Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania
Latest Publications

One way to comprehend social reality is to watch animation films and animation series that broadcast gender models. In connection with the changes taking place in modern ideas about gender, it will be relevant to study gender roles that function in modern animation cinema. The purpose of the article is to study the theoretical and methodological approaches of visual sociology, used in the study of gender, for further selection of the most optimal methods in the study of gender models broadcast in modern animation cinema. Based on the system-analytical method, an overview of the degree of development of the problems of visual analysis of gender is made; the definitions of the concept of "gender" are considered. The authors believe that the most relevant will be the understanding of gender as a system of sociocultural norms constructed by society, which represent a number of characteristics and can be fixed by the methods of visual sociology. The main approaches of visual sociology are systematized: psychoanalytic, socio-critical, deconstructionist, hermeneutic, semiotic, (post)structuralist and discursive. The most correct methods of visual analysis in the study of gender (video surveillance, photo and video interviews, content analysis) have been substantiated. The authors conclude that for a qualitative analysis of gender problems in animated cinema, it is necessary to use classical methods of visual sociology in combination with additional methods of sociology (hermeneutic analysis, semiotic interpretation, focus groups).

Political vocabulary is one of the most relevant subjects of study of modern linguistics, constantly updated, it serves as an indicator of the state of the political sphere of society and the political consciousness of a person. The article is devoted to lexemes that have firmly entered the current political vocabulary of our time: democracy, liberal, patriotism, patriot, nationalism, nationalist, opposition, president. Based on the analysis of modern explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language, as well as the dictionary of political terms, it is concluded that terminological, special vocabulary in the modern political language is often used in an unusual meaning. In the article, using the method of contextual analysis, the evaluative connotative element of the meaning of the indicated lexemes is investigated. It is concluded that lexemes acquire a positive or negative evaluative value, first of all, depending on the context, the actual terminological meaning is leveled when used. The revealed meanings are non-systemic, accordingly, they are not fixed in dictionaries, while they are obvious to the carrier and are frequent. This indicates the specific nature of the modern political language, which is influenced by the modern journalistic style. The research results can be used to analyze controversial cases of the use of political vocabulary.

The rapid development of information and communication technologies creates new opportunities not only for science, technology and society, but also for political power and governance. Global capitalism is being replaced by platform imperialism. Political power and the state apparatus now have ample opportunities to improve their performance, from the use of algorithmic management based on big data and digital control of the population to increasing trust in the decisions they make by creating the possibility of direct communication between citizens and public authorities through digital platforms. This paper will examine the specifics of legitimizing power through communication platforms, both at the level of a single state and in the international arena. The theoretical framework of this paper is the systematic analysis of D. Easton. Easton. F. Sсharpf and W. Schmidt. Also, to understand the peculiarities of platform interaction M. Foucault's concept of governmentality is involved. The work examines not only the peculiarities of the legitimization of power at the national and global level in the era of digitalization, but also analyzes the types of legitimacy of political decisions made through regional and global platforms.

The article presents a structural and semantic analysis of stable expressions of the 20th century with the adjective orange, many of which are based on metaphorical and associative-symbolic use of their constituent components. Among the ways of the author's transformation of such lexical units, the authors note the addition and replacement of significant parts of speech with other forms of the same word or synonyms, as well as a change in the location of the components of the expression in relation to each other, which not only does not destroy the idiom, but, on the contrary, intensifies its meaning. The evolution of the original meaning of expressions with the color adjective orange is shown, which is due to the change (expansion) of the circle of nouns combined with the adjective, the implication of evaluation, the formation of new synonymous links with metaphor. Particular attention is paid to stable expressions with political significance, the largest number of which began to appear since 2013 in connection with political events taking place in Ukraine, where orange was chosen for the symbols of the Ukrainian opposition. The development of negative connotations in the expression orange revolution is explained by the corresponding semantic potential of the adjective orange itself, for which semes with negative connotations are productive in speech. The expansion of the compatibility of the adjective orange in modern Russian has led to the emergence of new meanings for the adjectival. Using examples extracted from the newspaper subcorpus of the National Corpus of the Russian Language, representing a collection of texts of printed newspapers and electronic agencies of the 2000s, it is shown that the use of stable expressions with the color adjective orange reflects the tendency characteristic of the development of the modern Russian language to expressivize the written text in connection with the formation of an evaluative statement capable of conveying the attitude of a journalist to social, cultural, political events. At the same time, the expressed social axiological assessment performs various functions in the text: from attracting attention and overcoming the standard to manipulating the consciousness of the mass reader.

The active development of the volunteer movement in modern Russia encourages a comparison of the practices of organizing the volunteer movement in different countries, in order to study positive experiences and partial borrowing, as well as to analyze the phenomenon of volunteerism in a broader scientific context - as one of the mechanisms for the development of civil society. The article presents a sociological analysis of volunteer activity in seven developed foreign countries in such categories as historical features of formation, typical areas of volunteer activity, common goals, values and motives of volunteers, state support for volunteer programs and projects, as well as identical features of the organization of volunteer activity in these countries. This analysis is a selection of the best foreign practices of working with volunteers and allows you to outline the prospects for the development of the volunteer movement in other countries, including in Russia. The article helps to systematize the features of the development of volunteer activity in the world community and call it an effective mechanism for educating citizenship and increasing social activity. The international practice of involving citizens in volunteerism has clearly demonstrated the significant contribution of the third sector to the global economy, building a strong and solid society that is ready to respond quickly to current challenges and help solve global problems.

The purpose of this article is to identify the main trends in the influence of digital inclusion on the process of political socialization of high school students. Unconventional political activity of schoolchildren in recent years has increased the interest of scientists in the study of political socialization of children and adolescents, as well as factors influencing this process and its results. The empirical base was made up of the materials of the author's research of high school students in Krasnodar (questionnaire survey and expert sessions), as well as materials of sociological research by other authors. The level of involvement in the political life of citizens and the constructive experience of civil and political practices in a digital society largely depends on the updated set of digital competencies of citizens. Digital inclusion has the maximum impact on the political socialization of Generation Z, whose primary socialization occurred in the digital era. The level of involvement of Krasnodar high school students in digital communication is estimated as medium and high, and the level of digital competencies as medium and low. The authors have identified such vectors of the influence of digital inclusion on the political socialization of schoolchildren as: the movement from the sequence of "five transitions" of youth to their overlap and related problems of managing multitasking of identity construction; the change in the configuration of agents of political socialization from hierarchical to hybrid and the emergence of groups of youth outside the influence of traditional agents of socialization; the increasing role of digital media personalities in the formation of political views of adolescents; the development of digital technologies for the formation of political and civic identity.

The article deals with the peculiarities of the course of election campaigns in the municipal representative bodies of the cities of Tver and Kostroma. The article is part of a larger study on the peculiarities of the course of election campaigns in the capitals or administrative centers of the subjects of the Russian Federation in the Central Federal District, which focuses on the problems of three subjects and compares the research material from these subjects with general district trends and features. Tver, Belgorod and Kostroma represent a wide geographical range and three peculiar examples of the course of election campaigns in large municipalities. The study revealed such common features as low turnout, rather weak competitiveness, the use of black PR and other shadow technologies, the traditional representation of lobbying structures in municipal parliaments, as well as the mobilization of "parliamentary opposition parties" and small parties at the last election campaigns in the elections of the type we study. The article acquires particular importance within the framework of the work of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation (and subsequent legislative instances) on Draft Law No. 1256381-7 «On general principles of the organization of public power in the subjects of the Russian Federation», where special attention is supposed to be attributed to the order of election and aspects of regulation of the work of municipal parliaments of the capitals of the subjects of the Russian Federation.

The article examines the problems of political institutionalization of conflicts based on the use of illiberal approaches (authoritarian and hybrid). The study is based on the concept of «illiberal peacebuilding», which is actively developed in political science and is currently used to analyze the processes of conflict resolution at the national and subnational levels. The study made it possible to determine the possibilities and limitations of these models, the specifics of the methods used and the achieved results of institutionalization. The author highlights the political and regime characteristics of the political institutionalization of conflicts, which directly depend on the prospects for using a particular model. In particular, it has been established that a set of rules and norms for the interaction of key policy actors is one of the foundations of a political regime. At the same time, conflicts are considered as one of the important factors in their change. The dependence of the direction of political institutionalization of conflicts (using their potential, limiting conflicts, etc.) on the perception of the conflicts themselves in the context of the stability of the political system has been substantiated. The liberal model assumes extensive use of the potential of institutions operating in the field of public policy. The authoritarian model is focused on suppressing open manifestations of conflict, while the hybrid model is focused on combining the norms and practices inherent in the liberal and authoritarian models.

The professionalisation of social work is examined using Germany as an example. The main aspects of the process are explored: professional qualifications, content aspects of professional work, resources allocated and their control, as well as empirical and theoretical research in social work. The evolution of approaches to aid motivation from ecclesiastical and Christian traditions of love for one's neighbour to institutionalised aid within the functioning of welfare states is analysed. The dynamics of approaches to the definition of neediness in order to prevent the development of social parasitism is studied, the historical continuity of forms of work with socially deprived groups is shown. The professionalization of social work is considered in socio-historical context: its connection with protest movements of neo-Marxist persuasion in 1960s and changes in the system of academic training of social work professionals with the introduction of Bologna system is analyzed. The material in this article is the result of many years of research, including participant observation by the authors. This text is the latest and the last article by Professor Horst Bossong, one of Germany's leading specialists in social work, social policy and administration. The article summarizes the author's long-standing interest in the history and philosophy of social work, which reflects major milestones in the spiritual evolution and economic development of contemporary European societies.

Academic mobility of students is a complex phenomenon that plays an important role in the process of socio-economic and cultural development of receiving and sending countries. With the beginning of the globalization process, the movement of scientists, professors, students, etc. has become easier, faster, and more convenient, which has prompted universities and research institutions to attract students from abroad. Russia, like many other countries, has created the project «Development of the export potential of the Russian education system». However, there are different internal and external factors affecting the export process of Russian educational services. The purpose of this study is to compare the motives of foreign students from Iran and Tajikistan who chose Russia as a destination country to continue their education. This study uses a qualitative approach using open, semi-structured interviews with international students from Iran and Tajikistan. In total, 33 students from four cities and 6 different universities in Russia were interviewed with 21 men and 12 women aged 20 to 31 years old. The results of this study show that Iranian and Tajik students have much in common in terms of language, culture, values, and traditions but differ in their motives and decision-making process.