political context
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The first part of the book is dedicated to the prosopographic reconstruction of the kinship group, and to the political context and relationships in which the members, both men and women, operated from the second half of the ninth century to the beginning of the twelfth. The first chapter examines the first century of the Hucpoldings in Italy. Fundamentally, it suggests that the criteria for the inclusion into the ranks of Carolingian elite in the Italian kingdom were a relationship with the royal power and the attainment of public offices in different areas of the kingdom, such as in the palace of the capital Pavia, eastern Emilia, the duchy of Spoleto or the marchese of Tuscany.

Abstract In Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.

Abstract I argue that Diogenes and early Cynicism can be understood in an explicitly social and political context, where Cynic praxis, performative public action, can be seen to make visible oppositions inherent to the polity. In doing so, Diogenes’ praxis should be understood as a form of immanent critique, one that demonstrates, for example, that nature and custom (phusis and nomos) are interrelated oppositions in the polis. Cynicism here is understood as a form of immanent critique because Diogenes challenges the social norms of the polis without endorsing external universal standards or predetermined models, but from illuminating dynamics from within the polis and polity.

This article analyzes the historical, literary, and political context of Pushkinʼs poem “The Feast of Peter the First”, as well as its reception by authorities. The author investigates the sources which guided the poet (most importantly, Derzhavinʼs complimentary and ironic odes). The author shows that the poem was not yet another “freedom-loving” ideological text, which criticizes the regime or opposes two tsars in order to demonstrate the superiority of the fi rst. On the contrary, it served as a “dedication” of the magazine “Sovremennik” to Tsar Nicholas I. The poem inspired the tsar to organize a naval parade on July 3 1836, featuring “Peterʼs little boat”. The symbolic projection of Pushkinʼs text was embodied in the reality of the celebration, and it turned out to be the only “lesson” that the authorities would extract from the poetʼs text.

This article attempts to illuminate on the processes wherein diverse groups of Madhesi people of the central Tarai have been ethnicized to form a shared identity in the specific historical and socio-political context of Nepal. Drawing on the perceptions and subjective experiences of Madhesi individuals in terms of their identity, it is argued that Madhesi identity has come into being and maintained through the practices of boundary maintenance that encompasses relational processes of inclusion and exclusion. Madhesi people have re(asserted) their cultural contrast to the Pahadis and claim political autonomy of the Tarai territory where they belong for making ethnic distinction and maintaining group boundary.

Religious Literature of Polish Tatars in the Post-War Period (1945–1989)The article opens with a general overview of the socio-political situation of the Tatars and the specificity of their religiosity in the People’s Republic of Poland (1945–1989), leading to the main part: an analysis of ephemeral religious prints created and distributed by Polish Tatars. The description of the sources is introduced with a presentation of the broad socio-political context which determined the functioning of this minority after World War II. The study characterises the basic types of religious literature of the Tatars: (a) traditional manuscripts, (b) periodicals and publishing activities, (c) ephemeral prints. It also considers the significance of these types of literature in the period between 1945 and 1989. The analysis of seven prayer books and three teaching materials provides the basis of general observations concerning ephemeral religious prints created by Polish Tatars after World War II. The analysed sources have not as yet been studied by researchers. Piśmiennictwo religijne polskich Tatarów w okresie powojennym (1945–1989)Artykuł rozpoczyna się od przybliżenia położenia społeczno-politycznego Tatarów w PRL-u oraz specyfiki ich religijności, by dojść do szczegółowych kwestii, związanych z analizą religijnych druków ulotnych opracowanych przez polskich Tatarów. Charakterystykę opartą na źródłach poprzedziło zatem przedstawienie szerokiego kontekstu społeczno-politycznego, który determinował sposób funkcjonowania tej mniejszości w Polsce po II wojnie światowej. Autorzy scharakteryzowali podstawowe typy piśmiennictwa religijnego Tatarów: a) tradycyjne rękopiśmiennictwo, b) czasopiśmiennictwo i działalność wydawniczą, c) druki ulotne. Zwrócono przy tym uwagę na znaczenie poszczególnych rodzajów piśmiennictwa w okresie 1945–1989. Charakterystyki religijnych druków ulotnych, opracowanych przez polskich Tatarów po II wojnie światowej, dokonano na przykładzie 7 modlitewników oraz 3 materiałów dydaktycznych. Dokumenty te dotąd nie były przedmiotem badań naukowych.

ABSTRACT – Current literature on online news sharing presents a range of methods and results, alongside contradictory explanations for the phenomenon. To disentangle this, we compared three countries with contrasting levels of political stability (Brazil, Canada and the US). A content analysis of articles (n = 1.658) posted in 2016, on the main news pages in Facebook for each country, shows that the Canadian news pages presented far less news sharing on national politics conflicts than Brazil and the US did. We discuss how this shows the relevance of political context in explaining both news routines and shareworthiness. RESUMO – A literatura sobre compartilhamento de notícias online apresenta uma gama de métodos e resultados com linhas contraditórias de explicação para o fenômeno. Para destrinchar o problema, comparamos três países com níveis contrastantes de estabilidade política (Brasil, Canadá e EUA). Uma análise de conteúdo de notícias (n = 1.658) postadas nas principais páginas noticiosas do Facebook de cada país em 2016 mostra que as páginas canadenses apresentaram muito menos compartilhamento sobre conflitos políticos nacionais do que nos EUA e Brasil. Discutimos como isso mostra a relevância do contexto político para explicar as rotinas produtivas e a compartilhabilidade. RESUMEN – La literatura actual sobre el intercambio de noticias en línea presenta una variedad de métodos y resultados junto con líneas de explicación contradictorias para el fenómeno. Para desenredar esto, comparamos tres países con niveles contrastantes de estabilidad política (Brasil, Canadá y EE. UU.). Un análisis de contenido de los artículos (n = 1.658) publicados en las principales páginas de noticias en Facebook de cada país en 2016 muestra que las páginas de noticias canadienses presentaron mucho menos intercambio de noticias sobre conflictos políticos nacionales. Lo contrario ocurrió en Brasil y Estados Unidos. Discutimos cómo esto muestra la relevancia del contexto político para explicar tanto las rutinas informativas como las compartidas.