civil society organisations
Recently Published Documents

This paper explores road safety education to prevent pedestrian fatalities in Limpopo Province. Pedestrian safety remains one of the main challenges for road safety authorities as many road users are losing their lives on the road. The inability of both pedestrians and motorists to understand and interpret the rules of the road is a major problem in Limpopo Province. The study utilised quantitative approach. The sample consisted of 195 respondents. Comprises of 15 civil engineering companies, 23 civil society organisations, 52 community members, 51 teachers and 54 traffic police officials. The findings from the study revealed among many others, that 64.1% of respondents agreed that non-involvement of parents in road safety education contribute to pedestrian fatalities; 61% of the respondents agreed that ineffective scholar patrol contribute to pedestrian fatalities; 67.2% of the respondents agreed that lack of professional support in road safety contribute to pedestrian fatalities and 72% of the respondents agreed that limited resources in road safety contribute to pedestrian fatalities. Based on the findings, the author provided, possible recommendations such as; Department of Transport and Education should involve parents/guardians in road safety education; Department of Education should review scholar patrol to ensure that it assist positively in preventing pedestrian fatalities; Traffic authorities should partner with academics to provide road safety policies and strategies; Department of Transport should partner with private sector to provide resources for road safety education in Limpopo Province.

The aim of this scoping review is to conduct a systematic search of the literature as it pertains to interventions delivered by peers to refugees and asylum seekers during the resettlement process. A PRISMA-compliant scoping review based on Arskey and O'Malley's (2006) five steps was used. Four databases, Scopus, Embase, Ebsco, and ScienceDirect were searched for peer-reviewed articles published in English from 2000-2021. Studies were included if they reported on interventions, outcomes or the training received by adult peers to support refugees and asylum seekers during the resettlement process. Of an initial 632 journal articles retrieved, 14 met the inclusion criteria for this review. Most included studies were conducted in Western high-income countries, with the exception of one. Studies were heterogeneous in terms of the nationalities of peers and those receiving peer interventions; the outcomes reported on; the content of interventions, and the methodologies used. Findings suggest that peer interventions seem to be effective in addressing many of the challenges faced by refugees and asylum seekers. Community integration, acculturation and psychological distress are some of the key benefits. When such interventions are co-produced in participatory research involving refugees, asylum seekers and the civil society organisations that support this population, they are naturally culturally responsive and can therefore address issues relative to different ethnic needs during the resettlement process. This is the first scoping review to be conducted in this area and adds to what is a very limited body of research. Refugee, Asylum seeker, resettlement, scoping review

Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state's management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation in China Surveys, we find that more educated citizens conclude that the government has a leading role in crisis management, but there is ample room for civil society organisations (CSOs) to act in a complementary fashion. On a slightly diverging path, volunteers who have meaningfully interacted with CSOs are more skeptical than non-volunteers about CSOs’ organisational ability to fulfill this crisis management function. These findings imply that the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China is not challenged by allowing CSOs a greater role in crisis management.

Background: Sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes are an effective public health policy intervention for improving nutrition and public health. Although implemented in over 50 jurisdictions worldwide, this intervention remains vastly underutilised, and in Australia political commitment for such a tax is low. The aim of this study is to understand the politics of SSB taxation in Australia, what factors have constrained political commitment for a tax, and what might enable such commitment in future. Methods: We adopted a case study design, guided by a theoretical framework developed from the political economy of nutrition literature. Data were collected from 16 interviews with informants from multiple sectors, supported by media articles, journal articles, and grey literature. Data were coded and organized by thematic analysis, and synthesised into the final results. Results: Nutrition actors have made significant progress in generating commitment for a SSB tax by producing relevant evidence, raising awareness, advocating for action, employing resonating frames, collaborating with civil society organisations, and forming coalitions increasing their overall cohesion. Nevertheless, political commitment for a SSB tax is low and was found to be impeded by the powerful influence of the food, beverage, and sugar industries, opposition from both major Australian political parties, ideological resistance to regulation, a low quality monitoring and surveillance system for food and nutrition, and limited public advocacy. The influence of nutrition actors was also impeded by weak connections to key policymakers and missed collaborative opportunities with pro-SSB tax organisations. Conclusion: The identification of several impediments provides an explanation for why political commitment for a SSB tax is low in Australia and reveals several opportunities for how it might be generated in the future. Political commitment may come about through, for example, actions to limit the influence of industry in policy decision-making, and by strengthening the existing pro-SSB tax coalition.

The spatial imaginations of organisations can be particularly insightful for examining power relations. However, only recently they have gone beyond the limits of the workplace, demonstrating the role of the territory for organised action, particularly in mobilising solidarity for resistance. In this article, I investigate power relations revealed by the political economy of the territory to explain contradictory actions undertaken by organisations. Specifically, I adopt the theoretical framework of the noted Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, who recognises spatial multiplicity and fragmentation while maintaining an appreciation of the structural conditions of the political economy. This perspective is particularly useful for the analysis of civil society organisations (CSOs) in a Brazilian favela (slum), given the context of high inequality perpetuated by the selective flows of urban development. First, I show that the history of favelas and their role in the territorial division of labour explain the profiles of existing organisations. Then, I examine how the political engagement of CSOs with distinct solidarities results in a dialectical tension that leads to both resistance based on local shared interests and the active reproduction of central spaces even if the ends are not shared. The article contributes to the literature of space and organisations by explaining how territorial dynamics mediate power relations within and across organisations, not only as resistance but also as the active reproduction of economic and political regimes.

This study examines Cambodia’s implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Corpus analysis of civil society organisations’ submissions to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review reveals a raft of CRC violations, including sexual abuse, trafficking and child labour. This is due to political and bureaucratic failings. The wider significance of this lies in underlining how the disjuncture between state and civil society underpins ongoing violations. Future progress depends on strengthened mobilisation yet increasing repression of civil society makes this unlikely. Accordingly, the prospects are bleak with children in Cambodia continuing to suffer widespread rights violations.