OCP

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Muchas variedades del mixteco, una lengua otomangue hablada en el sur de México, han sido descritas como lenguas con tres tonos: Bajo, Medio y Alto. En esta tesis presento evidencia basada en investigación original sobre los sustantivos simples alienables para demostrar que solo dos tonos léxicos son necesarios para describir las raíces nominales del mixteco de Acatlán, /A/ (que corresponde al tono Medio tradicional) y /B/. Algunos de los tonos altos son tonos flotantes. Esencialmente, el tono extra A (que corresponde al A tradicional) solo ocurre en ambientes derivados en los que interactúan los tonos de dos o más morfemas. En la mayoría del análisis uso A y B para representar a los dos tonos, pero en la última sección presento evidencia de que los tonos bajos no están especificados en la forma subyacente. El mixteco de Acatlán (hablado sobre todo en el estado de Puebla, México) ha atraído algo de atención debido a la propuesta en E. Pike y Wistrand (1974) de que un proceso tonal poco común tipológicamente conocido como « ascenso iterativo » (iterative upstep en inglés) existe en esta variante, cuyas implicaciones teóricas ponen en duda la universalidad del principio del contorno obligatorio (Snider 1988, Snider 1999 y Aronovich 1994). Aunque el ascenso tonal no es el objeto de estudio de esta tesis, este análisis proveerá una base para explorar el ascenso tonal en el futuro, sobre todo la descripción de los efectos ascendentes de los tonos altos flotantes. Propongo que únicamente se requieren seis patrones tonales para representar las formas subyacentes de todas las raíces nominales (/A/, /B/, /BA/, /AB/, /AB(A)/ y /B(A)/). También propongo que tres procesos tonales (la propagación del tono alto, la elevación del tono alto y la depresión del tono alto) y una condición del principio del contorno obligatorio (la condición de las dos casillas, la cual es un caso del principio del contorno obligatorio que describo en esta tesis) generan las formas fonéticas de estos sustantivos.

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Varieties of Mixtec (an Oto-Manguean language group spoken in southern Mexico) have often been analyzed as having a three-way tonal distinction: Low, Mid and High. I present evidence from original research on simple, alienable nouns, that only two lexical tones, /H/ (corresponding to the traditional Mid tone) and /L/, where some H tones are floating, are needed to describe noun roots in Acatlán Mixtec. In essence, the extra-H tone (corresponding to the traditional Hi tone) only occurs in derived environments, which involve the interaction of tones from two or more morphemes. The bulk of the analysis uses H and L to represent the two tones, but in the final section I will present evidence that low tones are underlyingly unspecified.
Acatlán Mixtec (spoken chiefly in the state of Puebla, Mexico) has attracted some attention due to the claim made in E. Pike and Wistrand (1974) that the typologically uncommon tonal process known as “iterative upstep” exists in this variety of Mixtec, and its theoretical implications potentially dispute the universal nature of the Obligatory Contour Principle (Snider 1988, Snider 1999 and Aronovich 1994). Although upstep is beyond the scope of this thesis, this study lays the groundwork for exploring upstep in Acatlán Mixtec in the future, especially the description of the raising effects of floating H tones.
I propose that only six underlying tone patterns account for all noun roots (/H/, /L/, /LH/, /HL/, /HL(H)/ and /L(H)/). I also propose that three tone processes (Hi-tone spreading, Hi-tone raising, Hi-tone lowering) and an OCP condition (the two-slot condition, which is an instantiation of the Obligatory Contour Principle described in this study) account for the surface realizations of these nouns.
This copy includes corrections to editing errors that do not affect the results of the thesis.

Biliteral roots have been, and still are controversial. Because Noam Agmon's paper, to which this note is an introduction, assumes the reality of biliteral roots, the issue is revisited. Several important arguments in support of the biliterality of C1C2C2 and C1C1C2 verbs were put forth in the course of the past thirty years. They are reviewed here, along with the criticisms they have triggered. It is concluded that the evidence weighs in favor of recognizing synchronically active biliteral roots subjected to templatic pressure. It is further suggested that a by-product of Agmon's study and findings is a time frame for the emergence of templatic morphology in the Middle East.

This paper discusses the literally one-off case of nasal dissimilation in Bangla to show that the emergence of this hardly visible phonological phenomenon in an obscure corner of the lexicon makes a strong argument for the universality of phonological constraints. The argument being that if all phonological constraints are drawn from the human sensory-motor or cognitive systems, they must be universal and part of the innate biases in all human languages. Many of these might not be visible in the surface representation of these languages as their individual weights (Pater 2009) might be less than the weights of other markedness or faithfulness constraints that might be violated by competing candidates. Nevertheless, it is possible that the cumulative weight of a number of such insignificant constraints could add up to overtake the weight of some heavier, more apparent constraint, resulting in neutralization processes to emerge in very limited parts of the lexicon. In this paper, I show that the emergence of OCP-Nasal in Bangla is a case of The Emergence of the Unmarked (McCarthy 1994), which can be analyzed using standard OT by using constraint conjunction. However, using weighted constraints instead of ranked constraints explains away the nuances of the conditions that allow this well-formedness condition to emerge in Bangla.