Causes of Poverty
Causes of Poverty
Causes of Poverty
Chapter 6
CAUSES OF
POVERTY IN
THE PHILIPPINES
T
here are many inter-related causes of poverty in the Philippines.
Chapter 4 has shown that access issues in each of the asset categories—
human, physical, natural, social, and financial capital— are linked to
deprivation. Pro-poor interventions to improve quality and access in any of
those areas would result in reduced poverty. This chapter discusses seven
additional themes seen to be direct causes of poverty in the Philippines. These
are (i) macroeconomic issues, (ii) unemployment issues, (iii) unchecked
population growth, (iv) problems in the agriculture sector, (v) governance
concerns, (vi) armed conflict, and (vii) disability.
years. The 2003 FIES shows average family incomes to have increased by only
2.5% over the 2000 level, while the CPI indicates an inflation rate of 13.9%. It
is therefore almost certain that the poverty headcount increased during this
period. It most likely increased by a greater degree than from 1997–2000,
when average family incomes grew by 18%, inflation was 22%, and the poverty
incidence of the population increased by 1%.
Economic growth has not been high enough to keep up with population
growth: GNP per capita has lingered at around $1,000 for the past 20 years.
This is partly a result of mismanagement of the economy, and partly a result of
external shocks, to which the Philippines is particularly vulnerable. It is widely
recognized that the impact of the 1997 Asian financial crisis was not as serious
in the Philippines as it was in neighboring countries, and that the Philippines
was able to recover relatively quickly. Nevertheless, it did have an impact on
poverty, undoing some of the gains made in the early to mid-1990s in terms of
income poverty incidence. Importantly, the crisis came at the same time as the
devastating El Niño drought.
Datt and Hoogeveen (2003) analyze the dual impacts of the financial
crisis and El Niño on poverty and inequality in the Philippines. When the
financial crisis set in, the Philippine economy stalled. Per capita real GNP
declined by 2.7%. Agriculture contracted by 6.6% while industrial production
fell by 1.7%. With the slowdown in output growth came the labor market
shock, with unemployment rates increasing. Inflation accelerated, and food
prices increased even faster than the general level of prices with the plummeting
of agricultural output. Datt and Hoogveen’s regression analysis finds that the
impact of the financial crisis on poverty was modest relative to estimates for
other crisis-affected countries. In the Philippines, it caused a 5% reduction in
average living standards, increased the incidence of poverty by about 9%, and
the depth and severity of poverty by 11% and 13%, respectively. In contrast,
the authors find that the largest share of the overall impact on poverty was
attributable to the El Niño shock, its share ranging between 47% and 57% of
the total impact on measures of incidence, depth and severity of poverty.
While the Philippines managed to recover after the dual shock of the
Asian financial crisis and the El Niño weather phenomenon, a number of
problems persist on the macroeconomic management side. The high fiscal
deficit, a fluctuating regulatory environment, ambiguous enforcement of
contracts, and security concerns all contribute to a lack of investor confidence.
This has flattened the economic growth trends and long-term development
prospects of the economy. The list of chronic macroeconomic problems in the
Philippines is long and includes:
• steadily growing interest expenses that now take up more than one
third of all government revenues;
• a squeezing out of other necessary expenditures such as health,
education, and agricultural services, all of which have declined as a
percentage of GDP for 3 consecutive years;
• growing concern about the possibility of a collapse of the peso, an
important obstacle to both foreign and domestic investment.
64
The revenue/GNP ratio should be at 25% or above.
Table 28
Public Finance Ratios (%)
The investment level in the Philippines has been low and falling since
the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s (see Table 29). Increasing investment
levels hinges on an attractive investment climate, something the Philippines
has not achieved. As a result, the country suffers from limited capital formation,
limited productivity improvements and limited competitiveness of firms. The
Government has a central role to play in shaping the investment climate,
which essentially comprises the macroeconomic fundamentals, infrastructure,
and governance and institutions (such as the legal and regulatory framework).
All of these combine to influence the costs and returns of doing business.
The highly educated, English-speaking workforce of the Philippines is
considered one of the most technically proficient in Asia, but the country
faces increasing pressure from heightened global competition for market
and capital. Without improvements in the investment climate, the country
will continue to lose out.
Table 29
Investment and Savings (% of GNP)
65
The World Bank’s World Development Report 2005 focuses on the theme of improving the investment
climate, arguing that the investment climate is fundamental to driving growth and reducing poverty
and should therefore be a top priority for governments. The WDR 2005 draws on surveys of nearly
30,000 firms in 53 developing countries, on country case studies, and on other new research.
food and food processing, garments, and textiles). A large share of firms
surveyed reported the following constraints to be either major or severe:
macroeconomic instability (40% of firms), corruption (34%), electricity (33%),
tax rates (32%), uncertainty of economic policy (29%), crime, theft and disorder
(26%), and tax administration (26%).
The ICS reports that corruption affects exporters more than non-exporters
and foreign firms more than domestic firms. Transactions at the customs bureau
are particularly perceived to be riddled with corruption. More than half of
exporting and foreign firms surveyed regard customs administration as a
moderate to major obstacle to business, and delays in getting goods cleared
through customs are a major bottleneck for firms that rely on imported inputs.
On the infrastructure front, electricity is a critical concern (33% of firms),
more critical than transportation (18%) and telecommunications (10%). Losses
as a result of power failures amount to an average of 8% of production. While
a number of measures to deal with the major investment stumbling blocks
have already been initiated by the current and previous government
administrations, much more needs to be done. The ICS makes a number of
recommendations for reviving investor confidence in order to generate more
capital infusions and productive investments, which will employ labor and
ultimately reduce poverty in the Philippines (see ADB, 2004d).
In the 1980s and 1990s Philippine exports grew rapidly. However, since
the late 1990s there has been great competition from the People’s Republic of
China (PRC) and Viet Nam. Philippine exports in 2003 grew by only a little
more than 1%. The overall weak export performance is attributed to relatively
concentrated export markets and to the gradual decline of the competitiveness
of once highly demanded electronics products. The two pillar sectors in
industry, electronics and garments, account for nearly 50% and 20% of total
goods exports. These sectors registered export declines of about 2% and 5%
in 2003, respectively.
Electronics. In the electronics sector, the decline of export shares is a
result of a lack of investment, high production costs, poor infrastructure, and
slow upgrading to new technology. The engine for growth in electronics should
be investment, especially foreign investments, but from 1996 to 2003
investments were erratic. Gradually the sector has lost competitiveness in the
international market as neighboring countries have increased their efforts. PRC,
Indonesia, Malaysia, and Viet Nam all are able to produce electronics with
higher quality, cheaper labor and more advanced technologies.
Garments. The major constraint in the garment sector is the export quota
issue. The WTO 1995 Agreement on Textiles and Clothing set 10-year quotas
up to January 2005, and the quota for garment exports thwarts any substantial
increase in exports. When quotas are removed starting in 2005, the PRC will
likely control two thirds of world exports. The PRC currently accounts for
40% of global garment exports and its share continues to grow. The Philippine
garment industry expects to use existing trade mechanisms such as safeguards,
countervailing steps, and antidumping measures rather than seeking deferment
of the quota phaseout.
It is expected that world exports will expand by about 20% in 2004, but
the Philippines’ exports are forecasted to increase by only 10%, resulting in a
gradual loss of export share. The export of fruits and vegetables and mineral
products can mitigate some, but not all, of the losses in garments and electronics.
The Government would thus do well to prioritize attracting more investment
in the electronics and garment sectors to improve international competitiveness.
Table 30
Poverty Measur
Poverty es by Sector of Employment
Measures
of the Household Head, 2000
Share of Contribution
Household Poverty to Poverty
Heads Incidence Incidence
Sector (%) (%) (%)
Table 31
Poverty by Class of W
Poverty orkers, 1997–2000
Workers,
Poverty Incidence
2000 1997
Poverty and employment issues are also addressed in the APIS. Recalling
that this survey uses the lowest 40% income bracket as proxy for poverty, the
2002 APIS results show that 84.5% of the poor were employed in 2002, which
is remarkably close to the 2000 FIES finding of 83.6%. Most of the poor by
the APIS definition are in agriculture (66.2%) and in wholesale and retail trade.
By occupation, they are laborers (42.5%) and as farmers (34.1%). Most of the
poor are self-employed (43.5%), engaged in either family sustenance or
entrepreneurial activities, while about 34.4% are wage and salary workers
(see Table 32).
The data imply that the basic problem of the poor is not so much lack of
employment as the low incomes derived from employment. This has to do
with both low wage rates and the phenomenon of underemployment.
Underemployment, defined as the percentage of employed persons who would
like to work additional hours, was 15.3% in 2002 (NSCB, 2003 PSY). The
UNDP Philippine Human Development Report 2002 points out that the link
between work and poverty is primarily manifested in the quality of employment.
While most of the poor may be employed, they are mostly mired in jobs with
low productivity and low pay (see UNDP, 2002).
The 2003 minimum wage was in theory still more than the NSCB’s 2000
poverty threshold inflated for 2003 (using the CPI). However, this assumes no
dependents. Column three in Table 33 shows the maximum number of
dependents one wage earner can support on his or her wage (in addition to
him/herself), without falling below the poverty line. In Metro Manila, for
example, a minimum wage laborer with a wife and 3 children, the average
family size, would very soon fall into poverty. In ARMM the minimum wage
was not enough for a minimum wage earner to support herself, her spouse
and one child without becoming poor.
Table 33 further shows that minimum wage levels are only about 40% of
the family living wage estimated by the National Wages and Productivity Board
(NWPB). The family living wage is comprised of: (i) food expenditures based
on the menus set by the NSCB, (ii) nonfood expenditures derived using the
food expenditure ratios of families with 6 members in the 5th–7th deciles of the
population that is solely dependent on wages and salary, and (iii) an additional
10% to allow for savings/investment (NWPC, 2004).
The discussion of employment and poverty in this section has focused
on questions of income. The issues of work and poverty are much broader, of
course, and include, for example (i) a lack of labor rights for some categories
of workers, making them particularly vulnerable to poverty (especially workers
within the informal sector); (ii) child labor, the incidence of which increases
the lower the household income; and (iii) informal/illegal migration, which is
sometimes the only option for the poor. These and other issues are assessed in
the Philippine Human Development Report 2002, with its theme of work and
well-being (UNDP, 2002).
Table 32
Employment of Families by Income Stratum, 2002 APIS
Bottom Top
40% 60% Philippines
By Class of Workers
Wage & salary workers 34.4 57.1 48.6
Own-account workers 43.5 32.6 36.7
Unpaid family workers 22.2 10.2 14.7
Table 33
Comparing the Monthly Minimum W age, the Pover
Wage, ty Line,
Poverty
and the Family Living Wage, 2003
Wage,
Monthly
Monthly Poverty Max.
Minimum Threshold No. of
Wage (pesos per Depen-
(pesos) person) dents Food Nonfood Total
Table 34
Poverty Incidence of Families by Family Size,
1997–2000 [M92]
(%)
1997 2000
66
The 1998 and 1999 APIS questionnaires included a series of family planning and maternal care
questions–but only for married women. These were removed from the 2002 APIS for an unknown
reason.
Agricultur
Agriculturee and Poverty
Poverty
The Philippine agriculture sector has been growing erratically since the
1980s, with overall annual productivity growth averaging only 1.1% from
1993 to 2002. There has been very little intensification, and little expansion in
the area under cultivation. There are also market distortions and other structural
deficiencies. The price support and trade barriers in the case of rice have meant
higher prices for both urban and rural consumers and limited benefits to larger
farmers. The National Food Authority (NFA) procures a fraction of the country’s
rice production and hence only a few can enjoy the higher support prices. The
smaller rice producers are either net buyers of rice or have little marketable
surplus to benefit from higher prices. The need for structural reforms in the
agriculture sector was recognized in the late 1990s and the ADB Grain Sector
Development Program was aimed at addressing these. The Program was
cancelled in 2003 at the Government’s request and the structural weaknesses
in the sector remain unaddressed, which limits the prospects for improved
productivity in the sector. As a consequence of these and other problems,
poverty rates among farming households have remained very high at over half
of all farming households, a proportion virtually unchanged since 1985 (see
Table 35).
Table 35
Poverty Incidence Among Far
Poverty ming Households, 1985 - 2000 (%)
Farming
1985 56.7
1988 55.5
1991 57.3
1994 55.4
1997 52.3
2000 55.8
Source: Reyes (2002a), FIES data, [M92].
control over land remains acute and is more extreme than most analysts have
previously imagined. Third […], the legal peasant movement and the
underground communist movement have continued to organize and wage war
around demands for land redistribution […] because skewed access to land is
still and important source of not only economic deprivation but also political
domination. 67
67
The Philippines still sees violence around reform demands from agricultural laborers. In November
2004, farm workers at the Luisita Sugar Mill and Plantation went on strike to demand better wages
and benefits. After 11 days, the police and military took action to disperse the strikers and fired
into the crowd, killing 7 workers. More than 50 others sustained gunshot wounds, and 130 were
arrested. Hacienda Luisita is owned by the family of former President Cory Aquino. In 1987, 13
farmers at Luisita were killed by the military in a strike dispersal operation. The farmers were
seeking genuine land reform. (Strikers Dispersed at Hacienda Luisita, 7 Dead. Philippine Daily
Inquirer, 17 November, 2004)
target. In other words, 58% of the country’s total farmland, benefiting 2.7
million rural households or 44% of the country’s total peasant population.
Bello et al. question the 72% figure, noting that it accounts for hectares that
have been awarded but not necessarily distributed, the distinction being
whether the farmer beneficiary has security of tenure or not.
Even if land reform were completed, it is clear that unless asset reforms
are accompanied by reforms in the agriculture sector—such as investment in
productivity improvements and supporting infrastructure—the impact of asset
reform will remain limited.
68
Balisacan and Fuwa point out that the lack of a competitive political system in the Philippines is
one of the main factors resulting in suboptimal policy choices in the Philippine Government and
thus leading to the relatively poor economic performance as compared to its Asian neighbors
(2004:18-19).
69
Examples include the Power Sector Reform Act (enacted June 2001) and the Special Purpose Vehicle
Act (enacted January 2003). Implementation of both acts has been very slow. The inefficiencies
range from challenges to judicial integrity, independence and accountability, and fiscal autonomy
to inadequate judicial competence and support services.
70
The IRA is the inter-government financing mechanism by which 40% of revenues collected by the
National Government are channeled to LGUs for development spending.
71
The QLI is a composite index of the number of births attended by a health professional, under-five
nutrition, and elementary cohort survival rate. The HDI is an index of life expectancy, literacy, and
per capita GDP.
Box 5
Negative Impacts of Conflict on All Forms of Capital
Forms
Social Capital: Conflict disrupts social relations and causes social dislocation
and a decline in trust and reciprocity.
million PWD in 2005. In 2004 the National Council for the Welfare of Disabled
Persons was in the process of establishing a data resource center on disability
in the country, to include demographic data on persons with disabilities and
social and economic dimensions of disability. As of October 2004 more than
300,000 PWD had registered. The expectation is to register 1 million PWD
nationwide by the end of 2004.
There have been some notable legislative achievements in promoting
the inclusion of disabled people. Republic Act 7277, also known as The Magna
Carta For Disabled Persons, was passed in 1992. It supports the rehabilitation,
development and provision of opportunities for PWD and their integration
into the mainstream of society. The Magna Carta creates a national mandate
for the elimination of discrimination against persons with disabilities to bring
them into the social and economic mainstream of Philippine society. The passage
of this law marked the beginning of an important attitude change from seeing
PWD as objects of charity handouts and social assistance to seeing disabled
people as partners in development. However, although the Magna Carta sets
in place the rights of persons with disabilities, implementation and enforcement
remains unfortunately weak. Violators of the law are rarely prosecuted.
Access is a key problem when buildings are not constructed according
to code. Access to education, access to health care, access to employment, and
access to transportation are all severely limited for persons with disabilities.
But access questions go beyond the physical. For example, there are very few
schools in the Philippines that accept children with disabilities because of
both a lack of appropriate school facilities and a lack of appropriately trained
teachers. It is said that more than 90% of disabled people in the Philippines
are unable to complete basic schooling. The link to poverty here becomes
particularly clear, recalling the data on educational achievement and poverty
levels presented in the human capital discussion of Chapter 4.
The recent decentralization in the delivery of basic services in the
Philippines means that heavy financial burdens and decision making in terms
of construction, repair and renovation of school buildings now rest with the
LGUs. Financial constraints are central to delays in modifying existing
educational buildings. An ADB study in 2002 found that while the Philippines
passed an accessibility law more than 20 years earlier, most of the provisions
of the law remained not enforced (ADB, 2002c). The introduction of barrier-
free features for existing schools, hospitals, public transport systems, buildings
and other infrastructure should be given priority attention.
Economic participation remains out of reach for most PWD. More than
100,000 employable PWD are registered with the Department of Labor and
Employment (DOLE) but less than 10% of them are in wage employment.
The Magna Carta provides that 5% of the contractual personnel of the national
government engaged in social development should be reserved for qualified
PWD. The law also encourages the private sector and LGUs to hire PWD. This
employment provision is far from being realized, for a number of reasons:
The issues facing disabled people are on the national agenda. The Arroyo
administration declared 2003–2012 as the Philippine Decade of Persons with
Disabilities. The NAPC has 14 representatives from the basic sectors, one of
which is a sectoral representative for persons with disabilities. The MTPDP
2004–2010 calls for expanded capacity building programs for PWD, and sets
an ambitious target whereby disabled people will make up 10% of the national
government workforce (this target is up from 5% in the Magna Carta). These
are all positive developments that acknowledge the link between disability
and poverty. But much remains to be done, particularly on the physical
accessibility front. Education and job generation are key areas for intervention.
To break the vicious cycle of disability and poverty, the focus must be placed
on ability rather than disability.