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Significance Non-economic priorities such as nation-building and partisan political interests have often shaped large developmental projects in the Western Balkans, facilitated by no-questions-asked capital from China, Russia and Turkey. The COVID-19 pandemic has created the opportunity to attract more promising projects, not least in the pharma and digital sectors. More vigorous assessment of the environmental and economic consequences of state-led development could facilitate the region’s prosperity and alignment with the EU. Impacts Civil society groups will put significant pressure on governments and investors to raise standards. Calls for the EU to support civil society and activists in Western Balkans directly will intensify. Serbia’s economic assertiveness could contribute to isolating Kosovo and encouraging breakaway tendencies in Bosnia’s Republika Srpska (RS).

U fokusu ovog rada je aktuelna politička situacija u Bosni i Hercegovini, s posebnim naglaskom na Republiku Srpsku povodom koje se, i u kojoj se, vode dva suprotstavljena (geo)politička procesa. Prvi, kojeg karakterišu permanentni pritisci Zapada, te predstavnika FBiH (više Bošnjaka nego Hrvata), na Republiku Srpsku i njen dejtonski, ustavni položaj u okviru državne zajednice Bosne i Hercegovine, i drugi, koji predstavlja borbu Republike Srpske za svoj autonomni položaj u okviru dejtonske BiH. Ove dve (geo)politike predstavljaju i glavninu sadržaja ovog članka. Kad je reč o prvom procesu, navedeni su ključni primeri i izvršena detaljna analiza kontinuiranih pritisaka, osporavanja, kao i sankcija prema Republici Srpskoj i njenim političkim predstavnicima od strane Zapada, naročito visokog predstavnika UN za BiH (svih sedam – nekog više, nekog manje) i nametnutih antidejtonskih i antiustavnih institucija, kao što je Ustavni sud BiH, gde su se na osnovu brojčane većine stranih i bošnjačkih sudija, pod maskom primene Dejtonskog sporazuma, potvrđivali zakoni i odluke visokog predstavnika o oduzimanju dejtonskih, ustavnih nadležnosti Republike Srpske i donosile odluke koje su išle u prilog bošnjačke vizije centralizovane, unitarne BiH. Prema srpskom viđenju, epilog ovih poteza bio bi razvlašćivanje i ukidanje Republike Srpske. Ovakav trend „kreativne primene Dejtona“, naročito je intenziviran donošenjem tzv. Inckovog zakona o negiranju genocida, koji korespondira sa dolaskom na vlast američkog predsednika Bajdena i njegovim stavom da se „dovrši“ posao na Balkanu – konačnim otimanjem Kosova od Srbije i ukidanjem Republike Srpske. Sa tim ciljem, krenuli su američki emisari i pojačan je diplomatski, psihološki, politički i svaki drugi pritisak na predstavnike Srpske, prevashodno na Dodika, ali i na rukovodstvo u Beogradu. Predstavnici FBiH, pogotovo bošnjački, u nedostatku „dejtonskih“ argumenata, u sili Zapadnih „argumenata“ vide način za ostvarenje svoje državne vizije – „celovite“, „jedinstvene“ – dakle antidejtonske, antiustavne i unitarne BiH. Srpska se na adekvatan, demokratski način, suprotstavlja antitejtonskim i antiustavnim merama. Narodna skupština RS stavila je van snage brutalni „Inckov zakon“ i donela zakon protiv omalovažavanja Srpske; odbila je da prihvati novog tzv. visokog predstavnika (Kristijan Šmit), koji nije dobio saglasnost Rusije i Kine u SB UN, kao ni u Upravnom odboru PIK-a (ruski ambasador nije glasao). Takođe, u Narodnoj skupštini RS otpočeo je proces ukidanja svih zakona kojima su otimane nadležnosti Republike Srpske i prenošene na BiH. Republika Srpska dakle ne želi secesiju, ali čvrsto stoji na braniku svoje dejtonske i ustavne pozicije. Zahteva da se, kad vrati svoje državne nadležnosti na nivo „slova“ Dejtona, kroz unutrašnji dijalog, bez prisustva spoljnih medijatora (što Bošnjaci odbijaju), nađe rešenje. U protivnom – rešenje je mirni razlaz. Treba ukazati da ovaj proces dejtonskog ili, eventualno, državno – nezavisnog pozicioniranja Republike Srpske podrazumeva nekoliko uslova: pre svega političko jedinstvo u Srpskoj, saglasnost i podršku rukovodstva Srbije, što se sve skupa temelji na jedinstvu srpskog naroda u celini, te pouzdane i moćne saveznike, kao što su Rusija i Kina, a to znači povoljnu globalnu geopolitičku konstelaciju.

Abstract This study examines the practice of ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina flying a state, entity, religious, or foreign flag at wedding ceremonies in public spaces. The wedding custom is analyzed through the lens of Hannah Arendt’s discussion of the way nationalism in the modern era links family and state. After a tragic war, flag power in this context appears to exacerbate nationalism and ethnic tensions in a polyethnic society trapped in a dysfunctional state structure created by the Dayton Accords. The empirical study finds that flag power does not, in fact, privilege ethnic solidarity over national solidarity to the degree that social and political theory would have us imagine. The national identity of being Bosnian is more likely to be exemplified. A clustered, stratified, random sample of 2,500 subjects over the age of eighteen was drawn from the country’s population, including the two entities, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska and Brčko District. Survey questions involving face-to-face structured questions asked participants whether flags were flown at their weddings, which flags were flown, and attitudes toward the wedding custom. Variations by age, religiosity, education, ethnicity, type of flag flown, and political party affiliation are reported and interpreted.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to explore broadsheet newspaper framing and agenda-setting of two events using the five-frame model developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). This article provides insight into how the leading broadsheet newspaper within BiH’s Republika Srpska frames relationships between the three main ethnic groups and is the first such study to occur in BiH. By identifying and exploring the most common frames in Glas Srpske during the five-year period (from 31 December 2015 to 30 December 2020), the research is meant to answer the following research questions: How does Glas Srpske frame the conversation about it and portray the Day of Republika Srpska (RS) and Referendum of the RS Day? The results, which find Attribution of Responsibility and Conflict frames to be the more prevalent in Glas Srpske, illustrate contentious politics that reinforce differences between ethnic groups in BiH. These events and the controversial narrative surrounding them are relevant more than ever in the light of the recent non-paper ‘Western Balkans – A Way Forward’.

In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.

AVİM, for some time, has been drawing attention for developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) that threaten the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Confirming this foresight, the High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the report he has recently presented to the UN Secretary General stated the view that BiH is in imminent danger of breaking apart, and there is a very real prospect of a return to conflict. During the UN Security Council UNSC) debate, the representative of the USA expressed concern over Milorad Dodik statements indicating an intention to withdraw Republika Srpska entirely from the Government and described this move as a dangerous path for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the wider region. The Russian Federation (RF) insisted on the closure of the Office of the High Representative and openly declaresd that RF does not recognize the new High Representative. In the UNSC debate, Croatian representative made a "revisionist" statement, while the Serbian representative expressed balanced and careful views. Croatia was supported by the EU Delegation. The declaration of support by the EU for Croatia has a content that could lead to a dangerous path to the more revisionist developments in BiH. It is difficult to say that it is appropriate for the EU to make such a statement supporting the one constituent people at such a critical time. Bosniaks, one of the constituent and the most populous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were left without support and alone in the Security Council. At this critical juncture, Turkey, as a member of the Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council, seems to be the only country that can show its support to the Bosniaks, reveal the EU's inaction and its partisan position in BiH, and not give an opportunity to those who want to drive the Bosniaks into the corner.

Educating young people is one of the most beautiful and humane vocations. The transfer of knowledge to young people and their introduction into the world of science requires a well-prepared and organized educator. The application of information technologies in education has become an everyday tool, so that its role in the educational process has come to the fore during the last two years. The Covid 19 pandemic brought new challenges to the education system in Republika Srpska. The best solutions for the teaching process were sought. At the beginning, the classes were conducted at a distance, last year in classrooms with classes shortened to 20 minutes, and this year the classes again last 45 minutes, with respect to protection measures. The paper will show how the students coped with all these changes and how much their knowledge of information technology helped them in all this. The research includes an analysis of data collected by a survey of high school students and refers to their attitudes towards the performance of the teaching process in the past few years.

Abstract The article examines the systems of adaptive forest management in the Republika Srpska (Bosnia and Herzegovina) and forest-steppe and steppe regions of the Central Black Earth region of Russia (within the Voronezh region) in the context of climate change, suggests measures for adaptive forest management. The concept of adaptive measures can be useful to rationalize and focus existing views on adaptation and restoration of forests. This area is designed to help reforestation, with particular attention to the ability of ecosystems to self-organize in the future and adapt to changing environmental conditions. adaptive capacity It is imperative to consider new or unparalleled ecosystems to ensure the best mix of ecosystem services in the face of future uncertainties. substantiation of improving models of forestry in the context of climate change and ensuring their practical implementation. Directions for further research in this area should relate to the development of risk-based planning approaches and multi-stakeholder decision-making.

There are two categories of tax offenses in the so-called tax legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and these are criminal offenses and misdemeanors. Unlike tax crimes prescribed exclusively in criminal law (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Republika Srpska, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Brcko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina), tax offenses are prescribed by dozens of laws and bylaws in force at all levels of government. : at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, then the entities - Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, cantons, Brcko District and finally cities and municipalities. The taxation system in Bosnia and Herzegovina is conceived and constituted in accordance with its constitutional system and it can be characterized as a hybrid system, but also a very complex system with a complex fiscal structure and divided responsibilities for taxation with direct taxes under the jurisdiction of the entity tax administrations. that is, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republika Srpska and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The competent institutions at the entity level are the Ministries of Finance (Ministry of Finance of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Ministry of Finance of the Republika Srpska), ie the Finance Directorate of the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the other hand, indirect taxes are the responsibility of the Indirect Taxation Authority of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Ministry of Finance has been established within the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The author deals with the new position of the injured party in criminal proceedings, persons who may refuse to testify and exceptions from the direct presentation of evidence due to the unavailability of witnesses after the amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code of Republika Srpska from 2021. Starting from the current regulation of this matter, pointing to the solutions in the comparative legislation, the analysis of these changes indicates the consequences of such inconsistent and in some institutes unnecessary and erroneous standardization of this sensitive matter. Attention is drawn to the contradiction between the decision on the privileged witness and juvenile legislation, which is in line with the conventions protecting their position, and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. In that sense, the legislator is critically pointed out the shortcomings of certain solutions and suggests appropriate changes and additions in order to eliminate the problems that may arise during their practical application.