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Indigenous languages are the carriers of the communication, culture, and identity. It is through language that one expresses one's thoughts, emotions, and feelings. Unfortunately, colonialism created serious problems and obstacles in the development of African indigenous languages. European languages are used in Africa, rated as official languages of African countries while indigenous languages are sidelined and marginalized. Africa's own vision of decolonization, self-realization, and African Renaissance will always be a dream if African languages don't reclaim their rightful position in Africa. Intellectual decolonization is prudent for the realization of emancipation of the indigenous languages.

Abstract This study takes us to the South Pacific and concentrates on Bislama, one of the dialects of Melanesian pidgin (Siegel 2008: 4) and one of the official languages of Vanuatu. We take a discourse analysis perspective to map out the functions of ale, a conspicuous discourse marker in conversations and narratives. Using Labov & Waletzky (1967) model, we analyze the use of ale in narratives from the book Big Wok: Storian blong Wol Wo Tu long Vanuatu (Lindstrom & Gwero 1998) and determine that ale is a discourse marker which indicates temporal sequence and consequence, frames speech reports and closes a digression. We conclude our study by considering a possible historical development of ale. We map out how French allez could have become Bislama ale using imposition and functional transfer (Siegel 2008; Winford 2013a) of vernacular discourse markers (such as go in Nguna).

Communication is becoming more and more (audio)visual, social and mobile. This is true not only of the entertainment industry but also of commercial advertising and institutional public communication. Consequently, the audiovisual translation industry is flourishing. Although a growing array of products outside the field of entertainment are being localised and/or made accessible, they have received scant attention so far, whether in academic or professional circles. This is notably the case of the institutional video subgenre. This practice report will first address the importance of using increasingly multilingual and multimodal audiovisual products in EU external communication – a tool for reaching out to more citizens on social media and boosting their active participation at a time when populism and Euroscepticism are on the rise. The focus will then shift to the audiovisual communication of the Council of the EU. Through a case study which aims to investigate the internal localisation in all EU official languages of the “#Europeans” series of videos – produced for the 2019 EU elections – the rest of the paper will then outline the main features of the institutional audiovisual translation subgenre. It will also identify some opportunities for improvement: a more integrated and interdisciplinary approach which – together with reinforced collaboration with academia – could lead to a real multilingual creative process right from the initial steps of the audiovisual production process.

As one of the official languages of the Philippines, English predominantly figures in thedomains of education, government, and the judiciary. This reality has always put English at the top of the linguistic ladder, relegating local languages to lower ranks. This scenario appears to be evident also in the domain of the church. In this paper, I investigate signs posted within the compound of a major Catholic church located in the Philippines in terms of types and language use. Informed by linguistic landscape concepts pioneered by Landry and Bourhis (1997), Spolsky and Cooper (1991), and Ben-Rafael (2009), I analyzed over a hundred signs in the religious linguistic landscape, which I call ‘churchscape’. Findings show that English dominates in the churchscape as a language of communication and language of tourism while local languages such as Filipino and Pangasinan assume a secondary role in the churchscape. This study affords us an interesting view and alternative understanding of multilingualism as a phenomenon through the churchscape in question.

Interlingual Communication during French Scientific Expeditions to Lappland, Peru and South Africa in the 18th Century In this paper, I try to outline the image of the interlingual communication during scientific expeditions by detecting and analysing remarks about such instances in the narratives by the expeditions’ commanders. I analyse a narrative of Maupertuis on his geodesic mission to Lappland (1734- 1735), two narratives of La Condamine on his geodesic mission to Peru (1735-1743), and two narratives of Le Vaillant on his travels across South Africa (1781-1784). During his short stay in Lappland, Maupertuis was assisted by a Swedish astronomer and by a Laponian, both speaking French and Finnish. La Condamine and Le Vaillant learned local languages (Spanish, Quechua; Hottentot, Namaqua) in order to eliminate the intermediation of an interpreter. In linguistically fragmented areas, they worked with random natural interpreters. French scientists also made use of the native inhabitants’ familiarity with European languages: official languages of the colonies (Spanish in Peru, Dutch in South Africa) and French, the language of social, cultural and scientific discourse in the 18th century, which they acquired for pleasure.

Adopted by the United Nations in 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is, according to the Guinness Book of World Records, the most widely translated document. However, versions in 419 languages are not conceived as translations but equivalences, alternate embodiments of identical tenets. The Bible has been rendered into numerous languages, but the Hebrew and Greek originals possess authority that English, Bengali, and Xhosa derivatives do not. The Bible is translated, but the UDHR is, through the theology of international governance, transubstantiated into multiple tongues. No version has priority; each is equally valid, transparent, and interchangeable. The utopian premise is not only that all humans possess inalienable rights but also that all languages express the same principles. The document’s title, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, might seem a solecism, a misplaced modifier. Surely, it is human rights that are universal, not the declaration. However, the UN insists that all versions (at least in the original official languages) are equally binding. It rejects Whorfian notions that particular languages enable particular thoughts and embraces languages as neutral tools whose specific manifestation is irrelevant. Arguments against imprisoning writers in Burma could appeal equally to the authority of either the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme or Всеобщую декларацию прав человека or la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos or 世界人权宣言. Rather than the Babelian myth of an Ur-Sprache before hubris scattered us into mutual unintelligibility, the UDHR endorses a Chomskyan belief that all languages can express the same thoughts. Yet differences among versions of Article 1 (“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”) are not trivial; dignity is incommensurable with Würde, αξιοπρέπεια, dignidade, waardigheid, or достоинства. The UDHR is a translingual text shaped by the languages of framers and translators.

Language policies are the cornerstone that establish and maintain communication amongst people. Proper communication, particularly amongst speakers of many languages in a country such as South Africa hinges heavily on perceptions regarding the status of the languages used in that specific country. According to the Republic of South African Constitution (Act 108 of 1996), South Africa has eleven official languages. Nine of these official languages (the indigenous African languages), are regarded as historically disadvantaged, while the remaining two, viz. English and Afrikaans enjoyed official recognition under the then ‘apartheid’ era that lasted until 1994. The previously disadvantaged African languages still lag in terms of development, when compared to English and to a lesser extent, Afrikaans. To address this challenge and reverse the status quo, several measures have been undertaken by government, including the passing of an Act called, Use of Official Languages Act, 2012. This Act aims at managing the use of the official languages optimally, with special emphasis on the previously marginalised languages. South Africa is known for developing good language policies but often criticised for producing such good policies for one good purpose only - to display them in office shelves. Following this state of affairs, this article therefore examines the implementation challenges regarding this Act and suggest what could be done to successfully implement it in South Africa. Second, the article also seeks to alleviate the perceived apathy in implementing language policies, particularly in South Africa, and with implications for Africa as a whole.

Translation as a means of cross-cultural communication serves two purposes: 1. making an additional recording of cultural works of a certain people by creating a copy of these works in a language with a higher number of speakers for further introduction of the culture to a wider public; 2. in a situation of widespread bilingualism, preserving a vulnerable language against assimilation by a dominant language by a bilingual translators conscious counteracting of negative interference and their educational activities in the field of ecolinguistics. In comparison with translation from/to foreign languages, these translational purposes acquire other, new aspects when applied to the languages of the different peoples in one country, depending on the language situation, politics, etc. The article examines the practices used in achieving the above-mentioned purposes of Russian-Yakut, Yakut-Russian translation in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia), a constituent entity of the Russian Federation. The article also describes the role of translation in the spiritual culture of the Yakut people as a proxy of literary and artistic innovations capable of shaping and changing the artistic tastes of readers, as well as a means of integration into the world cultural space, enabling the Yakuts to look at their native culture from the point of view of native speakers of the Russian language and members of Russian (including Soviet) culture. Translation as a sphere of close interaction of languages is of interest to the language policy of this multinational constituent of the Russian Federation. With the adoption of federal and republican laws for language issues in the 1990s, the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) started to give more attention to the translation between the two official languages. As a result of years-long observation of bilingual Yakuts speech culture, it has become apparent that researching linguistical issues of translation, drawing up practical recommendations for translation based on scientific research, and then popularizing them among bilingual Yakuts may become a great help in the preservation of the native language. A review of the Sakha Republics (Yakutia) experience in translation development in a multinational constituent of the Russian Federation leads to a conclusion about the importance of the work of a translator (who translates from and to languages of Russia) in standardization of their native language. Such a translator can consciously regulate the mutual influence of the languages in society.

The world of Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL) is dominated by English, and to a lesser extent, French, Spanish, and German. While these languages are the main focus of EUROCALL conferences, there has always been a presence of Less Commonly Taught Languages (LCTLs) at these conferences. Most of the official languages of the EU and European languages more generally have been discussed by CALL researchers at EUROCALL conferences, but some languages have yet to make an appearance. There have also been presentations on other LCLTs outside of Europe, including Mandarin, Arabic, Japanese, and less widely spoken languages such as Thai and Nahuatl. This paper looks at the presence of LCTLs at EUROCALL conferences since 1993 and reflects on what has changed over the years. It notes the importance of the conference location on the languages discussed at the conference and the role of EU projects in supporting LCTLs.

Abstract. Hungarian, or "Magyar", is a Finno-Ugric language that is different from the other European languages. Despite existing within an Indo-European environment and experiencing some Latinization (Indo-Europeanization), it has retained its distinct characteristics. Nevertheless, it also has some linguistic features, such as a phonetic structure that carries no specific sounds that cannot be easily uttered by a French, Italian, German, or English speaker, rendering it relatively easier for speakers of some Indo-European languages. On the other hand, Morocco has a multilingual environment, with Standard Arabic and Berber (Amazigh) as official languages, along with French and dialectal Arabic. Thus, the coexistence of these languages allowed for a bilingual representation of place names; an Arabic endonym and a French exonym. Both variants hold an official status and are used in maps and road signs. Therefore, the goal of this study is to record Moroccans' pronunciation of Hungarian place names. It is worth investigating whether such Arabic speakers with French knowledge will have difficulty reading the Hungarian toponyms and what is the reasoning behind such difficulty.