Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of Debrecen CAHS THE DEATHS OF GENERAL WOLFE Author(s): Irén Annus Source: Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS), Vol. 13, No. 1/2, The Long Eighteenth Century (Spring-Fall, 2007), pp. 105-119 Published by: Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of Debrecen CAHS Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41274386 Accessed: 15-11-2018 09:58 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41274386?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of Debrecen CAHS is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS) This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms THE DEATHS OF GENERAL WOLFE The wa immens Seven Y French each oth Durell l General river, ju Prideaux blown u troops Murray forces under the command of General James Wolfe defeated the French army at the Battle of the Plains of Abraham. On September 18, Quebec surrendered to the English. Of these, the battle on the Plains of Abraham was singled out as the most influential historical event of the era, and the figure of General Wolfe, who lost his life on the battlefield, emerged as perhaps the most celebrated English hero of the eighteenth century. This unprecedented fame was not simply the result of the decisive impact of the battle and Wolfe's death in the field, but much rather the outcome of a cultural production, both verbal and visual, which had evolved around his figure. Accounts, letters, and poems made tribute to the great General, through the act of which these texts also created a national hero out of him. A great many paintings and engravings were also devoted to this theme. All of them depicted Wolfe's death scene in various ways within twenty years after the fact, most being simply entitled 'The Death of General Wolfe." The most popular of these was the painting by American-born Benjamin West, court painter to George III and President of the Royal Academy after Joshua Reynolds that acted as the most powerful agent in the constitution of Wolfe s fame - in both Britain and the United States because of the various ways in which it managed to meet the demands of contemporary art lovers as well as satisfy underlying national drives and ideologies. Narratives James Wolfe (1727-1759) joined the British army at the age of 14 and had served in a series of wars under the British flag prior to the Seven Years' War, including the War of the Austrian Succession (174047) and the Scottish campaign of 1746 against the Jacobites. In 1757, as Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies 13.1. 2007. Copyright © 2008 by HJEAS. All rights to reproduction in any form are reserved. This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms an acknowledgement of his excellent abilities, he was placed second in command of the British troops in North America, under Major General Jeffrey Amherst. His involvement in military action in North America was quite short-lived, but ever more triumphant. In 1758, his troops captured the French fortress at Louisbourg, in Quebec, a glorious military victory, which prompted his promotion to major general as well as his appointment as head of operations in Quebec. By the following year he was ready for the final capture of Quebec. After an unsuccessful British attempt under Murray, Wolfe decided to lead the troops himself. Following a careful discussion of strategy with his council, ne defeated the French troops on the Plains of Abraham, in a glorious battle, which cost him his life. His physical death marked his birth as a celebrated hero and cultural icon, accompanied by an immense fame he is not likely to have experienced during his lifetime. Although historians - as both C. P. Stacey and John M. Phelan reported - still debate his military talent and abilities as well as his character, he became a key figure in the evolving mythology that supported the emerging British Empire. Historical circumstances seem to account primarily for why he, despite his young age, unpolished character, and lack of military genius, occupied a heroic position in the new national epic. Wolfe gained national appreciation at the time because, despite his shortcomings, he managed to lead the British forces to victory in what is singled out as the key battle of the nation's colonial history, the one that secured British power in North America. When the news of the victory reached Britain, it was received with euphoria, topped with a heightened sentimentality that surrounded his heroic end. Wolfe, the promising young officer, instantly became the embodiment of a growing, triumphant imperial Britain: its emerging values of nationafism and patriotism, its mercantile and military successes, as well as its perceived unlimited potential for the future. This sentiment was further stimulated by accounts of Wolfe's last day, which began to appear immediately after the battle. Agnes Addison noted that in his 1930 study "Wolfe and the Artists" J. Clarence Webster identified fourteen different accounts of Wolfe's death and concluded that "the most credible narratives cite only three men" (25) with him when he passed away: "Wolfe [was] supported by Lieutenant Henry Browne of the Louisbourg Grenadiers, and James Henderson, a volunteer in the same regiment, and attended by Hewitt, a surgeon's mate" (25). The most reliable written account is likely the one provided by James Henderson, who witnessed Wolfe receiving his fatal wound and held him as he died. Henderson described Wolfe's final moments in the following words in a letter written in Quebec to his uncle, dated October 7, 1759: But Oh, How Can I tell you My Dr Sir, Tears flow from Eyes Whill I Write. That Great, that Ever Memorable Man Whos Loss Can never be Enough Regreted Was Scarce A Moment With me till he Receved his Fatal Wound. I my Self Receved At the same time Two Wounds for I Was Close to him, one in the Right Shoulder and 106 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms one in the thigh. But My Consern for him Was so Great that I Did not At that Time think of them, When the Genrl Received the Shot I Caut Hold of him and Carried him of the Field, he Walked About one Hundred yards And then Beged I Would Let Sit Down, Which I Did. Then I Opened his Breast, And found his Shirt full of Blood At Which he Smiled And When he Seen the Distress I Was In, My Dear, Said he, Don't Grive for me, I Shall Be Happy in a Few Minutes, Take Care of your Self As I see your Wounded. But Tell me O tell me How Goes the Battle their, Just then Came some Officers Who told him that the Freinch had given Ground and Our troops Was pursuing Them to the Walls of the town, he Was then Lying in my Arms Just Expirin That Great Man Whos Sole Ambition Was his Country Glory Raised himself up on this News And Smiled in my Face. Now, Said he, I Die Contented, from that Instant the smile never Left his Face till he Deided. (Archbold 763) Very soon, other narratives that captured the death of the General began to circulate, some of which later also appeared in a number of studies on Wolfe. The most widely held account records what came to be regarded as his very last words: He survived long enough to hear that the French were giving way, and his dying words supposedly were 'Now, God be praised, Twill die in peace'" (Erfra and Stanley 212). Two other utterances, also ascribed to him, became further markers of his self-sacrificial heroism, as recorded in the book The Great Republic by the Master Historians by Hubert H. Bancroft. One is the last line of a 'campaigning" song Wolfe presented during the service he attended the night before his death, with the following lyrics: "Why soldiers, why Should we be melancholy, boys? / Why, soldiers, why, Whose business 'tis to die?" ("The Death of Gen. Wolfe"). The other is related to a story which has Wolfe on the way to the battlefield reciting a stanza from "Elegy in a Country Churchyard" by Thomas Gray, the last line of which had become associated with his figure, at times even quoted as if his own words: "The paths of glory lead but to the grave" ("TTie Death of Gen. Wolfe"). The news of his heroic death soon inspired poets as well. Oliver Goldsmith's "Stanzas on the taking of Quebec, and the death of General Wolfe" was probably the first poem to depict this event. Originally published on October 22, 1759, shortly after Wolfe passed away, it is a lamentation of his death, a celebration of his victory and a contribution to the power of his legacy. Songs were also composed to honor his greatness; popular by campfires, they paid tribute to his sacrifice and offered encouragement to soldiers at war. Three of these, entitled "Brave Wolfe," "General Wolfe," and "The Maple Leaf Forever," all celebrating his bravery and love of nation, are still available in recorded form ("Major-General James Wolfe"). 107 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Paintings Through the orally transmitted narratives and songs Wolfe had emerged as the symbol for the ideal, virtuous soldier, the true patriot and the modern hero who had given his life for the glory of his nation. His words were quoted frequently as words of consummate wisdom. This heroic reputation captured the imagination of a number of contemporary artists in England, who chose the death of Wolfe as the theme for their paintings. Between 1763 and 1776, four well-known paintings as well as a large number of drawings and etchings rendering his heroism were exhibited. The very first depiction was offered by George Romney (17341802). His painting of the death-scene was entitled "Death of General Wolfe" and exhibited in 1763 at the Society of Artists. It was an instant success; it earned Romney a prize, and was immediately purchased by a banker who sent it on to India as a present to the governor of Bengal. As a result, it was never exhibited again, nor copied or reproduced in any form. It has disappeared in India and is now regarded as lost. All we have available is a stuay Romney prepared for the painting, "Head of James Wolfe," at present part of the Webster Canadiana Collection. This work depicts Wolfe in contemporary dress, with his head to the side and eyes looking away. His idealized young face is content and reflects no pain; it is in a state of acceptance and transcendence, in preparation for his last moment on earth. The second rendition of Wolfe's death was completed by Edward Penny (1714-1791), a noted narrative painter in England, in a work entitled "The Death of General Wolfe" (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford), Painted enny enny also painted also in 1763 smaller, painted simplified and smaller, replicas,exhibited which were simplified also United a year later replicas, at the which Society were of also Artists. United As Statesed as models for prints by Richard Houston, Penny's visual narrative was available to a wide audience and thus became quite well known in England. Just like Romney, Penny broke with the tradition in historical painting of United Statesing clothes and settings of Antiquity to emphasize the universal application of the given historical moment; instead, he dressed his figures in contemporary garb and located them in a contemporary setting by relying on various accounts given on the death of the General. His emphasis on historical accuracy resulted in a scene in which Wolfe is placed in the center, surrounded by three figures, approached by a messenger running down the path from the right, waving his hat, bringing news of the British victory. The central grouping is supplemented in the original painting by the battle scene in the background, soldiers fighting, and some bodies lying dead or wounded, portraying a scene in the turmoil within which Wolfe's death went unnoticed. Therefore, the fact that the battle scene is omitted in later copies by Penny does not really modify the circumstances and implication of Wolfe's death: that he died away from the battle scene, unnoticed, with only three people present. This unexciting death scene presented the 108 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms viewer not with a moment in "dramatic modern history, but a moral exemplar of a military virtue" (Waterhouse 283). Penny's insistence on accuracy resulted in a painting, which did not satisfy contemporary visual perceptions of heroic death; it, therefore, failed to capture the event as a grand historical moment and thus lacked the power through which Wolfe could have been perceived as a hero. The painting, therefore, was unable to live up to the expectations established by the reputation Wolfe had already gained in England. The American-born Benjamin West (1738-1820) in "The Death of General Wolfe" (National Gallery of Canada), produced in 1770 and first exhibited in 1771 at the Royal Academy, presented Wolfe as the embodiment of a series of virtues regarded as English and as an embodiment of Britain's national and imperial success. West only moved to London in 1763 and was thus still living in the Colonies when Wolfe died. West's painting depicts a heroic moment, painted in the proper "grand manner" preferred in history painting of the period. Just like Romney and Penny, however, he also departed from the classical tradition by breaking the rite of dressing figures on the canvas in togas: instead, he also rendered his figures in contemporary costume. His grand narrative immediately became a success; as a result, he himself made five replicas and a number of other copies and engravings were completed by several other artists as well. James Barry (1741-1806), an Irish history painter, arrived in London when West exhibited his painting. Probably inspired by the success of West's painting, Barry also decided to paint the neroic death, but he argued for a faithful rendering of the circumstances as reflected in the accounts available of Wolfe's death. He completed his painting, also entitled "Death of General Wolfe," in 1776 (Webster Canadiana Collection), and exhibited it at the Royal Academy in the same year. Even though it may have been based on authentic reports of the event, his version enjoyed little success: it had a much simpler composition than West's, and was executed much less skillfully. Waterhouse claimed that Barry's painting was ultimately not merely an expression of his criticism of West's work, but also an outright attack; it expressed Barry's disapproval of West ignoring historical accuracy and demonstrated "the incompatibility of the heroic style with modern costume" (273). These may be detected in the manner in which Barry painted the figure of Wolfe: the General seems "to have been first painted in the classical nude and then draped with modern uniform" (273). His central figure, as a result, appears to be completely unrealistic and deprives the picture of any grandeur and pathos, which radiate out of West's. No wonder this painting remained in the shadow of West's masterpiece and was soon forgotten. Nevertheless, people remained fascinated with Wolfe. There was a considerable market for works that depicted his death for quite some time, not only in Britain, but also in the new United States. A series of engravings and paintings appeared in both countries, the last one most probably being "The Death of General Wolfe" by the American Alonzo 109 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Chappel, painted in 1857 (Library and Archives of Canada). Wolfe had also become incorporated into the canonized histories of both Britain and the United States, just as West had come to be treated as both an American and a British master painter. Wolfe's and West's intertwined popularity remained unbroken in the United States up to the late 1980s when, according to an article in The Washington Times entitled "Revisionists at Work," the attention to West's painting as well as to the figure of Wolfe was beginning to wane in college-level American history textbooks. About five decades earlier Addison had argued that the painting's success "was due largely to the subject matter' (23), that is, Wolfe's death in a historically vital battle. While this must have been the case when the painting was first exhibited, I contend that its enduring popularity was much more the result of the particular manner in which West rendered Wolfe's death. West's painting had eventually become more powerful than the event itself in establishing Wolfe's lasting fame insofar as it was able to represent Wolfe as a figure that embodied modern nationalistic drives. Benjamin West's Painting West's painting depicts the dying Wolfe in the middle of a group arranged in the classical pyramid composition. He is reclining, surrounded by his men, looking up towards the sky in a trance state, the visual connection with the bright blue opening in the sky establishing the path he is about to take, ascending to neaven. His bright clothing also places him in the focus, as does the attention he receives from his soldiers: all eyes are on him. He is lying in a position evocative of Christ, with the British flag of the union above him, reminiscent of the cross, which not only refers to his death, signifies his saintly qualities and introduces Christian iconology, but also refers to the changes of time: this was an era in which one could die for the glory not only of God, but also of one's nation. Wolfe's most faithful men surrounding him radiate the drama of the moment, strengthened further by the dark sky and the fierce fighting on the battlefield in the background. West's painting earned him great fame first in England and then in the United States both beause of the nature of the painting itself, and because of its cultural significance. I contend that its ultimate success as a piece of art was due to a winning combination of meeting certain contemporary expectations of as well as introducing exciting innovations in history painting. West was able to initiate a fresh formula through which he could cater to both traditional and modern approaches to painting, creating a vibrant contemporary piece. The painting effectively combines classical design with contemporary clothing and scenery. We know that, although this work had often been singled out as the first history painting with figures dressed in contemporary clothes, in fact it was not - as shown by the 110 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms pictures mentioned previously on the death of Wolfe. However, while those paintings also did away with classical composition, West recognized that the compositional change would not only produce a painting alien to contemporary aesthetic tastes, but would also deprive the painting of the sense of pathos and grand spirit necessary to convey Wolfe's heroism. It was his awareness of the insistence of the contemporary audience on classical principles, along with his recognitio that there was a need for change to mark great moments of contemporary history as distinct, belonging to the present and not the past, that brought about his new formula. It was so effective because it paid tribute to the past as well as to the present, connecting as well as separating them Through this formula he managed to lend the universal value represented by classicism to a contemporary event. The nature of the picture itself contributed to its success. Not just a history painting, it successfully combined various popular genres of th age, including group portraiture as well as a landscape representation or "topical illustration, as Erffa and Stanley defined it (62). The landscape view was "remarkably true to the actual topography of the Plains o Abraham" (Erffa and Stanley 212), bringing the view of the far away colony closer to the viewer, making the experience more real and effective. It also offered a series of portraits: besides Wolfe, six figures in the central group were identified in the key accompanying the engravin in 1776, all of whom were alive then and were known to have served in Quebec at the time of the battle (Erffa and Stanley 212). This sma gallery of soldiers sharing in the moment of triumph also aroused attention: [qts interest to the public was certainly enhanced by recognizable likeness of contemporary figures as participants in the great event. West painted replicas of the picture for members of the families of two of the officers shown . . . The reason for including actual portraits was to enhance the picture's illusion of actuality and authenticity, in the same manner that dressing the participants in correct uniforms or including a convincing view of the place where the event occurred enhanced that illusion. (Erffa and Stanley 59-60) This resulted in a perceived sense of authenticity in the viewer, which could not be challenged on the basis of any description, as illustrated by Barry's futile attempt to discredit West's representation of the event. Simon Schama argues that the painting offers a "synoptic narrative" of the day's events, in a circular structure, if the painting is read from the far right-hand side to the left and then back to the front lower right-hand corner. In his reading, the far right represents events at dawn when the British troops were anchored down the river, then their landing and disembarking. As the eye moves on towards the center, the sequence of the battle scenes are shown, offering an account of the heroic day, with the scene of victory in which the British infantry defeated the French 111 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms musketeers, depicted in the far left. Then, as the eye moves down to the front, we see the messenger running to bring news of victory, approaching the central group assembled around Wolfe. The men on Wolfe's left focus on his last words, but the soldiers on his right are already praying and mourning, as if Wolfe had already died, closing the epic narrative of the day. Therefore, this painting is much more than a mere capturing of the moment of the death of Wolfe, as all the other paintings are, but a long narrative capturing the heroism of all the soldiers fighting in this battle. At this point, no decisive explanation can be given for this "synoptic" narrative structure and handling of space, although this was quite common among certain Native American tribes, such as the Lakota of the Great Plains (see Nagy). In the Lakota culture, the primary organizing principle behind the structure of a narrative image was not so much time as place. Instead of painting a series of events as separate images, each representing a key moment in a time sequence, West also packed all the events in the same spatial frame, on the same canvas, thus departing in its logic of narration from traditional Western temporality. Although it cannot be proved that West drew on any Native source, it is common knowledge that he had a keen interest in the indigenous people of the region in and around Pennsylvania, where he was born and grew up in a Quaker home. Since his father ran an inn, the young West met a number of different people, including the Native American inhabitants of the area. West is quoted to have said to Gait, his first biographer, that he was "initially schooled . . . not in the academy but by the . . . indigenous people of the New World" (qtd. in Fryd 79, ellipsis original). Indeed, he had developed a fascination for the American Indians, their life, beliefs, history, art, and potential role in the emerging nation. West also collected Native American objects and pieces of decorative art, as discussed by King. Fryd argued that Colonel Johnson from New York, a prominent figure noted for his popularity among the Northern Woodland tribes, sucn as the Iroquois, "may have provided West with the Woodland artifacts" (77) which he accurately portrayed in a number of his paintings in the 1770s, such as "William Penn's Treaty with the Indians, "Colonel Guy Johnson," and "Savage Warrior Taking Leave of His Family." The initial success of the painting in the English capital encouraged its duplication in various forms. "For those beyond London and even beyond England who were unable to see the painting, the publisher and cultural entrepreneur Richard Boydell had William Woollett engrave the painting" (Scnama 34), a work which came out as early as 1776. It became immensely popular, at home as well as abroad, bringing financial success to both engraver and publisher. Boydell made his fortune of over ten thousand pounds from this single work (Schama 34), and Woollett, who worked on commission, also earned enough to last a lifetime. The engraving carried the image to various corners of Europe and North America, and was soon also applied on various objects, such as Wedgwood jugs (c. 1778, Webster Canadiana Collection) and seals (late 112 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms eighteenth century, Webster Canadiana Collection). Through these reproductions the image became widely known on two continents and eventually three countries have historically claimed the painting, also assigning a central role to Wolfe and the Battle of Abraham in the construction of their past: Great Britain, the United States and Canada. The Painting as Cultural Signifier "I foresee that this picture will not only become one of the most popular, but occasion a revolution in the art," said Joshua Reynolds when he had carefully studied the completed painting (qtd. in Mitchell 21). Overwhelming sensation came immediately as tne result of West's reinterpretation of history painting. His new imaginative formula satisfied the aesthetic tastes and cultural expectations of his audience, which reflected, as always, dominant contemporary ideologies and aspirations. This painting provided an effective formula for a series of romantic history paintings, which figured notably in the constitution of the newly emerging nation states. As a cultural signifier, it offered a model, which managed not only to capture, but also to create particular interpretations and narratives, communities and sentiments, ideologies and desires. A painting is transformed into a cultural signifier and the constitution of its meaning takes place in what Nigel Llewellyn called the "conceptualized space" (50), located between the painting and its audience. If culture is conceptualized as reflective of ideology, meaning "a system of signification which facilitates the pursuit of particular interests" (Thompson qtd. in Mitchell 78), "a means by which society is integrated, by which the hegemony of one class or faction is advanced," the implementation of which is "a socially intentional process" (Mitchell 78), then cultural signification within this space is expressive of the ideology dominating public discourses and mental processes. The opportunity to regard culture as those "complex signs and significations that mesh into codes of transmission of social values and meanings" (Harvey 299) may allow one to reveal the ideological power which shapes these values and meanings. The painting as a cultural product and signifier, may prove a successful approach in mapping the dominant contemporary values and ideologies since the instant success of the painting suggests that its creator was in fact deeply aware, either consciously or intuitively, of his contemporary cultural milieu and the ideological constructions. West had hardly begun this painting when it began receiving attention, the famous story of which was included in the first biography of the artist, written during his lifetime by John Gait. According to the story, West had barely commenced work on this piece when Reynolds visited him in his studio and, having seen the work, voiced his concern about the contemporary dress of tne figures. He objected to West's breaking with the classical tradition since doing so West was "robbing 113 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms history of the universal significance which its narrative ought to embody" (Schama 26). West responded: I began by remarking that the event intended to be commemorated took place on the 13 of September 1758 [a year off!] in a region of the world unknown to the Greeks and Romans and at a period of time when no such nation and heroes in their costume any longer existed. The subject I have to represent is the conquest or a great province of America by the British troops. It is a topic that history will proudly record and the same truth that guides the pen of the historian should govern the pencil of die artist. (Gait qtd. in Schama 26-27) Although it may be noted that this last statement sounds disingenuous, as this painting offered only a partially accurate depiction of Wolfe's death, two points should be made. One, West's statement should be interpreted not in absolute but in relative terms, as he did make a move towards historical accuracy. But he also recognized that his audience would not find the moral tone and inspirational power they yearned for and found in classicist paintings if he presented a fully realistic image. Art had to reach beyond the treatment of common, daily events in their factuality; it was expected to present events in an imaginative way, to lend an elevated, noble spirit to the sight, to render facts as part of a larger narrative. The artist nad to offer ' a convincing rather than accurate representation of the event" (Erffa and Stanley 57). The second implication of West's statement lies in the positioning of the artist and history painting within the cultural realm. West clearly assigned similar social roles to artists as to historians in drawing a Earallel istorianistorian the written, betweenthe theartist written, the visual them: -theshaped theybyartist the both same the create visual historical - shaped narratives by the - same the considerations, values, and desires. This prominent shift, captured by West, marked one important aspect of the transitory nature of the period, pointing to the gradually changing cultural patterns and power structure. Ellis Waterhouse claimed that the success of the painting was also tied to the fact that West "realized the value for the artist of the new feeling of national pride in the achievements of one's own nation" (275). West's depiction was a move from the universal didacticism of Antiquity expressed in history painting. He turned to the particular in terms of nationhood as it was taking shape in the contemporary context: West painted a moment in history particularly significant for the English nation. In celebrating Wolfe, his picture also celebrated the triumphant English national history as well as the powerful English nation. Moreover, two unexpected figures placed in the central composition clearly contributed to this marked historicism, offering the essentially North American context for the events: the Ranger ana the Native American. Erffa and Stanley argued that West "felt that he was uniquely equipped to paint" these figures (57) because of his American background. Tney functioned as obvious cultural signifiers of place and 114 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms time. This artistic intent is obvious if we consider that Native Americans were in fact not fighting on the side of the British in this battle. Schama observed that the most startling fiction of all was the Indian, posed in the Antique forms of poetic contemplation, precisely the quality commonly denied to the "Savages' as they were invariably called by the British of Wolfe's generation. The General . . . had considered them to be irredeemable barbarians, cruel and depraved and they fought, exclusively, for the other side. (30) Yet again, the message West wished to communicate was much more important than facts. He presented the Native as an unambiguous symbol of the North American continent. The American Indian was rendered as a figure that fit the highly romanticized European image of the noble savage. It was known that West himself had a favorable view of the Indians; he would thus readily have presented the exotic inhabitant of North America as embodied with "the essence of natural aristocracy" (Schama 31). The visual integration of the Native into the composition as a figure sharing in the experience of the English soldiers also signifies his loyalty as well as his support and cooperation. Similarly, the figure of the Ranger on the left represented another character typically associated with North America. He may be interpreted as the symbolic expression of the position of the white inhabitants of the Colonies. He appears not as an enemy but as a faithful subject to the throne. These two figures brought America into the composition as a trustworthy partner to Britain in its imperial efforts. All of these tie in with Stephen Behrendt's conclusion regarding history painting in the eighteenth century. He found that it was underlined by various manipulations in which fact and fiction were combined in order to achieve the desired effects. The educated viewer accepts the manipulations he finds in history painting as a part of the genre and generally does not fault the artist who artificially heightens the sense of drama or decorum, conveniently removes aesthetically distracting factual details, and silently adds United Stateseful allegorical or iconographic embellishments. (43) I believe that the failure of this recognition, the insistence on factual realism as opposed to romantic historicism in the paintings was the primary reason behind the merely modest success of Penny's composition and the failure of Barry's. They failed to realize that it was the era of history making for newly emerging nation states, a significant part of which was the act of self-tailoring in order to convey intended messages in the representation. In this process, details of factuality become secondary, irrelevant, if not undesirable, if they distract from the full romanticism of the historical drama and its effective representation. 115 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Schama even quoted West as saying: "Wolfe must not die like a common soldier under a Bush .... To move the mind there should be a spectacle presented to raise and warn the mind .... A mere matter of fact will never produce the effect" (28). This recognition was in keeping with what Llewellvn described as a contemporary phenomenon: "Protestant churches gradually developed the theory of memoria, which stressed the didactic potential of the lives and deaths of the virtuous. To illustrate this didactical theme, images were produced about exemplary 'good deaths' " (28). The Christian iconology evoked in the painting establishes the possibility of the sacralized, ritualized death which, it seems to me, was to serve a similar secular function in Protestant cultures as sainthood had done in the Catholic world: after their physical death, they seem to be integrated into the shared memory, as if their lives had taken a course of their own, loaded with religious and social implications. Llewellyn noted: "In the process of dying, the death of the natural body was followed by efforts to preserve the social body as an element in the collective memory ... the visual culture of post-Reformation England also established and preserved the social body" (46). This social body was exemplary in the context of emerging nationalism, expansion, and military power, laying the groundwork for political and economic superiority. It had also become integrated into the historical naiTative, contributing to the uniqueness and unity ascribed to a given nation. And indeed, Barry himself stated that history painting, like sculpture, represents "the tests by which the national character will be tried in after-ages, and by which it has been, and is now, tried by the natives of other countries" (qtd. in Waterhouse 271). Moreover, the overall aura which surrounded West, the American in Britain, added to the success. He "was a poetic inventor. He was artful in constructing an image of himself as the unspoiled colonial - intuitive, doggedly empirical, innocent abroad - since so much of polite London found the image beguiling" (Schama 28). He felt entitled to paint themes tied to the North American land more than anyone else in Britain. The United States was proud of West for having become the most successful painter in Britain born in the Colonies. Convinced that he represented the spirit of the New World, they saw in him their cultural ambassador, the truthful presenter of the potential in their land as well as the talent with which he himself was also blessed. "He filled his house with American pupils, and his pupils with inspiration" (Eliot 20). West's constant assistance for all students and painters arriving in London from North America was proof of his loyalty to and love for the land of his birth. The didactic aims of the painting were also viewed with sympathy in both countries. As the visual image of virtuous conduct, self-sacrifice, individual duty, patriotism and martial spirit, Wolfe's figure had emerged as an archetypal model for contemporary patriotism ana heroic behavior and expressed how they were socially accepted virtues. West created a permanent hero out of Wolfe who was claimed by both nations, proving West's claim true: "the art of painting has powers to dignify man by transmitting to posterity his noble actions" (qtd. in Eliot 19). The two 116 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms nations, however, contextualized Wolfe's actions differently and integrated his figure into two different national narratives. For the British, the painting "touched on an important enterprise of the Georgian reigns: colonial expansion in North America. The painting commemorates a signal victory that confirmed England's prowess at arms and vindicated her policy of enmity towards France" (Lalumia 26). In aesthetic terms West's piece effectively expressed the new mode of British political drives and assisted in engineering a social consensus and overall support for them. The painting came to represent the land as well as the people of the British Empire on both sides of the Atlantic. And as the song "The Maple Leaf Forever" claims, Wolfe "planted firm Britannia's flag / On Canada's fair domain." In the United States, the construction of a nationhood and Earticularization eing history, eing as washistory, the case as ofin was Europe. American But "the the case Newidentity World inwasEurope. relied on But a "the number New of World forces, was one historically thin" (Miller 7), which had two consequences: the accentuation of other aspects, such as documents, values and political principles as well as the environment more than other states; and two, assigning of special significance to events which were not so prominently related to American history as much as they were part of British history. And hence one of the problems of early history construction in the United States appeared: how to constitute a history, which is distinct, especially from Britain, when most of Colonial histoiy was in fact a chapter from British history? This becomes particularly urgent in the light of Liah Greenfeld's claim that the War of Independence broke out precisely because the Americans were "better English than the English" (409) in that they maintained a "sense of exemplary devotion to and implementation of English values" (409) much more man the English in Europe. Therefore, conceptualizing Wolfe's life as exemplary of the true Enghsh values and ideals which England had started to lose but America was able to maintain offered the logical twist that accounted for the overall significance of the figure of Wolfe: he had become the embodiment of true English virtues, including commitment to liberty, equality, and reason, as well as attachment to the native land and the government. This became further emphasized in the nineteenth-century United States, in an era in which it was a common practice "to ascribe character traits to whole societies, and then embody those traits in representative individuals" (Peterson). Wolfe's figure exemplified English values, which eventually came to be identified as primarily American. By the second half of the nineteenth century, however, these values came to be closely associated with the Yankees, eventually contributing to the image of the North in the course of the Civil War. Discourse in contemporary American history writing also contributed, by creating an American hero out of Wolfe's figure, as perhaps best illustrated by Francis Parkman's book Montcalm and Wolfe, completed in 1884. "For Parkman, Wolfe's victory over Montcalm at the Plains of Abraham sealed the triumph of 117 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Yankee virtues over the entire American continent" (Peterson). Or, another popular song, "Brave Wolfe" goes: That brave and gallant youth did cross the ocean / To free America of her division. Postscript Benjamin West's "The Death of General Wolfe" went on auction 28 November 2000, in New York's Phillips Auction House. Art and Auction reported that it was sold for $2,862,500, "the third highest price for an American painting" that season (67). Its success endures. WORKS CITED Addison, Agnes. 'The Legend of West's 'Death of Wolfe.' " College A Journal 5 (Nov. 1945): 23-25. Archboid, W. A. J. A Letter Describing the Death or ueneral wolre. ine English Historical Review 12 (48) (Oct. 1897): 762-63. Art and Auction 25 (Jan. 2001): 67. Behrendt, Stephen. "Audience Entrapment in Eighteenth-Century Verbal and Visual Art." Papers on Language and Literature 19 (Winter 1983): 3752. Eliot, Alexander. Three Hundred Years of American Painting. New York: Time, 1957. brtia, Helmit von, ana Allen Stanley. I he faintings of Benjamin west. New Haven: Yale UP, 1986. Fryd, Vivien Green. "Rereading the Indian in Benjamin West s Death of General Wolfe." American Art 13 (Spring 1999): 72-85. Gait, John. The Life, Studies and Works of Benjamin West, Esq. Vols. 1-2. London: n.p., 1816, 1820. Greenfeld, Liah. Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1992. Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Chanee. Oxford: Blackwell. 1989. King, J. C. H. "Woodlands Artifacts from the Studio of Benjamin West, 17381820." American Indian Art Magazine 17 (Winter 1991): 35-47. Lalumia, Matthew. Realism and Anti-AnstocraUc Sentiment in Victorian Depictions of the Crimean War." Victorian Studies 26 (Autumn 1983): 25-51. Llewellyn, Nigel. The Art of Death: Visual Culture in the English Death Ritual c.1500-c.1800. London: Reaktion. 1992. "Major-General James Wolfe." 23 Sept. 2005. <http://www.louisbourg.ca/fort/hero.htm>. Miller, Angela. I he Empire oj the tye: Landscape Representation ana American Cultural Politics, 1825-1875. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1993. 118 This content downloaded from 131.111.98.148 on Thu, 15 Nov 2018 09:58:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Mitchell, Charles. "Benjamin West's 'Death of General Wolfe' and the Popular History Piece." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 8 (1944): 20-33. Mitchell, Don. Cultural Geography: A Critical Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Nagy, Imre. Indianok: Az eszak-amerikai Nagy Siksag harcosai. Budapest: MuzsSk, 1985. Peterson, Mark. "How (and Why) to Read Francis Parkman." 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