Diplomatic Ukraine

Today, an Intermarium could stretch from Narva in the north to Batumi in the south. Significant parts of the populations and the majority of foreign affairs experts of the countries between the Baltic and Black seas view Putin’s Russia today as the biggest risk, a clear threat, and a dangerous enemy. Inside NATO, the political mainstreams of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Romania especially regard Russia as a major security problem. The same can be said of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova outside NATO. These states could thus form the core of an East-Central European-South Caucasian defense coalition. Further European countries within, or close to, the “land between the seas” — from the Scandinavian to the Western Balkan nations — might, for historical or other reasons, be willing to support, join, or associate themselves with such an alliance. With regard to its legal set-up, the above-mentioned 2010 Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Mutual Support between Turkey and Azerbaijan could play the role of a model treaty for a security arrangement between certain eastern NATO states on the one side, and some post-Soviet non-NATO countries on the other. As in Article 2 of the ratified Turkish-Azeri alliance, the exact modus of action, in case of an aggression, could be left open to each Intermarium country. The pact could simply state an obligation that, if confronted with an attack, the parties would “mutually assist each other” and that the “means and extent of this assistance” would be agreed upon ad hoc, once a military infringement has happened.

The interview deals with the impressions and experience of the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the State of Israel to Ukraine as well as the most beneficial areas of bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and Israel. It is also mentioned that although Mr Ambassador officially presented his credentials to the President in November, he has been in Ukraine since the end of August, as staff turnover of Israeli diplomatic missions usually starts in summer. The article underscores that bilateral cooperation with Israel should, above all, be based on agricultural business because this sphere has a great potential to develop. It is desirable to find how states can intensively cooperate in the sphere of agriculture and agricultural technologies; how to develop real business and not just grow cereals. About 40,000 Ukrainian farmers, predominantly from Kherson and Odesa regions, have taken part in trainings on agricultural business for strengthening cooperation between the two s...

. The Russian Federation’s military aggression against Ukraine, preceded by the war of the Russian Federation against Georgia, raised the question of a joint repulse of democratic states to actions aimed at undermining European stability. The problem of protecting small and medium-sized states from the threat posed by Russia has arisen in a new way. In this context, the inability of leading European states to stop the aggression of Nazi Germany is repeatedly mentioned. To assess the relevance of such parallels with modernity, the authors of this article seek to briefly and objectively analyse what was happening in the 1930s. The threat of a military catastrophe and complete destabilisation of Europe had been growing since 1933, when Hitler came to power in Germany. He and his entourage gradually dragged Europe into a series of international conflicts and the World War II. According to the authors of the article, the leading motive for the inaction of Western powers within the military and political allied cooperation was not the desire to balance Germany’s military power and thus deter aggression but the attempt to avoid involvement in a world war by appeasing Hitler. In pursuit of European stability, France aimed to secure the military support of as wide a range of European countries as possible, and Great Britain was seeking to build a stable European system without making clear military commitments to the continental powers. London felt at peace with Berlin’s continental ambitions, as they did not cover the seas. London entertained the illusion that its security could be guaranteed without interfering in the war on the mainland. The authors emphasise that only in a state of conscious self-blindness could Western politicians for years retain the illusion of the prospect of civilising and taming the German dictator by satisfying his whims. Such illusions, however, never concerned Stalin. In the pre-war period, the Stalinist regime did its best to prevent the Soviet Union from being involved in building a system of collective security in Europe. The authors come to the following conclusion: in an effort to preserve at least the remnants of stability in Europe, the states have consistently moved towards continuous destabilization and war. Keywords: Europe, military and political union, World War II, Germany.

The article puts forward an opinion that the current crisis of world order requires reverting to discovering the reasons of World War I. The author states that in 1914, a majority of decision-makers believed they had a dominant strategy; thus, the policy they followed was the best, irrespective of another party’s actions. The complicated task of clarifying the concerns and intentions of others as well as predicting the aggravation of the situation as a result of their actions was not taken into account. The quest for minimising responsibility and increasing comfort while taking bellicose measures hindered the realisation of the fact that a more cautious strategy was a safer option. The military and political alliances, including the Entente Cordiale (the Triple Entente) and the Triple Alliance (after Italy’s withdrawal, the Central Powers), the defence purposes enshrined in secret agreements notwithstanding, were established for waging wars but not for maintaining peace by mutual co...

The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY, inadequate reaction of the United States of America (US) and NATO to the crisis, Europeans’ false initial belief that they will be able to address security challenges in the ‘new’ Europe by their own efforts. The author emphasizes that the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis should have immediately become NATO’s priority. In such a case, Americans and Europeans could have started working togethe...

The article deals with the issues of observance of the rights of the Bulgarian national minority in Ukraine as an element of forming a positive image of Ukraine in Bulgaria. The issue of the rights and freedoms of ethnic Bulgarians in Bessarabia first arose in the bilateral relations between the Ukrainian people’s Republic and the Kingdom of Bulgaria after the establishment of diplomatic relations in accordance with the Ukraine-Bulgaria Supplementary Treaty of 12 February 1918. The informational explanation of the UNR’s open policy on national minorities immediately became an integral part of the activities of the first Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Sofia. Ethnic Bulgarians won the right to revive the study of their native language, history, and identity only after the restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991. In particular, the non-governmental sector has played a significant role in shaping Bulgaria’s state policy towards foreign Bulgarians. The article analyses the existin...

The article is dedicated to Heorhiy H. Shevel, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Ukraine from August of 1970 to November of 1980.The authors presented sincere recollections about this well known person, under whose leadership they began their diplomatic service that lasted for several decades. The decision to share those memories with readers of Diplomatic Ukraine was prompted by the fact that on May 9 this year was Mr. Shevel`s 100 anniversary. Unfortunately, neither the researchers of the history of Ukrainian diplomacy, nor those in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Academy paid the necessary tribute to this event. The authors of the article focus on the fact that with no previous experience in foreign policy matters Mr. Shevel managed in the conditions of a totalitarian Soviet system to realize important ideas in the interests of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and its development. From the very start of his duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs h...

The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a...

Міжнародна наукова конференція «Україна і Грузія». International Scientific Conference “Ukraine and Georgia” (Екскурсія до Батумі / Excursion to Batumi) // Дипломатія без кордонів (Diplomacy without Borders). – 2017. – Вип. № 2 (4). – С.112–116 (+117–123).