political career
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The review analyzes the memoirs of the first governor of the Samara region in the modern history of Russia Konstantin Alekseevich Titov. The ex-governor recorded the most important events of his political career, presented the personal characteristics of statesmen of the period of the 1990-s and early 2000-s. As a result of the study, it was found that in the memoirs of K.A.Titov, the relationship of the Samara governor with statesmen and representatives of the political elite of the Russian Federation is presented and fragmented his activities as a regional head of one of the largest regions of the Russian Federation.

This essay explores the significance of Napoleon for contemporary history and public affairs by reflecting on the career of Melvin Richter (1921-2020) and his forthcoming Tocqueville and the Two Napoleons. Richter maintains that Tocqueville’s ever-deepening analysis of the Napoleonic model, a new and sinister form of the administrative state, achieved dystopian dimensions in his thought and serves as an important thread by which we can re-assess Tocqueville’s entire oeuvre and political career. The article argues that Tocqueville’s historical method, which takes center stage in Richter’s reconstruction of the way in which Tocqueville submits Napoleon to the discipline of history, continues to inspire, even as contemporary concerns shift away from the dangers of the administrative state. It also speculates that the mythical Napoleon who transcended time, a figure inevitably neglected in “Tocquevillian” histories but made compelling by a generation of romantic writers, is newly relevant in a world of mysterious affective attachments to populist leaders and the waves of expressive violence in which such attachments are enmeshed.

This article is about the career and political positions of Gáspár Bekes and Ferenc Wesselényi in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during Stephen Báthory’s reign. It explains how they both achieved their positions and why they were important for the monarch. It should be emphasised that both of them are a good example of how the elected Polish king could help foreigners in their career in 16th century Poland. On the one hand, Gáspár Bekes achieved his position by serving in the army before and during Báthory’s wars, on the other hand Ferenc Wesselényi played an important role as a holder of a high office at the Polish royal court.

<p>At first glance, Joseph Evison's life was a confusion of convictions and contradictions, played out in the pages of the many newspapers he edited and wrote for in New Zealand and Australia. A late nineteenth-century Freethinker, he would go on to edit a Catholic newspaper, just as he would readily criticise the British Empire, in spite of serving in its army and navy. Despite his obvious intricacies, historians have not been kind to Evison, reducing him to a mere one line curiosity, implying that he shifted causes to follow the money or because he was a simple contrarian at heart. However, Evison's unsettled nature means a study of his life and ideologies adds to a number of other histories including those of Freethought, Catholicism, conservatism, colonial settlers, empire, transmission of ideas, reader culture and biographical studies. This thesis therefore attempts to chronicle Evison's life, before arguing that his changing causes was down to deep-seated secularist and libertarian convictions, which left him always fighting for what he perceived as the underdog, against both the state and the Protestant majority. To do so, it not only studies his writing, which remains vibrant and engaging even today, but also his editing style at various newspapers and his speeches during a short-lived political career.</p>

<p>At first glance, Joseph Evison's life was a confusion of convictions and contradictions, played out in the pages of the many newspapers he edited and wrote for in New Zealand and Australia. A late nineteenth-century Freethinker, he would go on to edit a Catholic newspaper, just as he would readily criticise the British Empire, in spite of serving in its army and navy. Despite his obvious intricacies, historians have not been kind to Evison, reducing him to a mere one line curiosity, implying that he shifted causes to follow the money or because he was a simple contrarian at heart. However, Evison's unsettled nature means a study of his life and ideologies adds to a number of other histories including those of Freethought, Catholicism, conservatism, colonial settlers, empire, transmission of ideas, reader culture and biographical studies. This thesis therefore attempts to chronicle Evison's life, before arguing that his changing causes was down to deep-seated secularist and libertarian convictions, which left him always fighting for what he perceived as the underdog, against both the state and the Protestant majority. To do so, it not only studies his writing, which remains vibrant and engaging even today, but also his editing style at various newspapers and his speeches during a short-lived political career.</p>

Bishop Ignacy Krasicki’s attitude to the political-legal reforms in Poland of the King Stanisław era Bishop Ignacy Krasicki was one of the best known figures in Poland of the King Stanisław era. He was known primarily as a poet, writer, author of fables. As the Bishop of Warmia, he occupied a very high position in Poland’s political hierarchy at the time — he was a member of the country’s Senate. Yet, he failed to meet the expectations of the people associated with him, primarily King Stanisław August Poniatowski, whose closest associates included Krasicki in the first period of his political career. His involvement after 1772, the most important time in the analysed period with regard to political-legal reforms in Poland, was made difficult by the fact that the Bishopric of Warmia, which he was the head of, found itself outside Poland’s borders, an event not without an impact on Krasicki’s political attitude. Krasicki not being much involved in the turbulent political life in Poland at the time does not mean that Poland’s affairs were not close to his heart. He was first and foremost a poet, not a politician, and that is why he referred to these affairs metaphorically in his literary works. Die Stellung von Bischof Ignacy Krasicki zu den rechtlichen und politischen Reformen in Polen der Poniatowskizeit Der Bischof Ignacy Krasicki war eine der bekanntesten Personen in Polen der Poniatowskizeit, bekannt vor allem als Dichter, Literat und Märchenschreiber. Als Bischof von Ermland und Mitglied des Senats hatte er auch eine sehr hohe Position in der damaligen politischen Hierarchie in Polen. Entgegen den Erwartungen der ihm nahe stehenden Personen, vor allem des Königs Stanislaus II. August Poniatowski, zu dessen engsten Mitarbeitern er in der ersten Phase seiner eigenen politischen Kariere gehörte, erfüllte er die an ihn gesetzten Hoffnungen nicht. Sein Engagement nach 1772, also dem wichtigsten Jahr in der besprochenen Zeit hinsichtlich der rechtlichen und politischen Reformen in Polen, war erschwert. Das Bistum Ermland, das er verwaltete, kam nämlich außerhalb der Grenzen von Polen, was nicht ohne Einfluss auf seine politische Haltung blieb. Das gemäßigte Engagement Krasickis in das rege politische Leben in Polen soll nicht so gedeutet werden, dass dieses Thema ihn nicht berührte. Er war vor allem ein Dichter und kein Politiker, so äußerte er sich zu den polnischen Angelegenheiten per Metaphern in seinen literarischen Werken.

One of the most important Slovenian politicians of the 20th century, Dr. Anton Korošec (1872–1940), started his political career in Styria, which was the foundation for his later ascend in the Austrian, Slovenian and Yugoslav territory. During the Austrian era, as he was a Catholic politician, his main adversaries in his local Lower Styrian surroundings were liberals, which coincided well with the then prevailing political division. They named him as the "general" of the Catholic political party, the Slovenian Peasant Union in Styria, which won the state (1907, 1911) and parliamentary (1909) elections and had absolute dominance in Styria.

Abstract The territorial composition of governments (that is, the geographical origin of its members) has received little attention from political scientists. However, prime ministers, ministers, and junior ministers clearly have a territorial characterization and preferential attachments to specific places that can potentially affect the way decisions are made and resources are allocated. In this article, we focus on these aspects, showing the evolution of the territorial representativeness of Italian governmental elites over the last four decades and proposing some interpretations of its changes. In particular, we describe the transition from a balanced regional representation (the “parity norm”) to a multitude of different patterns of territorial representation that we observe across parties nowadays. We propose three explanations for such changes: the first is based on the transformation of the party system in the nineties, with the emergence of parties such as the Northern League, with a specific regional focus; the second is based on the regionalization of the Italian state and its consequences on political career paths; the third is based on the increasing recruitment of technocrats in ministerial offices.