2014 · VOLUME 6 · NUMBER 2
TRENDS
IN CLASSICS
EDITED BY
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Antonios Rengakos, Thessaloniki
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE
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Claude Calame, EHESS, Paris
Philip Hardie, Cambridge
Stephen Harrison, Oxford
Stephen Hinds, U of Washington, Seattle
Richard Hunter, Cambridge
Christina Kraus, Yale
Giuseppe Mastromarco, Bari
Gregory Nagy, Harvard
Theodore D. Papanghelis, Thessaloniki
Giusto Picone, Palermo
Kurt Raaflaub, Brown University
Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg
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2014 | Volume 6 | Number 2
Table of Contents
Special Issue:
Theban Resonances in Homeric Epic
Issue Editor: Christos Tsagalis
Preface | 239
PART I: Theban Epic and the Iliad
Ete Barker – Joel Christensen
Even Herakles Had to Die: Homeric ‘Heroism’,
Mortality and the Epic Tradition | 249
Corinne Pache
Theban Walls in Homeric Epic | 278
Benjamin Sammons
A Tale of Tydeus: Exemplarity and Structure in two Homeric Insets | 297
Mary Ebbott
Allies in Fame: Recruiting Warriors in the Theban and Trojan Epic
Traditions | 319
PART II: Theban Epic and the Odyssey
José Torres
Teiresias, the Theban Seer | 339
Christos Tsagalis
γυναίων εἵνεκα δώρων: Interformularity and Intertraditionality in Theban and
Homeric Epic | 357
Justin Arft
Immanent Thebes: Traditional Resonance and Narrative Trajectory in the
Odyssey | 399
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2014 | Volume 6 | Number 2
Stephanie Larson
Thebes in the Odyssey’s ‘Catalogue of Women’ | 412
PART III: Theban and Trojan Epic Across the Lines
Malcolm Davies
Oedipus and the Riddle of the Sphinx | 431
Athanassios Vergados
Form and Function of Some Theban Resonances in Homer’s
Iliad and Odyssey | 437
Bibliography | 452
General Index | 468
List of Contributors | 470
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TC 2014; 6(2): 339–356
José Torres
Teiresias, the Theban Seer
DOI 10.1515/tc-2014-0018
Theban Identity
Thebes, the main town in Boeotia, the “seven-gated city”, is mentioned several
times in both the Iliad and Odyssey;¹ the name Θῆβαι is also used in relation to
Egyptian Thebes, which had one hundred gates according to the reference made
by Achilles.² The usual word in Greek for “Theban”, Θηβαῖος, is used only once
in the Iliad (8.120), and then as a proper name, Thebaeus.³ In both epic poems, it
is usual to designate the inhabitants or the people born in Thebes with another
adjective, “Cadmean” (Καδμεῖος, Καδμείων), derived from Cadmus, the legendary
founder of the city. The Cadmeans are first mentioned in the Iliad in the context of
Tydeus’ embassy to Thebes before the breaking out of the war between Polyneices
and Eteocles.⁴ The alternative form, Θηβαῖος, is used six times⁵ in the Odyssey,
where it always refers to Teiresias, a fixed figure in the Theban saga who plays no
role in the Trojan legend and is not even mentioned in the Iliad.⁶ His Greek name,
Τειρεσίας, related to τέρας, “sign, wonder”, may be regarded as a speaking name
which characterizes him as “qui interprète les signes”.⁷
This paper is not intended to be a complete study of Teiresias in ancient literature, not even in archaic epic. Its goal is to analyze the character of Teiresias in
1 The first occurrences of its name are Il. 4.378; Od. 11.263. The Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.505)
includes a reference to Hypothebai, the lower town grounded after Thebes was conquered by
the Epigonoi. Hypoplacian Thebe (Θήβη Ὑποπλακία), the city Andromache comes from, is also
mentioned in the Iliad several times (1.366; 2.691; 6.397, 416; 22.479).
2 See Il. 9.381–384.
3 He is the father of Eniopeus, Hector’s chariot driver.
4 See Il. 4.382–398.
5 See Od. 10.492, 565; 11.90, 165; 12.267; 23.323.
6 In relation to Teiresias, the main references are Buslepp (1919–1924); Schwenn (1933); García
Gual (1975); Brisson (1976); Ugolini (1995); and Di Rocco (2007). On the possibility of Teiresias
playing a role in the Nostoi, see below.
7 See DELG 1106 and LfgrE, s.v. “Τειρεσίης”.
José Torres: University of Navarra, E-Mail: jtorres@unav.es.
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the Odyssey from a point of view that assumes, when necessary, the neoanalytical and oralist approaches to the Homeric epic.⁸ The following pages present and
discuss what the Odyssey recounts about the soothsayer. Then the fragmentary
epic texts (shamanic poetry and Stesichorus included),⁹ together with the testimony of Attic tragedy and iconography, are analyzed to put the evidence of the
Odyssey against a wider backdrop. Finally, this paper makes some suggestions
that pay special attention to the probable pre-Homeric life of Teiresias and also
to the way in which the Odyssey adapts the figure of the seer to its own narrative
purposes.
Teiresias in the Odyssey:
Dead but Almost Alive
The Odyssey mentions Teiresias for the first time in Book 10, when Circe answers
(10.488–495) Odysseus’ request (10.483–486): if he wants to go back to Ithaca, he
must first visit the house of Hades and consult the soul of the Theban seer:
διογενὲς Λαερτιάδη, πολυμήχαν’ Ὀδυσσεῦ,
μηκέτι νῦν ἀέκοντες ἐμῷ ἐνὶ μίμνετε οἴκῳ.
ἀλλ’ ἄλλην χρὴ πρῶτον ὁδὸν τελέσαι καὶ ἱκέσθαι
εἰς Ἀΐδαο δόμους καὶ ἐπαινῆς Περσεφονείης
ψυχῇ χρησομένους Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο,
μάντιος ἀλαοῦ, τοῦ τε φρένες ἔμπεδοί εἰσι·
τῷ καὶ τεθνηῶτι νόον πόρε Περσεφόνεια
οἴῳ πεπνῦσθαι· τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀΐσσουσιν.
Royal son of Laertes, Odysseus of the nimble wits, I am not going to keep you in my house
against your wishes. But before I can send you home you have to make a journey of a very
different kind, and find your way to the Hall of Hades and Persephone the Dread, to consult
the soul of Teiresias, the blind Theban prophet, whose understanding is unimpaired. For
8 The combination of both methodologies may have seemed odd in the twentieth century;
it is more widely accepted nowadays. See, e.g., Torres (1995) 13–14; Willcock (1997) 189; Burgess (2006); Currie (2006); Tsagalis (2008) 66–68, (2011); Torres (2012) 517–518. Meanwhile, see
Fowler (2004) 230 n. 42.
9 Clearly, the case of P.Lille 76 (= fr. 222b PMGF), containing a fragment of the sometimes called
Stesichorean Thebaid (see Campbell 1991, 137), must be taken into account. The poetry of Stesichorus may be regarded as a bridge between lyric and epic (see Haslam 1978); some scholars
(see Russo 1999, 347) have even argued that Stesichorus should be regarded “as an epico-lyric
composer”.
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341
dead though he is, Persephone has left to him, and him alone, a mind to reason with. The
rest are mere shadows flitting to and fro.¹⁰
Od. 10.488–495
Some scholars thought in the past that Odysseus’ visit to the Underworld was
unmotivated,¹¹ since it was not necessary for the hero to travel to Hades to discover his way back to Ithaca; it would have been enough if Circe had instructed
him, which she does actually do in Odyssey 12. An interpretation of this kind
overlooks two important points. First, Odysseus’ journey is essential because it
presents him as the best possible sailor, who could go with his ship farther than
anybody else, beyond the limits of the human world, even so far as the realms
of death (εἰς Ἄϊδος δ’ οὔ πώ τις ἀφίκετο νηῒ μελαίνῃ, “No-one has ever sailed a
black ship into Hell”, Od. 10.502). And such a singular voyage also had a very definite goal, the encounter with Teiresias, who is presented as a unique character,
almost as a living person among the dead. As Circe puts it, his φρένες, his mental
capacities, are still ἔμπεδοι (Od. 10.493) and, thanks to a very special privilege
granted by Persephone, he retains his mind (νόον, Od. 10.494) as it once was,
which makes him singularly exceptional among the dead (Od. 10.495: τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ
ἀΐσσουσιν, “the rest are mere shadows flitting to and fro”).¹²
Before Odysseus tells his shipmates about the new journey that lies before
them, he receives detailed information from Circe concerning the procedures they
are supposed to follow (Od. 10.504–540). They must reach Persephone’s sacred
forest and Hades’ home of Decay (Od. 10.509–512). Once there, Odysseus will make
an offer to the dead and promise them a rich sacrifice after his return to Ithaca;
then he will kill two black victims, a ram and a ewe, to appease Teiresias (Od.
10.516–537)¹³; after the seer has come and drunk from the blood of these animals,
he will explain to Odysseus how he can reach his home (Od. 10.538–540).¹⁴ Circe’s
instructions are followed by Odysseus in Odyssey 11, the so-called Nekyia.¹⁵
10 All translations of the Odyssey included in this contribution are based (with slight adaptations) on Rieu (1945).
11 For an analytical approach to the Nekyia, see Merkelbach (1951) 185–192; see also Heubeck
(1983) 259–260.
12 For the difference between “νόος” and “φρένες”, see LfgrE, s.v. As Heubeck (1983, 252) notices, the Odyssey (10.240) also says, in the case of the comrades of the hero converted into pigs
by Circe, that their νοῦς ἦν ἔμπεδος ὡς τὸ πάρος περ.
13 On the peculiarities of the sacrifice and ritual depicted in Od. 10.516–534, see Reinhardt (1960)
111–112; Heubeck (1983) 254–255. For Teiresias as oracular divinity, see below.
14 These verses (10.539–540) are a repetition of Od. 4.389–390; see Heubeck (1983) 256–257. On
the similarities between Odysseus-Teiresias and Menelaus-Proteus, see Reinhardt (1960) 94–97.
15 See Od. 11.25–33 (= 10.517–525).
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Modern readership may be surprised to discover that, contrary to what might be
expected, Odysseus does not descend in principle to Hades as other Greek heroes
are supposed to have done.¹⁶ A νέκυια is actually a consultation of the dead and,
therefore, something different from a κατάβασις or descent to the Underworld.
Then it is surprising that the “consultation of the dead” that Odysseus has initiated turns into a visit to Hades where he “sees” (ἴδον)¹⁷ those dead men or women
who are worth seeing. The hero will speak later of his voyage to the Underworld
as being a descent.¹⁸
After some among the dead have desperately tried to drink from the blood of
the victims, the soul of the Theban seer appears, bearing, as a distinctive feature,
a golden scepter¹⁹: ἦλθε δ’ ἐπὶ ψυχὴ Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο, / χρύσεον σκῆπτρον ἔχων,
ἐμὲ δ’ ἔγνω καὶ προσέειπε, “And the soul of the Theban Teiresias now came up,
with a gold rod in his hand, saw who I was, and saluted me” (Od. 11.90–91). Teiresias, who retains his φρένες ἔμπεδοι and his νόον as Circe said (Od. 10.493–494),
can recognize Odysseus before drinking the blood that will provide fresh consciousness to other dead.²⁰ Once the seer has drunk the blood and after asking
Odysseus how he has come to Hades (Od. 11.93–94), he tells the hero what will
happen afterward (Od. 11.100–137): the perils provoked by Poseidon that await
him in the sea, the prohibition on disturbing the cattle of Helios in Thrinacia, his
arrival alone in Ithaca, the killing of Penelope’s suitors, the journey of atonement
he will undertake to propitiate Poseidon, and his own death ἐξ ἁλὸς (Od. 11.134),
“far from the sea” according to some interpreters, or perhaps “coming from the
sea”²¹:
16 The most famous heroic katabasis may be that of Heracles, also mentioned in this song (Od.
11.601–626); see Hooker (1980) and Tsagalis (2011a) 223; see also Il. 5.395–404; 8.362–369. In the
Nekyia (Od. 11.631), there is also a reference to the descent of Theseus and Peirithous; the verse is
suspicious and held to be an Attic addition; see Heubeck (1983) 308–309.
17 See Od. 11.235, 260, 271, 281, 298, 306, 321, 326, 329, 568, 576, 582, 593, 630.
18 When Odysseus speaks with his mother, his voyage to Hades is already a descent (see Od.
11.164: μῆτερ ἐμή, χρειώ με κατήγαγεν εἰς Ἀΐδαο). It is the same when he tells Penelope of Teiresias’ prophecy (Od. 23.252: ἤματι τῷ, ὅτε δὴ κατέβην δόμον Ἄϊδος εἴσω). On this change of perspective and the transformation of the Nekyia into a katabasis, see Clarke (1999) 215–225; Santamaría Álvarez (2011) 26; see also Reinhardt (1960) 110–112.
19 In a similar way, Chryses appears in the Il. 1.14–15 as στέμματ’ ἔχων ἐν χερσὶν ἑκηβόλου
Ἀπόλλωνος / χρυσέῳ ἀνὰ σκήπτρῳ.
20 The first such instance is Anticleia, Odysseus’ mother; see Od. 11.152–153. Teiresias had explained to Odysseus (Od. 11.140–149) that dead bodies need fresh blood to recover their speech.
21 On the problems arising from the prophecy, see Reinhardt (1960) 99–104; Heubeck (1983)
272–273; Ballabriga (1989); Peradotto (1990) 60–76; Danek (1998) 214–220, 285–287; Malkin (1998)
120–155; Marks (2008) 100–104; Tsagalis (2011a) 218, 221. The events here prophesied seem to be
given their narrative development in the Telegony (see below and Tel. arg. 7–8 Bernabé; [Apol-
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θάνατος δέ τοι ἐξ ἁλὸς αὐτῷ
ἀβληχρὸς μάλα τοῖος ἐλεύσεται, ὅς κέ σε πέφνῃ
γήρᾳ ὕπο λιπαρῷ ἀρημένον· ἀμφὶ δὲ λαοὶ
ὄλβιοι ἔσσονται. τὰ δέ τοι νημερτέα εἴρω.
As for your own end, Death will come to you out of the sea, Death in his gentlest guise.
When he takes you, you will be won out after an ease old age and surrounded by a prosperous people. This is the truth that I have told you.
Od. 11.134–137
This prophecy involves many problems that have been repeatedly discussed
since antiquity itself. The different interpretations of ἐξ ἁλὸς comprise only one
example among others. If the meaning of ἐξ ἁλὸς is open to discussion, something similar can be said about the ἀβληχρὸς (Od. 11.135) death that awaits Odysseus. Is this really “Death in his gentlest guise”, as the cited translation proposes,
or should we write, in line with Ballabriga’s interpretation,²² “a feeble death”? In
the expression ὅς κέ σε πέφνῃ (Od. 11.135), does the verb πέφνῃ imply a death in
combat, as is usual in the Homeric poems?²³ And last but not least, is there an
ironic sense to the ambiguous words of the soothsayer who, despite the ambivalence of his prophecies, proclaims definitively τὰ δέ τοι νημερτέα εἴρω, “this is
the truth that I have told you” (Od. 11.137)?²⁴
It has been already said that Odysseus’ journey into Hades is essential
because it presents him as the best possible sailor and that its ultimate justification is the encounter with Teiresias. So it is striking that Teiresias does not actually explain to Odysseus what Circe had promised²⁵ (see, “your journey, and the
distances to be covered, and the return”), and that it is Circe herself who will later
(Od. 12.37–141) outline the particularities of the return voyage. Circe had made
clear that Odysseus needed to consult Teiresias, but the question is: why necessarily Teiresias? At this juncture, it should be recalled that, according to Plutarch,
there was an oracular shrine to the Theban soothsayer in Orchomenos;²⁶ therefore, it has sometimes been supposed that the role he plays in the Odyssey is an
lod.] Epit. 7.34). But the intertextual relations between this passage of the Odyssey and the Telegony could be more intricate than expected, as Ballabriga (1989) notes. On this question, see
Tsagalis (forthcoming).
22 See Ballabriga (1989) 294.
23 See, e.g., Il. 21.55–56: ἦ μάλα δὴ Τρῶες μεγαλήτορες οὕς περ ἔπεφνον / αὖτις ἀναστήσονται
ὑπὸ ζόφου ἠερόεντος.
24 On the ironical sense which may be embedded in Teiresias’ prophecy, see Ballabriga (1989).
25 See Od. 10.538–540: μάντις (…) / ὅς κέν τοι εἴπῃσιν ὁδὸν καὶ μέτρα κελεύθου / νόστον θ’.
26 De def. orac. 434c.
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extension of the role that pertained to him as an oracular divinity.²⁷ But in so far
as the cult of Teiresias is not attested to until a late date, it seems more probable
that the truth runs the other way around: the role played in the Nekyia provided
him later with the status of subterranean oracle.²⁸
The best possible theory is perhaps simply that the best sailor must speak
with the best seer, who unfortunately is dead. Meanwhile, what could have been
an insurmountable setback becomes a contrario a positive challenge for Odysseus, who is forced to undertake the most difficult journey of his life. It is true
that Teiresias will not tell Odysseus anything specific concerning his voyage. But
he will explain the main events of his future life. Is Teiresias really the best possible seer? Yes, if Calchas²⁹ is not considered to be the greatest, or, at least, he
is the most famous soothsayer in the Theban saga, in which he seems to be the
μάντις κατ’ ἐξοχήν. Certainly, Odysseus plays no role within Teiresias’ legendary complex. Fortunately, death, the final frontier, seems to have removed the
borders between different sagas, so that Teiresias can have a place of his own in
the literary afterlife of the Odyssey.
It may be assumed that the reason that allowed the migration of Teiresias into
the Trojan saga must have been the important role the Θηβαῖος μάντις played in
his own saga, within which he is, as noted already, the seer par excellence. Was
he always so? Yes, at least in the earliest phase of the legend’s shaping. Teiresias,
thanks to the extraordinary length of his life, was the seer who counseled all the
Theban kings since Cadmus and Pentheus, with whom he appears on stage in
Euripides’ Bacchae, and he remains there until the age of Laodamas, the son of
Eteocles.³⁰ It is significant that, when Circe speaks of Teiresias in the Odyssey for
the first time, she does not need to say very much about him. For the audience of
this passage, the Phaeacians with whom Odysseus speaks, and the real audience
who attended the rhapsodic performance, a brief indication (Od. 10.492–493:
ψυχῇ … Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο / μάντιος ἀλαοῦ, τοῦ τε φρένες ἔμπεδοί εἰσι, “the soul
of Teiresias, the blind Theban prophet, whose understanding is unimpaired”)
seems to have been enough. This implies that Teiresias was a familiar figure to
the audience of the Odyssey. The question to be answered now is if he was so well
27 This hypothesis was proposed by Buslepp (1915) 187, 192, 200.
28 The analogous case of Amphiaraus, who also had an oracular sanctuary at Oropos, is discussed by Schachter (1981–1994) I 19–26.
29 Calchas must also be dead at this point of the story. This is so according to the epic tradition
which says that Calchas died in Colophon after losing in a contest against Mopsus; see Nost.
arg. 7–9 Bernabé; [Hes.] Melamp. fr. 278 M–W (see fr. 279 M–W).
30 For Teiresias and Laodamas, see [Apollod.] Epit. 3.7.3. On the longevity of the character, see
below.
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known because of the role he played in the general stuff of legend or through specific epics with which both poet and public were acquainted.³¹ The second possibility may seem to be the most probable at first sight.³² Some specific, factual
evidence must be adduced in relation to this point.
A textual hint of Teiresias’ presence in previous dactylic poetry can be found
in the Homeric phraseology about him: the expressions used to designate the seer
in the Odyssey could be part of a formulaic system³³ that was most likely inherited
by “Homer”, as Teiresias does not play such an important role in the Odyssey as to
merit his own set of formulas. The space between the penthemimeral caesura and
the end of the verse is filled by the word-group Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο (“Teiresias, the
Theban”), the first formula used for Teiresias in Od. 10.492 and on five other occasions (Od. 10.565; 11.90, 165; 12.267; 23.323); the group μάντιος ἀλαοῦ (“blind seer”)
occupies the space between the beginning of the hexameter and the penthemimeral
caesura (Od. 10.493; 12.267); for the space between the beginning of the verse and
the trochaic caesura, the poet can use Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος (“lord Teiresias”), with
only one such occurrence in the Odyssey (Od. 11.151). Some of these possible traditional formulas could also be modified as usual in the formulaic systems; this
is the case of Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος, which could be inverted (ἄνακτος Τειρεσίαο) to
occupy the space between the trochaic caesura and the end of the verse.
The epic fragments have not transmitted other possible formulas used to refer
to the Theban seer. But it should also be noted that Stesichorus, in his poem sometimes labeled “Thebaid” that is partially preserved in the Lille papyrus, may be
speaking about Τειρ[ε]σίας τ[ερασπό]λος, “Teiresias, acquainted with prodigies”,
and (according to the more probable reconstruction) [Τειρεσίας ὀ]νυμάκλυτος,
“renowned Teiresias”.³⁴ Both expressions, although dactylic, cannot be inserted
in the metrical structure of the hexameter; notwithstanding this, the epithets
could have been employed to designate the seer in groups such as ὀνομάκλυτος
or τερασπόλος ἀνήρ. It is also interesting that Teiresias is called once by Euripides (Phoen. 767) οἰωνόμαντις, “one who takes omens from the flight and cries of
birds”.³⁵ It is tempting to detect here a trace of dactylic phraseology and recon-
31 This hypothesis was already proposed in Torres (1995) 72–73. In the precedent bibliography,
see, e.g., Reinhardt (1960) 99; Heubeck (1983) 252.
32 For a similar case (the information in the Iliad concerning the expedition of the Seven against
Thebes and their relationship with the Theban epics), see Torres (1995) 32–44); see, in general,
Tsagalis (2011a) 229–230.
33 As first defined by Parry (1971) 276–278.
34 See, respectively, frr. 222b, 232, 291 PMGF. τερασπόλος, if sound, is only attested in this fragment; Teiresias is called τερασκόπον in Eur. Bacch. 28.
35 See LSJ9, s.v. On Teiresias as augur and his θᾶκον ὀρνιθοσκόπον, see Soph. Ant. 999–1004.
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struct a hexametrical formula that fills the space between the beginning of the
verse and the penthemimeral caesura: οἰωνῶν μάντις.
If it is accepted that the Odyssey presupposes the existence of previous poetry
in which Teiresias figured, the question then should be which specific poems are
being referred to by the Homeric poem. This is a point that will be dealt with
in the next section. But before this, it may be helpful to take into account the
broader context of Teiresias’ intervention, in particular, the first exchanges Odysseus takes part in in the world of the dead.
After the seer had uttered his prophecy,³⁶ the narrator (Odysseus himself)
begins his consultation of the inhabitants of Hades by speaking first with his
mother Anticleia, whom he left alive in Ithaca when he departed for Troy (Od.
11.86). When their dialogue (Od. 11.152–224) is over, the so-called “Homeric Catalogue of Women” (Od. 11.225–330) begins;³⁷ it is Persephone herself who encourages them to come before Odysseus: αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες / ἤλυθον, ὤτρυνεν γὰρ ἀγαυὴ
Περσεφόνεια, / ὅσσαι ἀριστήων ἄλοχοι ἔσαν ἠδὲ θύγατρες, “and now, impelled
by dread Persephone, there came up all the women who had been the wives or
the daughters of princes” (Od. 11.225–227). It may seem strange that Odysseus
does not speak immediately with the heroes who are in Hades but with their
wives and daughters.³⁸ It is even more surprising that many of these women are
Theban heroines. This is not the case of Tyro, the first woman the narrator speaks
about (Od. 11.235–259).³⁹ But afterward, Odysseus will see Antiope, the mother
of Amphion and Zethus, who built the wall around Thebes (Od. 11.260–265, see
262–263: Ἀμφίονά τε Ζῆθόν τε, / οἳ πρῶτοι Θήβης ἕδος ἔκτισαν ἑπταπύλοιο,
“Amphion and Zethus, the founders of Thebes of the Seven Gates”), Alcmene, the
mother of Heracles, the most famous Theban hero, his wife Megara (Od. 11.266–
270), and Epicaste, better known in the tradition as Iocaste, the mother and wife
of Oedipus, king of Thebes (Od. 11.271–280; see ἐν Θήβῃ πολυηράτῳ, “in lovely
Thebes”, in 275).⁴⁰ Odysseus speaks later about Eriphyle (Od. 11.326–327), also
connected with the Theban legend through her husband Amphiaraus, whom she
betrayed and forced to become one of the Seven who marched against Thebes. It
36 In Od. 23.264–287, Odysseus will repeat it almost verbatim to his wife Penelope.
37 The expression “Homeric Catalogue of Women” is used, e.g., by Nagy (2009a) 296. On the
relationship between this passage and the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, see Heubeck (1983)
278–279; West (1985) 6, 32; Larson (2000) 194.
38 This fact led to different analytical interpretations of the passage; see Heubeck (1983) 278.
Meanwhile, various scholars have called attention to the functional aspects they have traced in
this episode; see Doherty (1995) 65–69, 82–83, 92–121; Larson (2000) 196.
39 Tyro is directly related to Thessaly; see Larson (2000) 197–198.
40 On the passage relating to Epicaste and the version of the Theban legend that it presupposes,
see Torres (1995) 67–69.
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should be remembered that some heroines who seem to have no connection with
Thebes are at least linked to Boeotia, as is the case of Chloris (Od. 11.281–297),
daughter of another Amphion, king of Orchomenos.⁴¹
The “Homeric Catalogue of Women”, foreshadowed in Teiresias’ preceding
speech, contains a kind of feminine summary of the Theban legend, from the
time of the legendary builders Amphion and Zethus until the days in which the
city was attacked by the Seven. The inclusion of this survey is very probably with
a clear reflection of the eminent status of Teiresias as a Theban figure. Moreover,
the analysis of the text suggests at least two other questions which deserve a brief
analysis.
First, it must be recognized that a reference to Teiresias’ role as a seer in the
Theban court might have been expected when Epicaste and Oedipus discover
their true situation. Instead of this, the text (Od. 11.274) says: ἄφαρ δ’ ἀνάπυστα
θεοὶ θέσαν ἀνθρώποισιν, “the gods soon let the truth come out”. Probably, this
silence about Teiresias does not necessarily imply that he was not yet connected
with the kings of Thebes in the eyes of the poet of the Odyssey.⁴² This would be an
argument ex silentio, and the fact that the soothsayer is not the point of interest
in these verses should also be acknowledged; meanwhile, this sentence (ἄφαρ δ’
ἀνάπυστα θεοὶ θέσαν ἀνθρώποισιν) does not exclude the mediation of Teiresias as
the seer who transmitted the divine message.
The second question that deserves attention is more speculative: might the
presence of the Theban theme within the Catalogue of Women in the Odyssey
have something to do with a Pan-Hellenic cultural policy, as other scholars have
tried to show?⁴³ Something more will be added in relation to this point by the end
of this paper.
Teiresias in the Epic Cycle, Shamanic Poetry,
and Archaic Iconography
The presence of Teiresias in the Odyssey has been explored above. It has been
suggested that the role he plays in the poem may indicate his special status and
recognition, probably through previous epic poetry in which he appeared as the
soothsayer by antonomasia. Now it is time to explore fragmentary archaic epic
41 See Larson (2000) 199–200.
42 See Ugolini (1995) 168–169, 171–173. According to Ugolini, Teiresias first became part of the
legend with Stesichorus.
43 See Larson (2000) 206, 220–222; Nagy (2009a) 296.
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and search for Teiresias. The first poems in this regard are those that dealt with
the Theban saga, the Oedipodeia, the Thebaid, the Epigonoi, and the Alcmeonis.
In the case of the Oedipodeia, the poem must have told the main events
concerning the legendary king of Thebes. A scholium to Euripides’ Phoenissae,
attributed to Pisander and supposed to be an argument of the epic poem, affirms
that Teiresias advised Laius not to consult the Delphic oracle but appease Hera as
it was she who had sent the Sphinx against Thebes:⁴⁴
τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Τειρεσίας ὡς μάντις εἰδὼς ὅτι θεοστυγὴς ἦν ὁ Λάιος, ἀπέτρεπεν αὐτὸν τῆς
ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα ὁδοῦ, τῇ δὲ Ἥρᾳ μᾶλλον τῇ γαμοστόλῳ θεᾷ θύειν ἱερά.
Therefore Teiresias, who, being a seer, knew that Laius was hated by the gods, dissuaded
him from going to Apollo; instead of this he obliged him to make a sacrifice to Hera, who
arranges marriages.⁴⁵
It cannot be confirmed that this refers to the Oedipodeia. This possibility seems
indeed dubious because of the many inconsistencies in the scholium.⁴⁶ Meanwhile, it is true that oracles and soothsayers must have played an important role
in this poem, which would at least have mentioned the prophecy received by
Laius concerning the birth of a son who would bring disgrace to him.⁴⁷ But it is
not known definitively who proclaimed the prophecy in the Oedipodeia, a seer
(Teiresias?) or the Delphic oracle.
The situation is even worse in the case of the second Theban epic, the
Thebaid. Teiresias’ role can be reconstructed for this poem only by way of conjecture. The testimony of Stesichorus, for example, lets us know that Teiresias
could have played an important role in the portion of the Theban saga narrated in
the Thebaid. Whether in this poem, as it is the case in the Lille papyrus, the seer
spoke with the queen of Thebes about the future of her sons is another matter.⁴⁸
44 Σ Eur. Phoen. 1760 (Schwartz) = Pisander, FGrHist 16 F 10 = Oed. arg. (?) PEG 1. According to
this version, Hera, the goddess of marriage, was angry with Laius because he kidnapped Chrysippus to have sexual intercourse with him. The scholium applies to Hera the epithet γαμοστόλος,
which could be employed in a hexametric formula (γαμοστόλος Ἥρη); see Nonn. Dion. 7.296
(e.g.), Mus. 7 and 282.
45 Author’s translation.
46 Nowadays, scholars who defend the pertinence of this scholium are a minority; neither
Davies (EGF) nor West (GEF) include the text in their editions of the epic fragments. See Bethe
(1891) 4–12; Robert (1915) 149–167; Jacoby (1923–1954) Ia 494–496; de Kock (1962) 15–37; Valgiglio
(1963) 154–166; Bernabé (1987) 17–19; Mastronarde (1994) 31–36; Lloyd-Jones (2002) 2–10; SewellRutter (2008) 61–65; Cingano (forthcoming-a).
47 According to the usual version of the legend, as can be read in [Apollod.] Epit. 3.5.7.
48 For the problems concerning the interpretation of the text (fr. 222b PMGF), see Parsons (1977) 7;
West (1978); Bremer (1987); Davies frr. 213–218 PMGF; Ugolini (1995) 151–177; Macinnes (2007).
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The most legible section of the papyrus contains a speech by the queen (201–
231), who explains how Oedipus’ heritage should be divided between his sons.
Although the introduction to this speech has not been preserved, she must be
speaking with Teiresias, who has communicated to her Apollo’s prophecies concerning the destiny of her sons (see 209–210: μαντοσύνας δὲ τεὰς ἄναξ ἑκάεργος
Ἀπόλλων / μὴ πάσας τέλεσσαι).⁴⁹ There is an allusion to a previous intervention
by the soothsayer at 227 in the queen’s speech (μάντιος φραδαῖσι θείου, “the considerations of the divine prophet”) and he is probably mentioned by the narrator
in 234 (Τειρ[ε]σίας τ[ερασπό]λος, “Teiresias, acquainted with prodigies”).
It is usually supposed that the Theban legend evolved toward an always
greater influence of the Delphic oracle, which displaced native Theban elements
such as the seer Teiresias;⁵⁰ the earlier the texts are, the more probable it is that
the role played by those elements remains active. An epic text proceeding from
the Epigonoi (fr. 4 GEF) actually speaks about the conflict between the Theban
seer and Delphi, personified in the story according to which Manto (“Soothsaying”), Teiresias’ daughter,⁵¹ was offered to Delphi by the Argives after their victory
during the second expedition against Thebes.⁵² Although the fragment was
assigned by its source, a scholium to Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica (1.308b
Wendel), to the Thebaid, the text must proceed from the Epigonoi.⁵³
Teiresias appears again in some conjectures proposed in relation to the
reconstruction of the Thebaid, the Epigonoi, and the Alcmeonis. The cases of the
two latter poems will be discussed first. It is possible that Teiresias had advised
the Theban citizens to leave their country and flee in the Epigonoi, as happens in
authors and texts such as Diodorus Siculus, Pausanias, and [Apollodorus’] Bibliotheca.⁵⁴ The death of Teiresias at Tilphussa, attested in other sources, could also
have been included.⁵⁵ In the case of the Alcmeonis, it is possible (albeit it is only
another conjecture) that the epic told a different story about Teiresias’ daughter. According to the Epigonoi (see above), Manto went to Delphi and married
Rhacius, a man from Colophon; afterward, she went with her husband from
49 These verses can be interpreted in two different ways, with the queen addressing Teiresias
(Segal 1985) or Apollo (Campbell 1991).
50 Robert (1915, 69–70, 107) already commented on the progressive infiltration of Delphi in the
Theban saga. The idea was later developed, among others, by Vian (1963) 76–93.
51 There are no references to Teiresias’ ascendants or descendants in Homer. According to [Apollodorus] Epit. (3.6.7), he was a descendant of the Spartoi, and so a native of Thebes; Vian (1963,
179) regards this genealogy as an ad hoc invention.
52 On this fragment and its implications, see Cingano (forthcoming-b).
53 On this question, see Welcker (18652) 194; Immisch (1889) 141, n. 1; Cingano (forthcoming-b).
54 See Cingano (forthcoming-b) and Diod. Sic. 4.66.4–5.67.1; [Apollod.] Epit. 3.7.3; Paus. 9.33.1.
55 See Cingano (forthcoming-b).
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Delphi to Asia Minor and founded in Claros an oracle of Apollo.⁵⁶ The concurring
Delphic tradition says that Manto remained in Delphi. This tale, which is to be
found in [Apollodorus] (Bibl. 3.7.3–4), could have been included in the Alcmeonis
as an alternative version according to some scholars.⁵⁷
More interestingly, perhaps, there are hints in Attic tragedy that suggest that
Teiresias may have played a decisive role during the assault launched by the
Seven against Thebes.⁵⁸ When Creon and Teiresias appear together on stage in
Sophocles’ Antigone, they speak allusively⁵⁹ about a previous occasion in which
Creon saved the city by following the counsel of Teiresias:
Κρέων· τί δ᾽ ἔστιν, ὦ γεραιὲ Τειρεσία, νέον;
Τειρεσίας· ἐγὼ διδάξω, καὶ σὺ τῷ μάντει πιθοῦ.
Κρέων· οὔκουν πάρος γε σῆς ἀπεστάτουν φρενός.
Τειρεσίας· τοιγὰρ δι᾽ ὀρθῆς τήνδ᾽ ἐναυκλήρεις πόλιν.
Κρέων· ἔχω πεπονθὼς μαρτυρεῖν ὀνήσιμα.
Creon: What news do you have, old Teiresias?
Teiresias: I will explain – and you will obey the seer!
Creon: I never shunned your thinking, in the past.
Teiresias: That is why you captained this ship of a city rightly.
Creon: I am a witness, from experience, to your services.⁶⁰
Soph. Ant. 991–995
Modern readers may not fully understand what is meant here because of the allusiveness of the verses.⁶¹ Sophocles presupposes in his audience knowledge of
events that were perhaps recounted in the epic tradition, maybe in a poem as significant as the Thebaid. It has been argued that in that tradition, the soothsayer
could have prophesied that the city would be saved only if a son of Creon died.⁶²
This son would not have been the young Menoeceus, as in Euripides’ Phoenis-
56 See Immisch (1889); Sakellariou (1958) 152–160; Debiasi (forthcoming).
57 See Debiasi (forthcoming), with references to previous bibliography.
58 See Sommerstein (forthcoming).
59 See also 182–183 and especially 1058 (Teiresias to Creon: ἐξ ἐμοῦ γὰρ τήνδ᾽ ἔχεις σώσας πόλιν);
both parallels are mentioned in Sommerstein (forthcoming), the second one in Kamerbeek (1978)
172.
60 The translations of the Antigone are based (with later adaptations) on Gibbons and Segal
(2003).
61 Kamerbeek (1978, 173) explains that these verses allude to the sacrificial death of a son of
Creon, Megareus (see v. 1303): “We have to assume that the audience knew of Megareus’ death as
a well-established fact in the legend”.
62 See Griffith (1999) 350–351; Sommerstein (forthcoming).
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sae, but Megareus, who is mentioned near the end of the play, when a messenger
refers to Eurydice’s words, also in an allusive way:⁶³
κωκύσασα μὲν
τοῦ πρὶν θανόντος Μεγαρέως κλεινὸν λάχος,
αὖθις δὲ τοῦδε, λοίσθιον δὲ σοὶ κακὰς
πράξεις ἐφυμνήσασα τῷ παιδοκτόνῳ.
After she wailed for the empty bed of dead Megareus and for this son, too; and last, she
chanted hymns of evil curses on you, killer of sons.
Soph. Ant. 1302–1305
If Megareus perished pro patria sua in the epic tradition, following Teiresias’
prophecy and, perhaps, the counsel of his father,⁶⁴ this would have been an
emotive and impressive moment. The Athenian public could very well have been
reminded of it by Sophocles’ verses.
The evidence in relation to the Theban epics is therefore scanty and elusive.
Teiresias is assumed to have been mentioned also in a Trojan poem, the Nostoi.
When Proclus (Nost. arg. 7–9 PEG 1) summarizes it, he says strikingly (because
of chronological and thematic reasons) that, after the Trojan War, Teiresias died
and was buried in Colophon: οἱ δὲ περὶ Κάλχαντα καὶ Λεοντέα καὶ Πολυποίτην
πεζῇ πορευθέντες εἰς Κολοφῶνα Τειρεσίαν ἐνταῦθα τελευτήσαντα θάπτουσι,
“The group around Calchas, Leonteus, and Polypeites make their way on foot to
Colophon; Teiresias dies there and they bury him”.⁶⁵ This is most likely a textual
mistake and Teiresias’ name appears instead of Calchas’, as suggested by the
comparison with [Apollodorus] Epit. 6.2: Ἀμφίλοχος δὲ καὶ Κάλχας καὶ Λεοντεὺς
καὶ Ποδαλείριος καὶ Πολυποίτης ἐν Ἰλίῳ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολιπόντες ἐπὶ Κολοφῶνα
πεζῇ πορεύονται, κἀκεῖ θάπτουσι Κάλχαντα τὸν μάντιν, “But Amphilochus, and
Calchas, and Leonteus, and Podalirius, and Polypoetes left their ships in Ilium
and journeyed by land to Colophon, and there buried Calchas the diviner”.⁶⁶
63 Jebb (1888, 231) thought that Megareus and Menoeceus were the same figure. They must be
seen as separate characters according to Sommerstein (forthcoming).
64 See Sommerstein (forthcoming). In the Oedipodeia (fr. 3 GEF), another son of Creon, Haemon
(who in this version, having lived before Oedipus became king of Thebes, clearly could not be
Antigone’s betrothed), had been killed by the Sphinx.
65 West’s translation (2003).
66 Frazer’s translation (1921). See Wilamowitz-Moellendordd (1884) 178; Rzach (1922) 2426;
West (2003) 155; Danek (forthcoming). Mopsus, Teiresias’ grandson, was involved in the death
of Calchas (see n. 29); the next sentence in [Apollodorus’] text (Epit. 6.2) says ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ <sc.,
Κάλχαντι> λόγιον τελευτήσειν, ἐὰν ἑαυτοῦ σοφωτέρῳ περιτύχῃ μάντει.
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It was also to be expected that the Theban seer should be mentioned in the
Telegony, as here Odysseus fulfills what Teiresias prophesies to him in the Nekyia.
The fragments of the poem do not contain any information concerning the soothsayer but Proclus’ summary (Tel. arg. 7–8 PEG 1), supplemented by [Apollodorus’]
Epit. 7.34, says:
ἔπειτα εἰς Ἰθάκην καταπλεύσας τὰς ὑπὸ Τειρεσίου ῥηθείσας τελεῖ θυσίας. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα
εἰς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἀφικνεῖται <καὶ κατὰ τὰς Τειρεσίου μαντείας θυσιάσας ἐξιλάσκεται
Ποσειδῶνα>.
Then he sails back to Ithaca and performs the sacrifices specified by Teiresias. After this he
goes to the land of the Thesprotians <and appeases Poseidon by making sacrifice in accord
with Teiresias’ prophecies>.⁶⁷
The expression employed by Teiresias in the Odyssey when he foretells Odysseus’
death (see Od. 11.134: θάνατος δέ τοι ἐξ ἁλὸς αὐτῷ) was presumably reinterpreted
in the Telegony, which recounts how Telegonus killed his father Odysseus without
knowing their mutual relationship (Tel. arg. 16 PEG 1); according to [Apollodorus]
Epit. 7.36, he did so when he hit Odysseus with his spear, which had at its tip the
barb of a sting ray: καὶ Ὀδυσσέα βοηθοῦντα τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας δόρατι Τηλέγονος
<τρυγόνος> κέντρον τὴν αἰχμὴν ἔχοντι τιτρώσκει, καὶ Ὀδυσσεὺς θνήσκει, “When
Odysseus comes to defend it, he wounds him with the spear he carries, which has
the barb of a sting ray as its point, and Odysseus dies”.⁶⁸
Conjecture is a normal part of analyzing epic fragments. It may be even more
unavoidable still if the scholar turns to shamanic poetry, as our evidence concerning this genre is scarcer still. Notwithstanding this, in the case of the Hesiodic
Melampodia, the situation may not be as disappointing as might be expected.⁶⁹
The poem received its name from the seer Melampus and tells of soothsayers like
Teiresias, Calchas, and Mopsus.⁷⁰ The fragments of the poem contain the first
references to two features of the Theban seer that exceed what may be regarded
as natural.
It was a very well-known story in antiquity that Teiresias was born a man, had
become a woman after watching the intercourse of two snakes, and converted
67 Proclus’ and [Apollodorus’] texts are combined in West’s edition. See West (2003) 166.
68 For this story, its presence in the Telegony and the sense of the intertextual relation that connects the Cyclic poem with the Odyssey, see Ballabriga (1989); Tsagalis (forthcoming).
69 On this poem and Greek shamanic poetry, see Löffler (1963); Huxley (1969) 51–59; Burkert
(1983); Ugolini (1995) 33–65; Dillery (2005) 173–178; Lane Fox (2008) 224–223.
70 See [Hes.] Melamp. fr. 273 M–W (Melampus), frr. 275–276 M–W (Teiresias), fr. 278 M–W (Calchas), frr. 278–279 M–W (Mopsus).
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Teiresias, the Theban Seer
353
again later into a man.⁷¹ It is also well known what came later: Zeus and Hera
argued about the respective pleasure that man and woman take in sexual relations, so they asked Teiresias, the only human being with both experiences. Hera
blinded him when she heard his answer, transmitted in this form in the Hesiodic
Melampodia (fr. 275 M–W)⁷²: οἴην μὲν μοῖραν δέκα μοιρέων τέρπεται ἀνήρ, / τὰς
δέκα δ᾽ ἐμπίπλησι γυνὴ τέρπουσα νόημα, “in only one portion out of ten portions
a man has delight / but the ten a woman fills out, delighting her senses”.⁷³
The supposed life span of the Theban seer is also extraordinary, seven generations according to the Melampodia (fr. 276 M–W): μακρόν γέ μ’ ἔθηκας ἔχειν
αἰῶνα βίοιο / ἑπτά τ’ ἐπὶ ζώειν γενεὰς μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, “you who established
that I would have a long period of life / and live as long as seven generations of
speech-endowed human beings”.⁷⁴ This transgenerational span of Teiresias as
a character enables him to know, as already noted above, the reigns of all the
Theban kings from Cadmus to Laodamas. This feature is directly linked to his
special status as a shaman: Teiresias’ longevity and clairvoyance are presented
in the texts as compensations Zeus or Athena granted him for his blindness.⁷⁵
Longevity is typical for other shamans or shaman-like figures, as in the case of
the Cretan Epimenides, who was supposed to have lived almost three hundred
years.⁷⁶
The Odyssey does not speak about the transsexual experiences of Teiresias,
nor does it speak about a human being living seven times the life of a normal man.
This silence is not surprising if the selective character of the Homeric mythology,
which usually avoids stories of this kind,⁷⁷ is taken into account, as is clear from
the case of the birth of Helen. “Homer” does not speak, like the Cypria,⁷⁸ about
71 For different approaches to the transsexual experiences of Teiresias, see Delcourt (1958);
Loraux (1989); Brisson (1997).
72 For the alternative version of Teiresias’ blindness (Athena blinded him when he saw her
naked), see Pherec. fr. 92 EGM; Callim. Lav. Pall. 75–84; Nonn. Dion. 5.337–345.
73 The translations of the Melampodia are those of Most (2007). The fragment is only cited and
translated according to [Apollod.] 3.6.7; see also Σ Lyc. 2.226 (Scheer).
74 The three first verses of this fragment include the lament of Teiresias, who complains about
his long life: Ζεῦ πάτερ, εἴθε μοι εἴθ’ ἥσσω μ’ αἰῶνα βίοιο / ὤφελλες δοῦναι καὶ ἴσα φρεσὶ μήδεα
ἴδμεν / θνητοῖς ἀνθρώποις· νῦν δ’ οὐδέ με τυτθὸν ἔτισας.
75 On the relationship between bisexuality and divination, see Delcourt (1958) 33–43; DuplainMichel (1991); Brisson (1997) 111–112; Loraux (1989), (2010). There may be also a relationship
between clairvoyance (wisdom) and longevity (vitality), as Nagler (1980, 103) notes.
76 See FGrHist 457 T 1, 2, 4 d; Dodds (1951) 140–147; West (1983) 45–53.
77 This was the general thesis of Griffin (1977), a contribution which explored the differences
between “Homer” and the Cyclic epic. For its critics, see Ballabriga (1989) 301 n. 17; see also
Tsagalis (2011a) 214–217.
78 See fr. 10 GEF.
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Zeus turning into a swan to seduce Nemesis, who had transformed herself into
a goose. In the Cypria, the goose (Nemesis) laid an egg after being impregnated
by Zeus; Leda later got the egg and hatched it until Helen was born.⁷⁹ Whether
or not the poet of the Odyssey knew myths like this and preferred to overlook
them is another matter. A tenuous hint indicates that this could be the case of the
transsexual Teiresias. However, at the very least, it should be noted that the long
speech he utters in the Odyssey (Od. 11.100–137) opens the way to the Catalogue
of Women (Od. 11.225–330), preceded by the dialogue of Odysseus and Anticleia
(Od. 11.152–224). It seems coherent with the feature under discussion here: Teiresias, a man who had also been a woman, as the audience was probably aware,
introduces into the masculine world of the Homeric heroes the feminine elements that have prompted surprise among analytical scholars.⁸⁰ If the audience
was aware of the story of the transsexual Teiresias, it would have remembered,
despite the Homeric silence, that the seer had been once a Theban woman that
could have had theoretically a place of its own in this catalogue.
As regards the visual arts, it seems surprising that Teiresias, such a traditional figure in the Theban legend from our point of view, simply does not feature
in archaic iconography: he appears depicted for the first time ca. 450 BC in a red
figure crater, in which King Oedipus receives, seated on his throne, the visit of the
seer.⁸¹ In a similar chronology (fifth century BC, second third) Teiresias was also
represented in Delphi in Polygnotus’ Nekyia.⁸² Later, there are some illustrations
that show Odysseus consulting the dead Teiresias. The author may have had in
mind the scene narrated in the Nekyia, as in the case with a well-known crater
(ca. 380 BC), the work of the Dolon Painter, on which Odysseus is sitting, holding
a sword, and staring at Teiresias, whose face emerges from beneath the earth.⁸³
There are only fourteen ancient representations of the Theban seer according to
the LIMC.
The question is how this silence concerning Teiresias is to be interpreted.
Clearly, what is being dealt with once again here is an argument ex silentio. Therefore, Teiresias’ absence from iconography might be the result of fragmentary evidence. Meanwhile, it cannot be denied that this silence is not what might have
been expected a priori, just as the fact that the Theban seer features so poorly in
the archaic fragmentary epics is likewise unexpected, in light of an analysis of
79 See Griffin (1977) 40, 48; Currie (forthcoming).
80 See n. 38.
81 Teiresias 10 LIMC. See Schmidt (1982); Schefold and Jung (1989) 61; Zimmermann (1997)
1190–1191.
82 Teiresias 1 LIMC; see Paus. 10.28.1, 29.8.
83 Teiresias 11 LIMC; see Zimmermann (1997) 1190–1191.
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Teiresias, the Theban Seer
355
his outstanding appearance in the Odyssey. It is interesting to draw a comparison
and recall that other soothsayers like Melampus or Mopsus are poorly attested
in iconography, as is also the case with Calchas despite the role he plays in the
Iliad.⁸⁴
Provisional Conclusions
The archaic evidence concerning Teiresias has been reviewed and analyzed in
this paper. In an another work (1995), I have suggested that the Odyssey could
presuppose in its audience a knowledge of Teiresias through epic poetry; at the
same time, that study also acknowledged that the scanty cyclic fragments did
not allow definitive proof of this point.⁸⁵ A new examination of the evidence and
a broader sample of materials can lead now to new conclusions or at least can
suggest some provisional considerations.
In the first instance, it must be stressed that, because of the lack of evidence,
it would be conjectural to affirm that the audience of the Odyssey knew Teiresias through specific epic poems (e.g., the oral forms of the Oedipodeia or the
Thebaid).⁸⁶ Meanwhile, it may be argued that the rejection of this possibility is
based on an argument ex silentio. But it is superfluous to explain in this way the
knowledge of Teiresias presupposed in the audience of the Nekyia when the seer
is so clearly attested to in another archaic genre that seems to have been his original “home”, dactylic shamanic poetry.⁸⁷ It should be noted that, when Teiresias
appears in the Odyssey, the role he may have played as the counselor to Laius or
his son is irrelevant. In the Homeric poem, he is characterized as the “Theban”
Teiresias, which connects him to the city, not with the Labdacids; he is even “lord
Teiresias” (Τειρεσίαο ἄνακτος). In the archaic period, the evidence speaks of him
above all as the protagonist of shamanic poetry, which cannot preclude of course
84 Melampus is attested in 9 items according to the LIMC (see Simon 1992a), Mopsus in 4 (see
Simon 1992b); in relation to Melampus, Simon (1992a, 409) observes: “Die Darstellungen der
Bildkunst entsprechen nicht seiner Popularität”. Calchas appears in 28 items, the oldest (Kalchas 8 LIMC) dating to the fifth century BC; see Saldino (1990) 934: “La fortuna iconografica di
Kalchas appare … relativamente recente”.
85 See Torres (1995) 73–74.
86 This idea was central to the approach of Neoanalysis adopted by Torres (1995). See also
n. 41 and Torres (forthcoming).
87 A modification to Tsagalis (2011a, 236) is being proposed here: Homeric poetry interacted
not only with other epic song-traditions – it may also have interacted with other dactylic songtraditions.
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356
José Torres
his occasional appearance in Theban epics, just as Calchas did in the Iliad. The
absence of iconography seems to be another feature shared with figures like
Calchas, Melampus, and Mopsus.
It is usual to speak about Teiresias as the mythical mediator who resolves
contradictions. He is the one who mediates between man and woman, between
human beings and gods,⁸⁸ between what is divine and profane, between past and
future, between life and death. Some of these mediations do not appear in the
Homeric poems, or at least they may be only hinted at, as in the conjectural case
of the transsexual Teiresias. At a thematic level, it is also interesting to discover
in the Homeric Teiresias the figure who mediates between different sagas, who
can establish a link between the Trojan complex and the Theban one, possibly
because of his shamanic “potential”. The possibility of linking this fact with the
Pan-Hellenic cultural policy of the Odyssey should also be taken into account.⁸⁹
Having made my finishing remarks, let me briefly revisit the adjective with
which my analysis began: Θηβαῖος. A student of Wolfgang Kullmann told me in
1991 that this could mean that Teiresias was “the man from the Thebaid”.⁹⁰ Such
a proposal is suggestive but improbable⁹¹ and open to discussion from the point
of view of grammar, as “the man from the Thebaid” would have been called not
Θηβαῖος but probably θηβαϊδικός. Therefore, it seems that Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο
cannot mean “Teiresias, the man from the Thebaid”, but it could mean perhaps
“Teiresias, the man of the Theban saga”, though its ultimate meaning was, most
likely, “Teiresias, the shaman of Thebes”.
88 Also between human beings and animals, as is usual in the case of other shamans in ancient
Greece (Melampus: see [Apollod.] Bibl. 1.9.11–12) and many other cultures. For Teiresias’ special
relationship with snakes and birds, see above.
89 On Homeric poetry and Pan-Hellenism, see the general considerations of Tsagalis (2011a)
236–237.
90 This is a proposal made by a student (Markus Klämt) in the seminar “Motivgeschichtliche
Probleme in der Homerforschung (Neoanalyse)” conducted by Kullmann in Freiburg (Germany).
See Torres (1995) 73, n. 150.
91 There are no mentions to the titles of poems in archaic poetry, probably not before Herodotus;
see Davison (1968) 79.
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TC 2014; 6(2): 452–467
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DOI 10.1515/tc-2014-0024
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