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Significance Assembly members are elected indirectly. Last July, Sher Bahadur Deuba was appointed prime minister in line with a Supreme Court order. Deuba’s multi-party coalition has a sizeable majority in the House of Representatives, parliament’s lower house, and a comfortable one in the National Assembly. Impacts If local elections take place in May as currently planned, they will serve as a barometer of public sentiment towards the leading parties. KP Sharma Oli, whom Deuba replaced as premier, will be eyeing a return to power. Politicking risks distracting the government from pursuing important policy goals.

The Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions (ECCPP) is one of the committees of the Senate of Nigeria’s National Assembly. The Committee was one of the earliest Special committees established under Order XIII of the Senate Standing Orders 2015, as amended (SSO 2015). It is one of the committees through which the Senate conducts legislative investigations in fulfilment of its constitutional and statutory role under section 88 of the 1999 Constitution, as altered. The major challenge of the ECCPP Committee in the exercise of its investigation power is the refusal by some chief executives of government agencies and corporate organisations to honour its invitation. This study finds that among the reasons for this are the absence of ethical prescriptions in the SSO 2015 to guide the conduct of honourable members against unethical conduct that undermine their integrity, and absence of prescribed fine for failure to honour the Committee’s summons. To strengthen the enforcement capacity of the Committee, the study recommends, among others, that members of the Committee eschew unethical tendencies that undermine their integrity and conduct the business of the Committee in a manner that avoids conflicts of interest or its appearances.

The article analyzes the preconditions, course and outcome of this year third consecutive elections to the National Assembly (14th November) and of the Head of State (14th November to 11th November). The epilogue of the protracted political crisis caused by the inflexibility of the leadership of the new «protest parties» (ETN, DB and «Stand Up Bulgaria...») resulted in their loss of both people’s trust and a significant number of parliamentary seats. The «We continue the change» movement hastily put together by two Harvard graduates Kiril Petkov and Asen Vasilev, both former ministers of the interim cabinet who proved themselves sensible managers, turned out to be able to respond to surviving hopes of the electorate for changes for the better. They were backed both by the President and external partners (Washington and Brussels). The President’s upright behavior in a complex situation ensured his re-election for a second term thus demonstrating obvious superiority over his main electoral contender. Based on the tough lessons learned by the hapless former leaders of the protest, the new movement changed the course of action, and Petkov managed to form a coalition government with the participation of socialists, although the same could have been achieved immediately after the first elections. The rather diverse new cabinet faces difficult tasks of tackling the pandemic in a country with a majority actively advocating against vaccination, of putting an end to the corrupt practices of the former regime whose members still retain strong political positions, and of starting economic and social recovery. These challenges do not promise an easy or a long life to the government. The general conclusion that can be drawn from the recent developments is that brought to power on the tide of a mass protest political amateurs might be able to play the role of a battering ram against a rotten regime but they turn out to be less competent in effectively exercising their authority. It remains only to believe that the government that has got to work will be able to prove the opposite.

Тhe paper discusses the attitudes of political parties on land property regimes in the context of the agrarian issue, and dynamics of the debate on this matter in the Constitutional Committee and in the Constituent National Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The very notion of “agrarian question” concerns specifically small peasant landholdings in the process of development of capitalism. This question was raised in the context of the debate on socio-economic problems that were invited by, and eventually, introduced into the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Vidovdan Constitution, 1921) under the pressure of progressive opposition parties and parts of the ruling political organizations.

This descriptive analytical legal study aimed to clarify the position of international treaties in the Jordanian constitution and judiciary by shedding light on the theoretical trends that determined the status of international treaties in comparative legislation, in addition to verifying the constitutionality of the Jordanian side's signature on some international treaties that occupied Jordanian public opinion. The study revealed that the difference of international law jurists in determining the legal status of international treaties in constitutions and positive laws resulted in three directions: the trend of the unity of the two laws, the trend of the Dual-law, and the trend of reconciling the two laws. The study also showed that the Jordanian constitution did not adopt an explicit provision for the legal status of treaties. International conventions, leaving room for jurisprudential and judicial jurisprudence that affirmed the supremacy of international treaties over domestic law. The study also found that the Jordanian legislator’s neglect of determining the legal status of treaties, and the double signature of them by the executive authority alone or in combination with the legislative authority in accordance with two conditions under Paragraph B of Article 33 of the Jordanian Constitution, has opened the door wide for controversy over any treaty to be signed by the Jordanian side, To demonstrate this, the study mentioned practical applications from international treaties signed by Jordan, namely: the Israeli Gas Supply Agreement, the Casino Agreement, and the CEDAW Agreement. In light of the results were reached, the study presented a set of recommendations that were such as issuing a law for international treaties to regulate international treaties in all the stages through which they pass, adding a constitutional text confirming the oversight role of the National Assembly over international treaties, provided that this constitutional text includes informing the National Assembly of any treaty or agreement that is concluded by Jordan.

The results of a survey are presented in order to support the management of the leadership of “Ivan Vazov” Secondary School in Stara Zagora to create conditions for distance learning. The results are analyzed from surveys to determine the degree of satisfaction and fatigue of teachers, students and parents associated with this school, from distance learning in the school year 2019/2020. Distance learning was introduced on March 16, 2020 by the Ministry of Education in connection with the emergency situation, announced by a decision of the National Assembly of Bulgaria and related to the COVID-19 pandemic.

In 1948, the Constitution was enacted by the Constitutional National Assembly, and a presidential system was adopted. But it was a hybrid system with both presidential and parliamentary system elements. Even though nine constitutions have been promulgated since then, this characteristic has remained fundamentally unchanged. Under the authoritarian regimes, the dictators forcibly revised the Constitution to strengthen their power and extend their terms of office. Constitutional politics, then, was fraught with serious conflict. South Korea was democratized in 1987, and the Constitution was democratically revised accordingly. The most important thing in this new Constitution was the restoration of the popularly elected presidential system. But the 1987 Constitution was modelled on the 1962 Constitution, and does not fit well with today’s democratized and diverse Korean society. The need to decentralize the authority and power of central government is another reason for constitutional reform.

This chapter explains the historical origins of strong bureaucratic power in South Korea and recent changes in which the concentration of bureaucratic power has weakened. In the 1960s and 1970s, economic growth was South Korea’s top priority, and economic policy agencies such as the Economic Planning Board (EPB) led the nation’s overall policy decisions under the protection of the powerful president, Park Chung-hee. As the economy grew, however, various social demands, such as welfare, labour rights, and environmental protection, were expressed by the public, and many institutions that could reflect these demands grew within the bureaucracy in the 1980s and 1990s. As a consequence, the influence of the EPB was relatively reduced. Since the 2000s, democratization has matured and the ability of the National Assembly to make policy decisions and keep the administration in check has been strengthened. As a result, the bureaucrats’ influence on policy further diminished.