (2000), Roman Constructions, Oxford. Fowler, R. L. (1998), “Genealogical Thinking, Hesiod’s Catalogue, and the Creation of the Hellenes,” PCPS 44, 1–19. — (2000), Early Greek Mythography, vol. 1: Text, Oxford. Abbreviated as EGM. — (2004), “The Homeric Question,” in: R. L. Fowler (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Homer, Cambridge, 220–232. — (2013), Early Greek Mythography, vol. 2: Commentary, Oxford. Frame, D. (2009), Hippota Nestor, Washington DC and Cambridge MA. Frazer, J. G. (ed.) (1921), Apollodorus. The Library, Cambridge MA. Galinsky, G. K. (1972), The Herakles Theme, Oxford. Gantz, T. (1993) Early Greek Myth: A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources, Baltimore. García Gual, C. (1975), “Teiresias o el adivino como mediador,” Emerita 43, 107–132. Garvie, A. F. (1994), Homer: Odyssey, Books 6–8, Cambridge. Gera, D. L. (1997), Warrior Women: The Anonymous Tractatus De Mulieribus, Leiden. Gibbons, R. and C. Segal (2003), Sophocles. Antigone, Oxford. Gostoli, A. (1978), “Some Aspects of the Theban Myth in the Lille Stesichorus,” GRBS 19, 23–27. Grant, M. A. (1967), Folktale and Hero-Tale Motifs in the Odes of Pindar, Lawrence. Graziosi, B. (2002), Inventing Homer: The Early Reception of Epic, Cambridge. Graziosi, B. and J. Haubold (2005), Homer: The Resonance of Epic, London. Grethlein, J. (2006), Das Geschichtsbild der Ilias: Eine Untersuchung aus phänomenologischer und narratologischer Perspektive, Göttingen. — (2008), “Memory and Material Objects in the Iliad and the Odyssey,” JHS 128, 27–51. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 458 Bibliography — (2010), The Greeks and Their Past: Poetry, Oratory and History in the Fifth Century BCE, Cambridge. Griffin, J. (1977), “The Epic Cycle and the Uniqueness of Homer,” JHS 97, 39–53. Griffith, M. (1999), Sophocles. Antigone, Cambridge. Grote, G. (18692), A History of Greece, vol. 2, London. Guillon. P. (1943), Les trépieds du Ptoion, Paris. Hainsworth, J. B. (1988), “Book VII: Introduction,” in: A. Heubeck, St. West, and J. B. Hainsworth (eds.), A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey: Volume II: Introduction and Books IX–XVI, Oxford, 316–319. — (1993), The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 5: Books 9–12, Cambridge. Hammer, D. (2002), The Iliad as Politics: The Performance of Political Thought, Norman. Handley, E. (1957), The Telephus of Euripides, London. Hansen, W. F. (2002), Ariadne’s Thread, A Guide to International Tales Found in Classical Literature, Ithaca NY. Harrison, J. E. (1980), Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, London. Haslam, M. (1978), “The Versification of the New Stesichorus. P.Lille 76abc,” GRBS 19, 29–57. Haubold, J. (2000), Homer’s People: Epic Poetry and Social Formation, Cambridge. Heath, M. (1987), The Poetics of Greek Tragedy, Stanford. Hedreen, G. (1992), “The Cult of Achilles in the Euxine,” Hesperia 60, 313–330. Hedrick, C. (1988), “The Temple and Cult of Apollo Patroos in Athens,” AJA 92, 185–210. Held, G. (1987), “Phoinix, Agamemnon and Achilles. Problems and Paradeigmata,” CQ 36, 141–154. Helly, B. (1991), “Les cités antiques de la Thessalie,” Les Dossiers d’archéologie 159, 30–43. Heubeck, A. (1983), Omero. Odissea. 3. Libri IX-XII, Rome. — (1986), “ἐρινύς in der archaischen Epik,” Glotta 64, 143–165. — (1989), “Books IX-XII,” in: A. Heubeck and A. Hoekstra (eds.), A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey: Volume I: Introduction and Books I-VIII, Oxford, 3–143. Heubeck A., St. West, and J. B. Hainsworth (eds.) (1988), A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey: Volume II: Introduction and Books IX-XVI, Oxford. Heubeck, A. and Hoekstra, A. (eds.) (1989), A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey: Volume I: Introduction and Books I-VIII, Oxford. Hoekstra, A. (1990), “Books XIII-XVI”, in: A. Heubeck and A. Hoekstra (eds.), A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey: Volume II: Books IX-XVI, Oxford, 147–287. Holt, P. (1992), “Herakles’ apotheosis in Lost Greek Literature and Art,” AC 61, 38–59. Hommel, H. (1980), Der Gott Achilleus, Heidelberg. Hooker, J. T. (1980), “The Apparition of Heracles in the Odyssey,” LCM 5, 139–146. — (1988), “The cults of Achilles,” RhM 131, 1–7. Hubbard, T. K. (1992), “Remaking Myth and Rewriting History: Cult Tradition in Pindar’s Ninth Nemean,” HSCP 94, 77–111. Hurwit, J. (1987), “Narrative Resonance in the East Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, ” The Art Bulletin 69, 6–15. Huxley, G. L. (1969), Greek Epic Poetry from Eumelos to Panyassis, London. Immerwahr, H. (1990), Attic Script: A Survey, Oxford. Immisch, O. (1889), Klaros. Forschungen über griechische Stiftungssagen, Leipzig. Irwin, E. (2005), “Gods Among Men? The Social and Political Dynamics of the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women,” in: R. Hunter (ed.), The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women: Constructions and Reconstructions, Cambridge, 35–84. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 459 Jacoby, F. (ed.) (1923–1954), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin and Leiden. Jamison, S. (1994), “Draupadi on the Walls of Troy: “Iliad” 3 from an Indic Perspective,” CA 13, 5–16. Janko, R. (1986), “The Shield of Heracles and the Legend of Cycnus,” CQ 36, 38–59. — (1981), “ΑΘΑΝΑΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΗΡΩΣ: The Genealogy of a Formula,” Mnemosyne 34, 382–385. — (1992), The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 4: Books 13–16, Cambridge. Jebb, R. C. (ed.) (1888), Sophocles: The Plays and Fragments. III: The Antigone, Cambridge. Jeffery, L. (1990), The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece: A Study of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and Its Development from the Eighth to the Fifth Centuries BC, rev. ed. with a supplement by A. Johnston, Oxford. Jensen, M. (1980), The Homeric Question and the Oral-Formulaic Theory, Copenhagen. Johansen, K. F. (1967), The Iliad in Early Greek Art, Copenhagen. Jouan, F. (1966), Euripide et les légendes des Chants Cypriens, Paris. Kakridis, J. (1944), Ομηρικές έρευνες, Athens. Kakridis, J. (1949), Homeric Researches, Lund. Kamerbeek, J. C. (1978), The Plays of Sophocles. Commentaries. III. The Antigone, Leiden. Kamptz, H. von (1982), Homerische Personennamen: Sprachwissenschaftliche und historische Klassifikation, Göttingen. Katz, M. A. (1981), “The Divided World of Iliad VI,” in: H. P. Foley (ed.), Reflections of Women in Antiquity, Philadelphia, 19–44. Kearns, E. (1989), The Heroes of Attica, London. Kelly, A. (2006), “Homer and History: Iliad 9.381–4,” Mnemosyne 59, 321–333. — (2007), “How to End an Orally-Derived Epic Poem,” TAPA 137, 371–402. — (2010), “Hypertexting with Homer: Tlepolemos and Sarpedon on Herakles (Il. 5.628–698),” TC 2.2, 259–276. — (2012), “The Audience Expects: Penelope and Odysseus,” in: E. Minchin (ed.), Orality, Literacy, and Performance in the Ancient World, Leiden-Boston, 3–24. — (forthcoming), “Ilias parva,” in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Ketel, E. E. (1991), The Historiography of Grammatical Concepts, Amsterdam. Kirk, G. S. (1973), “Methodological Reflexions on the Myths of Herakles,” in: B. Gentili and G. Paioni (eds.), Il Mito Greco: Atti del Convegno Internazionale. Urbino. — (1985), The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 1: Books 1–4, Cambridge. — (1990), The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 2: Books 5–8, Cambridge. Kossatz-Deissmann, A. (1981), “Achilleus,” LIMC 1.1, 37–200. Krafft, F. (1963), Vergleichende Untersuchungen zu Homer und Hesiod, Göttingen. Krauskopff, I. (1981), “Amphiaraos,” LIMC 1.1, 691–713. Kühr, A. (2006), “Invading Boeotia. ‘Polis’ and ‘Ethnos’ in the Mirror of Theban Foundation Myths,” Hermes 134, 367–372. Kullmann, W. (1960), Die Quellen der Ilias (Troischer Sagenkreis), Wiesbaden. — (1984), “Oral Poetry Theory and Neoanalysis in Homeric Research”, GRBS 25, 307–324. — (1991), “Ergebnisse der motivgeschichtlichen Forschung zu Homer (Neoanalyse),” in: J. Latacz (ed.), 200 Jahre Homerforschung – Rückblick und Ausblick, Stuttgart, 425–455 (= W. Kullmann (ed.), Homerische Motive, Stuttgart 1992, 100–134). — (2002), “Nachlese zur Neoanalyse,” in: A. Rengakos (ed.), W. Kullmann: Realität, Imagination und Theorie. Kleine Schriften zu Epos und Tragödie in der Antike, Stuttgart, 162–176. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 460 Bibliography — (forthcoming), “Motif- and Source-Research: Neoanalysis, Homeric, and Cyclic Epic,” in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Lane Fox, R. (2008), Travelling Heroes: Greeks and their Myths in the Epic Age of Homer, London. Lang, M. L. (1969), “Homer and Oral Techniques,” Hesperia 38, 159–168. — (1983), “Reverberation and Mythology in the Iliad,”, in: C. A. Rubino and C. W. Shelmerdine (eds.), Approaches to Homer, Austin, 140–164. Lardinois, A. P.M. H. (2000), “Characterization through Gnomai in Homer’s Iliad,” Mnemosyne 53, 641–661. Larson, J. (1995), Greek Heroine Cults, Madison. Larson, S. (2000), “Boiotia, Athens, the Peisistratids, and the Odyssey’s Catalogue of Heroines,” GRBS 41, 193–222. – (2007a), Tales of Epic Ancestry: Boiotian Collective Identity in the Late Archaic and Early Classical Periods, Stuttgart. — (2007b), Reassessing a Late Sixth-Century Boiotian Dedication: Delphi Museum inv. no. 3078,” ZPE 162, 99–106. Lattimore, R. (trans.) (1951), The Iliad of Homer, Chicago. — (trans.) (1965/2007), The Odyssey of Homer, New York. Lavelle, B. (1985), “Hipparchos’ Herms,” EMC 29, 411–420. — (1997). “Epikouros and epikouroi in Early Greek Literature and History,” GRBS 38, 229–262. Lazzarini, M. (1976), Le Formule delle dedichee votive nella Grecia arcaica, Rome. Lee, M. Owen. (1997), The Olive-Tree Bed and Other Quests, Toronto. Legras, L. (1905), Les légendes thébaines dans l’épopée et la tragédie grecques, Paris. Lenz, A. (1980), Das Proöm des frühen griechischen Epos: ein Beitrag zum poetischen Selbstverständnis. Bonn. Lewis, D. (1988), “The Tyranny of the Pisistratidae,” CAH 2 IV, 287–302. Liapis, V. (2006), “Intertextuality as Irony: Heracles in Epic and in Sophocles,” G&R 53, 48–59. Lloyd-Jones, H. (1971), The Justice of Zeus, Berkeley. — (2002), “Curses and Divine Anger in Early Greek Epic. The Pisander Scholion,” CQ 52, 1–14. Löffler, I. (1963), Die Melampodie. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion des Inhalts, Meisenheim am Glan. Lohmann D. (1970), Die Komposition der Reden in der Ilias, Berlin. Loraux, N. (1989), Les expériences de Tirésias. Le féminin et l’homme grec, Paris. — (1990), “Herakles: the super-male and the feminine,” in: D. M. Halperin (ed.), Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, Princeton, 21–52. — (2010), “Ce que vit Tirésias,” Revue française de psychanalyse 74, 1141–1159 (http://www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-de-psychanalyse-2010–4-page-1141.htm). Lord, A. (1960/20002), The Singer of Tales, Cambridge MA. Louden, B. (1999), The Odyssey: Structure, Narration, and Meaning, Baltimore. Lyne, R. O.A. M. (1994), “Vergil’s Aeneid: Subversion by Intertextuality. Catullus 66.39–40 and other examples,” G&R 41, 187–204. Lyons, D. J. (2003), “Dangerous Gifts: Ideologies of Marriage and Exchange in Ancient Greece,” CA 22, 93–134. — (2012), Dangerous Gifts: Gender and Exchange in Ancient Greece, Austin. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 461 Maass, E. (1887), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem Townleyana, vol I, Oxford. MacInnes, D. (2007), “Gainsaying the Prophet: Jocasta, Teiresias, and the Lille Stesichorus,” QUCC 86, 95–108. Mackie, C. J. (2008), Rivers of Fire: Mythic Themes in Homer’s Iliad, Washington DC. Mackie, H. (1996), Talking Trojan: Speech and Community in the Iliad, Lanham. Malkin, I. (1998), The Returns of Odysseus. Colonization and Ethnicity, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Marks, J. (2008), Zeus in the Odyssey, Washington DC. Maronitis, D. (1983), “Références latentes de l’Odyssée à l’Iliade,” in: Mélanges É. Delebecque, Aix-en-Provence, 277–291. Martin, R. (1989), The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad, Ithaca NY. Mastronarde, D. J. (1994), Euripides. Phoenissae, Cambridge. Matthews, V. J. (1996), Antimachus of Colophon: Text and Commentary, Leiden. Mendel, G. (1907), “Fouilles du Ptoion (1903),” BCH 31, 185–207. Meritt, B. (1939), “Greek Inscriptions,” Hesperia 8, 48–82. Merkelbach, R. (1951), Untersuchungen zur Odyssee, Munich. Miller, S. (1978), The Prytaneion: Its Function and Architectural Form, Berkeley. Minchin, E. (2007a), Homeric Voices: Discourse, Memory, Gender, Oxford. — (2007b), “The Language of Heroes and the Language of Heroines: Storytelling in the Oral Traditional Epic,” in: C. Cooper (ed.), Politics of Orality, Leiden, 3–38. Minton, W. M. (1960), “Homer’s Invocations to the Muses: Traditional Patterns,” TAPA 91, 292–309. Montanari F., A. Rengakos and C. Tsagalis, C. (eds.) (2012), Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, Berlin. Montiglio, S. (2000), Silence in the Land of the Logos, Princeton. Morgan, C. (1997), “The Archaeology of Sanctuaries in the Early Iron Age and Archaic Ethne,” in: L. Mitchell and P. Rhodes (eds.), The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece, London, 168–198. Morris, S. (1989), “A Tale of Two Cities: The Miniature Frescoes from Thera and the Origins of Greek Poetry,” AJA 93, 511–535. Most, G. W. (1989), “The Structure and Function of Odysseus’ Apologoi,” TAPA 119, 15–30. — (2007), Hesiod. The Shield, Catalogue, Other Fragments, Cambridge MA. Müller, C. W. (1976), “Ennius und Äsop,” MH 33, 193–218 (= [1999] Kleine Schriften, StuttgartLeipzig, 526–557). Mueller, M. (1984), The Iliad, London. Muellner, L. (1996), The Anger of Achilles: Mēnis in Greek Epic, Ithaca NY and London. Munck, J. (1933), Untersuchungen über Klemens von Alexandria, Stuttgart. Murnaghan, S. (2011), Disguise and Recognition in the Odyssey, Lanham. Murray, P. (1981), “Poetic Inspiration in Early Greece,” JHS 101, 87–100. Nagler, M. N. (1974). Spontaneity and Tradition: A Study in the Oral Art of Homer. Berkeley. — (1980), “Entretiens avec Tirésias,” CW 74, 89–108. Nagy, G. (1979/1999), The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in Archaic Greek Poetry, Baltimore. — (1990), Pindar’s Homer: The Lyric Possession of an Epic Past, Baltimore. — (1996), Homeric Questions. Austin. — (2000), “‘Dream of a Shade’: Refractions of Epic Vision in Pindar’s Pythian 8 and Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes,” HSCP 100, 97–118. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 462 Bibliography — (2002), “Reading Bakhtin Reading the Classics: An Epic Fate for Conveyors of the Heroic Past,” in: R. Branham (ed.), Bakhtin and the Classics, Chicago, 71–96. — (2003), Homeric Responses, Austin. — (2004), Homer’s Text and Language, Urbana. — (2009a), “Hesiod and the Ancient Biographical Traditions,” in: F. Montanari, A. Rengakos and C. Tsagalis (eds.), Brill’s Companion to Hesiod, Leiden and Boston, 271–311. — (2009b), Homer the Classic, Washington DC and Cambridge MA. Naiden, F. S. (2006), Ancient Supplication, Oxford. Nicholls, R. (1970), “Architectural Terracotta Sculpture from the Athenian Agora,” Hesperia 39, 115–138. Obbink, D. (2005), “4708. Archilochus, Elegies,” The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 69, 19–42. — (2006), “A New Archilochus Poem”, ZPE 156, 1–9. Olivieri, O. (2010), “La geografia mitica delle imprese di Alcmeone dalla poesia epica alla tragedia,” in: E. Cingano (ed.), Tra panellenismo e tradizioni locali, Alessandria, 299–314. Osborne, R. (1985), “The Erection and Mutilation of the Hermai,” PCPS 31, 47–73. – (2005), “Ordering Women in Hesiod’s Catalogue”, in: R. L. Hunter (ed.), The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women: Constructions and Reconstructions, Cambridge, 5–24. Pache. C. (2004), Baby and Child Heroes in Ancient Greece, Urbana. Page, D. L. (1955), The Homeric Odyssey: The Mary Flexner Lectures Delivered at Bryn Mawr College, Pennsylvania. Oxford. — (1973), Folktales in Homer’s Odyssey. Cambridge, MA. Papadopoulou, T. (2005), Heracles and Euripidean Tragedy, Cambridge. Papaioannou, S. (2007), Redesigning Achilles. ‘Recycling’ the Epic Cycle in the ‘Little Iliad’ (Ovid, Metamorphoses 12.1–13.622), Berlin and New York. Parker, R. (1996), Athenian Religion: A History, Oxford. Parry, A. (ed.) (1971), The Making of Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman Parry, Oxford. Parsons, P. J. (1977), “The Lille ‘Stesichorus’,” ZPE 26, 7–36. Pearson, A. C. (1917), The Fragments of Sophocles, Cambridge. Pellin, A. (2010), “Il mito di Telefo nell’epos ellenistico: l’Epyllium Telephi, fr. ep. adesp. 3 Powell,” in: E. Cingano (ed.), Tra panellenismo e tradizioni locali: generi poetici e storiografia, Alessandria, 519–540. Peradotto, J. (1990), Man in the Middle Voice: Name and Narration in the Odyssey, Princeton. Pestalozzi, H. (1945), Die Achilleis als Quelle der Ilias, Erlangen–Zurich. Petropoulos, I. (2012), “The Telemachy and the Cyclic Nostoi,” in: F. Montanari, A. Rengakos & C. Tsagalis (eds.), Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, Berlin, 291–308. Petsalis-Diomidis, A. (2006), “Amphiaraos Present: Images of Healing Pilgrimage in Ancient Greece,” in: R. Shepherd and R. Maniura (eds.), Images and Presence: Essays on the ‘Presence’ of the Prototype Within the Image, Ashgate, 205–229. Platter, Ch. (2007), Aristophanes and the Carnival of Genres, Baltimore. Porter, A. (2011), “‘Stricken to Silence’: Authoritative Response, Homeric Irony, and the Peril of a Missed Language Cue,” Oral Tradition 26, 493–520. Porter, J. (2011), “Making and Unmaking: The Achaean Wall and the Limits of Fictionality in Homeric Criticism,” TAPA 141, 1–36. Preiser, C. (2000). Euripides, Telephos. Einleitung, Text, Kommentar. Hildesheim. Pritchett, K. (1969), Studies in Greek Topography III: Roads, Berkeley. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 463 Pucci, P. (1987), Odysseus Polutropos: Intertextual Readings in the Odyssey and the Iliad, Ithaca NY. — (1998), The Song of the Sirens: Essays on Homer, Lanham. Pulleyn, S. (1997), Prayer in Greek Religion, Oxford. Raaflaub, K. (1993), “Homer to Solon: The Rise of the Polis, The Written Sources,” in: M. Hansen (ed.), The Ancient Greek City-State, Copenhagen, 41–105. — (1998), “A Historian’s Headache: How to Read ‘Homeric Society’?,” in: N. Fisher and H. van Wees (eds.), Archaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence, London, 169–194. Radke, G. (2007), “Die poetische Souveränität des homerischen Erzählers,” RhM 150, 8–66. Reece, S. (1993), The Stranger’s Welcome: Oral Theory and the Aesthetics of the Homeric Hospitality Scene, Ann Arbor MI. Reichel, M. (1994), Fernbeziehungen in der Ilias, Tübingen. — (1998). “How Oral is Homer’s Narrative?,” Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar 10, 1–22. Reinhardt, K. (1960), “Die Abenteuer der Odyssee,” in: K. Reinhardt, Tradition und Geist, Göttingen, 47–124. Ribbeck, O. (1875), Die römische Tragödie im Zeitalter der Republik, Leipzig. Rieu E. V. (trans.) (2003 [1945] rev. by D. C.H. Rieu, with introduction by P. Jones), Homer. The Odyssey, London. Rivero García, L. (2008), “Virgil Aeneid 6: 445–446. A Critical Note,” HSCP 104, 273–287. Robert, C. (1915), Oidipus. Geschichte eines poetischen Stoffs im griechischen Altertum, Berlin. — (19244), Die griechische Heldensage, Berlin. Röhrich, L. (1977), Märchen und Wirklichkeit, Stuttgart ([1991] transl. by P. Tokofsky as Folktales and Reality, Indianapolis). Rose, G. (1969), “The Unfriendly Phaeacians,” TAPA 100, 387–406. Rubino, C. A. (1979), “‘A Thousand Shapes of Death’: Heroic Immortality in the Iliad,” in: G. W. Bowersock, W. Burkert, and M. C.J. Putnam (eds.), Arktouros: Hellenic Studies Presented to Bernard M. W. Knox on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, Berlin, 12–18. Russo, J. (1999), “Stesichorus, Homer, and the Forms of Early Greek Epic,” in: J. N. Kazazis and A. Rengakos (eds.), Euphrosyne. Studies in Ancient Epic and its Legacy in Honor of Dimitris N. Maronitis, Stuttgart. Rutherford, I. (2000), “Formulas, Voice, and Death in Ehoie-Poetry, the Hesiodic Gunaikon Katalogos, and the Odysseian Nekuia,” in: M. Depew and D. Obbink (eds.), Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society, Cambridge MA, 81–96. Rutherford, R. B. (2001), “From the Iliad to the Odyssey,” in: D. L. Cairns (ed.), Oxford Readings in Homer’s Iliad, Oxford, 117–146 (= BICS 38, 1991–3, 47–54). Rzach, A. (1922), “Kyklos,” RE 11.2, 2347–2435. Sakellariou, M. B. (1958), La migration grecque en Ionie, Athens. Saldino, V. (1990), “Kalchas,” LIMC 5.1, 931–935. Sammons, B. (2009), “Brothers in the Night: Agamemnon & Menelaus in Book 10 of the Iliad,” CB 85, 27–47. — (2010), The Art and Rhetoric of the Homeric Catalogue, New York. – (2013), “Narrative Doublets in the Epic Cycle,” AJP 134, 529–556. Santamaría Álvarez, M. A. (2011), “Diálogos entre vivos y muertos en los poemas homéricos (Ilíada XXIII 65–107 y Odisea XI)”, in: R. Martín and S. Torallas (eds.), Conversaciones con Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 464 Bibliography la muerte: Diálogos del hombre con el más allá desde la antigüedad hasta la Edad Media, Madrid, 23–50. Schachter, A. (1981–1994), Cults of Boiotia, 4 vols, London. — (1994), “The Politics of Dedication: Two Athenian Dedications at the Sanctuary of Apollo Ptoieus in Boeotia,” in: R. Osborne and S. Hornblower (eds.), Ritual, Finance, Politics: Athenian Democratic Accounts Presented to David Lewis, Oxford, 291–306. Schadewaldt, W. (1959). Von Homers Welt und Werk, Stuttgart. — (19663), Iliasstudien, Darmstadt. Schefold, K., and F. Jung, (1989), Die Sagen von den Argonauten, von Theben und Troia in der klassischen und hellenistischen Kunst, Munich. Schein, S. (1984), The Mortal Hero: An Introduction to Homer’s Iliad. Berkeley. Schmidt, M. (1982), “Oidipus und Teiresias”, in: B. von Freytag gen. Löringhoff, D. Mannsperger, and F. Prayon (eds.), Praestant interna. Festschrift für Ulrich Hausmann, Tübingen, 236–243. Schwenn, F. (1933), “Teiresias,” RE 9.1, 129–132. Schischwani, S. (1994), Mündliche Quellen der Odyssee, Freiburg. Scodel, R. (1982), “The Achaean Wall and the Myth of Destruction,” HSCP 86, 33–50. — (1984), “Epic Doublets and Polyneices’ Two Burials,” TAPA 114, 49–58. — (2002), Listening to Homer: Tradition, Narrative and Audience, Ann Arbor MI. — (2004), “The Modesty of Homer,” in: C. J. Mackie (ed.), Oral Performance and its Contexts, Leiden, 1–19. — (2008), Epic Facework: Self-presentation and Social Interaction in Homer, Swansea. Scully, S. (1990), Homer and the Sacred City, Ithaca NY. Seaford, R. (1994), Reciprocity and Ritual, Cambridge. Segal, C. (1974), “The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite: A Structuralist Approach,” CW 67, 205–212. — (1985), “Archaic Choral Lyric,” P. E. Easterling and B. M.W. Knox (eds.), The Cambridge History of Classical Literature, vol. 1: Greek Literature, Cambridge, 165–201. Severyns, A. (1928). Le cycle épique dans l’école d’Aristarque. Liège and Paris. Sewell-Rutter, N. J. (2008), Guilt by Descent. Moral Inheritance and Decision Making in Greek Tragedy, New York and Oxford. Shapiro, H. A. (1983), “Heros Theos: the death and apotheosis of Herakles,” CW 77, 7–19. — (1984a), “Herakles, Kyknos and Delphi,” in: Ancient Greek and Related Pottery: Proceedings of the International Vase Symposium, Amsterdam, 271–274. — (1984b), “Herakles and Kyknos,” AJA 88: 523–529. — (1989), Art and Cult under the Tyrants, Mainz. Shear, Jr.,T. L. (1978), “Tyrants and Building in Archaic Athens,” in: W. Childs (ed.), Athens Comes of Age: From Solon to Salamis, Princeton, 1–15. — (1994), “Isonomous t’Athenas epoiesaten: The Agora and the Democracy,” in: W. Coulson et al. (eds.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, Bloomington ID, 225–248. Sherratt, E. (1990), “Reading the Texts,” Antiquity 64, 802–824. Sifakis, G. (1997), “Formulas and their Relatives: A Semiotic Approach to Verse Making in Homer and Modern Greek Folk Songs,” JHS 117, 136–153. Simon, E. (1992a), “Melampous,” LIMC 6.1, 405–410. — (1992b), “Mopsus,” LIMC 6.1, 652–654. Singor, H. W. (1992). “The Achaean Wall and the Seven Gates of Thebes,” Hermes 120, 401–411. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 465 Skempis, M. and Ziogas, I. (2009). “Arete’s Words: Etymology, Ehoie-poetry and Gendered Narrative in the Odyssey,” in: J. Grethlein and A. Rengakos (eds.), Narratology and Interpretation: The Content of Narrative Form in Ancient Literature, Berlin, 213–240. Slatkin, L. (1991), The Power of Thetis: Allusion and Interpretation in the Iliad. Berkeley. — (1996), “Composition by Theme and the Mētis of the Odyssey,” in: S. Schein (ed.), Reading the Odyssey: Selected Interpretive Essays, Princeton, 223–237. — (2011), The Power of Thetis and Other Essays, Washington DC. Snodgrass, A. (1998), Homer and the Artists: Text and Picture in Early Greek Art, Cambridge. Sommerstein, A. (2012), “Fragments and Lost Tragedies,” in: A. Markantonatos (ed.), Brill’s Companion to Sophocles, Leiden, 191–209. — (forthcoming), “Tragedy and the Epic Cycle,” in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Spyropoulos, Th. (1981), Ἀμφεῖον. Ἔρευνα καὶ μελέτη τοῦ μνημείου τοῦ Ἀμφείου Θηβῶν, Sparta. Stafford, E. J. (2010), “Herakles between Gods and Heroes,” in: J. N. Bremmer and A. Erskine (eds), The Gods of Ancient Greece, Edinburgh, 228–244. Stanford, W. (1959), The Odyssey of Homer, vol. 1, London. Stanley, Th. (1663), Aeschyli tragoediae septem: cum scholiis Graecis omnibus; deperditorum dramatum fragmentis, versione e commentario Tomae Stanleii, London. Stern, J. (1996), On Unbelievable Tales. Translation, Introduction and Commentary, Wauconda IL. Stinton, T. C.W. (1965), “Euripides and the Judgement of Paris,” JHS Suppl. paper 11 (= [1990] Collected Papers on Greek Tragedy Oxford, 17–75). Stoneman, R. (1981), “Pindar and the Mythological Tradition,” Philologus 125, 44–63. Strasser, F. X. (1984), Zu den iterata der frühgriechischen Epik, Königstein/Ts. Terranova, Ch. (2013), “Il mito di Amphiarao in età omerica fra costruzione e destrutturazione,” QUCC 103, 11–32. Thomas, R. (1989), Oral Tradition and Written Record in Classical Athens, Cambridge. Thompson, H. (1937), “Buildings from the West Side of the Athenian Agora,” Hesperia 6, 1–226. — (1940), The Tholos of Athens and Its Predecessors (Hesperia Suppl. 4), Baltimore. Torres, J. B. (1995), La Tebaida Homérica como fuente de Ilíada y Odisea, Madrid. – (2012), “The Writing Down of the Oral Thebaid that Homer Knew: in the Footsteps of Wolfgang Kullmann,” in: F. Montanari, A. Rengakos, and C. Tsagalis (eds.), Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, Berlin, 517–530. — (forthcoming), “Thebaid”, in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Tsagalis, C. (2008), The Oral Palimpsest: Exploring Intertextuality in the Homeric Epics, Washington DC. — (2010), “The Dynamic Hypertext: Lists and Catalogues in the Homeric Epics,” TC 2.2, 323–347. — (2011a), “Towards an Oral, Intertextual Neoanalysis,” TC 3.2, 209–244. — (2011b), “Intertextuality,” in: M. Finkelberg (ed.), The Homer Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Chichester, 413–414. — (2012a), “Deauthorizing the Epic Cycle: Odysseus’ False Tale to Eumaeus (Od. 14.199– 359),” in: F. Montanari, A. Rengakos, and C. Tsagalis (eds.), Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, Berlin, 309–345. — (2012b), From Listeners to Viewers: Space in the Iliad, Washington DC. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM 466 Bibliography — — (2012c), “Cypria, fr. 19 (Bernabé, West): Further Considerations,” RFIC 140, 257–289. (forthcoming), “Telegony,” in: M. Fantuzzi and C. Tsagalis (eds.), The Greek Epic Cycle and its Ancient Reception: A Companion, Cambridge. Tsagarakis, O. (2000), Studies in Odyssey 11, Stuttgart. Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, E. (1989), “The Homeric ἄφαρ in the Oedipus Myth and the Identity of the Lille mother,” Glotta 67, 60–88. Turkeltaub, D. (2010), “Reading the Epic Past: The Iliad on Heroic Epic,” in: Ph. Mitsis and C. Tsagalis, (eds). Allusion, Authority, and Truth: Critical Perspectives on Greek Poetic and Rhetorical Praxis, Berlin, 129–152. Ugolini, G. (1995), Untersuchungen zur Figur des Sehers Teiresias, Tübingen. Usener, K. (1990), Beobachtungen zum Verhältinis der Odyssee zur Ilias, Tübingen. Valgiglio, E. (1963), “Edipo nella tradizione pre-attica,” RSC 11, 18–43 and 153–171. van der Valk, M. H. (1935), Beiträge zur Nekyia, Kampen. van Eck, J. (1978), The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite: Introduction, Commentary, and Appendices, Utrecht. Verbanck-Pierard, A. (1989), “Le double culte d’Héraklès: légende ou réalité,” in: A.-F. Laurens (ed.), Entre Hommes et Dieux: Le convive, le héros, le prophéte, Paris, 43–65. Vermeule, E. (1966), “The Boston Oresteia Krater,” AJA 70, 1–22. — (1987), “Baby Aigisthos and the Bronze Age,” PCPS 213 (n.s. 33), 122–152. Vian, F. (1963), Les origines de Thèbes. Cadmos et les Spartes, Paris. Viviers, D. (1992), Recherches dur les ateliers de sculpteure et la cite d’Athènes, Brussels. von der Mühll, P. (1962), Homeri Odyssea, Basel. Watrous, V. (1982), “The Sculptural Program of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi,” AJA 86, 159–72. Webster, T. (1967), The Tragedies of Euripides, London. Weil, H. (1900), “Nouveaux fragments de Ménandre et d’autres classiques grecs,” JS 1900, 95–106. Welcker, F. G. (18652), Der epische Cyclus oder die homerischen Dichter, vol. I, Bonn. West, M. L. (1969), “The Achaean Wall,” CR 19, 255–260. — (1978), “Stesichorus at Lille,” ZPE 29, 1–4. — (1983). The Orphic Poems, Oxford. — (1985), The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Its Nature, Structure, and Origins, Oxford. — (1988), “The Rise of the Greek Epic,” JHS 108, 151–172. — (1992), Ancient Greek Music, Oxford. — (1997), The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth, Oxford. — (1999), “The Invention of Homer,” CQ 49, 364–82. — (2003), Greek Epic Fragments: From the Seventh to the Fifth Centuries BC, Cambridge MA – London. Abbreviated as GEF. — (2005), “Odyssey and Argonautica,” CQ 55, 39–64. — (2006), “Archilochus and Telephos”, ZPE 156, 11–17. — (2011), The Making of the Iliad: Disquisition and Analytical Commentary, Oxford. — (2013), The Epic Cycle. A Commentary on the Lost Troy Epics, Oxford. Whittaker, H. (1999), “The Status of Arete in the Phaeacian Episode of the Odyssey,” SO 74, 140–150. Wickersham, J. (1991), “Myth and Identity in the Archaic Polis,” in: D. Pozzi and J. Wickersham (eds.), Myth and the Polis, Ithaca NY, 16–31. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM Bibliography 467 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. von (1884), Homerische Untersuchungen, Berlin. Willcock, M. M. (1964), “Mythological Paradeigma in the Iliad,” CQ 14 (n.s.), 141–154. — (1977), “Ad hoc invention in the Iliad,” HSCP 81, 41–53. — (1997), “Neoanalysis,” in: I. Morris and B. Powell (eds.), A New Companion to Homer, Leiden, 174–189. Williams, D. (1983), “Herakles, Peisistratos, and the Alcmaeonids,” in: F. Lissarague and F. Thelamon (eds.), Image et céramique grecque, Rouen, 131–140. Wilson, D. F. (2002), “Lion Kings: Heroes in the Epic Mirror,” Colby Quarterly 38, 231–254. Winter, N. (1993a), Greek Architectural Terracottas, Oxford. — (1993b), “Kroisos’ Role in the Diffusion of Greek Mainland Architectural Terracottas to Ionia,” in: J. Courtils and J.-C. Moretti (eds.), Les grandes ateliers d’architecture dans le monde Egéen du VIe siècle av. J.-C., Paris, 29–33. Wyatt, W. F. (1989), “The Intermezzo of Odyssey 11 and the Poets Homer and Odysseus,” SMEA 27, 235–253. Zimmermann, K. (1997), “Teiresias,” LIMC 8.1, 1188–1191. Zutt, G. (1894), Über den Katalog der Heroinen in der Nekyia, Baden-Baden. Bro ought to you by | Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Authenticated Download Date | 11/7/14 11:20 PM