The Bible Reading of Young Evangelicals: An Exploration of the Ordinary Hermeneutics and Faith of Generation Y

The Bible Reading of Young Evangelicals

An Exploration of the Ordinary Hermeneutics and Faith of Generation Y

Ruth H. Perrin

foreword by James S. Bielo

The Bible Reading of Young Evangelicals

An Exploration of the Ordinary Hermeneutics and Faith of Generation Y

Copyright ©

2016

Ruth H. Perrin. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical publications or reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publisher. Write: Permissions, Wipf and Stock Publishers,

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Pickwick Publications

An Imprint of Wipf and Stock Publishers

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paperback isbn: 978-1-4982-9342-6

hardcover isbn: 978-1-4982-9344-0

ebook isbn: 978-1-4982-9343-3

Cataloguing-in-Publication data:

Names: Perrin, Ruth H. | foreword by Bielo, James S.

Title: The Bible reading of young evangelicals : an exploration of the ordinary hermeneutics and faith of generation y / Ruth H. Perrin, with a foreword by James S. Bielo

Description: Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications,

2016

| Includes bibliographical references.

Identifiers:

isbn 978-1-4982-9342-6 (

paperback

) | isbn 978-1-4982-9344-0 (

hardcover

) | isbn 978-1-4982-9343-3 (

ebook

)

Subjects: LSCH: Bible—Criticism, interpretations, etc. | Bible—Reading | Bible—Hermeneutics | Bible—Reader response criticism.

Classification:

BS476 P27 2016 (

print

) | BS511.3 (

ebook

)

Manufactured in the U.S.A.

10/25/16

Table of Contents

Title Page

Foreword

Preface

Acknowledgments

Chapter 1: Introduction

Chapter 2: Research Methodology

Chapter 3: Interpretative Priorities: What Matters to Young Evangelical Bible Readers?

Chapter 4: Ordinary Hermeneutics: How Do Young Evangelicals Read Scripture?

Chapter 5: Evangelical Theological Distinctives:Engaging with the Supernatural

Chapter 6: Evangelical Theological Distinctives: Wrestling with the Violence of God

Chapter 7: Evangelical Theological Distinctives: Gender, Postfeminism, and the Faith of Generation Y

Chapter 8: Evangelical Group Dynamics: Challenging the Stereotype

Chapter 9: Some Conclusions: Fresh Views on the Faith of Generation Y

Bibliography

"It is common knowledge that evangelical Christians take the Bible seriously. A question often overlooked is: how is it read? How do evangelicals find meaning in Biblical passages and how do they negotiate emerging tensions between the text and their cultural identities? This is a study that examines evangelical Biblicism not just as a theological priority but also as a social experience. Ruth Perrin has produced an innovative study, based on careful empirical research among young adult members of evangelical churches in the UK. This is a fascinating volume, full of fresh insights into how young Christians deal with the scriptures they place at the center of their faith."

—Mathew Guest, Reader in the Sociology of Religion, Durham University

Many people have many theories about how and why young people do or do not read the Bible but these theories are all too often based on anecdote. Here at last is a serious piece of research that reflects deeply on the subject and is based on in-depth research with young people. It is a must-read for anyone who wants to encourage young people in their reading of the Bible.

—Paula R. Gooder, Theologian in Residence, Bible Society

Ruth Perrin has charted new waters with this challenging and detailed study of the Bible reading habits of young Christians. She sets out to show how a generation of young people are interpreting the scriptures and making sense of the faith for themselves. For the academic this book is part of a growing literature on the ethnography of biblical reception. It is also an essential read for anyone working with young adults and in student ministries.

—Pete Ward, Professor, St. John’s College Department of Theology and Religion, Durham University

This is a really important book addressing the fundamental question of how younger evangelicals read the Bible and engage with deeper questions of faith. It is thorough and convincing, allowing participants’ voices to be heard alongside Perrin’s intelligent analysis of their engagement. It is a compelling read, and, given that this is a largely missing demographic from our churches, I commend it to all church leaders, especially those who seek to engage with this generation.

—Mark Tanner, Warden, Cranmer Hall, Durham University

The importance of young evangelicals in the leadership of church and society, both present and future, should not be underestimated and consequently what they actually believe is of both academic and pastoral concern. Ruth Perrin’s ground-breaking research gives both new data and insightful interpretation to help us all in this task.

—David Wilkinson, Principal, St. John’s College; Professor of Theology and Religion, Durham University

This book is dedicated to the remarkable emerging adults I have been privileged to know and work with. Their faith and courage continues to inspire me.

Foreword

How do Christians read the Bible? This is a serious question with far-reaching implications: sociological, cultural, theological, political, personal. To put the question more precisely: how do ordinary Christians actually read the Bible? That is, when people of faith without formal training in ancient languages, hermeneutics, or textual criticism sit down with scriptural texts, how do they understand them and what do they have to say about them?

Of course, what evangelical Christians call the Bible is actually a collection of sixty-six different books, written across a period of multiple centuries by different authors and ranging across genres and styles. Northrop Fry described the Bible as "a mosaic: a pattern of commandments, aphorisms, epigrams, proverbs, parables, riddle, periscopes, parallel couplets, formulaic phrases, folktales, oracles, epiphanies, Gattungen, Logia, bits of occasional verse, marginal glosses, legends, snippets from historical documents, laws, letters, sermons, hymns, ecstatic visions, rituals, fables, genealogical lists, and so on almost indefinitely."¹ Really, the act of reading Scripture could be considered overwhelming, even immobilizing. Perhaps it is the height of futility? Or, perhaps, daring?

Foolish or fearless, ordinary Christians do read the Bible. Millions do, every day, and again the next. And so, serious questions demand serious answers. As scholars in the social sciences and humanities, when we want to engage a question such as this—how do Christians read the Bible?—we are confronted with a decision of method. Quantitative measures are helpful, but eventually they raise more questions than they answer. Questionnaires can tell you how often the Bible is read, where, among who, which texts are favored, how people characterize their approach to Scripture, and so on, but even the most finely and cleverly crafted survey instrument cannot observe how people struggle to make sense of the text and what emerges from that struggle. For this, we need qualitative research that embraces the complexity, the creativity, and the messiness of modern readers grappling with ancient words in specific cultural contexts during particular socio-historical moments.

Enter Ruth Perrin’s marvelous new book. Strictly speaking, this is a book about ordinary biblicism among young adult British evangelicals. It results from Perrin’s research with focus groups of readers in three English congregations. But really, it exceeds this modest description. It is a systematic and insightful contribution to comparative scholarship in the social life of scriptures.

First and foremost, readers have been given a gift: a model for what it means to do rigorous, well-crafted qualitative work. With any qualitative project, there are numerous questions of research design to consider, numerous choices to make, numerous ways in which the project can go right or wrong. Perrin has made one good choice after another, orchestrating a project that is elegant and compelling. Readers in the process of designing their own project will benefit greatly from the clarity and transparency with which she invites us into the fieldwork process.

Of course, many readers will not be holding this book as researchers plotting a project, but as scholars, citizens, and/or believers genuinely wanting insight into the question of how Christians read the Bible. They will also benefit. Perrin marshals her data to address numerous questions about these British evangelicals. We learn about the difference between popular and authorized readings. Following scholars like Brian Malley and Andrew Village, Perrin shows how easy categories like biblical literalism fail to capture the diversity of interpretive practices among Christians who all affirm scriptural inerrancy. We learn how reading is a social, collaborative process, best understood in the context of group discussion. We learn about how factors of gender and age intersect to shape how individuals read the same text differently. And, to my mind one of the book’s most distinctive contributions, we learn how Bible reading is deeply affective, not merely cognitive. When these British evangelicals read Scripture, they do so through the experiential and emotional registers of their lifeworld, not merely a set of easily definable intellectual dispositions.

More than the sum of its individual findings, Perrin’s work will be a lasting contribution to multiple fields of inquiry. Scholars working in comparative areas like the ethnography of reading and the sociology of evangelicalism will find fresh insight in these chapters. Scholars interested in the movements and contours of contemporary British religion will read this book productively alongside recent works like Anna Strhan’s Aliens and Strangers? and Matthew Engelke’s God’s Agents. This book poses a particular promise for the budding field of ethnographic theology. Writing as an insider to the British evangelical community, Perrin presents her research and the lives of her readers with the eye of a diligent analyst seeking to make trustworthy claims and the heart of a fellow traveller seeking to make the trail more visible. Ethnographic theology is about expressing, generating, and realizing theological knowledge through the research process. Still young, the field is long on ambition and theoretical sophistication, but short on well-designed, rigorous qualitative fieldwork. Perrin’s work will inspire and educate her colleagues.

How do Christians read the Bible? No book, sociological or theological, will really answer this question. But, good books, generative books, will help reveal what is really entailed in asking and addressing this question. Good books excavate the question, sharing the forms of foolishness, fearlessness, curiosity, creativity, doubting, and faithfulness discovered in the process. The book you are holding is just such a read.

James S. Bielo

Miami University

1. Frye, Northrup, The Great Code: The Bible and Literature (New York: Harcourt Brace,

1981

).

Preface

Many have attempted to teach the Bible to young people. Some of us have done it for a long time. Many of us have also wondered what effect our preaching, teaching, and mentoring has actually had; what we have intentionally (or unintentionally) modelled?

This book, and the research on which it is based, came out of personal curiosity about how I, and many others, had influenced the Bible reading of those we have tried to help. Rather than anecdote and supposition I wanted rigorous evidence: What happens when young adults are given a Bible passage? How do they make sense of it? What is important to them and why? The findings have subsequently shaped my own preaching and teaching. My hope is that they might also help others reflect on their own attempts to teach Scripture in a faithful and life giving way, particularly to those who are in the early days of their faith journey.

Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge the encouragement and support that made this book possible. In particular, Mathew Guest and Richard Briggs at the University of Durham who supervised the PhD on which it is based.

Likewise I would like to thank Sarah, Will, Ken, and their congregations for their willingness to participate in the research. Similar thanks go to the leadership of Hope Community who permitted me to run pilot studies.

Finally, I would like to thank the friends, family, and colleagues who have supported and encouraged me to pursue this study and its subsequent publication; the Bible Society for their financial assistance; James Bielo for his foreword; and the editorial team at Pickwick Publications.

1

Introduction

Background to the Project

Rationale for the Research

This project was born out of fifteen years of ministry with young British evangelical Christians. To date there has been little empirical research into this group and so this research set out to explore four areas of their faith.

• Firstly, how it develops as they progress through the liminal period of their twenties.

• Secondly, since Evangelicals emphasize the Bible as central to their faith and yet there is considerable evidence of declining biblical literacy, it aimed to explore their biblical engagement and hermeneutic processes.¹

• A third priority was to examine differences across the spectrum of British evangelicalism; to explore how far young evangelicals conform to the doctrinal positions of their churches and the extent to which trans-denominationalism is creating a more eclectic form of evangelical spirituality.²

• Finally, having previously undertaken research into gender-related issues I wanted to examine how far attitudes to gender influenced behaviour and biblical engagement.

These sociological, theological and hermeneutical questions are interrelated and are woven throughout this book, providing nuanced evidence and fresh insight into contemporary British evangelicalism and the faith of young adults in that context.

Researcher Context

With the advent of liberationist and feminist research methodologies, it has become standard practice for sociologists of religion to declare their understood biases and personal agendas. I am a charismatic evangelical, biblical feminist and a non-ordained minister. However, I grew up within Reformed evangelicalism and have been involved in a range of national and international evangelical organizations. I have friends and colleagues from across the world and have been fascinated by the differences in global evangelicalism. Within the UK I have attended Baptist, Anglican, and New Churches, have friends and colleagues from Methodist, Brethren, Pentecostal, and Reformed traditions and have often found myself translating across denominational boundaries. I am an insider researcher, with the advantages and limitations that brings. However, I am not blind to the limitations of my chosen tradition, nor entirely unsympathetic towards others I do not belong to. In fact, my diverse background facilitated this research. The church leaders invited to participate were personal friends and colleagues, and our shared concerns motivated their cooperation. Inevitably, as an insider researcher there were dynamics that I was normalized to, however it also allowed me to understand references and responses that an outsider might have misunderstood. I have therefore endeavoured to be both objective and respectful towards the range of beliefs and traditions among those participating.

Who Is This Book For?

This book is adapted from a doctoral thesis and aimed at two audiences. Firstly, the academy; those interested in the fields of the sociological study of evangelicalism and of emerging adulthood. It adds to a growing body of work in both fields. However, it is also aimed at those in the church who wish to reflect on their own ministry, Bible teaching and its impact on younger generations. The first chapter provides definitions which will help in understanding specific terminology and highlight related work. The second, a methodology chapter, introduces the participating churches and focus groups. Chapters 3 and 4 consider in detail the ordinary readings and interpretative methods of the young adults involved, comparing them with scholarly analyzes and wider evangelical trends. Chapters 5 to 7 reflect on three of the theological distinctives which divide British evangelicals: attitudes towards the supernatural, acts of violence attributed to God, and issues around gender. Each considers current debates before presenting the response of the readers. Chapter 8 examines group dynamics and chapter 9 draws some conclusions. My hope is that it will stimulate discussion, reflection, and thoughtful engagement with both the faith of contemporary young adults and how they read the Bible.

Situating the Research

Although this project has clear overlaps with the field of practical theology it has not primarily focussed on transforming practice or creating ministerial outcomes. It is a study in biblical hermeneutics or ordinary biblicism and the sociology of evangelicalism with particular reference to emerging adults. To situate the project, some terms first need to be defined and the literature in those fields considered. They are: contemporary British evangelicalism, emerging adulthood, and ordinary biblicism.

Defining Evangelicalism

As philosophers and linguists have long told us, words do not have clear meanings. We interpret them in their context and from our own perspective.³ This means that, for those belonging to a certain group, a word may carry one set of meanings, yet for an outsider or academic it may mean something entirely different. This is particularly pertinent when labelling religious groups. Words can simply be descriptive yet perceived as positive or pejorative. Likewise, an individual’s self-described faith might be linguistically inconsistent with an academic description. Ammerman notes, in her work on Fundamentalism, that self-identification is not entirely reliable.⁴ Similarly, Guest discovered confusion and the contesting of labels within a single English church congregation.⁵ Religious and theological labels amongst ordinary church goers can often be vague.⁶ Thus, asking someone to define their Christian tradition may or may not be a helpful indicator of their doctrine and religious praxis. Evangelical, as a descriptor of a type of Protestant Christian spirituality, is a good example. Despite its linguistic root (evangel meaning good news), its definition has always been contested. Lord Shaftesbury in the eighteenth century wrote, I know what constituted an Evangelical in former times, I have no clear notion what constitutes one now.⁷ Scholarly work distinguishing between evangelicalism and fundamentalism is discussed in chapter 3, but essentially evangelical describes a set of core theological positions summarized by Bebbington: "Conversionism, the belief that lives need to be changed; activism, the expression of the gospel in effort, biblicism, a particular regard for the Bible; and what may be called crucicentrism, a stress on the sacrifice of Christ on the cross. Today they form a quadrilateral of priorities."⁸

Critiques of this quadrilateral include arguments for a prioritized version, the addition of revivalism, christocentricity (a prioritization of Christ over other members of the Trinity), and the addition of expectation of a transformed life.⁹ Larsen has a five-point description and Warner adds faith not works and trans-denominationalism, describing twin and rival axes within British evangelicalism. One axis he describes as conversionist-activist, the other biblicist-crucicentrist.¹⁰

Some of these suggestions are helpful. Certainly evangelicals expect a transformed life. However, it could be argued that this expectation falls within a prioritization of crucicentrism—the ongoing transformational power of the cross in the life of the believer. Likewise, an emphasis on faith not works is directly theologically related to conversionism, it need not be a discrete fifth category. With regard to christocentrism, charismatic evangelicals strongly emphasize the Holy Spirit and some prioritize the father heart of God.¹¹ Similarly, trans-denominationalism is not universal; some conservative evangelicals and parts of the New Frontiers network discourage movement to other evangelical churches.¹²

Warner’s dichotomous axes are insightful, but they are based on Bebbington and do not account for all evangelical groupings. Particularly among younger evangelicals, resources and teaching from both axes are adopted. Those Pally calls the new evangelicals might be described as biblicist-activists. Inspired by biblical themes of justice and mercy, they are concerned to communicate the love of Christ through social justice and societal transformation rather than through traditional conversionism. Indeed, many evangelicals have adapted and modified position and praxis since Warner’s model was published. Ultimately, none of these alternatives significantly undermine Bebbington’s model. Since his axes are not fixed points, it allows for sufficient flexibility to accommodate most evangelical groupings and remains the most helpful summary to date. Bearing all this in mind I shall continue to use it, assuming that those I am describing assert faith not works and expect a transformed life but may prioritize the four qualities differently.

Despite certain groups mentioned above, one of the reasons clear definitions within British evangelicalism are so difficult to formulate is the increasing trend towards trans-denominationalism.¹³ Anecdotal evidence that denominational loyalty is in decline is confirmed by the 2013 Evangelical Alliance survey which reports that only 8 percent of respondents considered denomination a very important factor when considering which church to attend.¹⁴ A more transient lifestyle means it is typical for individuals to belong to a number of denominations.¹⁵ For example, a significant number of Baptists have been drawn to the New Frontiers network and many charismatic Anglicans now lead New Churches.¹⁶ Increasing social mobility, the haemorrhaging of young and middle-class worshippers to fashionable congregations in city suburbs, and the development of New Church streams with aggressive church planting policies are significant.¹⁷ These, combined with the internet and media-driven culture of conferences and publications have given individuals access to global teaching and worship, transforming church attendance habits.¹⁸

Inevitably, as people move from church to church they carry with them a mixture of theological positions, stylistic preferences and diverse influences; thus, although people tend to do this within a limited range of denominations, few evangelical congregations can be defined as pure anything. Often only the leadership are consciously aware of the doctrinal positions with which a certain church is associated. In a simultaneously globalized and individualistic society, while denominational heritage still has influence, a hybridization of doctrine and praxis appears routine, with many Christians unconsciously adopting theological positions from eclectic sources.¹⁹ Therefore, even if it is possible to label a particular evangelical church, this by no means ensures that its members hold the same beliefs.²⁰ It is likely that they would fit within a theological range, but denominational labels are less significant than shared Christian identity. In a post-Christian culture like contemporary Britain, believers tend to be more aware of stylistic than denominational or theological differences and may well look for a church based on individual preferences such as worship style, the needs of their children, social compatibility or geographical convenience.²¹

In reality, this is nothing new. Since the Reformation, Protestant groups have been separating, redefining, and influencing each other’s spiritual practice. Mennonite influence on the Anglican John Wesley is a good example and, in 1851, nineteen evangelical denominations were identified in England and Wales.²² Celtic, Brethren, and Quaker spirituality have influenced other Protestant traditions, and Pentecostalism has had influence far wider than its actual membership. Bebbington describes evangelical Christianity as an ongoing kaleidoscope.²³ Its ability to engage with contemporary culture and adapt to the demands of each subsequent generation are arguably one of its greatest strengths. Nonetheless, this makes the task of defining any particular group a taxing one. For some believers, evangelical is a description they embrace whole-heartedly. For others it is an adjective, a descriptor of the sort of Anglican, Methodist, or charismatic they are. Yet, for many it has become pejorative, synonymous with a hardline absolutism that disregards other types of Christian spirituality. However, this is often a caricature, since churches that hold to Bebbington’s quadrilateral are so diverse. Regardless of how assertive or diplomatic they are, or how open or closed to ecumenism, some hold firmly to the label, while others are reluctant but maintain the core values. Evangelicals are typically pragmatic: if dropping a culturally incomprehensible label, while holding to their values, achieves their purpose of communicating the gospel to contemporary society, many are happy to do so. Indeed, of the four churches involved in this study, two used the label evangelical, one has publicly modified it to Bible teaching church (but still uses evangelical as a self-descriptor amongst its established congregation) and one was reluctant to use the language at all (although its leader accepted that they were evangelicals really).

Contemporary British Evangelicalism

Contemporary British evangelicalism has a complex and distinct history, rooted in attempts to redress theological liberalism in the traditional denominations and historical-criticism in the academy.²⁴ Wright describes it as the child of British Puritanism and German Pietism, stressing serious theological and biblical enquiry with an emphasis on personal relationship with God.²⁵ Although it has overlaps with global evangelicalism, it has taken a unique path that is influenced by, but does not always parallel, its transatlantic cousin. The theological diversity within British evangelicalism means: There is no British, still less any European, evangelical theology, if by that is meant an identifiable, commonly held and distinctive position; instead there is an ongoing conversation, returning often to central themes, but in different ways.²⁶

A number of taxonomies have been proposed to describe these diverse groupings. Wright adopts Fackre’s categorisation of: fundamentalist, old, new, justice and peace, charismatic, and ecumenical evangelicals.²⁷ Warner also creates six categories: neo-fundamentalist, neo-conservative, moderate conservative, Lausanne mainstream (engaged) evangelicals, reconstructed evangelicals, and radical evangelicals.²⁸ However, none of these models manage to capture the subgroupings, alliances and fractures that mark the ever evolving face of British evangelicalism. ²⁹ They may describe a snapshot in time, but are outdated as new churches, partnerships, or conflicts emerge.

Writing in the mid-1990s, Wright argued that evangelicalism was not disappearing but mutating.³⁰ Warner, published in 2007, suggested that it was becoming increasingly polarized and anticipated both ends of the spectrum abandoning the label in order to avoid association with each other.³¹ Bebbington is less pessimistic, seeing British evangelicalism as eclectic but acknowledging that any former unity has been broken.³² Indeed, the decline in membership of the Evangelical Alliance suggests that British evangelicals no longer see their common heritage as enough to theologically unite them. Instead, Ward argues that they have become tribal, although intermarriage, trade and exchange between the tribes is considerable.³³ Perhaps then, it is most helpful to see British evangelicals as an extended (and complex) family whose relationships ebb and flow, ranging from fierce disagreement to intentional solidarity, but none the less grounded in the same essential DNA of Bebbington’s quadrilateral.

Studies of British Evangelicalism

Touching on the field of congregational studies the present work follows in the tradition of qualitative research, exploring the theological variations, behaviours and beliefs of evangelicals. The field of evangelical ethnographic study is extensive and well established in the United States.³⁴ A growing body of British research in the last decade includes the work of Aune, Guest, Rogers, Cartledge, and Strhan.³⁵ This project is informed by, but not entirely comparable with any of these works. Some ethnographic observation was undertaken to assist in understanding context, but it is not primarily an ethnographic study. It is an examination of a particular age group across a number of evangelical congregations, and is comparative in nature. Thus, rather than trying to build a full picture of these communities, the project focuses on the way their emerging adults behaved in corporate Bible study.

Defining Emerging Adulthood

Given the age-related focus of this project, developmental research is pertinent and some further definitions are required.

Faith Development Models

It is widely recognized that in late adolescence/early adulthood cognitive transitions take place.³⁶ These are related to maturation in brain structure and include synaptic pruning (the selective elimination of unnecessary neuronal connections), myelination of the prefrontal cortex (which optimizes the transmission of electrical signals around the central nervous system), and changes in the limbic system.³⁷ Changes in the prefrontal cortex cause the subsequent development of executive functions. These make cognitive processing more efficient, allow for the suppression of distractions while increasing working memory and the capacity for abstract thinking. Thus the age period is highly significant in developing conceptual frameworks and advanced reasoning ability about abstract and complex subjects—such as ultimate concerns including religious belief.³⁸

There is also a growing body of literature around changes in religiosity during this life stage (much of which comes from the United States). These often differentiate between religious practices and religious beliefs and focus on the transition away from the childhood home into independent living which many young adults in developed societies undertake. Much of the evidence suggests that, despite significant life changes and the opportunity to explore wider religious concepts, spiritual and religious beliefs tend to remain stable.³⁹ However, religious practices such as attending church and praying decline.⁴⁰ Nonetheless, it is widely recognized that this life stage is particularly significant to identity formation and meaning making, thus exposure to and exploration of religious faith can be a significant part of this developmental task.⁴¹

Models to explain faith development originate with James Fowler,⁴² who used the developmental stages mapped out by Levinson.⁴³ Fowler argued that between the ages of seventeen and twenty-two faith typically moves from a non-reflective and conformist stage (largely determined by others) to individuative-reflective faith; an individualistic stage with the loci of authority moving to the self.⁴⁴ Criticisms of Fowler argue that his model is falsely universalizing, hierarchical, and gendered and that it promotes rationalism and theological liberalism over other forms of knowledge and spirituality. However, in a western context, Astley acknowledges that the experiences of many do resonate with Fowler’s descriptions.⁴⁵ Feminist alternatives also perceive this age span as particularly significant.⁴⁶ Similarly, The Critical Years, written in 1986, argued for the late teens and early twenties being a significant period in establishing a life pattern.⁴⁷ However, current work suggests that economic and sociological changes have had an influence so significant on the development of the current young adult generation as to render earlier models outdated.

The work of Arnett, Emerging Adulthood, has led to a growing field of academic study. He argues that the lifestyle and expectations of young adults are radically different to those of previous generations and thus the developmental process has extended to at least twenty-five.⁴⁸ Economic factors have altered employment patterns; extended periods of education (and the associated debt), combined with changing patterns of sexual behaviour and marriage, mean that young adults do not expect to settle down by their mid-twenties.⁴⁹ Instead they are expected to negotiate a self-biography, gathering experiences and defining themselves without an established cultural model.⁵⁰ Wuthnow concurs, arguing that the statistical midpoint of adulthood in America is now forty-nine and that, since parents are living longer, young adults demonstrate a longer psychological dependence on them. Thus, many complete what were typically considered the early tasks of adulthood in their thirties rather than twenties, and some never marry, establish a career, buy a house, or raise a family.⁵¹

Perspectives on emerging adults vary. Some commentators are highly critical of Generation Me, understanding them as self-indulgent narcissists.⁵² Others note the disturbing levels of anxiety and mental health problems faced by those whose future is so uncertain.⁵³ Beck and Arnett are more optimistic, describing emerging adults as altruistic individualists, while Wuthnow suggests that advances in travel and technology have raised awareness and concern for global issues.⁵⁴ By contrast, Smith paints a depressing picture of a highly individualistic, sexually promiscuous, socially, politically, and ethically disengaged generation whose consumerism, and drug and alcohol misuse are the result of endemic boredom.⁵⁵ However this generation are viewed, emerging adulthood refers to an extended developmental period from eighteen to twenty-five, which may actually last for most of an individual’s twenties. As Douglas describes,

Adulthood is seen by many contemporary young people as a peril to be avoided, the end of independence. For them, the new stage of emerging adulthood represents unprecedented freedom to explore—education, love, work, and fun—and to gain a broad range of life experiences. It is also a time for self-focus, with few ties or daily obligations to others. It is, in short, an in-between time, full of possibilities and high hopes. However, this time of exploration is also a time of instability.⁵⁶

Arnett argues that the tasks of establishing