The Grolier Codex is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known... more
The Grolier Codex is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10". Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)
This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D. The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.
The Grolier Codex (Codice Maya de Mexico, CMM) is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B.... more
The Grolier Codex (Codice Maya de Mexico, CMM) is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10". Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)
This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D. The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.
Chapter in : The Greater Chaco Landscape: Ancestors, Scholarship, and Advocacy , edited by Ruth M. Van Dyke and Carrie C. Heitman, pp. 229-255. University Press of Colorado, Boulder. Watch the video version of this chapter, recorded at... more
Chapter in : The Greater Chaco Landscape: Ancestors, Scholarship, and Advocacy , edited by Ruth M. Van Dyke and Carrie C. Heitman, pp. 229-255. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.
Watch the video version of this chapter, recorded at Crow Canyon Archaeological Center in August 2017. https:// doi .org/ 10 .5876/ 9781646421701 .c013 .v000
Many scholars position the Chaco phenomenon as a hierarchically ranked, centralized polity, which must necessarily be integrated by an ideology and social organization radically different from that of the decentralized villages of... more
Many scholars position the Chaco phenomenon as a hierarchically ranked, centralized polity, which must necessarily be integrated by an ideology and social organization radically different from that of the decentralized villages of Puebloan descendent communities. However, examination of perishable assemblages from Chacoan centers reveals ritual objects nearly identical to those used by modern Puebloan priesthoods. Likewise, burial data reveals systems of hereditary control over religious roles and associated material privileges that are strikingly similar to those in the historic Pueblos. I argue that during the post-Chacoan period, the material foundations of Chacoan theocracy--including Chacoan ritual paraphernalia and Chacoan patterns of ritual consumption--were co-opted by leaders of peripheral communities to create continuity in a time of political rupture. The priesthoods that emerged developed into the backbone of theocratic leadership in the autonomous Pueblos of later periods.
Chaco Canyon, in the greater American Southwest, provides a unique setting in which to examine women and their roles in the Ancestral Puebloan past. This arid region allows for investigations of gender represented in the archaeological... more
Chaco Canyon, in the greater American Southwest, provides a unique setting in which to examine women and their roles in the Ancestral Puebloan past. This arid region allows for investigations of gender represented in the archaeological record due to ideal preservation conditions. In this study, I evaluate female activities and identity through an investigation of bone spatulate tools (fleshers/scrapers?) using experimental archaeology, ethnohistorical accounts, and legacy data. These tools, including some displaying highly decorative inlaid elements of turquoise and jet, are often found in association with female burials at ‘great house’ and ‘small house’ sites, as well as in some outlier communities. To evaluate how these artifacts relate to female activities I will thoroughly investigate the functionality of these tools. Various terminology used in legacy data have implications of functionality, these assumptions need to be examined closely to better understand how these objects were used and their significance. Flesher implies a hide processing use, while other sources and scholars link bone fleshers with Yucca fiber and other plant processing. How were these tools used by Ancestral Puebloans? Can gendered activities be determined through these artifacts? In what way do they demonstrate signals of power and prestige of Ancestral Puebloan women? With the use of legacy data like the Chaco Research Archive, archaeologists can more closely examine the androcentric and ethnocentric biases of past interpretations. Examining the association between these bone spatulate tools and female activities permits new archaeological interpretations of gendered activities and symbols of prestige in Chaco Canyon.