Journal of Latinos and Education
ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hjle20
Looking in the Shadows: Literature on
Undocumented Latinx Students with Disabilities
Carlos E. Lavín & Grace L. Francis
To cite this article: Carlos E. Lavín & Grace L. Francis (2022): Looking in the Shadows: Literature
on Undocumented Latinx Students with Disabilities, Journal of Latinos and Education, DOI:
10.1080/15348431.2022.2149529
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2022.2149529
Published online: 28 Nov 2022.
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JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2022.2149529
Looking in the Shadows: Literature on Undocumented Latinx
Students with Disabilities
Carlos E. Lavín
a
and Grace L. Francis
b
a
School of Education, Health and Human Performance, College of Charleston; bCollege of Education and Human
Development, George Mason University
ABSTRACT
KEYWORDS
FERPA (1974) privacy laws protect undocumented Latinx learners with disabilities (ULWD) from disclosing their immigration status. The right to maintain anonymity provided by FERPA, however, potentially results in challenges
in identifying and supporting the unique needs ULWD in home and school
environments. Due, in part, to a lack of information, school professionals may
view ULWD from deficit perspective perpetuated by the dominant narrative.
In an effort to uncover what does exist within the literature of ULWD and
better understand their experiences in school systems, the purpose of this
review was to bring to light the available peer-reviewed and dissertation
research about ULWD published in the U.S. between 2002 and 2021. Three
research questions guided this review: (1) What was the purpose of research
studies concerning ULWD? (2) Who were the participants, what were the
research methods, and theoretical frameworks used? and (3) What were the
common themes across the studies? Findings indicate that there is little
research addressing the needs of ULWD and their family caregivers, with
existing literature consistently calling for further research on this population.
Implications for future research are discussed.
Undocumented; Latinx;
disability; education;
student; discrimination
Often, immigrants and minorities in U.S. schools are seen through a deficit lens, using language,
policies, and practices that blame student failure on the inherent characteristics of a student, their
culture, or their home and community environments (Palmer & Witanapatirana, 2020). This
deficit lens is perpetuated and reinforced by the U.S. dominant narrative. A dominant narrative is
an explanation or story that is told in service of the dominant social group’s interests and
ideologies, one that usually achieves dominance through repetition, not truth (Mignolo, 2009).
Because dominant narratives are normalized through repetition, they have the illusion of being
objective and neutral, when in reality their purpose is to maintain the status quo of one social
group’s dominance over others (Mignolo, 2009). Since the beginning of immigration into the
U.S., the dominant narrative focused on pre-conceived racial differences that established who was
allowed into the country and who was not (Dolmage, 2011). In the case of Latinx1 immigrants
(one of the fastest growing populations in the United States; Ortega et al., 2020), the dominant
CONTACT Carlos E. Lavín
lavince@cofc.edu
School of Education, Health and Human Performance, College of Charleston, 86
Wentworth Street, Room 320, Charleston, SC 29424, USA
1
In this paper the term Latinx refers to anyone who identifies as Latino, Latina, Chicano, Chicana, and/or Hispanic. The authors chose
this term based on the work of LatCrit scholar Francisco Valdes (1996) and Xicana feminist scholars Soto and colleagues (2009).
Valdes (1996) explains the importance of focusing on “shared aspirations and common purposes as a way to join like-minded
forces from groups or communities that may be otherwise grouped in along divisive characteristics in an effort to work on projects
or ideas that benefit a Latino coalition (p. 28). Additionally, Soto and her colleagues (2009) provide a series of valid arguments for
the use of Latinx to include, rather than exclude, people in the margins, or at identity intersections. Further, the “x” represents the
possibility of reflection and ability of questioning current realities and definitions, allowing for change or modification, as needed
(Soto et al., 2009). Therefore, the use of the term Latinx is meant to include and welcome as many people as possible, rather than to
exclude people in the margins or at an intersection of identities.
© 2022 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
2
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
narrative continues to perpetuate that Latinx immigrants are only fit for field labor (Sanchez,
1993), Latinx students are at risk for learning disabilities (Baker et al., 2018), and that Latinx
parents are uninvolved in the education of their students (Achola & Greene, 2016). Further, the
dominant narrative on undocumented immigrants continues to portray them as dirty, uneducated, lazy, and criminal (Gonzalez, 2019). These baseless and damaging narratives continue to
negatively impact Latinx families and Latinx students in public schools, especially those who are
undocumented as they have historically been marginalized or segregated by the education system,
the dominant culture, and even their Latinx peers who are documented (Valenzuela, 1999).
Similarly, the dominant narrative about individuals with disabilities justifies their exclusion or
segregation from society based on the idea that a disability makes an individual abnormal and,
therefore, bad (Annamma et al., 2017). For students with disabilities this translates to teachers
and administrators maintaining low academic expectations and providing substandard educational services (Timmons et al., 2011). As one may imagine, students with intersecting identities,
such as immigration status, disability, or country of origin, are at a higher risk of marginalization by the dominant narrative and unjust social systems (Annamma et al., 2013; Artiles,
2013). For example, undocumented Latinx learners with disabilities (ULWD) and their family
caregivers are continuously placed in “double jeopardy;” as they experience difficulty accessing
disability services students require while also struggling to navigate legal battles over immigration status (Francis et al., 2019, p. 29). This “double jeopardy” further perpetuated by a general
paucity of information and strategies on how to support ULWD (Lavín, 2020). However, what is
known from the scant literature on emerging bilingual Latinx students including dismal test
scores compared to any other sub-group across grade levels (Lavín et al., 2020; NCES, 2018) and
a series of compounded barriers to learning due to language barriers, fear of deportation, posttraumatic stress disorder (American Psychological Association, Presidential Task Force on
Immigration, 2012).
Although it is mandatory for all children under the age of 18 to attend public school in most
U.S. states, regardless of their immigration status in the U.S. (Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 1982),
identifying ULWD in schools is akin to looking in the shadows: one knows ULWD are there, but they
are not readily identifiable. This is, due, in part, to Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 1974
(FERPA, 1974). FERPA precludes school administrators, teachers, staff, and other officials from
inquiring about the immigration status of students or the parents of students enrolled in public
schools (FERPA, 1974; Mallet et al., 2017). This privacy law is essential for the education, wellbeing,
and protection of immigrant students (Mallet et al., 2017). Due to these regulations, however,
information about undocumented immigrants is not consistently available (e.g., the number of
undocumented students in schools, the needs of undocumented students and their families, perspectives of undocumented students regarding school; Padía & Traxler, 2021).
While student privacy and safety are paramount, understanding the experiences, barriers,
and successes of ULWD can provide critical information for educators to better serve this
population and inform systems change in support of immigrant students. Further, learning
from family caregivers of ULWD may offer unique, introspective perspectives related to their
children’s experiences, as well as their own interactions with education professionals. A review
of literature related to ULWD has the potential to provide future directions for research that
will benefit ULWD across the U.S. In addition, it is important to recognize how ULWD are
portrayed in the literature to determine if existing literature fuels the dominant narrative (thus
hindering progress among ULWD) or challenges the dominant narrative. As a result, the
purpose of this review was to bring to light the available research on ULWD in the U.S and
how ULWD are portrayed in the literature. Research questions that guided this study include:
(1) What was the purpose of research studies concerning ULWD? (2) Who were the participants, what were the research methods, and theoretical frameworks used? and (3) What were
the common themes across the studies?
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
3
Theoretical framework
The act of conducting research is often considered a neutral process. However, as Jensen (2006)
explains, attempts to maintain neutrality denotes one’s choice of adhering to the status quo (or the
dominant narrative). We used Critical Race Theory (CRT) to guide our analysis and thought process
in an effort to resist harm caused by the dominant narrative. Solórzano and Yosso (2001), propose five
themes that encompass how CRT can be applied in education: (1) the centrality of race and racism and
their intersectionality with other forms of subordination, (2) the challenge to dominant ideologies, (3)
the commitment to social justice, (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and (5) the transdisciplinary discipline- work to answer the questions of what CRT does, why it does it, and how it is done
(Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). We primarily focus on second theme: challenging the dominant
ideology, as the dominant narrative in the U.S. positions whiteness as normative, resulting in
individuals who do not hold “white” identities being pushed to the margins of society. In education,
CRT challenges the notions of objectivity, meritocracy, color blindness, gender blindness, race and
gender neutrality, and equal opportunity (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001), stating that any suggestion of
these previous claims is a camouflage for the self-interest, power, and privilege of dominant groups in
the United States (e.g., students who fail are not measuring up to our standards; there must be
something wrong with them).
Methods
Using CRT as a theoretical framework, the research questions guiding the literature review were: (1)
What was the purpose of research studies concerning ULWD? (2) Who were the participants, what
were the research methods, and theoretical frameworks used? and (3) What were the common themes
across the studies?
Inclusionary and exclusionary criteria
The authors used three inclusionary criteria to identify relevant students for this review. First, the
research team considered only peer-reviewed manuscripts and dissertations that focused on the needs
and experiences of ULWD to ensure we captured empirical research-based information on this
population and on the experiences and perspectives of family caregivers of ULWD, as these individuals have a profound influence on the lives of their children and are required members of their
children’s Individualized Education Program at school. Second, we reviewed literature published in
the U.S. to maintain consistency regarding the standard education system and expectations among
study participants. Third, we selected literature published between 2002 to 2021 because after No
Child Left Behind came into effect in 2001, state agencies were required to disaggregate the scores of
their state assessment by special education services and English Language Services, thus, providing
more clarity on the achievement of different populations within grade level, school level, and district
level data (Lavín, 2020).
Due to the scarcity of published work on undocumented immigrants with disabilities, the authors
had few exclusionary criteria. The exclusionary criteria focused on country of origin discarding
manuscripts about non-Latinx immigrants because (a) 77% of U.S. immigrants are from Latin
American countries (Lopez et al., 2021) and (b) represent greatest number of undocumented status.
Studies that occurred in U.S. and in other countries but did not parse out data by country or did not
disaggregate by immigration status were also discarded.
Search procedures
The research team conducted searchers the following academic databases: Academic Search Complete,
Anthropology Plus, Educational Administration abstracts, ERIC, Essay and General Literature Index
4
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
(H.W. Wilson), Family Studies Abstracts, Fuente Académica, Legal Collection, LGBT Life with Full Text,
MedicLatina, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, Teacher Reference Center, Women’s
Studies International. The authors used following combination of search terms: (“undocumented
students” OR “UIs” OR “illegal immigra*” or “Latinos” or “Hispanics” or “Chicanos” or “Latinas”
or “Mexican” or “Latinx” AND “special education” or “special needs” or “disabilities” or “autism” or
“learning disabilities”) due to the nature of the topic and differing terminology used to describe
ULWD. This search yielded a total of 24 articles and four dissertations. In addition, the authors
conducted a search using Psych Info with the terms suggested by the APA thesaurus: “Latino/Latinas”
AND “disability” AND “immigration,” which yielded zero results. The authors amended the search
term to “Latinos” from “Latino/Latina,” and the new search yielded 26 results. The authors discarded
duplicate results across databases, resulting in a total of 54 documents to review.
The authors then screened the titles and abstracts of all 54 articles using the inclusion criteria,
resulting in 35 articles and four dissertations left for full text review. Next, the authors applied the
inclusionary criteria of mentioning undocumented students with disabilities in the title or abstract,
resulting in a total of 15 documents for review. Given the low number of articles that met criteria to be
considered for full review, the authors determined to re-run the search with expanded dates (i.e.,
1990–2021) and also conducted an ancestral search of the 15 articles that met inclusionary criteria in
the first round of searching with the aim of gathering additional materials to review. This process
yielded five additional articles and one organization report. After applying study criteria, 15 articles
and four dissertations met inclusionary criteria. Finally, the authors conducted a full article review of
the final 19 publications, reading the complete article or dissertation and excluding any that did not
focus on undocumented students or children of undocumented parents receiving services for special
education. This process resulted in four studies and two dissertations that met the inclusion criteria.
The authors then conducted one last search in December 2021 before submitting this manuscript and
found two recently published articles that met the inclusion criteria. In total, the search results
included six peer-reviewed articles and two dissertations (see, Figure 1 for a flowchart explaining
the inclusion and exclusion criteria).
Findings
This section presents results in alignment with study research questions to highlight the scarcity of
literature available on ULWD and provide an opportunity to compare the different research
approaches taken. Further, this approached also may allow for deeper insight into the theoretical
frameworks that authors are currently using when addressing ULWD. Eight peer-reviewed articles or
dissertations met the inclusion criteria for this literature review. Table 1 displays the articles that met
all criteria. In this section, we present the results of the literature review by answering the questions: (1)
What was the purpose of research studies concerning ULWD? (2) Who were the participants, what
were the research methods, and theoretical frameworks used? and (3) What were the common themes
among study findings?
Purpose of research
Padía and Traxler (2021) examined the experiences of two ninth grade ULWD, one female and one
male, at the intersection of immigration status and disability. Additionally, Annamma (2013) examined the intersectional identities that impacted the experience of one ULWD in the juvenile system.
Annamma (2013) focused on the lived experiences of one participant in a juvenile detention center,
and how the intersectionality of race, disability, and social status interfered with the participant’s
wellbeing. Although the study was not conducted in a traditional public education setting, it provided
readers an example of how immigration status plays a central role on the lives of ULWD. The
participant related how she was afraid of being deported, how she did not trust authority, the low
expectations staff had from her, and the lack of disability-related support. Padía and Traxler (2021)
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
5
Figure 1. Flowchart of search results for literature on ULWD.
explored the intersectional experiences of two ninth-graders, one male, one female, when dealing with
their disability and their immigration status. One student had legal status, but came from a mixed
status family, while the other student was undocumented. The researchers focused on the unwritten
rules of transitioning to post-secondary education and the burdensome, and inequitable responsibility
being placed on the shoulders of ULWDs and their families pertaining financial assistance to pay for
a college education.
The other six studies (Author, 2018, 2019; Alvarado, 2004; Cioè-Peña, 2020; Morales, 2015; MoraLopez, 2016) examined the experiences of undocumented parents of children with disabilities.
Alvarado (2004) examined the experiences of undocumented Latinx parents trying to provide services
for their infant with disabilities. Two articles (Francis et al., 2018, 2019) examined the experiences of
family caregivers (some of whom were undocumented) of students with severe disabilities as their
children transitioned from school into adulthood. Specifically, Francis et al. (2018) focused on
understanding the experiences of Latinx caregivers in supporting their family members with disabilities to achieve positive postschool outcomes, while the Francis et al. (2019) focused on understanding
the contextual factors that influence Latinx family systems as their young adult family members with
6
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
Table 1. Articles that met literature review criteria on ULWD.
Authors
Annamma
(2013).
Participants
1 ULWD female in juvenile
detention center
2 undocumented mothers with
children receiving speech
services
Cioè-Peña, 3 Mexican undocumented
(2021)
mothers of emerging
bilinguals with a disability
Alvarado
(2004).
*Francis et 12 Latina mothers with family
members between the ages of
al.
14–25 who had a disability
(2018)
* Francis et 12 Latina mothers with family
al.
members between the ages of
(2019)
14–25 who had a disability
MoraLopez
(2016).
Morales
(2015).
Padía and
Traxler
(2021)
5 undocumented parents of
children with special needs
Topics of Articles
ULWD
Method
Case Study
Undocumented parents
of students with
disabilities
Undocumented mothers
of emerging
bilinguals labeled as
disabled (EBLAD)
Latinx parents, some
who are
undocumented
immigrants, of
students with
disabilities
Latinx parents, some
who are
undocumented
immigrants, of
students with
disabilities
Undocumented parents
of students with
disabilities
Undocumented parents
of students with
disabilities
Phenomenological
analysis
8 undocumented Latino (6 from
Mexico, 1 from Peru, 1 from El
Salvador) parents (2 male, 6
female) of children with
disabilities
1 female ULWD ninth grade
Ninth grade Latinx
student &1 male, documented
students one
ninth grade student from
undocumented, one
a mixed status family
from a mixed
immigration status
family
Conceptual
Participants
Framework
(n)
Critical race theory,
1
and its branches
FemCrit, LatCrit,
and DisCrit
Constructivist
2
Testimonios
Constructivist
3
Interpretative
analysis
Interviews
Constructivist
Bronfenbrenner
PPCVT
13
Interpretative
Analysis
Interviews
DisCrit, Linguistic
Human Rights
theory
13
Interviews
Grounded Theory
8
Qualitative
Critical
narrative inquiry
5
Interviews
2
Undocu-Crit &
DisCrit
disabilities transition from high school to adulthood. It is important to note that the main purpose of
these two studies was not related to immigration status, however, this information emerged during
interviews conducted by the researchers as several participants disclosed their immigration status.
Cioè-Peña (2020) explored reasons why undocumented mothers of emerging bilingual students with
disabilities chose to stay in the U.S. even though they know they felt unwelcomed.
Two studies were dissertations (Morales, 2015; Mora-Lopez, 2016). Mora-Lopez (2016) investigated the experiences of Latinx undocumented immigrant parents and their access to services for their
children with Autism. The author wanted to examine how being undocumented, monolingual, and
having a child with a diagnosed disability hindered the parents’ ability to advocate for their children
and the services their children needed (Mora-Lopez, 2016). Morales (2015) studied the involvement
barriers undocumented Mexican parents of students with disabilities faced in schools in California in
effort to develop a grounded theory regarding the perceived or experienced barriers by these families.
Participants, research methods, and frameworks
Participants
Study participants included (a) an ULWD in the juvenile system (Annamma, 2013), (b) two undocumented Mexican mothers (Alvarado, 2004), (c) Latinx female caregivers from Mexico, Salvador, and
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
7
Puerto Rican- some of whom were undocumented (Francis et al., 2018, 2019); (d) undocumented
Mexican mothers of learners with disabilities (Cioè-Peña, 2021); (e) undocumented Latinx immigrant
mothers and fathers (Mora-Lopez, 2016), (f) undocumented Mexican mothers (Morales, 2015), and
(g) and one high school ULWD and one documented high school student with a disability from
a mixed-immigration-status family (Padía & Traxler, 2021).
Research methods and frameworks
All studies used qualitative methods and each researcher described establishing trusting relationships
with participants prior to engaging in research (e.g., Alvarado, 2004 listened to participants tell their
stories and validated their experiences). Annamma (2013) utilized case study design. This case study
involved in-depth phenomenological interviews with the ULWD in the juvenile system, classroom
observations, analysis of school records, and data analysis with the participant. Padía and Traxler
(2021) also used case study to conduct and analyze interviews, case notes, and memos of two ninth
grade students (one undocumented, one from a mixed status family) better understand their educational experiences
Alvarado (2004) utilized phenomenological designed to engage in in-depth interviews with the two
undocumented mothers of children with disabilities, participant observations, and an analysis of
archival documentation from copies of each family’s Individual Family Service Plan, meeting minutes
from the early intervention program, utility bills, photographs, and informational brochures about the
early intervention program. In both articles by Francis et al. (2018, 2019), the authors used a basic
interpretative design. In each article, multiple rounds of interviews occurred. In the first round of
interviews, all 13 Latinx family caregivers were interviewed. For the second round, six of the 13
participants were selected due to their children’s transition-related milestones such as graduating from
high school. For the third round, four of the six participants interviewed in round two were interviewed again. Cioè-Peña (2021) engaged in in-depth interviews with participants to create
Testimonios- a long-standing methodological approach in Latin America, based on the idea that
“storytelling is an intentional political act” (p. 9).
Mora-Lopez (2016) used narrative inquiry design via in-depth interviews to document and
examine the experiences of undocumented Mexican mothers regarding their access to services for
their children with Autism. As Mora Lopez explained, this method was necessary to preserve the
participant’s experiences intact (i.e., without the influence from the author). Morales (2015) used
grounded theory to examine barriers undocumented Mexican mothers faced when attempting to
become involved in the education of their children with disabilities. Comparing open-ended interview
data from the participants and research memos written during the interviews, Morales then formulated the Gantlet Theory, which demonstrated the phenomenon of advocating school system while
simultaneously avoiding agitating figures of authority.
Three authors utilized a framework in the design and/or analysis of their study. Annamma (2013)
and Padía and Traxler (2021) used Critical Race Theory (CRT) and some of its branches (i.e., Feminist
Critical Theory, LatCrit, Disability Critical Theory, UndocuCrit) to analyze the intersectional identities and education experiences among their participants. Francis et al. (2019) applied
Bronfenbrenner’s (2005) Person–Process–Context–Time (PPCT) model to organize participant data
and called for a to critical approach to further research with this population including Critical Race
theory and LatCrit. Like Author (2019), Mora-Lopez (2016) used Bronfenbrenner’s PPCT model as
a framework for data analysis. Morales (2015) developed the Gantlet Theory as a result of their study
which may be used to inform future research.
Common themes across study findings
The eight studies in this review shared four common themes: (1) the myth that parents are not engaged
in their children’s education, (2) a fear of authorities and deportation, (3) the use of a deficit
perspective, (4) language barriers and discrimination.
8
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
The myth that parents are not engaged in their children’s education
Each studies articulated the problem that arose from school personnel believing Latinx parents are
not engaged in the education of their children. For example, Alvarado (2004) described how a lack
of cultural understanding among educators and service providers resulting in professional judgments based on assumptions that did not match the families’ reality. As another example, Alvarado
(2004) and Francis et al. (2018, 2019) expressed how participants’ undocumented status interfered
with their quality of life and ability to earn decent wages for their families, even if they were
working two or three jobs. These long work hours often prevented parents from attending school
events, and parents were labeled as disinterested instead of hard working. Cioè -Peña (2021)
provided an example when participants knew they are not welcomed in the U.S. and afraid that
if deported, their children will be taken away from them; and yet they stayed. They knew that the
quality of special education and disability services their children received in schools was far superior
to the quality of services in their home country. Overall, participants in these studies wanted to
provide the best disability services possible to their children, but due to their economic reality and
job requirements, they were not always able to pay for services or attend meetings with school
personnel.
A fear of authorities and deportation
The fear of deportation and authorities was a stressor in the daily lives of participants and interfered
with may study participants’ ability to trust and interact with education professionals. For example,
Annamma (2013) described the ULWD “cheeking her meds” (p. 36) (i.e., taking all of her medication
at once) to cope with the stress and fear of being deported to an unknown country without her family.
Similarly, Francis et al. (2019) described an undocumented participant considering asking a close
Latnix friend who was a U.S. citizen to adopt her child so that he may continue to receive disability
services if the participant was deported. Many participants in Francis et al. (2018; 2019) also avoided
requesting services or interacting with school professionals for fear of deportation. Similarly, CioèPeña’s participants commented on the fear of being deported and not having someone to take care of
their children since their children were born in the U.S. (2021). Further, Alvarado (2004) described
how participant fear of deportation impacted every aspect of their lives, even more so than having
a child with a disability.
The use of a deficit perspective
Study participants often observed service providers treating their child inadequately. For example,
(Francis et al., 2018) some participants described their young adult children coming home from school
with soiled menstrual pads and/or soiled clothing. Francis et al. (2019) also documented participants
describing decreased participation in school activities among their young adults due frequent, harsh
punishments. Annamma (2013) related how her ULWD participant was seen as a criminal by her
teachers, instead of a valued individual who was worth investing in. In addition, Annamma discussed
a lack of cultural awareness among detention center staff and captured the participant’s tumultuous
feelings coping with her disability, immigration status, and detention amidst an environment that did
not value any of her identities and maintained low expectations for her post-detention. Further,
Francis et al. (2018) mentioned that, in some instances, participants were seen through the deficit lens
as “too disabled to qualify for services” (p. 345), resulting in distrust from the family toward disability
service providers and poor outcomes among their children with disabilities. Moreover, Morales (2015)
described how educators adopted a deficit perspective when working with the participants’ children.
For instance, one participant mentioned that one of his son’s teachers told him his child did not belong
in school because he was not performing at grade level without taking the child’s first language or
disability into account. Further, Padía and Traxler (2021) described how school counselors assumed
undocumented students were not college-bound and denied them any college-related information.
Additionally, Morales (2015) explained how participants in his study felt discriminated and talked
down to by service personnel.
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
9
Language barriers and discrimination
Language was a perceived barrier across studies. For instance, participants across all studies
reported difficulty communicating with school personnel due to a lack of interpreters. Parent
participants also felt that school and medical personnel discriminated against them; as seen
through disrespect for participants’ culture, denial of services, questioning the legal status of
participants, and/or intimidation. Participants in Alvarado’s (2004) study, for example, described
discrimination by service providers once they found out participants could not speak English well.
Further, Author (2018) described participants losing trust of educators after feeling they were
being discriminated against because educators were intentionally not returning phone calls and not
providing interpreters for meetings. Francis et al. (2019) also described participants feeling
discriminated against for speaking Spanish as a first language. On the other hand, Cioè-Peña’s
participants recognized that the language barrier was a barrier and source of discrimination, but
they also used it to teach their children about their Mexican heritage and instill pride in them for
having Mexican parents.
Discussion
The literature review sought to answer the following questions: (1) What was the purpose of research
studies concerning ULWD, (2) Who were the participants and what methods and theoretical frameworks were used, and (3) What were the common themes across the studies?
Two studies in the review (Annamma, 2013; Padía & Traxler, 2021), included ULWD as participants. Only one study included in this review, however, investigated the direct experiences of ULWDs
in K-12 education settings: Padía and Traxler (2021) and Annamma (2013). The remaining six studies
examined the experiences of Latinx parents- some of whom were undocumented and parented
ULWD. Because of the range in educational experiences (e.g., disabilities, ages, geographic locations)
of the participant’s children, the studies in this review provide a broad insight into the experiences of
undocumented Latinx parents of children with disabilities. These articles highlighted the need for
more research that addresses the needs of K-12 ULWD, as well as more research focused on directly
learning from ULWD.
Participants, and research methods and theoretical frameworks used
Within the literature reviewed, all studies used qualitative methods and each researcher described
establishing trusting relationships with participants prior to engaging in research. Out of all the
literature reviewed, there was only one study that examined the educational experience of ULWD in
public schools (Padía & Traxler, 2021), and only two that examined the educational experiences of
ULWD in general (Annamma, 2013; Padía & Traxler, 2021). With approximately one million undocumented immigrant students attending public schools, with 70% of immigration being Latinx,
understanding the educational experiences of ULWD is essential. Study participants included an
adolescent female (Annamma, 2013), one ninth grade ULWD female student and one ninth grade
male student from a mixed status family (Padía & Traxler, 2021), undocumented parents with children
with disabilities (Alvarado, 2004; Morales, 2015; Mora-Lopez, 2016), and undocumented parents of
young adults with disabilities (Francis et al., 2018, 2019).
ULWD and the children of family caregivers ages ranged from infancy to young adulthood. The
number of Mexican immigrants who participated in the research featured in this literature review was
unsurprising, as this is the largest Latinx immigrant population in the U.S (Lopez et al., 2021). It is,
however, important to consider the experiences other Latinx populations given the diversity of Latinx
communities in the U.S. For example, in Florida most Latinx immigrants identify as Cuban and
Venezuelan, in Massachusetts they identify as Dominican, and in Washington D.C. most Latinx
immigrants identify as Salvadorian (Ennis et al., 2011). The cultural differences among Latinx
immigrants are vast and well-documented (Artiles, 2013; Valdes, 1996), yet research on educational
10
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
experiences of Latinx students is limited and often presents Latinx immigrants as a homogeneous
population.
Although the designs differed, all studies used qualitative methods. This is somewhat unsurprising,
as qualitative research is used for richly understanding and making meaning of human experiences,
including researchers taking a critical approach (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Further, most qualitative
research allows researchers to be responsive to participant needs; respecting the participants’ need for
privacy, and allowing participants to express themselves in numerous, preferred ways. By selecting the
appropriate design such as Testimonios, narrative inquiry, participatory action research, case study
and maintaining a flexible, adaptive approach to a study. This flexibility allows for the adjusting of
questions in semi-structured protocols, or varying approaches to analysis (Yin, 2016). Further, all
authors highlighted building trust with participants as an important step prior to engaging in data
collection. As Alvarado (2004) mentioned, it is the duty of researchers to represent participants “with
dignity” (p. 528). Due to the nature of the topic and the trust needed between researcher and
participants, Alvarado cautioned researchers that this type of research is difficult. If the researcher is
not willing to establish a relationship with the participants, the results may be superficial, and
participants are unlikely to share their real stories (Alvarado, 2004).
Some of the studies (i.e., Annamma, 2013; Author, 2019; Cioè-Peña, 2021; Morales, 2015; Padía &
Traxler, 2021) specifically listed frameworks that guided, informed, or emerged because of their
research (i.e., Discrit, LatCrit, UndocuCrit, PPCT Model, Gauntlet Theory). However, each study,
while not overtly stated included undertones of a critical theoretical framework for investigating and,
perhaps, interpreting the research findings, as it is impossible to have atheoretical research (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). In this line of research, it is essential that researchers understand and state
theoretical/conceptual framework, as well as their positionality to disrupt the dominant narrative.
Common themes
Although the studies in this review spanned 17 years (2004–2021) and included children of all ages,
participants described similar barriers as interfering with meaningfully participating in the
U.S. education system through cross-cutting themes related to myths, fear, negativity, and other
barriers. These discouraging findings present a daunting, albeit predictable outlook for undocumented
Latinx immigrants. The five studies with parents as participants talked about their immigration status
as interfering with their involvement in their child’s education. As mentioned, this inability to
participate in their children’s education in ways in which they prefer or in ways in which school
systems value. When not thoughtfully considered, this cycle of misunderstanding derived from a lack
of communication can reiterate the dominant narrative about Latinx parents not being involved in the
education of their children, when, in reality, it is the systemic barriers imposed on these families that
interfere with the child’s education (Achola & Greene, 2016).
Morales (2015) developed the Gantlet Theory to explain how discrimination and other barriers
mentioned by participants were part of a system that provides for some (those who benefit from the
dominant narrative) and not others (those who are not in-line with the dominant narrative). This
dichotomy in services provided for students with and without marginalized characteristics and
identities creates a situation where, for documented English-speaking students from European
descent, special education services become a tool for success while, on the other hand, students who
are undocumented immigrants or emerging bilinguals, special education services become a barrier or
serve as way to keep students with disenfranchised characteristics and identities living in the margins
(Artiles, 2013). While the influence of the dominant narrative is apparent and alluded to in each study,
only four authors specified systemic barriers experienced by participants (Author, 2019; Annamma,
2013; Morales, 2015; Padía & Traxler, 2021), of these three, Annamma (2013) and Padía and Traxler
(2021) mentioned the influence of the dominant culture (“dominant discourse” p. 33) affecting
discrimination practices.
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
11
Another example of marginalization identified across studies was the language used during special
education meetings and for school materials. Participants not receiving translated materials and
interpreters during meetings is especially problematic because the Individuals with Disabilities
Education Act (2004) mandates that “public agencies take whatever action is necessary to ensure
that the parent understand the proceeded of the IEP team meeting, including arranging for an
interpreter . . . ” (Sec. 300.322[e]). According to Morales (2015), the lack parent of understanding
provides school personnel with an excuse to seclude certain types of students such as Latinx students
with disabilities in more restrictive environments, as parents will have a harder time advocating for the
services the student needs as opposed to parents who speak English as their first language.
The lack of cultural understanding by professionals and educators was another recurring theme in
this review (Author, 2018, 2019; Alvarado, 2004; Annamma, 2013; Morales, 2015; Mora-Lopez, 2016).
These studies note that undocumented Latinx immigrants do not always trust schools and are afraid of
school personnel reporting their status. This fear of authorities, coupled with discrimination based on
their race, immigrant status, and disability, affect ULWD education experiences in unknown ways that
are not addressed by the literature in this review (Alvarado, 2004; Annamma, 2013; Morales, 2015).
Implications
As a result of the deficit perspective, it is necessary that professionals are trained to provide culturally
appropriate services (American Psychological Association, Presidential Task Force on Immigration,
2012; Annamma, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). When professionals fail to engage nondominant parents/family caregivers or students in a culturally responsive way, the services, delivery,
and expectations may not reflect the needs of or be understood by parents or students (American
Psychological Association, Presidential Task Force on Immigration, 2012; Annamma, 2013).
Additionally, failing to engage in culturally responsive practices reiterates the dominant narrative
that everyone must conform to the social norm (i.e., Eurocentric values of what is right and wrong),
regardless of where the participants are from, the language they speak, or the belief system to which
they ascribe (Castro-Gómez, 2007).
Educators and service providers must gain the skills to recognize where and how the dominant
narrative embedded in our professionals move past it and provide our students and their family
caregivers with the appropriate services they require based on their real needs, not on a preconceived
idea of what they need. Educators may do so by first investigating critical frameworks (e.g., CRT,
LatCrit, DisCrit), as well as take small steps such as determining family preferences for ongoing
communication (e.g., in-person, written documents, Zoom), diversifying classroom libraries or
learning materials, and inviting families to share their funds of knowledge (e.g., skills and knowledge
a family develop from their experiences; Moll et al., 1992) in the classroom or school.
Limitations & future research
While the scope of the literature review was broad and the authors were thorough in the terms used to
identify articles or other research related to ULWD, it is possible that other literature did not emerge
through the search (e.g., search algorithms, search engines, year of publication, language, gray
literature). To stay current on this dynamic and advancing topic, it is important that researchers
continue to search for the most up-to-date research on ULWD as new information and studies may be
published in the future. Further, while the authors used a broad scope of terms to capture any
literature surrounding ULWD for the search, other terms may be explored as well.
This review demonstrated limited research about the experiences of ULWD exists. Given the
general paucity of research located in this review there is a clear need for research about ULWD in
any capacity to understand more about this population. However, only one study included in this
review explored the direct experiences of ULWDs in K-12 education settings (Annamma’s study took
place in a juvenile detention center). It is, therefore, critical to include the voices of ULWD in future
12
C. E. LAVÍN AND G. L. FRANCIS
research (Francis et al., 2019; American Psychological Association, Presidential Task Force on
Immigration, 2012; Dodds et al., 2018; Mallet et al., 2017; Padía & Traxler, 2021). However, as
mentioned, FERPA regulations prevent schools from reporting immigration status of students or
their parents to government agencies (Mallet et al., 2017). As a result, researchers must consider ways
to build relationships with family organizations or other ways to learn from undocumented families
and students with disabilities without causing fear or stress. In addition, the limited amount the
research may cause the overgeneralization of themes captured in this review to all ULWD, which
would be a fallacy and even dangerous given the varied Latinx populations. This only strengthens the
need for additional research and first-hand accounts from ULWD.
Finally, throughout the research articles, the dominant narrative was evident in the themes
participants identified as barriers (e.g., instances of discrimination, a lack of authentic engagement
by school officials) to their children’s academic success. Future research should not only expose
systemic barriers that discriminate and oppress UWLD in schools, but also focus on the accomplishments and strengths of ULWD. This research can provide an alternative to the position expressed by
the dominant narrative, a position that recognizes the value of undocumented immigrants in public
schools, a position that centers the experiences of ULWD as knowledge, and a position that provides
sheds light on the rich lives of students otherwise confined to the shadows.
Conclusion
Currently, there is limited research that provides insight into the school experiences of ULWD.
This means that the only narrative on ULWD is the dominant narrative. The dominant narrative
perpetuates negative stereotypes of immigrants and people with disabilities. Although there are
laws that protect ULWD (e.g., FERPA, Plyler v. Doe, 1982), these laws are not enough to affect
change until the dominant narrative understands and addresses the systemic barriers that perpetuate injustices against ULWD and other marginalized populations. Further, given the limited
number of studies located for this review, it remains clear that ULWD continue to be underrepresented in research. This is problematic, because ULWD are an increasing number of students
in public schools in the U.S. and educators have a responsibility to provide the same services and
opportunities to them as they do any other student (Individuals with Disabilities Education Act,
2004; Plyler v. Doe, 1982). Additional research from a critical, culturally response, and asset-based
perspective one approach that can shift the dominant narrative and influence positive change for
ULWD.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
ORCID
Carlos E. Lavín
Grace L. Francis
http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0031-5777
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8707-9430
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