(1877) Mythology Among The Hebrews and Its Historical Development

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Full text of "<a href="/details/mythologyamongth00golduoft">Mythology
among the Hebrews and its historical development</a>"
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<pre>MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBBEWS
LOXDOJT : PRINTED BY
SPOTTTRWOODR AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE

AND PARLIAMENT STREET
MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS
AND
ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
BY
IGNAZ GOLDZIHEK, PH.D.
MEMBER OF THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OP SCIENCES
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, WITH ADDITIONS BY THE AUTHOR
BY
RUSSELL MARTINEAU, M.A.
OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM
LONDON
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1877
All riufifs reserved
TO
PROFESSORS
H. L. FLEISCHEE
FEIEDEICH MAX MULLEE
H. VAMBEEY
THE PIONEERS OF SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND TURCO-TATARIC PHILOLOGY
&jis SMork h
BY THE AUTPTOR AND THE TRANSLATOR
Errata.
P. 13 line 5 from below, for with all his advanced ideas read ( notwithstand
ing the progress of modern ideas.
P. 209, first line of note, after ball, insert that descended from heaven.
Whether this feather-ball
TEANSLATOE S PEEFACE.
CONSCIOUS THAT COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY is not
very generally studied even in England, where some of

the earliest and ablest expositions of its principles have
appeared, I foresee that this work is likely to fall into
the hands of many who have not the preliminary
intellectual training necessary to an appreciation of its
principles. If anyone takes up the book with an idea
that it will settle anything in the history of the Jews,
he will be disappointed. Its aim is not theological nor
historical, but mythological ; and Mythology precedes
History and Theology, and has nothing to do with them,
except as a factor that may to a certain extent determine
their form. To understand this book fully, some pre
vious knowledge of what has already been done on the
field of Comparative Mythology is essential. This is
easily obtained by reference to the various works of Prof.
Max Muller and Eev. G. W. Cox, which are frequently
quoted. 1 Such studies will enable the reader to see
how far Dr. Goldziher is merely treading in the foot-
1 Especially Max Muller s essay on Comparative Mythology (Chips

etc., II. i), and the ninth in the second series of his Lectures on the
Science of Language ; and Cox s introductions to his Manual of Mytho
logy, Tales of the Gods and Heroes, and Tales of Thebes and Argos.
viii TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.
steps of others, and how far he has struck out a new

track. Speaking generally, it may be said that he
acknowledges the principles of the science as laid down
by Kuhn and Max Muller, but that the application to
the Semitic nations is his own. This application was,
indeed, first attempted, fifteen years ago, by Professor
H. Steinthal of Berlin with reference to one special
mythological cycle, in Essays which, on p. xxix of his
Introduction, Dr. Goldziher urgently recommends the
reader to study as a suitable preparation for this book,
since they showed for the first time and on a large
scale how the matter of the Hebrew legends yields to
mythological analysis, and contain matter which is left
out here precisely because it is to be had there.
Through the obligingness of the publishers I am
enabled to present the English reader with a transla
tion of these Essays, whereby he is put in a position of
no disadvantage as compared with the German. They
will also serve the purpose of showing that the prin
ciples of Semitic Mythology were asserted in weighty
words by a philosopher of high repute many years ago.
But Dr. Goldziher has in the present work for the first
time extended the application of the principles of Com
parative Mythology to the entire domain of Hebrew
Mythology, and laid down a broad foundation of
theory, on which the elaboration of special points may
be subsequently built up. Both these authors, it will
be seen, regard a systematic working out of the results
of Psychological science as the fundamental pillar of
Mythological studies ; and the reader will consequently
find some psychological preparation not less necessary
TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. ix
to the full understanding of the book than a knowledge

of what has been written on Comparative Mythology.
The translation has received so many additions and

corrections made expressly for it by the author, that it
is far superior to the original German edition ; more
over, it has been thoroughly revised by the author in
proof.
I have added a few notes, where they seemed to

be wanted ; they are always distinguished (by TR. )
from the author s own. The Index is also compiled
by me.
Keferences to the Old Testament are made to the

original Hebrew ; in the few cases where the chapter
or verse bears a different number in the English and
other modern versions, the reference to the latter is
added in brackets.
I have adopted a few peculiarities of orthography,
which I ought to confess to, the more so as I hope
others may be convinced of then- reasonableness.
Nazirite, Hivvite, are corrections of positive blunders
in spelling of the English Bible. Hivite was probably
written in obedience to an unwritten law of English
spelling which forbids the doubling of v ; whether there
is now any sense in this precept (which must have
originated when vv would be confounded with w) or
not, at least it ought not to be extended to foreign
names. The tendency of the age to dispense with the
Latin diphthongs ce, ce (which were a few generations
ago used in cera, (Economy, Êgypt, etc.), I have ven
tured to anticipate in similar words, such as esthetic,
Phenicia, Phenix. The anomaly of the French spell-
x TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.
ing of the Greek word programme, alongside of ana

gram, diagram, parallelogram, seems to me sufficient
condemnation of the form.
In the Hebrew and Arabic quotations the Latin

alphabet has been used throughout. The transliteration
of the following letters should be noted, as being the
only ones about which there could be any doubt :
N \ commencing a syllable in the middle of a word
= k. p j = k. n cj if = t. to 1? = t. k = z.
^H = S> K> <> = sh. t*., == th. j = d.

= s. ^ = d. ^ as consonant generally = v,
but j = w. ^ as consonant = y. The aspirated
n 3 a n are written bh (to be pronounced v), kh, ph,
th. In Hebrew a e 6 denote either the ordinary short
vowels or the chateph vowels ; and e also the vocal
sheva. In Arabic texts the i rab is omitted in prose,
but preserved in verse on account of the metre. These
principles of transliteration are the same which the
author adopts in the German edition, with a few modi
fications which seemed desirable for English readers,
especially the use of the letters j, th and y with their
usual English force.
EUSSELL MARTINEAU.
LONDON: January 1877.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
TRANSLATOR S PREFACE . vii
INTRODUCTION ........ . xiii
CHAPTER I.
ON HEBREW MYTHOLOGY i
CHAPTER II.
SOURCES OF HEBREW MYTHOLOGY
CHAPTER III.
THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATING HEBREW MYTHS 35
CHAPTER IV.
NOMADISM AND AGRICULTURE . . . . .... 49
CHAPTER V.
THE MOST PROMINENT FIGURES IN HEBREW MYTHOLOGY . . 90
CHAPTER VI.
THE MYTH OF CIVILISATION AND THE FIRST SHAPING OF
HEBREW RELIGION. . . , . . . . 198
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
PAGE
INFLUENCE OF THE AWAKING NATIONAL IDEA ON THE TRANS-
FOEMATION OF THE HEBREW MYTH 23 [
CHAPTER VIH.
COMMENCEMENT OF MONOTHEISM AND THE DIFFERENTIATION OF
THE MYTHS . . .- 259
CHAPTER IX.
PKOPHETISM AND THE JAHYEH RELIGION 290
CHAPTER X.
THE HEBREW MYTH IN THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY . . .316
EXCURSUS . . 337
APPENDIX.
Two Essays ly H. Steinthal
1. THE ORIGINAL FORM OF THE LEGEND OF PROMETHEUS . . 363
2. THE LEGEND OF SAMSON , . . . .392
INDEX . ...... 447
INTRODUCTION.
THE FOLLOWING SHEETS make no claim to present a

system of Hebrew Mythology. I have left out much that
would necessarily be included in a system, and confined
myself to a limited portion of what can be proved to be
the matter of the Hebrew myths. Even within the actual
domain of my labours, I was not anxious to subject the
extant narratives in all their minutest features to mytho
logical analysis. The application of the certain results of
the science of Mythology in general to a domain hitherto
almost ignored with reference to this subject, could only
be accomplished by some self-limitation on the part of the
author; and my immediate task was only to show that
Semitism in general, and Hebrew in particular, could not
be exceptions to the laws of mythological enquiry esta
blished on the basis of psychology and the science of lan
guage, and that it is possible from Semitism itself, on
psychological and philological principles, to construct a
scientific Semitic Mythology.
By blindly tracing out copious matters of detail, the

investigator of myths is very easily and unconsciously
seduced to the slippery ground of improbabilities ; and
therefore I preferred, in the first instance, to enlarge only
on subjects on which I was confident of being able to pre
sent what was self-evident, and in these only, so to speak,
to reveal the first cellular formations, from which later
xiv INTRODUCTION.
growths were produced, and to leave the analysis of the

entire substance, and of the separate elements which com
plete the conception of the mythical figures, to a future
time, when the science will have gained a firmer footing
even on the Semitic domain, and will have less distrust
and misunderstanding to contend against. I am myself
responsible for this limitation of the subject, in the service
of which, encouraged by kind friends, I resolved to pub
lish the following pages. In mythological affairs I ac
knowledge myself a pupil of the school established on the
Aryan domain by Ad. Kuhn and Max Miiller. Only in
certain points, which, however, occasionally touch upon
first principles, I have been compelled to differ from the
masters of Comparative Mythology. It may be boldly
asserted that, especially through Max Miiller s literary
labours, Comparative Mythology and the Science of
Religion have been added to those chapters of human
knowledge with which certain borderlands of science can
not dispense, and which can claim to have become an es
sential portion of general culture. 1 This conviction must
excuse frequent copiousness of exposition, which I have
adopted knowingly and intentionally. I have had in my
eye not only the small circle of professional mythologists
on the Aryan and other domains, but also the larger circle
1 Both in England and in France the attempt has been made with much
taste to introduce the results of comparative mythology in the instruction of
youth ; in England by Eev. G. W. Cox in his Tales of the Gods and Heroes, "
Talcs of Thebes and Argos, Tales from Greek Mythology, Manual of Mythology
in the form of question and answer, 1867, and Tales of Ancient Greece, 1870,
the last two of which have just been translated into Hungarian, and published
by the Franklin Society; in France by Baudry and Delerot (Paris 1872).
Still more recently the results of comparative mythology have also been sum
marised in two excellent books for children by Edward Clodd, The Childhood
of the World : a simple account of Man in Early Times, 1873, and The Child
hood of Eeligion embracing a simple account of the birth and growth of Myths
and Legends, 1875.
INTRODUCTION. xv
of educated readers who will be interested in learning

how the results of Comparative Mythology shape them
selves when applied to Semitic nations. But, on the other
hand, I must crave the indulgence of the latter readers,
if I have not always succeeded (especially in the fifth
chapter) in making my meaning as intelligible as I could
wish. For it is a fact that the Semitic still remains
further removed from the rnind of educated society than
the Aryan, which, through the study of classical an
tiquity, has so ensnared us from our school-days with its
irresistible charms, that it can never cease to determine
the direction of our thought and action. Therefore I
have had resort to foreign examples, sometimes non-
Semitic instances from antiquity, sometimes instances
from modern poets, for illustrations of particular asser
tions, which otherwise would appear improbable, but
could thus be brought nearer to the understanding.
From the figures used by poets the wealth and variety of
the mythical apperception of the primeval man is truly
elucidated. Here and there I have also permitted myself
to make reference to Hungarian idioms, which was very
natural, as I originally composed this book in my Hun
garian mother-tongue for the purpose of University lec
tures, and then translated it myself into German. Some
pa.rts of these essays have been already published in
Hungarian, in a different connexion and with special
reference to linguistic results, in the first and second
parts of Vol. XII. of the Nyelvtudomdnyi Koslemenyck
(Philological Essays), edited by Paul Hunfalvy for the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
In adducing Aryan parallels, I am very far from

thinking that where the Hebrew exhibits a striking simi
larity to something Aryan it has borrowed from the
latter, or that, as a recent scholar tried to make out, the
xvi INTRODUCTION.
Hebrews themselves were originally Aryans, who after

wards took a Semitic language and preserved their Aryan
habits of thought. I start from the conviction that the
Myth is something universal, that the faculty of forming
it cannot a priori be denied to any race as such, and that
the coincidence of mythical ideas and modes of expression
is the result of the uniformity of the psychological process
which is the foundation of the creation of myths in all
races ; and this very uniformity of mythical ideas may
consequently serve to psychologists as an argument for
the thesis of the psychological uniformity of all races. 1
c Where no historical transference of myths can be proved,
says Bastian very justly, 2 the uniformity must be referred
to the organic law of the growth of the mind, which will
everywhere put forth similar products, corresponding and
alike, but variously modified by surrounding influences.
The oldest history of paleography exhibits on the ideo
graphic and figurative stage the most striking similarities
in the modes of apperception belonging to nations of the
most various races. Lenormant says : Nous pourrions
faire voir, si nous voulions nous laisser aller a la tentation
d entreprendre un petit traite de 1 ecriture symbolique
chez les differents peuples, comment certaines metaphores
naturelles ont ete cogues spontanement par plusieurs
races diverses sans communication les unes avec les autres,
et comment, par suite, le meme symbole se retrouve avec
1 This psychological uniformity of all races of men is independent of the

question of the monogenetic or polygenetic origin of races. The psychological
uniformity of different races is especially conspicuous when we observe and
compare individuals of the separate races in infancy, when the distinctions
produced by history, education, instruction, etc., are not yet present (see
Frohschammer, Das Christenthum und die moderns, Naturwissensekaft, Vienna
1868, p. 208. When we are considering the growth of mankind in general,
the stage when myths are created corresponds to the infancy of the individual.
2 Das Bestcindige in den Menschenrasscn und die Spiehvcise ihrer Ver dnder-
HchJeeit, Berlin 1868, p. 78.
INTRODUCTION. xvii
le meme sens dans plusieurs systemes d origine tout-a-

fait independante. L exemple le pi as frappant peut-etre
de ce genre est celui du symbole de 1 abeille, qui, ainsi que
nous venons de le dire, signifie Roi dans les hieroglyphes
egyptiens, et se reconnait encore clairement dans le type
le plus ancien de Pideogramme doue du meme sens dans
le cuneiforme anarien. 1 The same lesson is taught by
Prehistoric Archeology, the comparative study of which
among the various races would present very instructive
examples. In our museums we see identical implements
used by men of the most various races at the same primi
tive stage of civilisation, 2 yet in this case the idea of one
having borrowed from another enters no one s head.
Why should we be surprised at meeting with the very
same phenomenon in Comparative Mythology ?
The uniformity of the Hebrew myths with those of

nations belonging to other races only becomes an obvious
fact when we apply the method of modern mythological
enquiry to Semitic stories. But, even without the help
of this method, the mere outside of the Hebrew stories
attracted the attention of many enquirers. It occasion
ally gave rise to the absurdest aberrations, which even
now shoot out into a fresh crop of mischief. One
answer, of course, was always at hand that Greek and
Egyptian narratives and theogonies were bad trans
lations or diluted versions of the Hebrew ; or else, as
it has often been attempted in recent times to prove, the
Egyptian was the original, from which everything else
had flowed. The eighteenth century was especially rich
in literary productions of the first species, following the
1 Fraiôis Lenormant, Essai sur la Propagation de V Alphabet phenicien

dans Tancien monde, Vol. I. (2nd ed., Paris 1875), P- I 7 >
2 Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. 6.
xviii INTRODUCTION.
lead of Gerhard Johann Voss, Huet, 1 Bochart, and others

whose labours had prepared the way. G. Croesius pub
lished at Dort, in 1704, "O/^/oos 1 6 E/3paio$, sive Historia
Hebraeorum ab Homero Hebraicis nominibus ac sententiis
conscripta in Odyssea et Iliade, and Y. G. Herklitz at
Leipzig two years later, 1 706, Quod Hercules idem sit ac
Josua. At Amsterdam a book was published in 1721 en
titled c Parallela rfjs xpovoXaylas et Historiae Sacrae, hav
ing the same object ; and in 1730 a book in two volumes,
of similar tendency, by Guillaume de Lavaur, an avocat,
was published at Paris in French, and translated into
German by Johann Daniel Heyden (Leipzig, I745). 2 But
it was reserved for the end of the century to produce the
most curious specimen, in the work entitled Histoire veri
table des Temps Fabuleux: ouvrage qui, en devoilant le
vrai que les histoires fabuleuses ont travesti et altere, sert
a eclaircir les antiquites des peuples et surtout a venger
1 histoire sainte, 5 by the Abbe Guerin du Rocher. I have
not seen the original edition of this work, but have con
sulted a later edition prepared by the Abbe Chapelle, an
admirer of the author (Paris and Besan9on, 1824), in five
volumes, of which the first three contain the original
work, and the fourth and fifth are taken up by the editor
with a recapitulation of principles and a defence against
the attacks of antagonists, who count among their number
such men as Voltaire, De la Harpe, De Guignes, Du Yoisin,
Dinouart, and Anquetil du Perron. The author under
took to prove that the entire ancient history of the Egyp
tians and other nations is only a repetition of Biblical
narratives : that thus what is related of Bothyris,
1 On these two see Pfleiderer, Die Religion, ihr Wesen und ihre Geschichte,
II. 8.
2 The title is Conference de la Fable avec 1 Histoire sainte, ou Ton voit

que les grand es fables, le culte et les mysteres du paganisme ne sont que des
copies alterees des histoires, des usages et des traditions des Hebreux.
INTRODUCTION. xix
Orpheus, Menes, Sesostris, and others, is identical with

the Biblical history of Abraham, Jacob, Lot, Noah, and
others; even the Egyptian Thebes is not a city, but
Noah s ark. The influence which this sensational book
exercised on the learning of the period is very charac
teristic of the times. Dr. Asselini, vicar of the diocese of
Paris, who had to pass judgment on it for the censorship
(1779), regards it as a vindication of the Bible. The
Sorbonne appropriated Guerin s theorems, and made
them the subject of theses for graduation. The King of
Poland read the work through, and sent his compliments
to the author. The French government accorded the
Abbe an annual pension of 1,200 livres. One reviewer
compares Guerin s discoveries to those of Columbus and
Newton ; and a poetical panegyrist sees in them a French
counterpoise to the superiority in science then possessed
by England in virtue of discoveries of the first rank in
physical science. He says
Fiere et docte Albion, qui dans un coin des mers
Pretends aux premier rang de la literature,
Pour avoir a vos yeux devoile 1 univers
Et le vrai plan de la nature,

De tes discours hautains rabaisse enfin le ton ;
La France, ta rivale, va e"galer ta gloire.
Ce que pour la physique a fait le grand Newton,
Du Rocher Fa fait pour I kistoire.
But even on the very threshold of the second part of

our century, in 1849, a systematic argument was conducted,
to show that Livy had read the Bible, and based his de
scription of T. Manlius Torquatus battle with the Gauls
on that of David and his battle with the Philistine giant ;
and twenty-two similarities between the respective stories
had to do duty as demonstrations. 1 The unscientific
1 Edward Wilton in the Journal of Sacred Literature, 1849, H. 374 et scq.
a2
xx INTRODUCTION.
mode of regarding these subjects prevailing up to the most

recent time has not yet ceased to generate absurdities.
We see old-fashioned absurdities still finding a way

to the general reading public by means of encyclopedias,
as in a Dictionary of the Mythology of all Nations, of
which a third edition was recently published. 1 This work
in its new form comes before the public with a touching
delivery against modern physical science by way of intro
duction. Here we read under Abraham, Some scholars
are inclined to make this celebrated Patriarch of the
Jewish nation either the god Brahma himself or a Brahman
who was obliged to leave India in the contest between the
worshippers of Siva and those of Brahma. In truth, there
is much that might lead to such a conjecture. In Sanskrit
the word earth is often expressed by Brahm or Abrahm.
Abraham s wife was named Sarah ; Brahma s wife was
Sara (Sarasvati) etc. But sins of a different kind also
are committed up to the present day. The Hebrews are
said to have borrowed their myths from foreign parts. It
is not only by Voltaire and men of his age and spirit that
this assumption is made. It is expressed in a recent
article by a learned German investigator intended for the
widest circulation. Sepp writes, c No nation has been so
clever as the Hebrews in appropriating to themselves the
property of others, both intellectual and material. What
can we say to the fact that the sun s standing still at
Joshua s bidding, with the purpose of enabling the Hebrews
to complete the slaughter of the Amalekites, is directly
borroived from Homer (77. ii. 412), where the poetical hy
perbole Let not the sun go down, Zeus, etc., is put into
the mouth of Agamemnon ? ... To be brief, the popular
1 Dr. Vollmer s Worterbuch der Mythologie aller Voider, newly revised by
Dr. W. Binder, with an Introduction to Mythological Science by Dr. Johannes
Minckwitz, 3rd ed., Stuttgart 1874.
INTRODUCTION. xxi
hero Samson has had the Twelve Labours of the Lybian

Herakles transferred to him, and bears the doors, as
Sandon or Melkart the pillars of the world, on his
shoulders. 1 The reader will agree with me in regarding
it as superfluous at the present day to attempt a serious
refutation of the hypothesis of borrowing, which assails the
originality of the most primitive mythological ideas known
to the nation under review. But it is impossible to evade
the obligation to find an explanation of the manifold coin
cidences exhibited in the independently produced myths
of nations belonging to quite different races. Under the
new method of mythological enquiry this obligation is
doubly pressing; for the coincidences appear yet more
surprising, and occupy a more extensive sphere when the
myths are considered analytically by the light of the new
method, and from a linguistic point of view. Only then
does the identity become psychologically important. And
then it can in my view be explained only by the rejection
of the prejudice that there are unmythological races, or
at least one race incapable of forming any myths the
Semitic. If the Myth is a form of life of the human mind
psychologically necessary at a certain stage of growth,
then the intellectual life of every individual, nation, and
race must pass through it. * The tendency of modern en
quiry is more and more toward the conclusion that if law
is anywhere, it is everywhere, as Tylor maintains. 2 This
means, applied to the present question, that if the forma
tion of myths is a natural law of the ^rv^ (mind) at a
certain stage, it must necessarily occur everywhere where
there is a beginning of intellectual life, unless we could
speak of whole races or tribes as psychologically patho-
1 See the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeituvg, 1875, no. 169, p. 2657.
2 Primitive Culture, I. 22.
xxii INTRODUCTION.
logic, 1 and make the whole Semitic race thus pathologic

on account of its alleged incapacity to form myths which
would, after all, be rather a curious proceeding. No doubt
we often read in ethnological works of nations without a
trace of Mythology. But we ought not to forget either
that such informants understand by Mythology only com
plicated stories and fables, which in my view represent the
more advanced stage of mythic development, or that they
identify Mythology with heathen religious ideas, and
confound absence of religion or atheism with want of
myths. So, e.g., Sir John Lubbock says, quoting Sibree, 2
Even in Madagascar, according to a good authority,
" there is nothing corresponding to a Mythology, or any
fables of gods or goddesses, amongst the Malagasy ; "
but this want of stories of gods and goddesses is very
far from demonstrating the absence of myths of all and
every sort.
It would be worth while in this connexion to pursue a

thought raised by Schelling, with the aid of the present
more advanced ideas on the psychology of nations. Accord
ing to Schelling, 3 a nation becomes a nation through com
munity of consciousness between the individuals ; and this
community has its foundation in a common view of the
world, and this again in Mythology. Consequently in Schel-
ling s system absence of Mythology can only occur in circles
of men in which nationality is as yet unformed, and the
necessary community undeveloped. But to Schelling * it
appears impossible, because inconceivable, that a Nation
1 See Virchow in the Monatsbericht dcr Jcbnigl. preuss. Akademie der

Wissenschaften, January 1875, p. n.
2 Origin of Civilisation, 3rd ed., p. 330, quoting Sibree s Madagascar

and its People, p. 396.
3 Einleitung in die Philosophic der Mythologie, pp. 62, 63. This is the
idea to which Max Miiller refers in noticing the lectures of the philosopher of
Berlin, in his Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. I4 1 ).
INTRODUCTION. xxiii
should be without Mythology. 9 However the question may

stand with reference to savage tribes, modern science
cannot possibly support the old thesis concerning the
Semitic Hebrews of their incapacity for Mythology.
Guided by this conviction, I lay down at starting the

necessity of subjecting the material of the Hebrew myths
to the same psychological and linguistic analysis which
has contributed so much light to the consideration of the
beginnings of intellectual life in the Aryan race.
I do not conceal from myself that the acknowledg

ment of the legitimacy of this method for Semitic things
may be exposed to many attacks. For even on Aryan
ground the results which the school of Kuhn and Max
Miiller have brought to light do not enjoy that general
acceptation which ought to reward such sound investiga
tions investigations, moreover, the basis of which is being
constantly extended by later writers such as G. W. Cox
and De Gubernatis. Both in Germany and in England
this school has notable adversaries. I do not speak
of Julius Braun, who, in his Naturgeschichte der Sage
(Natural History of Legend), thought to undermine the
solid substratum of Comparative Mythology by extending
to the domain of mythology the consequences of his theory
of the history of art and of Eothe s assumptions, and by
fetching from Egypt the foundation-stone on which to
construct a Science of Mythology an attempt which
turned out most unfortunate, especially in etymology.
But some worthy partisans of the study of classical litera
ture refuse to receive the results of the science of Com
parative Mythology. One of these is K. Lehrs ; l another
is the latest German editor of Hesiod, who objects to the
1 See his Popul dre Aufsatze aus dem Alterthum, vorziigsweise zur Ethik und
Kcliyion der Gricchcn, second edition, Leipzig 1875, especially p. 272 at seq.
xxiv INTRODUCTION.
modern science of Mythology that it ignores historical

and philological criticism and seizes upon every passage
of an author that suits its theory, without regard to its
value and genuineness. 1 Among the English scholars it
is no less a writer than Fergusson who declares, * So far as
I am capable of understanding it, it appears to me that
the ancient Solar Myth of Messrs. Max Miiller and Cox is
very like mere modern moonshine. 2 And Mr. George
Smith, the renowned pioneer of the ancient Assyrian lite
rature, seems not to have much confidence in the latest
method of mythological investigation ; for he says in his
latest book, 3 The early poems and stories of almost
every nation are by some writers resolved into elaborate
descriptions of natural phenomena ; and in some cases, if
that were true, the myth would have taken to create it a
genius as great as that of the philosophers who explain it.
So that the so-called Solar theory is far from being
generally adopted even on the domain where it was first
brought out and has been most firmly established. But
the adherents of the school of Max Miiller may take
comfort from the consideration that the accusations made
against them hit only those who have ridden the theory
too hard, since, as Tylor says, no allegory, no nursery-
rhyme, is safe from the speculations of some fanatical
mythological theoriser. Much abused is a correct
epithet used of the Solar theory by a learned English
Assyriologist, himself a friend of it. 4 If, then, on Aryan
ground the legitimacy of the new method is not undis
puted, how will it be on Semitic, and especially on Hebrew
ground, which a prejudice prevalent far and wide has
1 Flach, Das System der Hesiod. Kosmogonie, Leipzig 1874; see Literar.
Centralblatt, 1875, no. 7.
2 Rude Stone Monuments in all Countries, p. 32, note 2.

8 The Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 302.
4 Sayce in the Academy, 1875, p. 586.
INTRODUCTION. xxv
decided to be occupied by a race and a nation with no

mythology at all? Nevertheless, I hope I have kept
myself free from abuse and extravagance in these essays.
1 have endeavoured sedulously to avoid whatever, on the
Aryan domain, aroused the distrust of the hesitating, by
showing no anxiety to gain immediate command of the
whole extent of the mythological field. The essential
point at the commencement of these matters is not the
elucidation of all the minute details, but rather the solution
of the general questions that arise, and the accurate laying
down of a sound method of investigation. What I have
brought forward I wish to be regarded as a collection of
examples of the application of the method.
The reader will observe that I have given to the con

ception of the myth a narrower scope than is usually done.
I believe it necessary to separate it strictly from the con
ception of religion, and especially to exclude from the
sphere of primitive mythology the questions of Cosmo
gony and Ethics (the origin of Evil). The latter point
was of especial importance in reference to the Hebrew
Myth, since, as I show in the last chapter, the solution
of these questions by the Hebrews was produced in the
later period of civilisation and from a foreign impulse.
There is an immense difference between the ancient
mythical view of the origin of nature and that later
cosmogonic system. So long as mythical ideas are still
living in the mind, though under an altered form, when
the times are ripe for cosmogonic speculations, a cosmo
gony appears as a stage of development of the ancient
myth. But when the myth has utterly vanished from
consciousness, then the mind is ready to receive foreign
cosmogonic ideas, which can be fitted into the frame of
its religious thought and accommodated to its religious
views. This was the case with the Hebrews ; and hence
xxvi INTRODUCTION.
it will be understood why T have not treated as Hebrew

mythical matter the Cosmogony of Genesis, which, more
over, according to all appearance, is to be regarded rather
as a mere literary creation than as a view of the origin of
things emanating directly from the mind of the people.
It appeared desirable to give a few chapters to show

what I imagined the course of development of the primi
tive myths to have been, before they attained the form in
which they are presented to us in literature. The mytho
logical question is indeed quite distinct from that con
cerning the history of literature, and there is only a dis
tant connexion between the two. The purpose of the
following pages is, strictly speaking, attained where that
of the literary history of the Canon commences; and I
would gladly have kept aloof from the literary question,
which cannot yet be regarded as even nearly settled. But
when I included in my task the description of the further
course of development of the myth, it was obviously im
possible to stand so entirely aloof. I have on many
points deviated from the current views, without being
able either to enter into so complete a justification of the
deviation as is generally reasonably expected, and the im
portance and scope of the subject would demand, or to
refer to all the suggestive and original works contributed,
especially by Germany and Holland, to the elucidation of
the problems in question. For this point, which is only
accessory to the real subject of my work, would require to
be treated in a separate monograph, which it was not my
intention to give. On the other hand, it was impossible
to leave these questions quite on one side. On the Pen
tateuch question I start from the principles of Graf,
which at first were adopted solely by the learned Professor
Kuenen of Leyden, but have recently found zealous pro-
INTRODUCTION. xxvii
moters also in England 1 and Germany in the latter

country especially in the works of Kayser (Strasburg,
1874), and Duhm (Bonn, I8/5). 2 Nevertheless, the section
on Jahveisni and Prophetism has turned out more lengthy
than considerations of symmetry would sanction. I must
confess that my personal sympathy with and affection for
this portion of the history of religion places me too close
to it to allow me, when once brought face to face with it,
to impose on my pen a reserve which perhaps is desirable
for the sake of equilibrium. All this obliges me to count
on the kind indulgence of my readers for the second por
tion, which may be termed the historical.
It remains to say a few words about previous works of

the same character. Some earlier writings there are on
Hebrew Mythology. But it needs not to be specially in
sisted on that Nork s muddle-headed works, such as his
Biblical Mythology of the Old and New Testament,
his 6 Etymological-symbolical-mythological Cyclopedia for
Biblical Students, Archeologists, and Artists, 3 and other
books of his, and similar attempts by others, 4 which
have tended to discredit the school of Creuzer rather
than to gain lasting adherents to it, do not deserve
to be regarded as anything but passing aberrations.
Braun s Natural History of Legend : Reference of all
1 The Academy, 1875, no. 184, p. 496. The promoters of the Theological
Translation Fund, by whom Kuenen s Religion of Israel was published, Dr.
J. Muir of Edinburgh, who wrote some letters to the Scotsman on the Dutch
Theology, and to a certain extent Bishop Colenso, besides many others who
have not avowed their views so publicly, indicate the progress of opinion in
England. TR.
2 See Literar. Centralllatt, 1875, no. 49, p. 157.
8 Biblische Mythologie dcs Alien und Neuen Testaments, 2 vols., Stuttgart

1842 ; Etymologisch-symbolisch-mythologisches Ttcalwortcrbuch fur Bihclforschcr,
Archdologen und bildende Kiinstler, 4 vols., Stuttgart 1843-5.
4 I have not succeeded in obtaining a sight of Schwenk s Mythologie dcr

Semiten, published in 1849; but Bimsen s condemnation of it in Egypt s Place
in Universal History, IV. p. 363, made me less anxious to get it.
xx viii INTR OD UCTION.
Keligious Ideas, Legends, and Systems to their Common

Stock and Ultimate Eoot l maintains a more serious and
dignified tone, but is a kind of anachronism built on an
antiquated theory, and not happier in its etymological
identifications and derivations than Nork s writings. I
think that no branch of the science of History and Civi
lisation can be advanced to satisfactory results when the
following thesis is laid down as an axiom : It is a fun
damental law of the nature of the human mind never to
invent anything as long as it is possible to copy which
is the starting-point of Braun s studies. It would be quite
as difficult to rest satisfied at the present day with the
method which Buttmann follows in treating of Hebrew
Mythology.
There are many smaller excursus by Biblical expositors

and historians, who set out from the standpoint of the
earlier views on the relation of the Myth to the Legend,
and more frequently from the exegetical point of view.
Among these ought especially to be named Ewald s
section on the subject in the first volume of his c History
of Israel, Tuch s short treatise Legend and Myth in the
general introduction to his Commentary on Genesis, as
well as several dissertations by the indefatigable Noldeke
in his Untersuchungen 9 (Investigations) and elsewhere. It
is obvious that these performances, though in every sense
noteworthy and of permanent value, could not draw into
their sphere of observation those preliminary questions
which in the subsequent investigations of Kuhn and Max
Miiller removed to a greater distance the goal of mytho
logical enquiry. Steinthal, who did so much for the
psychological basis of the new tendency of mythological
science, was the first to merit the praise of making Com-
1 Naturgeschichte der Sage. Euckfuhrung alter rdigioscn Idccn, Sag en,

Systems anf ihrcn gcmeinsamcn Stammbaum und ihre letzte Wurzcl, 2 vols.,
Munich 1864-5.
INTRODUCTION. xxix
parative Mythology fruitful on Hebrew ground. His dis

sertations on the Story of Prometheus and the Story of
Samson l showed for the first time, and on a large scale,
how the matter of the Hebrew legends yields to mytho
logical analysis. I would on this occasion beg the
reader to have the kindness to read these pioneer- articles
of Steinthal s, to complete the matter left undiscussed in
my work, as I considered it superfluous repetition to work
up a second time what was sufficiently expounded there.
Steinthal must consequently be regarded as the founder
of mythological science on Hebrew ground. He has
again recently given some suggestive hints on this subject
in a short article, in which he again defends the capacity
of the Semitic race to form myths. 2 It is only to be
regretted that the commencement made by Steinthal in
this science has not been followed up for more than
fifteen years. 3 Steinthal s two dissertations gave me the
first impulse to the composition of this work ; and my
purpose was confirmed by the words of the ingenious
Italian Angelo de Gubernatis, who, in his Zoological
Mythology (which appeared at the very time when I was
maturing my purpose of putting together into one work
this series of essays originally written as lectures), elo
quently designates the subject of my researches the next
problem of Comparative Mythology. 4 The words in
which he recommends the study of Hebrew Mythology in
1 In Vol. II. of his Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie und Sprachwisscn-

sckaft, translated and appended to this volume.
3 Dcr Scmitismus, in Zcitsch. fur Volkerpsychologie etc., 1875, VIII.

339-340.
3 It would be unfair not to mention the Dutch Professor Tiele as a worker

on this field. In his Vergdijkcnde Gcschiedenis dcr oude godsdiensten, Vol. I.:
De cgyptische en mcsopotamische godsdiensten (Amsterdam 1872) he has occa
sionally inserted explanations of Hebrew myths, to which I have referred at
the proper places.
4 II. 421 ct scq. ; see his Rivista Europta, year VI. II. 587. Cf. his review
of the German edition of this work in the Bolhttino italiano dcgli stttdj oricn-
tali, 1876, I. 169-172.
xxx INTRODUCTION.
the spirit of the new method seem to me very striking.

It is my earnest conviction that not only the interests of
learning, but also preeminently the religious life of the
present age make it important to gain for this subject an
acknowledged position in learned literature. For he who
feels the true meaning of religion must welcome these
studies as a step in advance towards the highest ideal of
religion, towards Monotheism pure and unsullied by any
thing coarse or pagan, which is independent of legends
and traditions of race, and has its centre, its exclusive
element of life, and its impulse towards never-resting
enquiry and self-perfection, in aspiration after the single
living Source of all truth and morality. I am convinced
that every step which we take towards a correct apprecia
tion of the Mythical brings us nearer to that centre.
The confusion of the Mythical with the Religious makes
religious life centrifugal ; it is the duty of the progressive
tendency on this domain to confirm a centripetal ten
dency. 1 The recognition of this relation between pure
Monotheism and the oldest historical portion of the Bib
lical literature does not date from yesterday or to-day;
the most ideal representative of Hebrew Monotheism, in
whom Jahveism as an harmonious conception of the
universe attained its climax, the Prophet of the Captivity
himself, described this relation in clear terms (Is. LXIII.
/^; see infra, p. 229).
But while, on the one hand, the investigation of

Hebrew myths gives a stimulus to religious thought to
advance in the direction of a Monotheism purified from all
dross ; on the other,, the employment of the method offered
to the Hebrew stories by Comparative Mythology in its
1 In reference to this I may refer to the eloquent expressions of Steinthal

in his lecture Mythos und Religion, p. 28 (in Virchow and Holtzendorff s
Sammlung gemeinverstandlichcr Vortr dge, Bd. V. Heft 97).
INTRODUCTION. xxxi
latest stage, paves the way for a more serious treatment

of the old Biblical stories. It cannot be denied that there
is no little frivolity in the idea that those stories were in
vented at a certain time, no matter whether bona or mala
fide, by persons guided by some interest, or affected by
some leaning, of their own. It is no more satisfactory
to be told that the stories were not invented, but sprang up
naturally, and then to find that no answer is forthcoming
to the question, How that could be ? The modern science
of Comparative Mythology has washed the teachers of the
human race clean of the suspicion of mystification and
deceptive principles. The origination of the stories is, at
the outset, claimed for an antiquity higher than even the
most orthodox apologists could ever exhibit. Now for
the first time we can learn to appreciate them as sponta
neous acts of the human mind ; we perceive that they
arose through the same psychological process which gave
us language also ; that, like language itself, they were
the very oldest manifestation of activity of the mind, and
burst forth from it (>v<rei,, not 6so-si, at the very threshold
of its history ; and subsequently transformed and de
veloped themselves again quite spontaneously, on the
attainment of a higher stage of civilisation, by processes
of national psychology, and most certainly not by the
cunning ingenuity and the worldly wisdom of certain lead
ing classes.
Last year Dr. Martin Schultze announced a ( Mytho

logy of the Hebrews in its connexion with those of the
Indogermans and of the Egyptians * as about to appear.
The method followed by the author in a preliminary
specimen 2 was not such as to induce me to delay the
1 Mythologic der Ebr dcr in ihrem Zusammcnkangc mit den Mythologicn

dcr Indogcrmanen und der Mgypter. Nordhausen 1876.
2 Ausland, 1874, p. 961 et seq., 1001 et scq.
xxxii INTRODUCTION.
publication of my work and wait for his, even though he

promised to give a complete system, which was not my
intention. 1 My manuscript was already in the publishers
hands, when the papers announced the publication of a
learned book by Dr. Grill, The Patriarchs of Mankind :
a contribution towards the establishment of a Science of
Hebrew Archeology ; 2 and more than ten sheets were
printed before I could gather, from a review of it in the
Jenaer Literaturzeitung, in how close a connexion it stood
to the subject of my book ; for from the title alone I was
not likely to suspect anything on Mythology. I cannot
pretend to explain in a few lines my opinion of so large
a book as Dr. Grill s. But as he starts with the assump
tion of the impossibility of a Semitic Mythology, and en
deavours to establish the view that the Hebrew Myth is
that of an Indogermanic people, that the Hebrews were
Indogermans, and that the Hebrew mythological proper
names can find an etymology only in Sanskrit, I have
great pleasure in referring him to p. 25 and to Chapter V.
of my book, where he may convince himself that no very
daring etymological leaps nor arbitrary assumptions of
phonological laws of transformation are necessary to ex
plain the Hebrew mythological figures and their appella
tions from the Semitic languages themselves. It must, no ,
doubt, be admitted that in some cases but the minority
the formation of the proper names used in Mythology
is not quite in accordance with grammatical analogy. I
account for this by the peculiar feature of the Semitic
languages, that an appellative on becoming a proper
name often takes a peculiar form, differing in some re
spect from that of the original appellative : e al- adl li-1-
1 The above-named work was published immediately after the conclusion

of this Introduction.
2 Die Erzv dter der Menschheit: ein Beitrag zur Grrundlegung einer hebrdischen
Altcrthumswissenschaft. Leipzig, Fues 1875.
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii
alamiyya, as the Arabian grammarians say. 1 There will

always be cruces. Is it possible to indicate a satisfactory
etymon for every proper name of the Greek mythology ?
and if not, ought we on that account to explain the
Greek out of Semitic, whenever a case occurs which
tempts us to do so, as our learned ancestors did ? 2 For
transformation is always easy to find ; since etymology is
allowed to be a science in which the consonants go for
but little, and the vowels have nothing at all to say for
themselves ! It certainly seems a pity to waste in
genuity in trying to banish out of the Semitic stock names
which sound Semitic and can be recognised as such with
out the employment of any law of transformation at all,
like Yiphtaeh (Jephthah), Noach (Noah), and Debhora
(Deborah), and in dissolving by Sanskrit solvents the
Hebrew impress of a word like Yehoshua c (Joshua), pro
duced by Jahveism out of the original HosheV, and not
even mythical at all, in order to make it into a Dog
of Heaven, instead of * He has holpen or 6 enlarged
[the people s possessions], i.e. The Helper. 3 Pinechas
(Phinehas), no doubt, is a word that might drive the
etymologist to despair. But there is far more intrinsic
probability in Lauth s Egyptian interpretation 4 than in
Grill s Sanskrit tour de force, especially considering that
Egyptian proper names cannot be explained away out of
the Old Testament, and have in history a positive reason
1 Ibn Ya ish s Commentary on the Mufassal, p. 74 (of the edition now

being published by Dr. Jahn of Berlin). See Fables de Loqman le Sage (ed.
D^renbourg), Introduction, p. 7.
2 I may refer on this point to Von Grutschmid s excellent critique on

Bunsen s attempt to explain Athene as Semitic, in the former s Beitrage zur
Geschichte dcs alien Orients, Leipzig 1858, p. 46.
3 Stade (Morgenldndische Forschungcn, p. 232) justly insists on the good

Hebrew character of the names occurring in the Hebrew stories, even against
the false supposition of the original Aramaic character of the Hebrew people.
4 Zcitsch. d. D. M. G., 1871, XXV. 139; see Lepsius, Einleitung zur

Chronologic dcr alien Mgypten, I. 326.
xxxiv INTRODUCTION.
for existence. Then why hover in the dream-land of a

prehistoric connexion with the Aryans ?
When the Arabian traditionary stories are once sub

jected to etymological treatment, it will appear how far
Semitism is from utter deficiency of Mythology. In cer
tain instances I have taken occasion to demonstrate this
with reference to Arabian tradition in the course of this
work (e.g. p. 182 et seq., p. 334 et seq.). In other cases
no reference to the etymological meaning of the proper
names is required to recognise true Arabian myths. In
stances are found especially in the stories about the
constellations. Al-Meydani informs us that the old
Arabs say that the star al-Dabaran wooed the Pleiades,
but the latter constellation would have nothing to do
with the suitor, turned obstinately away from him, and
said to the Moon, What must I do with that poor
devil, who has no estate at all? Then al-Dabaran
gathered together his Kila (a constellation in the neigh
bourhood of al-Dabaran), and thus gained possession of
an estate. And now he is constantly following after the
Pleiades, driving the Kila before him as a wedding-
present. l The constellation Capricorn killed the Bear
(na sh), and therefore the daughters of the latter (binat
na sh) encircle him, seeking vengeance for their slain
father. * Suheyl gave the female star al-Jauza a blow ;
the latter returned it and threw him down where he now
lies ; but he then took his sword and cut his adversary in
pieces. 5 The southern Sirius (al-Shi ra al-yamaniyya)
was walking with her sister the northern Sirius (al-Shi ra
al-shamiyya) ; the latter parted company and crossed
1 See Ibn Ya ish s Commentary on the Mufassal of Zamachshari, p. 47, in

which the name of the constellation al- Ayyu^ (Auriga, The Hinderer ) is
imported into this story, as hindering al-Dabaran from coming up with his
Beloved.
INTRODUCTION. xxxv
the Milky Way, whence her name (al-Shi ra al- abur).

Her sister, seeing this, began to weep for the separation,
and her eyes dropped tears ; therefore she is called the
Wet-eyed (al-gumeysa). l The existence of similar Hebrew
myths may be inferred from the names of constellations
in the Book of Job (XXXVIII. 31, 32), especially from
the Fool (kesil, Orion) bound to heaven. 2 Are not these
genuine Nomads myths, produced through contemplation
of the constellations and their relations to one another ?
In conclusion, I must observe that in many passages,

especially of the later chapters, a fuller citation of literary
apparatus would have been desirable. The want of this
is to be ascribed in part to the peculiar design of the
book, and in part to the deficiency of aid from libraries
for the exegetical department in my dwelling-place.
1 al-Meydani, Majma al-amthal (ed. of Bulak), II. 209.
2 See Noldeke in Schenkel s Bibellexikon, 2nd ed. IV. 370.
MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS,
CHAPTER I.
ON HEBREW MYTHOLOGY.
i. AT the very foundation of the investigations to

which this book is devoted, we find ourselves in opposition
to a wide-spread assumption : that in regard to Mythology
nations may be divided into two classes, Mythological and
Un mythological, or in other words, those which have had
a natural gift for creating Myths, and those whose in
tellectual capacity never sufficed for this end. It is there
fore desirable to lay down clearly our position in regard
to this assumption, before we advance to the proper sub
ject of our studies.
The Myth is the result of a purely psychological

operation, and is, together with language, the oldest act
of the human mind. This has been shown conclusively
by the modern school of mythologists who are also
psychologists. Assuming then, what can scarcely be
called in question, that the same psychological laws
rule the intellectual activity of mankind without distinc
tion of race, we cannot a priori assume that the capacity
for forming myths can be given or withheld according
to ethnological categories. As there is only one physio
logy, and every race of mankind under the influence of
certain conditions produces the same physiological func
tions in accordance with physiological laws, so it is also
2 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
with the psychological functions, given the stimulus neces

sary to their production. And this stimulus acts upon
mankind everywhere alike. For it is clearly proved that
the Myth tells of the operations of nature, and is the mode
of expressing the perception which man at the earliest
stage of his intellectual life has of these operations and
phenomena. These form the substance of the Myth.
Consequently, wherever they act as attractions to the
youthful human mind, the external conditions of the rise
of Mythology are present. Not unjustly, therefore, it
seems to me, has a recent psychologist spoken of the
( Universal Presence and the Uniformity of myths. 1 Un
doubtedly the direction of the myth will vary with the
relation of natural phenomena to mankind; the myth
will take one direction where man greets the sun as a
friendly element, and another where the sun meets him
as a hostile power ; and in the rainless region the rain,
cannot act the same part in Mythology which it plays in
the rainy parts of the earth. The manners and usages of
men must also exercise a modifying influence on the
subject and the direction of the Myth. As in the course
of our further inquiries we shall recur to this point, I will
here only refer to one example of the latter. It is well
known that in the Aryan mythology, the milking of cows
is a frequently recurring expression for the shining of the
sun, or as some say for the rain. In tribes which do not
milk their cows, like some Negro peoples, 2 or the American
natives, this mythical expression can of course not arise.
2. There are two points of view, from which the

Mythical faculty has been denied to certain sections of the
human race on the one side a linguistic, on the other an
ethnological. As to the first, we must especially name
Bleek, the distinguished investigator of the South
African languages, who, in the introduction to his work
1 Zeiischrift fur Volkcr psychologic und Sprachwisscnschaft, 1869, VI. 207.

3 Theodor Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvolker, II. 85.
HAVE ALL RACES A MYTHOLOGY? 3
on the Story of Reynard the Fox in South Africa, makes

the remark that a mythological genius is peculiar to
nations in whose languages a distinction of gender in
nouns finds expression, whereas those whose languages
possess no formal distinction of gender in nouns, have no
proper mythology, but their religion stands on that
original stage which is the starting-point of all human
religion, namely that of the cultus of their ancestors. 1 It
is obvious that this learned linguist s distinction involves
a confusion of Myth and Religion, which we shall find in
the course of our subsequent investigations to be unten
able. At present we will disregard this point, and only
refer to the mythologies of the Finnish-Ugrian nations
peoples whose languages do not indicate any distinction
of gender in their nouns. Or can it be said that the
substance of the epos of Kalevala is not proper mytho
logy ? To be sure, in nations whose mind never evolved
the category of grammatical gender in their languages,
the myth will take such a direction as will give to the
sexual idea, so charming a feature in the Aryan mytho
logy, much less prominence. For the mode of conception
which is conveyed by the distinction of die Sonne and
6 der Mond, or hie sol and haec luna, cannot arise
where this distinction is not made. But the figures of
a mythology not only vary as to sex and genealogy, but
act also ; they are busy, they fight and kill, and the story
of these actions and fights is quite independent of the
gender-idea in language. Stories of them, consequently,
which we call Myths, may exist even where the genius
of language has opposed the distinction of gender.
3. The second point of view, from which some have

denied to a section of the human race the faculty and ten
dency to form myths, is ethnological. Either the Semites
in general or the Hebrews specially fell a sacrifice to this
1 W. II. I. Blcek, Reynard the Fox in South Africa, 1864, pp. xx-xxvi,
Sco Max Mailer s Introduction to the Science of Rcliyion, London 1873, p. 54-
B 2
view. The exclusion of the Semites from the domain of

Mythology is announced most emphatically by the inge
nious member of the French Academy, Ernest Renan, in
the words, Les Semites ii ont jamais eu de mythologie. l
This arbitrary assertion is deduced from a scheme of
race -psychology invented by Renan himself, which at the
first glance seems so natural and sounds so plausible
when described with all the elegance of style of which he
is master, that it has become an incontestable scientific
dogma to a large proportion of the professional world
for even the territory of science is sometimes dominated
by mere dogmas and is treated by learned and cultivated
people not specially engaged in this study as an actual
axiom in the consideration of race-peculiarities. 2 The
foundation of this scheme is the idea that in their views
of the world, the Aryans start from multiplicity, the
Semites from, unity ; and not only in their conception of
the world, but also in politics and art. On intellectual
ground, therefore, the former create mythology, polytheism,
science, which is only possible through discursive observa
tion of natural phenomena ; the latter create monotheism,
( the desert is monotheistic/ says Renan), and have there-
1 Histoire generale et Systems compare des Langues semitiqucs, p. 7.
2 Two instances will suffice to show how Kenan s hypothesis became the
common property of educated people. It is treated as fully made out, both by
Koscher, the German political economist, and by Draper, the American natura
list and historian of civilisation. The former says: Life in the desert seems
to be an especially favourable soil for Monotheism. It. wants that luxuriant
variety of the productive powers of nature by which Polytheism was encouraged
in remarkably fruitful countries, such as India (System der VolJcswirthschaft,
7th ed., Stuttgart 1873, H- 3 8 )- TllG latter: Polytheistic ideas have always
been held in repute by the southern European races ; the Semitic have main
tained the unity of God. Perhaps this is due to the fact, as a recent author
has suggested, that a diversified landscape of mountains and valleys, islands,
rivers, and gulfs, predisposes man to a belief in a multitude of divinities.
A vast sandy desert, the illimitable ocean, impresses him with an idea of the
oneness of God (History of Conflict between 1} dig ion and Science, London 1875,
p. 70). This view has also passed into Peschel s Volkerkundc, and Eluntschli
also, in his lecture on the ancient oriental ideas of God and world in 1861,
echoed Kenan s hypothesis of 1855.
KENAN S ARBITRARY DICTUM. 5
fore neither mythology nor science. If it is difficult,

justly observes Waitz, ( to estimate the capability of single
individuals well known to us, it is a far more dubious
task to gauge the intellectual gifts of whole nations and
aces. It seems scarcely possible to find available stan-
ards for the purpose, and consequently the judgment
is almost always found to be very much founded on per
sonal impressions. The various nations stand at various
times 011 very different stages of development, and if only
actual performances permit a safe induction as to the
measure of existing capabilities, then this measure itself
seems not to remain the same in the same nation through
the course of time, but to vary within very wide limits,
especially if we are to assume in all cases that a state of
original savageness preceded civilisation. 1 In fact, the
words of this cautious psychologist apply admirably to
Kenan s scheme of race-psychology; for history is just
what that scheme disregards. He does not observe that
Polytheism and Monotheism are two stages of develop
ment in the history of religious thought, and that the
latter does not spring up spontaneously, 2 without being
preceded by the former stage, and that Polytheism itself
is preceded by a preliminary stage, that of the mythologi
cal view of the world, which is in itself not yet a religion,
but prepares the way for the rise of religion.
To form some idea of the arbitrariness of schemes

founded upon some universal characteristics, we have only
to glance over the literature which sprang up as soon as
Kenan s dictum was uttered, either to refute it, or to work
his hypothesis still further a regular host of disserta
tions fighting on this side or on that. 3 On reading these,
1 Anthropoloyic dcr Katurrolkcr, I. 297.
2 On the other side, Renan says (Hist. gin. 4th ed., p. 497) Cctte griinde
conquete (the recognition of Monotheism) ne fut pas pour ellc (i. c. for the
Semitic race) 1 effet chi progres ; ce fut tine de ces premieres nperceptions.
3 Much of this literature has "been unnoticed, as e.g. a late pamphlet by

Leon Hugonnet : La civilisation arabc, dlj cnse dcs pcuplcs simitiqucs cnreponst
a M. Itcnan, Geneva 1873.
we see clearly how worthless such clever fancies are, that

enable one to embrace with a stroke of the pen a domain
which geographically fills more than half of the inhabited
world, and chronologically stretches from the highest
antiquity down to the most recent time. For even
Ren aii s antagonists have fallen into his radical error :
they have taken one-sided schemes and characteristics,
only different ones from Eenan s. How passive and elastic
these schemes are, shall be shown by an example of some
importance, which will convince us that the inferences
drawn from ethnological characteristics are never anything
higher than arbitrary sleight-of-hand, which any investi
gator can manipulate to his own purpose. To this end
we will place side by side the inferences which Eenan has
tacked on to his hypothesis, and a talented German s
conclusions, which also essentially take Eenan s basis as
the correct starting-point. We speak of Laiige, who also
starts from the principle that the Semites grasp natural
phenomena in combination, the Aryans in multiplicity,
and that therefore the former naturally incline towards
Monotheism, and the latter towards Polytheism. But
let us see to what windings and deductions this dogma
leads on both sides. We hear Eenan say : Or la con
ception de la multiplicity dans 1 univers, c est le poly-
theisme chez les peuples enfants ; c est la science chez
les peuples arrives a 1 age mur. 1 Quite the contrary is
affirmed by the German historian of Materialism, who
says : c When the heathen sees gods everywhere, and has
accustomed himself to regard every separate operation
of nature as the domain of a special demonic action, he
throws in the way of a materialistic explanation difficulties
a thousandfold, like the offices in the Divine household
. . . But Monotheism here stands in a very different
relation to science. c If a uniform mode of work on a
large scale is attributed to the one God, the mutual
connexion of things in their origin and action becomes
1 Hifitoirc generate, p.
GENERALISATIONS UNSAFE. ^
not only a possible, but even a necessary consequence

of the assumption. For if I saw a thousand and again
a thousand wheels in motion, and believed them to be
all driven by one agent, then I should have to conclude
that it was a piece of machinery, the minutest portion of
which had its movement absolutely determined by the
plan of the whole. * The fact that Islam is the religion
in which that advancement of the study of nature, which
we attribute to the monotheistic principle, shows itse]f
most clearly, is connected with the peculiar talents of
the Arabs . . . , but also undoubtedly with the circum
stance that Mohammed s monotheism was the severest of
all. 2 Auguste Comte also draws the same inferences
from the tendency of Monotheism to develop a scientific
conception of the world, and makes Monotheism and
Scientific treatment exert a reciprocal influence on each
other. 3 To which of these opposite deductions from the
same premisses shall we hold ? Which is right ? every
educated man will ask, and immediately infer the in
adequacy of such general characterisations, and the wide
room thereby opened to arbitrariness and error, in case it
should be attempted to erect upon them a history of civi
lisation or an ethnology.
Now this foundation is exactly that on which Kenan s

assumption of the absence of mythology from the Semites
rests an assumption which can by no means be admitted,
first, because it is unhistorical ; and secondly, because it
would necessarily follow from it that race-distinctions
differentiate the psychological bases of intellectual activity.
( The Semites cannot form a myth, is a proposition the
possibility of which could be allowed only if such an asser
tion as This or that race has no digestive power, or no
generative power, could be treated otherwise than as an
1 Gcschichtc dcs Maicrialitmns, 1st ed., 1866, p. 77. See 2nd ed., 1873,
I. 149.
2 Ib. p. 83. See 2nd ed., p. 152.
8 Cours dc Philosophic Positive, ed. Littre, Paris 1869, V. 90, 197, 324.
a priori absurdity. But it is even more remarkable that

Ben an, notwithstanding liis conviction of the uniform
psychological constitution of the human race/ in which
he finds the justification of a common story of the Deluge
springing up everywhere without borrowing, 1 and although
he finds the gaps in the chronology of the antediluvian
period of the Biblical history filled up, par des noms
d aiiciens heros, et peut-etre de divinites qu on retrouve
chez les autres peuples semitiques/ 2 still speaks of the
possibility, indeed of the necessity, that the Semitic race
should be destitute of myths.
Kenan s hypothesis had to encounter many a hard

battle soon after its publication. The theologians were
highly pleased at what was said about the monotheistic
tendency of Semitism, but thought it blasphemy for Eenan
to find in Monotheism Ic minimum de religion and in Poly
theism a higher and more civilised stage of religion.
And philologists, historians and philosophers assailed the
foundations of Kenan s pile. Steinthal subjects the notion
introduced by Kenan, of a monotheistic instinct, to acute
psychological criticism. Max Miiller does the same, and
points to the history of the Hebrews and the other
Semites, to resolve the dreams of Semitic Monotheism
into their nullity. Abraham Geiger and Salomon Munk
(Kenan s successor in the chair of the College de France)
wish to limit to the Hebrew nation the assertion of Semitic
Monotheism. Yet what is said about Mythology is not
much objected to by any of these critics (with the excep
tion of Steinthal). Indeed, one of the pioneers of modern
Comparative Mythology, while combating the monotheistic
instinct, takes up a position on the mythological question
1 Histoire gejicrale, p. 486: L unite de constitution psychologique de

1 espece hurnaine, au moins des grandes races civilisees, en vertu de laquelle les
memes mythes ont du apparaitre parallelement sur pltisieurs points a la fois,
suffirait, d ailleurs, pour expliquer les analogies qui reposcnt sur quelque trait
general de la condition de I humanite, on sur quelques-uns dc ses instincts les
plus profonds.
2 Jb, p. 27.
MYTHOLOGY NOT LIMITED BY RACE. 9

not very far from Kenan s own : c What is peculiar to the
Aryan race is their mythological phraseology, snperadded
to their polytheism ; what is peculiar to the Semitic race
is their belief in a national god in a god chosen by his
people, as his people had been chosen by him. 1
Mythological science has at the present day ceased to

hold fast to the divisions of race in relation to the forma
tion of myths. At least it has acted so in relation to that
class of nations which, though not exhibiting a single race
or several closely connected races, has (faute de mieux)
been termed the Turanian a purely negative designation,
which only asserts its members to be neither Semites nor
Aryans. Max Mliller himself wishes to see the Turanian
mythology investigated by the same method which is em
ployed in the Aryan ; and he is not shaken by the result,
which exhibits a striking identity between Aryan and
Turanian myths. He is not shaken even by consideration
of the psychological force, which must be taken into
account in the first instance in the criticism and valuation
of myths. 6 If people cannot bring themselves to believe
in solar and celestial myths among the Hindus and
Greeks, says this leading investigator, let them study
the folk-lore of the Semitic and Turanian races. I know
there is, on the part of some of our most distinguished
scholars, the same objection against comparing Aryan to
non-Aryan myths, as there is against any attempt to
explain the features of Sanskrit or Greek by a reference
to Finnish or Bask. In one sense that objection is well
founded, for nothing would create greater confusion than
to ignore the genealogical principle as the only safe one
in a scientific classification of languages, of myths, and
even of customs. We must first classify our myths and
legends, as we classify our languages and dialects . . .
But there is in a comparative study of languages and
myths not only a philological, but also a philosophical
1 Max MiUler, Chips from a German Workshop, I. 370.
io MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
and more particularly a psychological interest, and

though even in this more general study of mankind the
frontiers of language and race ought never to disappear,
yet they can no longer be allowed to narrow or intercept
our view. 1 Thus Miiller also lays especial stress upon
the psychological point of view, and, whatever he concedes
to race-distinctions, still takes for granted the universality
of the formation of myths as a psychological postulate.
He exhibits, however, the application of his principle to
the Turanian only in concrete examples. The Semitic,
which, as we saw above, cannot be excluded in reference
to the universality of the formation of myths, is left out
altogether. Yet Miiller appears in respect of the Semitic
to have passed beyond the position on which he stood in
1860, when writing his essay Semitic Monotheism. 2
Advancing in the footsteps of the master, a recent
American mythologist, John Fiske, has drawn the
Turanian into the domain of comparative mythology, and
worked out a portion of the American stories collected by
Brinton, 3 according to the laws of the new method, 4 while
the German Schirren, and also Gerland less completely,
had already subjected the Polynesian myths to a similar
treatment. 5
This circumstance, that the stories of the so-called

Turanian humanity lend themselves to the comparative
method of investigation quite as easily as the legendary
treasure of the Aryan nations, is a proof how common to
all mankind is the mythological capacity, how false it is
to follow ethnological categories and assign it to one race
and deny it to another ; and on the other hand, how the
1 Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 390 ct scq.
2 In Chips, &c., I. p. 341.
3 In The Myths of the New World, New York 1868. Seo Steinthal s
criticism of this collection in the Zdtschrift fur Volkcrpsychologie und Sprach-
wisscnschaft, 1871, Bd. VII.
4 Myths and Myth-Makers, Boston 1873, P- J 5i & SC( l
5 In the sixth vol. of Waitz s Anthropologic dcr Naturvoltccr, where I ob

tained information about Schirren s works.
SEMITES NOT WITHOUT MYTHOLOGY. rr
subject-matter, the perception of which forms the ground

work of the oldest mythology, is everywhere the same
the phenomena of nature and the contests of alternating
elements. For very many and various races, incapable as
yet of linguistic classification, endowed with the most
diverse physical constitutions, inhabiting the most differing
climates from the highest northern to the furthest southern
latitudes, and speaking languages the most incongruous,
have taken refuge in the vast unlimited house of Tu-
ranisin, until legitimate parents are found for them.
Turanism is therefore the best test of the controverted
universality of mythological capacity. There is then no
tenable reason why, for the sake of fair-sounding but
meaningless distinctions, we should introduce the Semites
into history with the loss of a nose, as it were, and inter
pret the history of the intellectual development of that
race by a principle which essentially proclaims that the
Semites were not born into life as infants, and never saw
the sunlight till they were men, or even old men.
4. Such reflections may have determined the French

Assyriologist Francois Lenormant quite recenth , to claim
mythology for the Semitic race also ; although in so doing
he does not mention the Hebrews at all. 1 For, notwith
standing the alluring mythological subject-matter depo
sited in the literature of its traditions, the Hebrew nation
has always been a stepchild of mythological inquiry, and
still awaits an investigator to do full justice to it. It is
easy to be understood that a mistaken religious interest,
which identified itself with the Biblical literature and
warned off mythological inquiry with an energetic Noli
me tangere, sharpened, it may be, with a dose of canonical
or uncanonical excommunication, blockaded the passage
of investigation on this path. I call it a mistaken interest,
because the true interests of religion are advanced, not
imperilled, by the results of science. Disregarding men
1 Les premieres civilisations, Paris 1874, II. 113 ct scg.
of the calibre of Nork and a few other inferior disciples of

the school of Creuzer, we can affirm that, with the excep
tion of a few essays, even the freest and most earnest in
terpreters of the Bible have examined, and do still examine,
the Biblical books only as products of literature, bringing
to light valuable results as to the times and tendencies of
the original composition and subsequent editing of the
several parts of the Canon. But on the origin and signi
ficance of the persons themselves who figure in the Bib
lical stories, even the freest interpreters are silent, as if
the Hebrews were a people quite apart, and not to be
measured by the measure of History and Psychology.
Even those who are willing to know something of Se

mitic myths in general resist the assumption of Hebrew
myths. No one has defined his position on this point so
unambiguously as Baron Bunsen, who has thought so much
and so profoundly on religious matters. It is really extra
ordinary that this immortal man, who exerted so stimulat
ing an influence on the studies of his young friend Max
Muller, and who welcomed the latter s pioneer-essay
Comparative Mythology with ( especial pleasure at the
* piire popular poetry of the feeling for nature, exhibited
so little comprehension of the aims of the new direction
given to mythological studies by Muller. His view of the
connexion of the Aryan mass of mythology is conse
quently very confused. This is especially to be regretted,
because the displacement of the true point of view in
mythical speculation, and the continual concessions to
Creuzer and Schelling, hindered him from making per
manently useful the philosophical labour expended on the
understanding of the Egyptian theology. Bunsen did
not separate Religion from Myths, and consequently he
sees what he calls Consciousness of a God in a genealo-
gised and systematised Mythology. It is therefore not
surprising that he advanced no further than his prede
cessors in relation to the Hebrew myths. He speaks of
the e spirit of the Jewish people, historically penetrated
\.BUNSEN ON SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY. 13
through and through with aversion to mythology, l and

concentrates his thoughts on this theme in the sixth,
seventh, and eighth of the theses in which he exhibits the
relation of the Egyptian mythology to the Asiatic. Ac
cording to these, the Bible has no Mythology ; it is the
grand, momentous, and fortunate self-denial of Judaism
to possess none. As if a myth which Bunsen himself
had called pure popular poetry of the feeling for nature
were an abomination, a defilement of the human mind,
a sinful act voluntarily performed, which the Elect can
deny themselves ! On the other hand, the national senti
ment mirrored in Abraham, Moses, and the primeval
history generally from the Creation to the Deluge, and
the expression of it, are rooted in the mythological life
of the East in the earliest times, and in the long period
from Joseph to Moses, there have been interwoven with
the life and actions of this greatest and most influential
of all the men of the first age [Abraham] and the history
of his son and grandson, many ancient traditions from the
mythology of those tribes from whose savage natural life
the Hebrews were extracted, to their own good and that of
mankind and for higher ends. 2 According to this there are
Myths belonging to the Hebrews, but not Hebrew Myths
only borrowed ones, obtained from Primeval Asia.
I have exhibited Bunsen s position at some length,

because, with all his advanced ideas on the essence and
significance of Mythology, he still to this day dominates
the minds of those who, while admitting the possibility of
Semitic Mythology, are up in arms against the existence
of Hebrew myths.
5. Nevertheless, I hope it is clear from the above

that Hebrew mythology is a priori possible. The following
1 Gott in tier Geschichtc, I. 353 ; a passage which, with a large part of the
volume, is omitted in the greatly abridged English translation.
2 Acgyptcns Stdlc in dcr WcltqcschicJttc, V. ii. 18-19 (English tr. IV. 28-
29).
chapters will give occasion to prove in what this existence

consists. It will then appear that the Hebrew myths,
necessarily owing their existence to the same psychological
operation as the Aryan or the so-called Turanian, must
consequently have the same original signification as these.
Hence the figures of Hebrew mythology denote the very
natural phenomena whose appellations lie before us in those
figures names. These names, however, are not symbolic, 1
but are antiquated appellatives of the natural phenomena
denoted by them, just as the words, Sun, Moon, Rain, &c.
This must be distinctly proclaimed, as some who misun
derstand the modern method of Mythology pervert it in a
false and antiquated way by the introduction of symbolism.
We must also beware of confounding the original
Myth with Eeligion or, still worse, with the Consciousness
of God. This confusion is the source of most of the
erroneous estimates and notions of Mythology, which even
the latest methods of investigating myths has not entirely
removed. The very earliest activity of the human intellect
can only work upon what falls immediately under the
cognisance of the senses, and upon what through its fre
quency and the regularity of its return prompts men most
readily to speech. Such things are the daily natural
phenomena, the change of light and darkness, of rain and
sunshine, and all that accompanies these changes. What
primitive man spoke on these things, is the Myth. It is
psychologically impossible that the earliest activity of the
human mind should have been anything else but this.
We cannot speak of a consciousness of God, a sensus
numinis, as existing in the earliest Mythological period.
Not till later, when some process in the history of language
1 Even old Plutarch observed in reference to the then favourite explana

tion of the myths ex ratione pJiysica : Ae? 5e ^ ro/Jfcty cbrAcDs eiWi/cts
e/cetpau/
(i.e. of the sun and moon) TOVTOVS (Zeus and Hera), a\\ avrbv tv v\y Ala Tbv
tflXiov /cat avr^v r r)}v"llpav ei> v\y rV ffeX^v^v (Quacstioncs Homanae,
77). See
Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, III. 24 : Longe aliter rem so habero, atque hominum
opini.o sit : eos enim, qui dii appellantur, rcrum naturas csse, non fiyuras
MYTHOLOGY PRECEDES RELIGION. 15
gives the ancient myths a new direction, do they turn

into either History or Eeligion. The latter always arises
out of the materials of Mythology, and then finds its
historical task to be to work itself upwards into inde
pendence. Then, while the mythology out of which it
sprang is growing less and less intelligible, and therefore
also less and less expressive, Religion must in the progress
of its development sever its connexion with Mythology,
and unite itself with the scientific consciousness, which now
occupies the place of the mythological.
How Mythology becomes Religion is shown most

clearly by Dualism. Nothing can be less correct than the
belief that the dualistic system of religion had from its
very origin an ethical meaning. This, as well as the
limitation of Dualism to Iran and Babylon, 1 is refuted by
the frequent occurrence of the dualistic conception of the
world among the most various savage peoples. 2 The
ethical significance of Dualism is decidedly secondary ; it
is the form of development of the main theme of all
mythology, the relation of light to darkness, proper to a
higher stage of culture. Many mythological fancies, and
especially the Sun s voyage by ship in the nether world,
became religious eschatological ideas when the mythical
meaning itself was lost from the mind, and gave rise to
new ideas of life in the nether world, resurrection, ascent
to heaven, &c. ; this was first established in reference to
the old Egyptian mythology. 3 So also Dualism as it appears
in Iran is a myth that has taken an ethical sense. This is
best seen in the facts that the northern Algonquin s, with
whom Dualism is almost as fixed a principle as in Iran, call
the good and evil principles respectively Sun and Moon,
1 Spiegel still does this up to a recent dato in his Eranische Alterthutus-

kunfle, II. 19.
2 See Tylor, Primitive Culture, II. 287 ct scq.
3 The story of Osiris and Typhon e.g. originally personified the vegetative
life of nature and the struggles incident to it, but was afterwards transferred
to the destinies of the human soul. Seo Ebers, Durc/i Gosen zu/u Sinai,
Leipzig 1872, p. 477.
and that among the Hurons the Evil principle is the grand
mother of the Good : l the Night is the mother or grand
mother, or, in general, the ancestress of the Day. Here
religious dualism has not quite put off the character of its
origin in Mythology. On the other hand, the Iranic
system at a very early age (that of the Avesta) elevated
Dualism into the region of pure morals, and yet at a later
(the epic period) formed out of the original myth the
localised story of the war of Zohak against Feridun. 2
That Dualism as a religious conception is a further

development of the myth, and not first excited by the
moral problem of the strife of the good against the evil,
becomes evident also from the consideration of a peculiar
form of dualistic religion which we find in many Semitic
nations. We here frequently find a deity regarded as
male, who has a corresponding female to represent, as it
were, the reverse side of the same natural force, and then
the two forces unite to produce a natural phenomenon.
So, for instance, Sun and Earth, Baal and Mylitta, the
factors of procreation. This likewise is a dualistic ten
dency, in which however the two deities are not repre
sented as mutually hostile. We are justified in placing
this phenomenon in the chapter on Dualism, because two
such deities in the course of history are often joined
together into one. 3 Now this side of dualistic religion
can be traced back only to Mythology as its source and
point of departure. The Hebrew myth of Judah and
Tamar, which we shall consider further on (Chap. V.,
14), exhibits a mythical prototype of such dualistic
views of religion.
1 Waitz, Anfhropologie der NaturiblJcer, III. 183.
2 See Roth in the Zcitschrift dcr dtutidicn rmrgcnland-ucltcn GcscllscJiaft,

1848, II. 217; Albrecht Weber, Ak&demische Vorhsungen ilbcr indische Litcra-
turgeschiclite, Berlin 1852, p. 35.
8 See Kuenen, 2 he Religion of Israel, London 1874, 1. 226.
CHAPTER II.
SOURCES OF HEBREW MYTHOLOGY.
r. IP it is now established that we are justified in

speaking of a Hebrew Mythology, in the same sense as of
the mythologies of Indians, Hellenes, Germans, &c., then
the question naturally arises, Can we come upon the track
of those forms of expression and those figures which
generally make up the elements of the Hebrew Myth ; and
Are these elements when found recognisable as elements
of myths, i.e. Are they expressions and stories in which
the ancient Hebrew, standing on the myth-creating stage
of his intellectual development, spoke of the operations
and changes of. Nature ? That in the abstract he was
as capable as the Aryan on the same stage of development
of speaking myths, we have admitted in assuming the
universality of the formation of myths ; and of what those
expressions exactly consist, and what are the mythical
figures which he formed, it will the business of a subsequent
chapter to exhibit.
In this chapter our task will be limited to the discovery

of the sources which we have to estimate by the method of
Comparative Mythology, in order to discern the various
expressions and figures of the Hebrew myth. Now both
the incitement to the formation of myths and the course of
development through which they pass before they are noted
down in a literary age and then stiffen and undergo no
further change, are based on psychological operations, the
laws of which are not governed by categories of race and
ethnology. It is therefore obvious, that for the under-
1 8 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
standing of the Hebrew myths we must betake ourselves

to the very same class of sources which the rnythologist
finds fruitful on Aryan territory. Fortunately such sources
are open to us on Hebrew ground also. They have,
indeed, a less copious stream than those of Aryan
mythology, but yet suffice to give us a picture of what the
ancient Hebrew on the mythic stage thought and felt, and
how he found expression in language for these thoughts
and feelings. It is true, this investigation cannot be
separated from another closely connected with it what
method we mast employ to arrive at the germ of the myth
hidden in these sources. But for the present we must
still put off this second question, and content ourselves
with the search for the sources of mythical matter. It
will, however, not be always possible to avoid an indica
tion of the method ; and this is the case now with the
first of the sources which we have to bring forward.
2. a.) We shall have to speak again further on of

the question, What factors in the minds of the Hebrew
people produced the conception of those Patriarchs, whose
destinies form the most illustrious portion of their national
historic writing? It will then become clear that this
Patriarchal character represents only a later historical
stratum of mythical development, produced by those very
factors. Originally the names of the Patriarchs and the
actions which are told of them signified nothing historical,
but only something on the domain of Nature. The names
are appellations of physical phenomena, and the actions are
actions of Nature. For surely we must at the outset come
to a clear understanding on the question, What is the
origin of persons like Abram, Sarah, Jacob and the rest,
who fill the Hebrew Patriarchal history ? whence, how,
and by what psychological law did they enter into the
mind of the primitive Hebrews ? The facile assumption
that these persons and the actions with which they are
concerned are mere Fiction with no external foundation,
MYTHOLOGY 7A r THE PATRIARCHAL HISTORY. 19
is so cheap and meaningless a way of getting over the

difficulties which their existence in poetry presents to the
investigator, that it as impossible to adopt it as to admit
the opposite equally arbitrary opinion, which makes them
historical in the same sense as Goethe or Frederick the
Great. Certainly they are fictions, if by that we mean
that no historical persons correspond to them as human
individuals; but by no means in the sense that their
origin, or rather the conception of them, has no other
foundation but the fancy of the poet or writer. In this
sense they have actual realities corresponding to them
the events and operations of Nature, which are the main
springs of mythical language. And it is not conceivable
that the oldest utterances of the human mind should have
begun from anything else but from the sensations which
the operations of Nature aroused in their breasts. As
soon as they perceived these, occasion for myths was
present; and the myths show how they became fully
conscious of the operations of Nature.
The Patriarchal stories are therefore an important

source for the knowledge of myths. If we loosen stratum
after stratum which has been formed through the agency
of psychological and historical factors over the primitive
form of the myth, and have at length penetrated back to
the stage at which many of the mythical appellations,
through the disuse of multifarious synonymous terms, were
individualised and personified, then it is easy to pick the
primitive germ, the original mythic elements, out of the shell
in which they had been encased. Hence it appears that
the most fruitful field for mythological investigation on
Hebrew territory is the Book of GENESIS, the greater part
of which brings together the stories which the Hebrew
people connected with the names of the Patriarchs.
3. &.) The Patriarchal legends, in such fulness and

artistic finish as the remains of old Hebrew literature
have preserved for us, are a distinguishing characteristic
of this literature. Other nations have failed to transform

their myths into such a wealth of reports about their first
progenitors. What meagre accounts the Hellenes give
of their national ancestors, in comparison with this rich
and varied Patriarchal history ! A special peculiarity of
the historical development of the Hebrew people was
active here, bringing the national idea into the foreground,
and exerting its influence in this direction on the trans
formation of the primitive mythological materials. 1 But
instead of this, other nations, among whom our above-
named example, the richly endowed Hellenes, are to be
reckoned, have chosen rather to transform the figures of
their myths into Gods and godborn Heroes.
The figures of Gods, which were developed out of

Hebrew myths, very early retired into the background.
It was partly the Canaanite influence to which the Hebrew
people very early succumbed, and partly the progressing
monotheistic tendency, that allowed no theology consis
tently developed out of mythology to maintain itself for
any length of time. Of Heroes, however, there is no want
in the memory -of the Hebrews. In that region as well
as elsewhere, the Heroes had originally borne a different
meaning and belonged to mythology ; and their heroic
character is, on the Hebrew as well as on the Aryan
domain, secondary, produced by the psychological and
linguistic process which caused the natural meaning of
mythological figures to vanish from the mind.
Now although these Heroes are originally gigantic

persons bound to no definite place or time, yet they are
gradually condensed into individuals and regarded as
more and more concrete and definite. What is told of
them puts off its generality and indefiniteness. They are
conceived as belonging to certain places where- their
heroic deeds were performed in other words, the legends
of Heroes are localised. Their activity is assigned to a
definite time, they are inserted in a chronological frame,
> We shall treat of this in the Third Section of Chapter VIII.
HEROIC MYTHOLOGY IN THE BOOK OF JUDGES. 21
in which they take up a definite position as to time.

What more natural localisation of the activit}^ of the
Heroes could there "be than to imagine them living in the
same geographical districts as those who tell of them ?
The localisation of heroic legends is always enlisted in
the service of patriotic feeling. HeraMes and Theseus
are Greek patriots, heroic benefactors of the Grecian
people. The determination of the time when they lived
was influenced mainly by the endeavour, natural to every
civilised nation, to gain a clear, comprehensive, and con
tinuous picture of its own history. But truly historical
memory does not generally go far enough back to explain
with proper fulness the entire past doings of a nation.
The historical beginnings of a people are lost in the misfc
of indefiniteness and uncertainty. What is easier than to
fill up this obscure period of history by telling of the doings
of the Heroes ? Why, the human temper in its pessimistic
mood is always inclined to fancy the very oldest age
peopled with men of gigantic proportions of both body
and mind, in comparison with v/hom the enervate present
generation is a mere shadow. So we find the stories of
Heroes always at the head of the national history. The
history of the Greek people begins with their heroic age ;
and the obscure period of Hebrew history between the
first entrance into Canaan and the creation of the Monar
chy, the so-called time of the Judges, is likewise the frame
which must hold the Hebrew heroic legends. The storiea
of the Hebrew Heroes group themselves round the history
of this period. The second important source of knowledge
of the materials of the Hebrew mythology is accordingly
the cycle of stories to be found in the canonical Book of
Judges. This is the mine of mythology, whose treasures
Professor Steinthal has brought to light with such critical
acuteness in his dissertation on the "story of Samson, 1
which breaks up entirely new ground. Here for the first
1 Translated and given as an Appendix to this volume. TK.
2i MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
iime the method and results of the modern science of

mythology were independently applied to the domain of
Hebrew antiquity. It must be called a happy accident
that the mythical character of the Hebrew heroes could be
proved by so convincing an example as Shimshon (Samson) ;
for. even the wildest scepticism cannot doubt that this
name is equivalent to shemesh, sun/ and that this fact
gives us an undeniable right to maintain the solar signi
ficance of the hero, and to see in his battles the contest of
the Sun against darkness and storms.
4. c.) But the Old Testament stories do not cease

to be a source for mythological investigation exactly
where the traditions of Genesis and the Book of Judges
are succeeded by really historical accounts. For it is an
admitted fact that, as soon as ever the myths have lost
iheir original meaning by the personification of their
figures, mythical characteristics are not limited to their
proper domain, but often actually attach themselves to
historical persons and historical actions. Alexander the
Great, for example, is a phenomenon whose historical
character could not be shaken by the very boldest criti
cism. Yet the story even of Alexander s acts and fortunes
has been forced to bear some characteristics of the Solar
myth, traits which were originally peculiar to the Sun-
hero, as especially the journey into the realm of darkness. 1
Accordingly, not every phenomenon in the traditional
characteristics of which, we discover solar features is
mythical, even though, strictly speaking, it can scarcely be
classed with history (as e.g. William Tell). It is highly
erroneous to speak, as is often done, of myth and history
as two opposite s which exclude any third possibility.
However, there are two points to which we ought to

attend when considering the attachment of mythic ele-
1 How readily Alexander s history was combined with the Solar myth is
best proved by the fact that Arabian tradition gives Alexander a Sun-name,
the variously interpreted pii-l-karnein = the Horned, i.e. the Beaming.
MYTHOLOGY INTRUDING INTO HISTORY, 23
merits to historical phenomena. First, it is usual, as we

have just mentioned, to find one or another mythical
characteristic attached to historical phenomena, as we
may observe (to keep on specifically Hebrew ground) in the
portraiture of the character of David or of Elijah (see
Chap. VI. 8). The residence of the Hebrews in Egypt,
and their exodus thence under the guidance and training
of an enthusiast for the freedom of his tribe, form a series
of strictly historical facts, which find confirmation even
in the documents of ancient Egypt. But the traditional
narrative of these events, elaborated by the Hebrew
people, was involuntarily associated with character
istics of that Solar myth which forms the oldest mental
activity of mankind in general. Thus, for example, the
passage through the sea by night is to be compared with
the myth of the setting sun, which travels all night
through the sea, and rises again in the morning on the
opposite side. Similarly, we find attached to the picture
of the life of Moses, which the Biblical narrative presents
with a theocratic colouring, solar characteristics, indeed
more specifically features of the myth of Prometheus.
These have been clearly exhibited by Stein thai in his fine
Treatise on the Prometheus-story, to which I will here
only refer without reproducing its contents. 1 Secondly,
we must consider the converse relation that historical
facts, the names of the agents of which have not been
preserved in the popular mind, may be attached to my
thical names. We can go back to the time of the Judges
for an example of this. It is evidently real history that
we read of the embittered contests waged by the Hebrews
in that age against the Philistines and other tribes of
Canaan. Remembrance of these contests, in the absence
of historical names, helped itself out by the mythical
appellations which, after the individualising of mythical
figures, had obtained significance as personal names. In
the first case the bearers of the names are historical per-
Translatcd and given as an Appendix to this volume.- TK,
sons, and the features of the story belong to mythology ;

in the second, history is wedded to mythical names. In
both directions, accordingly, the Hebrew history treated
critically is a source for mythological investigation.
5. d.) One of the most reliable, but at the same

time most hazardous, sources of Hebrew, as of Aryan,
mythological investigation is the language itself, and
above all, the appellations to which the myth is attached.
These appellations, which in the process of transformation
of the original meaning of the myth became personal
names, are in their proper original sense appellatives ;
and we have to find the appellative signification in order
to establish the mythological character. In this investi
gation it is best to follow the method, the use of which
in Aryan mythology ho,s brought such brilliant results to
light. In many appellations the appellative sense can be
found without much difficulty, being explicable from the
language itself, in our case from the known treasures
of the Hebrew tongue. In others the known material of
the Hebrew language refuses its aid, and we must then
take refuge in a cautious employment of the group of
allied languages, i.e. the Semitic stock. In this connex
ion we must never leave out of sight the fact that the
treasury of Hebrew words which is contained in the books
of the Old Testament does not even approximately em
brace the wealth of the ancient Hebrew vocabulary which
we are enabled to infer from this fraction. In the proper
names much ancient linguistic property is preserved which
occurs nowhere else. The discovery of the appellative
signification of mythological proper names consequently
does an important service to mythological investigation,
by finding a tangible starting-point for the determination
of the mythical sense of the root-word in question. But
it does more : it also fills up gaps in the Hebrew lexicon,
and rescues many an old component part of that important
language, which otherwise would remain utterly unknown.
MYTHOLOGY DISCOVERED IN NAMES. 25
An example will make this clear, and show that lin

guistic investigation and mythology have an equal share
in the instruction to be derived from such inquiries.
We often meet in Hebrew with the verb hishkim, de

noting to perform some occupation early in the morning
(the occupation itself being determined by a dependent
verb), opOpsvsiv. It represents the so-called Ifyrfi il-siem,
which has regularly the sense of a factitive, but is not un-
frequently used to express the entrance into a certain time
or place, the doing of an act in certain conditions of time
or place. In this case the Hiph il verb is always derived
from the noun which describes this place or time. Here the
conditions of time concern us most. We say, for instance,
he eribh with the sense to enter on the evening, e to do
something in the evening ; e.g. the Philistine came near
morning and evening, hashkem we-ha f arebh (i Sam. XVII.
1 6). The last word is derived from, the noun erebh,
evening. From the word shachar, which denotes the
dawn, is formed at a late stage of the language hishchir,
6 to do something at that time ; and this Hiph il form of
shachar can then appear beside that from erebh exactly
like hishkim in an earlier age. 1 Now of course this verb
hishkim must have a noun for its basis, which would
denote ( morning. But no such is found in the known
Hebrew thesaurus, for the nominal form belonging to
this root, shekhem, means neck, and etymologists have
given themselves much useless labour in trying to find
any tolerable connexion between the meaning of this noun
and hishkim. The most bearable which they could give is
that one who rises early to go after his business loads his
neck with labour. 2 But any one may reply, Does one who
does his work after dinner or in the evening load his neck
with no labour? Considering the relation in which these
Hiph il-forms stand tothe nouns from which they are derived,
we might almost apriori assert that in the ancient language
1 Wayyikra ralba, sect. XIX. : hishcliir Ave-he eribh.
2 See Gesonius, Thesaurus, p. 1406. b.
shekhem must have denoted morning also. And in this

instance mythological inquiry offers us the safest clue.
The name Shekhem [Shechem] figures in the Hebrew myth
as the ravisher of Dinah, Jacob s daughter. Without
anticipating the analysis of this myth, which fits into the
context of one of the next chapters, we immediately re
cognise in the mythic name Shekhem the noun from which
the verb hishkim is derived. Thus the mythical appella
tion refers to the early morning, the red glow, as the
ravisher of the sun ; and the same amorous connexion is
expressed in various ways in the Aryan mythology also.
No one can deny that the consideration of the myth

has here enriched the knowledge of the old Hebrew voca
bulary ; and thus, even on Hebrew" ground, mythology and
linguistic studies go hand in hand. This makes the in
vestigation of language one of the richest sources for the
discovery of the mythical ideas of early humanity.
6. e.) While the circle of thoughts which guide the

prose style moves on the level of the general principles
current" at the time of the writer, poetical language and
style, on the other hand, have a tendency to adopt modes
of expression produced in a long past age in accordance
with the ideas then prevalent. These modes of expres
sion, when they arose, corresponded accurately with the
general ideas of the time, and had the signification which
the literal sense yields ; they were used whenever occasion
offered for their employment, and everyone understood
what was meant by them, for the thought would in that age
never be expressed otherwise. The poetical language of
a later time preserves such modes of expression even when
their significance in the general conception of things is
lost, and the occurrences thereby indicated are imagined
in a different way altogether ; the language then becomes
figurative, as it is called. 1 Thus the language of the
1 See Hermann Cohen s dissertation, Die dichtcrischc Phantasie und dcr

Mechanismtts des Bcwusstseins, in the Zcitfchrift fur VblkcrpsycJiofcgie, &c.
1869, VI. 239 ctseq.
MYTHOLOGY PRESERVED IN POETICAL EXPRESSIONS. 27
Hebrew poetry and of those writers who speak in a lofty

style bordering on that of poetry, and are called Prophets,
preserves many of the modes of expression derived from
the ancient mythological ideas of the world. Mythical
material may consequently be found now and then here
also.
When e.g. Isaiah says (XIV. 28), c I will sweep it with

the besom of destruction, 5 this is what we call a poetic
figure destruction being pictured as a broom that sweeps
away from the surface of the earth those who are to be
destroyed. But from another side it is seen to be some
thing more and different from a mere poetical figure,
since its origin is due, not to an artistic idea of the
speaker, but to an old-world mythical conception here
employed figuratively, a conception which occurs in many
cycles of mythology. For instance, the Maidens of the
Plague are represented with brooms in their hands, with
which they sweep before house-doors and bring death into
the village. 1 But Isaiah says again (XXVII. i) that * Jahveh
with his sore and great and strong sword shall punish
Leviathan the piercing serpent, even Leviathan that
crooked serpent, and he shall slay the dragon (tannin) that
is in the sea; and Job (XXVI. 13), in his grand picture
of the contest which Jahveh wages against the tempest,
and the defeat of the latter by the omnipotence of Jahveh,
says By his breath the heavens are brightened ; his hand
has pierced the flying serpent (nachash bariach) ; and the
prophet living in the Babylonian captivity addresses Jahveh
in the following words (Is. LI. 9) : ( Awake, awake, put on
strength, arm of Jahveh ! awake, as in the ancient
days, in the generations of old ! Art thou not it that
didst kill the monster (rahabh), and wound the dragon
(tannin ?) &c. 2 In these expressions we observe that
1 On the German legends in -which this idea occurs see Hennc-Am-Ehyn,
Die dcntschc Volkssar/c, Leipzig 1874, p. 268 ct feq.
2 See Ps. LXXIV. 13-14; LXXXIT. 1 1. There is nothing to justify those

interpreters who, caring nothing for the remains of ancient myths, ahvays
wish to understand by Rahabh and Tannin the kingdom of Egypt.
prophets and poets employ the long outgrown and

obsolete notions of the myth of the battle of the Sun
against the flying serpent (Lightning) and against the
recumbent or curved serpent (Rain) the monsters which
want to devour the Sun, but which the Sun shoots down
with his arrows (Rays) or wounds with a volley of stones ;
or else of the myth of the battle of the Sun already set
against the monster that lies in wait at the bottom of
the sea to devour him (a myth which is also preserved
in the story of Jonah), only that the monotheistic mind
substituted Jahveh for the Sun. Many prophets fre
quently speak in a perfectly general way, without refer
ence to a definite historical event, of a passage through
the sea. This is by no means a reminiscence of the Pass
age of the Red Sea, as an event in the primeval history of
the Hebrew people, unless a pointed reference is made to
that ; it is another application of an old mythical notion
of the course taken by the Sun-hero after sunset through
the sea, so as to shine again on the following morning on
the opposite shore. Indeed, that Hebrew story of the
Exodus itself, as we have indicated, is only a myth trans
formed into history by a process which we can follow, step
by step, in the history of the evolution of Mythology.
This becomes very clear when we examine the sequel of
the above-quoted words of the anonymous Prophet of the
Captivity (Is. LI. 10) : Art not thou it whichd ryeth the
sea, the waters of the great deep ; that maketh the depths
of the sea a way for the ransomed to pass over ? What
is pictured in this verse is in the mind of the speaker an
event of the same character as that referred to in the pre
ceding verse the killing of the Rahabh and the wounding
of the Tannin. The description of Canaan, too, as a land
c flowing with milk and honey, points back to the myth of
a sun-land ; for the myths call the rays of the sun and
moon c milk and honey, regarding the moon as a bee l
1 Angelo de Gubernatis, Zoological Mythology, II. 217. On the meaning of
HIDDEN MYTHICAL PHRASES. 29
and the sun as a cow. In Excursus E we shall speak of

the mythological conception of rays of light as fluids.
Palestine, which the writer wished to pourtray as pos
sessed of every blessing, thus receives attributes which
the myth gave to a place above the earth, whence the
blessings of light streamed down to it. It is noteworthy
that in the Qatapatha Brahinana the same mythic con
ception which is employed poetically in Hebrew meets
us tinged already with an eschatological colour. This
work (XI. 5. 6. 4) makes milk and honey flow in the
abodes of the Blest. 1 We also see from this that the
notion of a c poetical figure requires frequent limitation.
Many apparently poetical figures have their origin in an
ancient mythical conception. Not everything that has
the look of a poetical or rhetorical figure is one. Who
would doubt, for instance, on a superficial glance, that
such a phrase as nar al-harb, the fire of war, was a
figure of poetry or rhetoric ? Yet it is not ; it is not
derived from what only exists in the fancy of the speaker,
but from something which has a concrete, objective
existence. We learn this from the Arabic commentary
on the proverb Nar al-harb as aru, 6 the fire of war is
burning. The scholiast 2 says When the ancient Arabs
began a war, they used to light a fire, to serve as a beacon
for those eager for the fight. It is also said (of the
Jews) : c As often as they light a fire for war, Allah extin
guishes it. 3 Thus the fire of war of which the ancient
Arabs spoke was only a material or natural one.
7. /.) The Hebrew mythic tradition is not contained

exclusively in the Old Testament. This canon, indeed,
was very far from receiving all the remains of the old
myths that were current among the people in an historical
transformation. Much of it is contained in the tradition
milk and honoy in the Hebrew myth, Steinthal has written exhaustively in his
Treatise on the Story of Samson, given in the Appendix.
1 See Weber in the Zeitschrift dcr D. M. Cr., 1855, IX. 238.
2 Al-Moyduni, Majma al-amtMl, II. 203. 8 Koran, Sur. V. v. 69.
which, was not incorporated with the canon, especially in

the so-called Rabbinical Acjddd, which contains many a
treasure of as high an antiquity as the mythological
sources which we have named within the canon. In the
discovery of such elements in the Agada circumspection
and cautious criticism are necessary, because the valuable
portion is only an excessively small fraction of the whole,
and has to be picked out of a preponderating mass of
very different character. Still we must acknowledge the
Agada as a source for the discovery of the old Hebrew
myths. It has indeed already been employed for this
purpose, though not always wisely. The learned Professor
F. L. W. Schwartz has referred to this source, 1 and Julius
Braun goes even too far in his mythological estimate of the
Agada, when he says without limitation, 2 * The Rabbinical
stories are anything but arbitrary inventions ; they are
echoes of primeval memories only refused entrance into the
Bible by the compilers of the canon. If Rabbinical erudi
tion sometimes makes unfortunate attempts to confirm
extrabiblical tradition by a Biblical quotation, and to
prove its existence in Biblical times by imagined allusions,
this is no proof that the whole tradition is only a specu
lation derived from misunderstood Bible- words. But
Braun makes a very bad use of the Rabbinical tradition,
and vies with the foolish writer Nork in taking from right
and left without selection or judgment whatever he can
find, not caring whether it is Veda or Bible, Homer or
the Fathers, cuneiform inscriptions or some obscure alle
gorical writer.
The Agada in many places gives names to persons

who are mentioned in the Bible without name ; and these
names have frequently so antique a stamp, that we cannot
suppose them to be due to the capricious invention of the
Agadists. 3 I believe that when these names appear jnsti-
1 Sonne, Mond und Sterne [i.e. Bel. I. of Die pociischoi Naturanschauitvgcn,

$c.l p. 4-
2 Die Naturgcschichte der Sage, I. 127. * See Excursus A.
MYTHOLOGY IN THE A GAD A. 31
fiecl by internal evidence (i.e. when they show themselves

quite fitting to the nature of the myth), they may be
ancient and important for mythological inquiry. Of
course we must not be ruled by excessive optimism, nor
ever forget the freedom with which the Agadic fancy
rules in its own sphere. 1 The same may be said also of
the identifications, of which the Agadists are very fond,
and of the genealogical statements, which, though deserv
ing little attention from the historical point of view, may
have their origin in an old myth. So e.g. the Targum on
i Sain. XVII. 4 calls Samson the father of Goliath. 2 Now
Goliath is the giant whom the reddish hero with fine
face overcomes by throwing stones ; in other words, the
Sun-hero throws stones at the monster of the storm.
Thus the myth may very well say that the Sun (Samson)
is the father of this hostile giant of the night, just as the
Sun in various forms frequently appears in the character
of father or mother of the Night.
It is easily intelligible how difficult it must be to de

termine the mythological value of every such statement ;
and we have consequently made very scanty use of
this source. It might be relatively safer to use them
when they speak not merely of names and genealogies,
but of actual stories. The Abram-story especially has
preserved in its Agadic form much matter from ancient
myths, the valuation of which by B. Beer, in a lucid com
pilation on this very portion of the Agada, 3 is easily
accessible. So e.g. the battle of Abram against Nimrod,
which the myth- investigator must take as the contest
between the Nightly heaven and the Sun, is known only
1 Such names have often planted themselves firmly in popular tradition,
anl are accordingly mentioned in various quarters with perfect uniformity.
So c g. \3.vvT}s and la/x/Bprjs, who appear both in Rabbinical writings and in
2 Tim. III. 8 (see Jablonski, Opuscula, ed. To "\Yater, II. 23).
2 Sec Willielm Bacher s treatise, Kritischc Untcrsuchnngcn cum Frophcltn-

tarcjum (Zoitschrift dcr D. M. G. 1874, XXVIII. 7).
3 fjcbcn Abraham s nach Aitffassung dcr judischcn Sage, Leipzig 1859.

Another good compilation is that of Hamburger, Ge-ist dcr Hagada, Leipzig
1857, I- 39-5-
from the Agada; the Scripture says not a word of it.

For the solar character of Nimrod, which is however in
dependently clear from the Biblical statements, the Agada
has again preserved a valuable datum, viz. that 365 kings
(equal to the days of the solar year) appear ministering to
him. 1 This is the same conception of the myth as that
Enoch, of whom again the solar event of the Ascension
is preserved only in tradition, lived 365 years ; or that
Helios had herds of 350 cattle (7 herds of 59 each) ; and
that in the Yeda the Sun-gocl is blessed with 720 twin
children, i.e. 360 days and nights, 2 and that his chariot is
drawn by seven horses, i.e. the seven days of the week. 3
The Agada, again, has preserved the following my

thical expression, which Professor Schwartz interprets in
this sense : 4 e Abraham was in possession of a precious
stone which he wore round his neck all his life ; when he
died, God took the stone and hung it on the Sun. 5 As
has been fully proved with regard to Aryan mythology,
especially by Schwartz and Kuhii, the myth calls the sun
shine and other luminous bodies stones in general, or
more specifically precious stones. 6 By night, as long as
Abraham (the nightly heaven) lives, he bears the precious
stone himself; when the night dies, God takes this stone
(the moonlight) and hangs it on the sun.
How cautiously we must proceed in the mythological

application of the Agada, is obvious to all who know the
nature and origin of the Agada and the Agadic collections.
I will adduce one other example to show how easily one
might be led astray by yielding too trustingly and uncon
ditionally to the temptation to employ this source in the
interpretation of myths.
1 Beth ham-midrash : Sammlung kleincr Midrashim und vermischtcr Abhand-

lungcn aus der judischcn Literatur, ed. Ad. Jellinck, Vienna 1873, V. 40.
2 Max Muller, Essays [German translation of Chips], II. 147 ; not in the
English.
3 Kigveda, L. 8; CCCXCIX. 9. 4 Sonnc, Noncl und Sterne, p. 4.

5 Bab. Babha bathra, fol. 16. b.
6 See Kuhn, Uebcr EntwicJeelungssiufen dcr Mythenbild icng (Abhancll. der

Jcon. Akad. d. W. 1873, Berlin 1874), p. 144.
USE OF THE AC AD A FOR MYTHOLOGY. 33
In the course of our investigations, it will become

certain that Jacob belongs to the series of mythical figures
which are connected with the nightly heaven. How
easily would this conception be disturbed, if we were to
accord to all the Agada an absolute voice among the
sources of Hebrew mythical investigation ! For there it
is said in reference to Gen. XXVIII. 1 1 : He (Jacob)
reached that place and passed the night there, for the sun
was come (ki bha hash-shemesh), i.e. had set. On this
the Agadist Chaggi of Sephoris remarks, 6 This sentence
indicates that Jacob, when he was in Bethel, heard the
welcoming voices of the angels : " The Sun is come, the
Sun is come," i.e. Jacob himself. Many years later, when
Jacob s son Joseph told his father the dream in which an
allusion is made to Jacob as if he were the Sun (XXXVII. 9,
i o) , Jacob thought to himself, c Who has informed my son
that my name is Sun ? l
I must point out one other peculiarity in this part of

the subject. Sometimes the Agadists utilise mythological
elements, by supplementing the old mythic tradition with
something added by themselves, based on some one of their
hermeneutic principles, but which could not possibly be
also a portion of the old myth. An example will elucidate
this. We will not lay down dogmatically, nor on the
other hand dispute the possibility, that the name Bile am
Balaam is mythical. It signifies the Devourer, and
has consequently been identified for centuries with the
Arabic Lokman, which has the same meaning. 2 Ac
cordingly Balaam would originally have been a name of
the monster which devours the sun. It is not uncommon
in mythology to find wisdom, cunning and prudence attri
buted to the powers hostile to the sun. Hence the
serpent appears in the myth endowed with wisdom. This
justifies Balaam s character as sage and prophet ; the
serpent delivers oracles, or is otWos. 3 Balaam is son of
1 Bereshith rabba, sect. 68.
2 See on the other side Ewald, History of Israel (2nd or 3rd ed.), II. 214.
3 Welcker, Griechischc Gottcrlehre, Gottingen 1857, I. 66.
Be or, or the Shining a mythical expression which

often occurs when the darkness is described as springing
from the daylight ; and the Agada may be using mythic
elements in identifying this Be or with Labhan the White. 1
So this myth, like many others, would then have been
nationalised by the influence of factors, which will be fully
described in the Seventh Chapter. The Devourer of the
Sun became a Devourer of the Hebrew people, just as the
Sun -hero became the Hebrew national hero. Personations
of the storms are often exhibited in mythology as lame
and limping. 2 This feature, which is not ascribed to
Balaam in the Bible, is found in the Agada, which says,
Bile am chigger beraglo achath haya, Balaam was lame
of one foot. So far all is regular. But then follows,
Shimshon chigger bishte raglaw haya, Samson was lame of
both feet 3 a feature which does not suit the Sun-hero.
We must consider that this latter is an inference drawn
by the Agada in virtue of one of its hermeneutic prin
ciples, thus : Balaam s lameness is attached to the word
shephi, hill, high place, Num. XXIII. 3 ; the word shephi-
phon, serpent, Gen. XLIX. 1 7 (in the declaration con
cerning Dan, which the Agadists take as referring to
Samson the Danite), must according to the Agadists her-
meneutics express by its form a doubling of the notion
conveyed by shephi. 4
Thus only what is said about Balaam could possibly

belong to the old myth; what is said about Samson is
late Agadic induction, which has no importance whatever
for mythology.
1 I find this identification, it is true, only in later books, Tana de-bhe Eliya,
c. 27 ; Seder 61am, c. 21 ; see Halakhoth gedoloth (hilkhoth hasped). In the
Seder had-doroth, under the year 2189, Beor is called son of Laban. On
Laban see Chap. V. n. Besides the name Lokman, which in signification
corresponds with Bile am (Balaam), we find in the Preislamite genealogy of the
Arabs, which in my opinion is largely mixed up with mythical names, the chief
Bal a u, who is said to have been a leper (Ibn Dureyd, Kitab al-ishtikaJc, p. 106.
8). It should be observed that this is a man s name with the grammatical form
of a feminine adjective.
Rco Chap V. 10 end. 3 Sota, fol. 10. a. * See Excursus B.
35
CHAPTER III.
THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATING

HEBREW MYTHS.
i. THE method of investigation is intended to discover

how the original myth is to be reached through the
sources described in the preceding chapter, how the
primitive germ of the myth is to be freed from the husk
which in the course of its growth has been formed around
it, and further how the progress and lapse of this growth
itself are to be recognised. Then we shall be enabled to
determine how stratum upon stratum has fastened itself
round the original myth until it reached that configura
tion which is the concrete material of our investigation.
The development of the myth in any nation is mainly
determined by two factors, which give to this development
the direction actually taken. One group of these factors
is psychological, the other belongs to the history of civilisa
tion. 1 The psychological factors in the development of all
myths are the same, not changing with the special
character of the people whose myths form the subject of
our consideration. For the same general laws everywhere
determine the life of the soul; no difference in them is
introduced by the ethnological life and the peculiarity
of race of the people in question. There is a psychology
of mankind, or as it was called when Lazarus introduced
the science, a Psychology of Nations (Volkerpsychologie).
1 Die andere cnlturkiatorisch? I am obliged to render this convenient

adjective by a circumlocution, as civilisation-historical would be too cum
brous and hardly intelligible. Tit.
i) 2
This is not a contemplation of the modes in which the

intellectual life of various nations exhibits itself as acting
in opposite directions, but of the modes in which the
same laws find their expression and validity in the in
tellectual life of the most various nations. But there is
no special psychology of races. On the other hand, the
factors belonging to the history of civilisation are not
everywhere alike, but are as various as the historical fates
of the nations among themselves are various. We shall sub
sequently come back to the subject to show more fully that
myths share in the historical vicissitudes of their nation,
that they are always transformed in accordance with the
stages of civilisation which the nation itself passes through
in its historical development, and that accordingly the
configuration of the myth is a faithful mirror of the stage
of civilisation at which it has taken this particular con
figuration. Obviously therefore, we can duly estimate the
myth through all its stages of development only in
connexion with a comprehensive view over the historical
development of the civilisation of the nation itself. And
to gain this view we must especially attend to those
phenomena which might produce an altered direction of
the mind, and thus impress a new form on the myth also.
But as in the methodical observation of the intellectual
development of a nation in the course of its history
psychological points of view must again occupy the fore
ground, we may assert that psychological observation
must take up a prominent position in the method of
mythological investigation ; for the question will always
be, What transformation does this or that historical
vicissitude produce in that which makes up the sum of
the human mind ? The answer will however evidently
turn out different according to the nature of these
historical vicissitudes. But there is one special step of
transformation which stands earlier than and in no connex
ion with the separate history of the nation, and is produced
by a purely psychological operation. This transformation
PSYCHOLOGY APPLIED TO MYTHOLOGY. 37
is therefore common to all myths so much so that most

inquirers, and especially Max Muller, make the life of the
myth to begin only at this stage.
It is the stage of mental development which is signal

ised by a remarkable fact in the history of language : viz.,
that an endless multitude of names, bestowed upon the
phenomena and processes of nature, in virtue of various
features of which there is a preponderating consciousness
at the moment of perception, gradually lose their meaning ;
while some few features of the total phenomenon are re
tained, to represent all those particular factors and supply
comprehensive general terms for their sum total. For
example, the Sun has at first a countless number of desig
nations. It is not merely that, in its various aspects, the
Sun is treated as the subject of detached observation
unrelated in thought to that of other aspects of the same
Sun ; but the very same aspect, on repeated notice, is
regarded as something different every time, and is accor
dingly denoted by other names. In other words, borrowed
from the terminology of modern psychology, no fusion
(Verfleclituncj) has yet been effected. Long-continued
observation of the same aspects gives consciousness of
their identity under repetition, and makes possible the
fusion of their ideas. Next, by a further advance in
development, the psychological change emerges, through
which the various features of the same phenomenon cease
to be essential difference -marks in the idea, and, dropping
into the background, give place to a general conception
gained by their fusion, an aggregate of fusion (Verflechtunys-
masse), the product of often-repeated fusion. ] The effect
on language of this psychological change is that, through
its gradual operation, the meaning is lost from the great
majority of those expressions which arose merely because
the particular observations of the same aspect of a phe-
1 I must refer those readers who are not sufficiently familiar with the
terminology to Steinthal s Abriss dcr Sprachivisscnschaft, Berlin 1871, vol. I.,
where all this is fully discussed in the section Ekmcntarc pfiychitcJic Froecsse.
nomenon, or the various features of the same phenomenal

aggregate had not yet been brought into unity by the
process of fusion or blending.
By the abandonment of the difference-marks, the sum
total of all the aspects, now regarded as forming one unity, is
given over to one single word, and a vast number of old de
signations, which stood in connexion with one particular
aspect or one particular condition of observation, lose in the
mind of the speaker all connexion with the physical pheno
menon in question. The multiplicity of names becomes ob
jectless, loses all psychological basis, and vanishes. 1 What
vanishes, however, is only the consciousness of the connexion
of the multifarious names with the physical phenomenon; in
other words, the names cease in great part to be designa
tions of the phenomena, yet remain in existence. But they
have a very different value to the mind from their original
one. They become Proper Names ; and what the sentences
in which these names figured as subjects and objects
originally predicated of physical phenomena, they now say
of persons and individuals. The transition is facilitated
by the fact that the physical phenomena themselves,
whose names they were in an earlier stage of intelli
gence, are conceived under the figure of human actions,
as loving, fighting, persecuting, &c. We must here
observe emphatically that from this process in the history
of language the Semitic area was not excluded. In the
course of the following expositions we shall have occasion
to convince ourselves that mythological appellatives for
feited their appellative character just like those of the
Aryan myths. The Hebrew said he laughs/ he hides,
6 he trips up, he increases, &c. in a strictly mythical
sense ; in later times the meaning of these assertions was
forgotten, and a proper name took the place of each.
1 But it is to be observed that some of the expressions produced by Poly-

onymy [multitude of names] survive the process of fusion and remain with the
original signification ; thus e.g. several names for Moon in Hebrew. On such
names Synonymy, a secondary function of conscious speech, then performs its
work.
MULTIPLICITY OF NAMES PRODUCES MYTHS. 39
What Max Millie r says of Semitic speech, that those

who used the word were unable to forget its predicative
meaning, and retained in most cases a distinct conscious
ness of its appellative power, l is not true, at least of this
portion of Semitism.
Now this is the very earliest step in the transformation

of the myth. As we have seen, this transformation is
conditioned only by a psychological operation, and is
therefore common to every mythology. Some scholars are
inclined to draw nothing that precedes this transformation
into the domain of myths at all, and to say that these
begin only when, as Max Miiller says, the language (i.e.
the living consciousness of the original signification of the
multifarious names) dies. But we hold that there is every
reason to regard the stage at which those expressions
lived in the human mind with their original appellative
sense, as one of the proper mythic stages. That event
which Max Miiller treats as the commencement of the
development of the myth, indicates the first link in the long
chain of transformations which make up the history of the
myth. It is not a characteristic of the myth, that the
speaker is no longer conscious of speaking of physical
phenomena. As soon as ever he perceives physical phe
nomena as events in human life, he has at once made a
myth ; and every name by which he designates a physical
phenomenon forms a myth. Tor if unintelligibility or ob
soleteness of language were a condition of a myth s ex
istence, then there could be no myth when the Greek calls
Helios the brother of Selene, since both these names have
been retained in their original sense, and the Greek knew
that the former name meant Sun and the latter Moon,
though of Herakles and Helene he had no similar con
sciousness left. Similarly, it could not be a myth when the
Roman said that Aurora opens the gates of the Sun and
strews roses on nis way, since every Roman knew that
the name Aurora denoted the Dawn.
1 Chips, First Scries, pp. 356, 361.
2. It is easy to see that the first step in the forma

tion of myths could not be a short and quickly passing
stage. If it were so, the appellations of physical phe
nomena could not have become so firmly established as to
prolong their existence even after a great majority of them
had become linguistically meaningless, and to become
objects of mythical transformation. The psychological
process which brought about the identification of an
object with itself must therefore have taken place late in
the development of the human mind. Men had already
expressed most various notions of the phenomena of nature
and observed them in many phases, long before they
attained to the power of identifying one such repeatedly
occurring phenomenon with itself, notwithstanding the
regularity of its appearance.
One other psychological consideration, however, de

mands our attention here one among many; for a
systematic presentation of all the psychological forces
with which we have to reckon in investigating myths and
the history of their growth belongs to a Philosophy of
Mythology, which it is not our intention to give here.
Among the various categories, that of Space is the

earliest to become an object of consciousness to the human
soul, both in the genetic development of the individual
mind and in that of the human race. The attachment of
a notion to space is the earliest developed ; indeed the
notion of a thing without the notion of space is im
possible. Even beasts distinguish things by their space.
Hence L. Geiger correctly said that Language, the origin
of which also marks the first phase of the power of
thought, springs from the organ of the discrimination
of space, the Eye and Light. With the category of Time
it is otherwise. The discrimination of things in time is
unfolded relatively later ; it postulates a more delicate
degree of observation. The notion of Space emanates
from that sense, the use of which man acquires the earliest
and the most easily of all except that of touch the sense
SPACE EXPRESSED IN MYTHS. 41
of Sight; the excitement of which also gives the first

impulse to the formation of language. But the notion of
Time demands more than a mere sensuous perception. We
need not therefore be surprised if the notion of Space,
both in the individual and in history, is older than that of
Time, nor that, as language teaches, all the finer distinc
tions of opposite terms emanate from the notion of
Space, 1 and the very distinctions of Time itself were
originally conceived from the point of view of Space. To
verify this, we only need to observe the expressions still
in daily use, which can be applied to time, such as, before,
after, thereafter, space of time, short or long time. The
Semitic is very instructive on this point. The Hebrew
sham, originally used of place (there) is found applied to
time (then) ; in Arabic these two significations are divided
between thumma then and thamma there. Hebrew words,
such as liphene before and achare e after, kedem,
kadmon, old, olden time, bring before our eyes a very
clear view of the transition from local to temporal distinc
tions, when we take into consideration their original signi
fications. The Arabic beynayedeyy, or beyna eydi, is also
especially instructive. This phrase signifies c between the
hands, and is used very commonly for before, of space.
But even in early classical texts (e.g. in the Koran)
it passes over into the before of time. Between
the hands of the Prophet, thus means either standing
before him as to place, or preceding him in time. Now
that which we meet thus at every step in the Semitic and
Aryan, is found also in the third great stock of languages.
The time-particles of the Anaric languages often go back
to relations of space ; and what the German Zeitraum
6 space of time, and the Arabic muddd (properly ex
tension, but generally in the sense of a period of time )
exemplify to us, we see also e.g. in the Finnish kausi,
1 On the Pronoun Wilhelm von Humboldt s essay, Ueber die Vcrwandtschaft

der Ortsadvcrbicn mit dem Pronomen, Berlin 1830, still deserves study. See
also what is said below (Chap. V. 6) on Asher.
which is used to express a piece of time. It properly

signifies a direction or way, in a local sense; and the
related Esthonian word kaude is still used exclusively to
denote local relations. 1
In myths also we find the conception of Space and of
motion in space predominant. A large group of names of
the Dawn in the Aryan mythology is formed by composi
tion of adjectives with supv and its etymological relatives,
and yields variations on the notion shining afar, 2 always
bearing witness to local extension and motion. And in
the Hebrew myths a number of solar names designate the
solar figures, as going, moving, &c. 3 Even in cases where
rapid motion is spoken of, a great result of such motion
is not treated as attained in a short time ; but described
rather by the space that has been passed through.
On the other hand, when we consider the notion of

Time, and the question how far it is acknowledged in
myths, we observe that at the earliest mythical stage the
distinction of Time is only very feebly presented. We
must demonstrate this at this place while treating of the
method of mythology. The myth makes a distinction
between the bright radiant sunny heaven and the dark
heaven. Now as to this darkness, it is indifferent whether
it is the darkness of night or that of the overclouded
heaven by day. The myth notices only the phenomenon
of the dark sky, darkness as a physical fact or state, con
siders only What is there ? but does not distinguish the
When ? the time in which this darkness occurs. Hence
in the myth the nightly heaven and the stormy or cloudy
heaven are synonymous, since it does not distinguish day
and night as alternate periods of time, but only brightness
and darkness as phenomena. Hence it comes that even
in later poetry and language the notions of Earn and Night
are so closely connected, that rain is more naturally
1 Budenz, in the Hungarian review Magyar Nyclvor ( Guardian of the

Hungarian Language ), 1875, IV. 57.
2 Max Muller, Chips, II. pp. 93-106.

8 See Chap. V. 5, 6.
TIME UNKNOWN TO THE FIRST MYTHS. 43
thought of in union with night than with day ; therefore

it is said in Arabic, more liberal than the rainy night
(anda mill al-leyla al-matira). 1 Not only the rain, but the
Wind also, in contrast to the merry laughing sunshine, is
conceived as closely connected with the night. 2 In the
Mohammedan cosmogonic legend it is said that the rough
Wind lives on the curtain of the Darkness. 3 Hence also
we see that the myth does not distinguish between the
Morning Glow and the Evening Glow, but denotes the
phenomenon by itself, without caring whether it precedes
or follows the night. In connexion with this stands the
fact that, as Steinthal has recently briefly noted, 4 mythic
thought did not attain to the category of Causality ; for
this category presupposes a clear consciousness of suc
cession, or of one event following another in time. Only
thus can we explain myths which speak of the Dawn now
as the daughter, now as the mother of the Day. On the
domain of language some phenomena in the semasiology
of Arabic words can be explained from this fact of
the development of conceptions, as e.g. when the lexico
graphers translate the verb safar II. IV. to pasture early
or late : IV. V. to come at the morning or evening glow . 5
Except by the operation of the above-named psychological
fact, the express combination of these two definitions of
time in one word would seem to be impossible.
But the very fact just mentioned, that it is character

istic of mythical ideas to put one phenomenon into a
family relation towards another, and to speak of mother,
brother, son, daughter, &c., furnishes the first elements of
and impulses towards the discrimination of Succession in
1 Kitcib al-ayani, I. 133. 19. Compare al-Mcydam, ed. Bulak, II. 262. 4.
2 Both wind and rain are placed in connexion with the night in the Divtin.
of the Hudailitcs, ed. Kosegarten, p. 125, v. 5 : ta taduhu rihu-sh-shinudi
bikurriha * fi kulli leylatin dajinin wa-hntuni, the Xorthwind blows over it
with his coldness every cloudy rainy night.
3 Yakut s Gcogr. Dictionary, I. 24. 2.
4 Zeitschrift fur VolJccr psychologic, &c. 1874, VIII. 179.
5 See Bottcher s article on this group of roots in Ho fer s Zcittehi iJ t .fiir die
Wisscnscliaft dcr Sprachc (Greifswald 1851), III. 16.
time, though the discrimination itself may at the mythic

stage not yet break forth into life. Phenomena occurring
one after another or simultaneously are conceived in the
light of the most primitive relations of the family ; and
when the myth-forming man speaks of father and child,
the very use of these terms rouses and encourages in his
mind a new category, that of Succession in time, or more
definitely Causality.
Another point follows naturally from this, enabling

us to fix the chronological position occupied by certain
myths in relation to others. If in a myth we find the
fact of the temporal succession of a phenomenon treated
as important, or see that a following event is in its very
name described as such in relation to what preceded it,
then we can justly draw the conclusion that a myth of this
form belongs to an advanced stage of development, and
that in determining the time of its origin we must choose
a later period than we should for myths in which no con
scious notion of time is visible. We shall have occasion
to insist on this inference when we corne into the presence
of such mythic expressions as Yiphtach Jephthah, i.e. the
6 Opener, and Ya akobh Jacob, i.e. the Follower.
3. What has to be said on the historical aspect of

the method of mythical investigation follows from the
mode in which the myth grows under the influence of
historical factors. If, after the first transformation of the
myth occasioned by a purely psychological process, there
are factors which immediately cause its further develop
ment, it is of course the business of mythic investigation
to find out those transformative forces which have fastened
themselves on a previous stage of development. Begin
ning therefore from the latest aspect of the myth, we have
to follow it further and further up, to arrive by help of the
thread of historical research at a knowledge of the process
of historical development which operated on the myth and
caused the transformation. Thus we ascend step by step
DEVELOPMENT OF MYTHS. 45
to the point at which, the above-described psychological

process caused the individualising of the mythic figures.
From this point it is only a step to the original formation
of the myth, at which the appellations proper to the
mythic figures are not proper names but appellative
nouns. It is easy to see that, while investigation takes a re
trograde course, beginning with the latest form of the myth
and going back to arrive at its original form, exposition
will take the contrary direction and pourtray its historical
transformation in the natural order of growth, beginning
with the primitive form discovered by analysis, and demon
strating successive transformations by the aid of history.
It is advisable, before we proceed to the materials of

Hebrew mythic investigation, to elucidate the course of
this historical method by a well-known example.
Let us take the story which is presented in Genesis,

chap. XXII. Abraham, the forefather of the Hebrew
people, at the behest of Elohim, is about to offer his only
son Isaac as a sacrifice, but is prevented by an angel of
Jahveh, who shows him a ram entangled in the thicket,
which he may offer as a sacrifice to Jahveh instead of his
son. The various religious tendencies connected with the
two Divine names, Elohim and Jahveh are scarcely so
prominent in any part of the Pentateuch as in the small
passage under consideration. We see here the divergence
of the religious ideas on both sides in reference to the
value of human sacrifice. Not yet fully released from the
Canaanitish system, the early Elohistic religious tendency
as yet regards it as an unobjectionable performance. Jahve-
ism abominates it, and is satisfied with the temper which
is ready to sacrifice the intentio; though this may very-
well be brought to express itself in the substituted sacri
fice of a beast or something else. Hence our story makes
Elohim demand the human offering, and Jahveh recom
mend the substitution. 1 The present form of the legend
1 See especially the lucid exposition of Dr. Abr. Geiger, in his DasJudcn-
thum iind seine Gcschichte (2nd edit.), I. 51.
is accordingly the product of the religious polemic waged

by the Prophets against the popular view of religion which
still clung to the Canaanitish system ; and the apologists
of the Jahveistic idea intend to show by it the advance
which their own religious views had taken beyond those
of earlier times. 1 The divergent ideas held b} r these two
Hebrew religious parties on human sacrifice are also to
be seen in the legislative portions of the Bible. In these
we can distinguish passages in which the sacrifice of the
first-born of beasts is not clearly discriminated from the
sanctification of the first-born child, from others in which
the latter has already gained a merely theocratic meaning
and is put in connexion with the deliverance of the
people out of Egypt. Therefore, what is deeply impressed
on these passages of legislation, viz. the battle between the
Canaanitish religious tendency and the national Hebrew
idea of Jahveh according to the Prophets, finds a memento
in the conformation of the existing very late myth of
the sacrifice of Isaac. It has the same purpose as the
passage of Deuteronomy (XII. 31), in which the polemic
against human sacrifice as a religious institution of the
Canaanites comes most prominently forward : Thou shalt
not do so unto Jahveh thy God ; for every abomination to
Jahveh which he hateth have they done unto their Elohim ;
for even their sons and their daughters they have burned
in the fire to their Elohim. This polemic tendency in
the service of the Jahveh-idea, and the religious views
attached to it, gave the myth in question the form in
which it is known to us. But that cannot be the original
form. Stripped of its Jahveistic coating, the myth re
mains in the following form : e Elohim demanded from
Abraham the sacrifice of his only son, and Abraham was
willing to sacrifice Isaac for Elohim. But again, the
1 In other countries also human sacrifices have been abolished by a reform

of religion, and sacrifices limited to beasts and vegetables ; e.g. in Mexico,
where the reform is attributed to Quetzalcoatl. See Waitz, Anthropoloyie der
Naturvolker, IV. 141.
ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
47
myth could take this form only in a time when the reli
gious idea of Elohim had already gained such full life in
the Hebrew people as to impel them to sacrifice what
was dearest to them. When the myth had this form>
accordingly, there was in Canaan already a monotheistic
religion, the centre of which was Elohim the object of
adoration, while the ancestors of the Hebrew people were
his pious servants and favourites. This coating also must
be stripped off, if we wish to trace the myth analytically
to its primitive form. When we have stripped off the
religious coating, we have still not yet penetrated to the
central germ ; for, independently of any religious ten
dency, Abraham remains as Patriarch, as a national
figure ; and this brings us into the historical epoch
when the Hebrew people, attaining to a consciousness of
national peculiarity and opposition to the surrounding
Canaanitish peoples, constructed their own early history.
Accordingly, the national coating has now to be thrown
off; and then Abraham meets us as a (so to say) cos
mopolitan figure not yet transformed into the like
ness of one nation, but still as a person, an individual.
This stage of mythic development brings us to the psycho
logical process which caused the mythological persons to
come forth at the beginning ; and behind this stage we
find the original form of the myth : Abram kills his son
Isaac. At that primitive stage these expressions natur
ally signified no more than the words imply. D^K
Abh Earn, the Lofty Father, kills his son pnv? Yischak, the
Laugher. 9 The Nightly Heaven and the Sun, or the Sun
set, child of the Night, 1 fell into a strife in the evening, the
result of which is that the Lofty Father kills his child ;
the day must give way to night.
In the above example we have endeavoured to give a

short sketch, less of the progress of development of the
Hebrew myth, than of the method by which, observing
1 The Sunset is child of Night only if we keep before our eyes the mythical
identity of the Morning and Evening Glow, according to 2 of this chapter.
the most prominent forces in the historical development

of the intellectual life of the Hebrews, we can rise by
analysis from the latest form of the myths to the original.
Having reached this, we must confide ourselves to the
guidance of the Science of Language ; for that particular
source for mythic inquiry which was treated in 5 of the
preceding chapter has chiefly to do with the primitive
form of the myth. The myth is accompanied through
all its stages of development by the same constant terms
of language : these are, accordingly, the oldest matter
for investigation on the mythological field.
Thus, taking it all together, the Method of mythic

investigation turns on three hinges: I. Psychology,
2. History, 3. Science of Language.
49
CHAPTER IV.
NOMADISM AND AGRICULTURE.
THE basis of all modern Comparative Mythology, and

the principle from which we start on the present studies,
is that the Myth is only the expression in language of the
impression made on the men of ancient time by the phy
sical events and changes under the immediate influence
of which they lived. If this is true, it cannot be ques
tioned that the tendency and quality of the Myth must
change, independently of the matter and contents which
remain the same, in obedience to the advancing civilisation
of men. For all progress in civilisation is marked, speak
ing generally, by continual development of the relation in
which man stands to external nature. When a nation
emerges from the stage of Nomadism and advances to an
agricultural life, its relation to external nature is changed.
The same thing happens when a people that lived exclu
sively by the chase and fishing advances to Nomadism.
Since a new epoch in the development of human civilisa
tion has commenced in our own times through the pro
gress made in physical science, our relation to nature has
again entered on a new phase. The spirit of modern
civilisation has been characterised by the common-place,
that reason has subdued nature.
The Myth accompanied mankind from the first gerin K

to the highest stage of mental culture, always adapting 1
itself to man s intellectual field of view and changing \
with the measure of this field of view. It is therefore \
a faithful mirror of the ideas of the world held by the \
men of each age; and these ideas are nowhere so clearly \
reflected as in myths. The configuration and tendency

of the myths is always dependent on the ideas of men
at that particular stage of civilisation which gave the
myth its form and guided it to its special tendency. The
traces of these historical transformations of the myths
are scarcely distinguishable for small chronological divi
sions ; but when the larger epochs of civilisation are
under consideration, they cannot fail to be noted by the
explorer s eye. And the discovery and demonstration of
these transformations of the tendency of the myths in
their relation to the great epochs of civilisation is one of
the special problems of Comparative Mythology.
The solution of this problem has an intimate connexion

with the answer to the question, c When does the life of
the Myth begin, and when does it end ? what is its termi
nus a quo, and what its terminus ad quern ? This question
is obviously closely bound up with the results of the psy
chological inquiry into the essence and conditions of pro
duction of the myth. The myth lives from the moment
that man begins to interpret physical phenomena through
processes brought before his eyes by his own every-day
life and action ; and as soon as the human mind uses
in the interpretation of the phenomena of nature utterly
different means from those prevalent in all myths, i.e. as
soon as the phenomena of nature are not interpreted from
human conditions, the myth has ended its life, and yields
up its elements for other combinations. It is self-evident
that the commencing point of the creation of myths can
not be later than the first beginnings of language ; for
Myth and Language are two modes of utterance of the
same intellectual activity, and the oldest declarations of
the human mind. Even in the Miocene age we find man
the so-called fossil man in possession of fire : so that
even then the conditions were already present for the first
growth of the elements of a Prometheus-myth. In the
Postpliocene age we find him already endowed with the
first breath of religious feeling, if, as is generally done, we
MYTHS PRIOR TO RELIGION. 51
can allow the careful graveyards found at Aurillac, Cro-

Magnon and Menton, to pass as historical data. 1 The
end of the life of the myth coincides with the moment at
which is formed out of the elements of the myth a religious
conception of the world peopled with gods. The living
and conscious existence of the myth is finished when the
mythical figures become gods. Theology hurls the myth
from its throne. But this is the end only of the living
existence of the primitive myth ; the myth transfigured
and newly interpreted in a religious sense lives on, and
only now begins to pass through a rich and various series
of stages of development, each marked by a correspond
ing stage of the religion and civilisation of the men who
possess it. There then spring from mythic elements,
sagas, fables, tales, legends. And as religion in its primal
origin appears in history not in opposition to myths, but
as a higher development- of them, the life of religion does
not absolutely exclude that of myths. There remain,
beside the myth which has been transformed into reli
gion, other portions of the mythic matter which religion
has not yet touched, and these live on as myths, so long-
as the process of religious transformation has not drawn
them into its domain. Pure and free Monotheism in its
highest development is the first force that comes forward
as a denial of the mythic elements in religion. The reli
gious history of the Hebrews reached this stage when
Jahveism was fully developed.
We will for the present not trouble ourselves with

these scions of the transformed myth. We will first
study it only at the early stages when it still lives an un
clouded, young, fresh life, untroubled by misunderstanding
the life that precedes the origin of religion from mythic
elements. There are two successive stages in the his
torical development of mankind, which have to be con-
1 See Sir Ch. Lyell, The Geological Evidence of the Antiquity of Man (4th
ed. 1873), PP- !22 ef Kf q- an( l 22 8- See also F. Lenormant s essay, L Homme
Fossile, in his Les premieres
sidered in the course of the expositions to which this

chapter is devoted, the Nomadic and the Agricultural. In
the former commences the chain of development, which is
closed by the formation of perfect, true Society. First
are formed communities which, though still standing only
on the base of the Family, yet represent a broadening of
this base insofar as the notion of the family is first en
larged into the institution of a Tribe, and then this institu
tion cannot always refuse to take in foreign elements
(prisoners of war, or clients claiming protection). The
nomadic stage is in its element in constant wandering
from pasture to pasture, in unceasing change of residence ;
and is accordingly completed, whether with regard to its
intrinsic character or to the experience of history, by pass
ing over to the stage of the stationary agriculturist. The
gathering of wild fruits, by which huntsmen and primi
tive nomads find some vegetable nourishment, forms the
first impulse to pass over to an agricultural life, as Waitz
observes. 1 It must be noticed that a pastoral life is fre
quently combined with tillage. The Nomad s relation to
nature is a very different one from the Agriculturist s.
But the consciousness of union among men of their be
longing to one another was first excited at the nomadic
stage ; and it is therefore not surprising if a large propor
tion of the names of nations point back to that age.
A nation calls itself by a common name when the

consciousness of the union of its members first arises.
Names in which the nation confesses itself to be a wan
dering, restless society, point back to the nomadic stage
of civilisation. That the contemplation of their own
wandering mode of life, is with the nomadic peoples one
motive for the national appellation, is shown in many in
stances which Bergmann has correctly explained in this
sense. 2 The Kurdic nomadic tribes still call themselves
1 Anthropologie der Naturvolker, I. 407. Compare Hehn, Culturpflanzen

und Hausthitre, 2nd edit., p. 103.
2 Bergmann, Lcs pciqrfcs pri/nitifs de la race dc Jafcte, Colmar 1853,
NAMES OF NOMADIC TRIBES. 53
Kotsher, i.e. wandering, and despise and persecute their

settled brethren. 1 The national appellation of the Zulus
denotes the homeless, roaming. 2 According to the
etymological explanation given by an old Hebraist,
Clericus, the name of one of the peoples which are men
tioned as aborigines of Canaan, the Zuzim, is to be referred
to this notion ; it is so if we can cite for its explanation
the late Hebrew z4z, 6 to move from place to place. 3
Another Canaanite national name, Perizzi, also according
to many expositors points to nomadic life. 4 The name
Put, by which the Egyptians called many nomadic tribes
that came into their country, and which is also given in the
list of nations in Gen. X. as the name of a son of Ham,
-likewise belongs to the same class. From their wander
ing life they were called by the Egyptians the Runners,
and the graphical power of the name is shown in the
hieroglyphs by the picture of the quickfooted hare. 5 The
name of the Hebrews also, Ibhrim, belongs to the same
series ; it denotes ( those who wander here and there, the
Nomads. For the word c abhar, from which the national
name Ibhrirn or Hebrews is derived, denotes not merely
transire, to pass through a land, or to cross a river, but
rather c to wander about in general ; for which sense
many Hebrew texts might be quoted. The Assyrian is
instructive on the point ; there the phonetically correspond
ing verb is used of the sun, which i-bar-ru-u kib-ra-a-ti
6 marches, wanders through the lands. 6 A similar wander
ing through various lands is the foundation of the appella-
pp. 42, 45, 52, 53 apud Renan, Hist. gen. d. latigues sem., p. 39. It is interest
ing that the ancients explained the hard-bested name of the Pelasgians from
this point of view, making neAao-yof equivalent to ire\apyoi = storks (Strabo,
V. 313; Falconer, ed. Kramer, V. 2, 4). Compare Pott, Etymologische For
schuugcn, 1836, II. 527.
1 Blau in the Zcitschrift d. D. M. G., 1858, II. 589.
2 Waitz, ibid. II. 349.
3 Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 410. a.
4 Munk, Palastina, Germ, transl. by Levy, Leipzig 1871, p. 190.
5 Ebers, Acgypten und die Bilcher Moses, I. 70.
a See the passage in Sehrader, Kcilinschriftcn und das A. T., p. 64. 20.
tion Ibhrim c Hebrews, so that it denotes c the Wanderers

here and there/ the Nomad-people. 1 In opposition to
these national names others are formed, which speak of
the sedentary mode of life ; a name of this kind is that
of the South Arabian people Joktan, which, as Freytag
conjectured, 2 comes from katana to take up a fixed abode. 3
We must not overlook the fact that such national

names as these, derived from and referring to a certain
stage of life and civilisation, are preserved by the same
nation, even when that stage has been long passed. We
see this most clearly in the case of the Philistines, who lived
chiefly in towns, and preserved not even a tradition to
remind them of a former nomadic life. Yet their name
Pelishtirn is itself a reminiscence of this kind. Whether
the name is to be combined with the Semitic (Ethiopic)
palasha 6 to wander, as most of the Semitic philologists
say, 4 or is to be explained from the Aryan, as others say ;
in either case it is a living witness and reminiscence of
the nomadic stage of the Philistine people, at which they
gave themselves this name. Similarly the Accadians still
called themselves by that name, which means Highlanders,
long after they had chosen a new habitation in the plains. 5
The herdsman finds his happiness in the well-being of

his herds ; his wealth depends on the quality of the pas
ture which he can get for them ; to seek this is the con
stant object of his endless wanderings. Good, fresh, sound
pasture is the sum of his modest wishes : ( green pastures
beside still waters, as a Hebrew Psalmist (Ps. XXIII. 2)
expresses it. The cloudy heaven, which sends rain to
his fields, is in his eyes a most friendly element, to which
he gladly gives the victory over the scorching glow of the
1 See Bottchcr, Ausfuhrl. Lehrb. d. hebrdischen Sprache, edited by Miihlau,

p. 7, note.
2 Einleitung in das Studium dcr arab. Sprachc, p. 19.
3 Compare the Hottentot national name Saan, from sd to rest, i.e. the
Settlers (F. Miiller, Allgemeine Ethnographic, p. 75).
4 J. S. Miiller, Semiten, Chamitcn und Jcifhctiten, &c., p. 257.
5 Lenormant, Etudes Accadtcnnes, ]~t 3, I. 7 2 -
NOMADS LOVE THE NIGHT AND RAIN. 55
sun, which dries up his pastures. The nomad calls him

self c Son of the water of heaven, i.e. the rain. c By banu
ma al-sama (Sons of Rain), says an Arabic commentator
on Muslim s collection of traditions, i the Arabs are to
be understood . . . For as the greater part of them are
owners of herds, they supported themselves mainly by
the goodness of the pastures. l Thus this appellation
Sons of the water of heaven could then come to have
the general meaning c rich people, as e.g. in a sensible
verse of Anbar b. Samak : 2
fala tathikan min-an-nauka bishay in

walau kauu bani mfi i-s-sama i :
Confide thou not in anything in fools,

E en were they sons of water of the heaven J
i.e. however rich they might be. The Bedawi of

Somali, Isa, call their Ogas, i.e. chief, by the name
Roblai, which, according to Burton, denotes Prince of
the Rain. 3
The nomad must be constantly wandering and seeking
good pasture, if he is to gain a comfortable position. The
glowing heat of the sun is in this respect his terrible
enemy and continual adversary.
The starry heaven by night and the moon he recognises

as his friends and protectors ; and he gladly welcomes
the moment when these guardians overcome the enemy,
and drive off the beaming sun, when noon is followed by
afternoon, and the evening comes on with its cool breeze,
on the track of the departed solar heat. Then he is de
livered from the tiresome kail, midday sleep, which the
noonday heat had brought on. He therefore likes best
to begin his journey in the afternoon, and continues it
till night or daring the night. 4 In their journeys and
1 Al-Nawawi (the Cairo edition of Muslim s collection, with Commentary),

V. 169.
Kitab fil-a< /(ini, XVI. 82 penult .
8 Burton s First Footsteps in East Africa, London 1856, p. 174.
4 See al-Ndbi^d, XXXI. v. 4 (Derenbourg).
expeditions with caravans or for plunder, says Sprengcr

of the Arabs, they generally travel during the night.
When one rides on a camel at a slow pace through the
monotonous desert, the nights seem very long. But the
heart is filled with quiet delight by the stillness of the night
and the enjoyment of the fresh air, and the eye involun
tarily looks upwards. Hence we find even in the Koran
and in the poetry of the Bedawi frequent allusion to the
starry heaven and its motion. 1 The caravan-songs (hidah)
accordingly refer mainly to night-travelling, as e.g. one
quoted by Wetzstein :
O how journey we, wliile dew is scattered out

And desert-dust bedecks the lips of sumpter beasts.
O how journey we, while townsmen sleep
"With limbs involved in coverlets ; 2
and when he travels by day he follows the course of the

clouds, seeking coolness and shade. The Arabic poet
Abu-l- e Ala al-Ma arri, who, like all the later writers of
kaidas, 3 makes the horizon of Beduiiilife the background
of his poetry, says somewhere of his beloved,
As though the cloud were her lover, she always turns her saddle
To the quarter where the cloud is moving ;
and the scholiast observes on the passage, 6 that is, she

is a Beduin, and the Bedawi always follow the rain and
the places where raindrops fall from heaven. 4 The old
Arabian poet wishes for rain also on the grave of his
friend ; he cannot bear to see it scorched by the sun s
heat. Drench, O clouds, the earth of that grave ! is a
frequently recurring formula in the old Arabic poetry ;
and the later poetry, with its imitation of old forms, has
1 On the Calendar of the Arabs before Mohammed (in Zeitschrift dcr

D. M. <?., 1859, XIII. 161).
2 Sprachlichcs aus den Zdtlagern der syrischcn Wiiste, p. 32, note 21 (a

reprint from Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1868, XXII.).
3 A species of lyric poem or elegy. TR.
4 SaM at-zand(E\i\&k edition of 1286), II. 34. Yet Again, I. 147. 20, in a
poem of Nvtseyb : wa lam ara matbu an a^larra min-ai-mutari.
TRIBES DERIVED FROM STARS. 57
received this phrase into its inventory. 1 It is connected

with this preference of the nomads for the heavens by-
night, that Hind, daughter of C 0tba, says on the day of
the battle of Ohod to the Koreyshites, the opponents of
Islam : We are the daughters of the Star, (nahnu
binat Tarik), 2 thereby claiming descent for herself also
from the nightly heaven. We pat this exclamation of
the brave Arab woman in the same category with the
above-mentioned reference of the origin of the Arabs to
the Rain, and consider ourselves justified in rejecting the
explanation given by al-Jauhari, who finds in it a simile,
with the sense, Our father excels others in nobility of
birth, as that brilliant star excels the other stars. 3 It
is then quite indifferent which star Tarik is, whether the
morning star, according to most lexicographers, or Zohal,
(Saturn, or another of the five Chunnas-stars), 4 as al-
Baidawi explains it. 5 The point lies only in the fact that
the Arab woman calls herself e Star s daughter ; and
this designation falls into the same category with Banu
Badr * Sons of the Full Moon, Banu Hilal Sons of the
New Moon, adopted by some Arabian tribes, and com
pared even by Bochart 6 with the name of the people
Jerah. 7 Thus also several clans of Arabian tribes, es
pecially the Banu Temim, Banu Dabba, and Banu Azd
called themselves c Sons of Night, (Banu Sarim). 8 On
the other hand, the townsman of Mecca called himself
6 Child of the Sun, a name which has survived to the
present time, as is to be seen from an interesting com
munication of Kremer. 9
See an example in Zdtschrift dcr D. M. Cr., 1857, V. p. 100, 1. 14.
Kiiab al-aydin, XI. 126. 3 Sjiliah, s.r. irk.
Chunnas, planet, i.e. Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, or Mercury. TR.
Commentary on the Koran (Fleischer s edition), II. 397. 6.

Phalrg (ed. Frankfort), II. 124.
Ycraoh (pausal yarach), Gen. X. 26, I Chr. I. 20; elsewhere yerach denotes
month and yareach moon. TR.
Ibn Dureyd, Kitab al-isktik&k, p. 99. 9.
Culturgeschichtliche Streifzi ujc ai/f d< m Gcbicte dcs Islams, Leipzig

1873,
p. viii.
The relation of the Agriculturist to the two warring

elements of the sky is very different. Storin, wind, and
excessive rain are the declared enemies of his life, whereas
the warm sun s rays, which heat and bring to perfection
the fruits of the field, are gladly welcomed by him, and
their victory over the dark gloomy sky gives him. joy.
An old Hellenic name of the sun is Zeus Talaios, or Tallaios,
or simply Talos, which denotes c encouraging growth, as
has been proved long ago. 1 It is Zeus who watches the
cornfields and sends bountiful harvests ; 2 and even clouds
and rain are connected with him, insofar as their powers
are beneficial to the agriculturist. For this reason Zeus
himself becomes the vefa^yspsra, the Thunderer and Kain-
giver. 3 This variety of relation to nature will be found
reflected in the myths formed at these two stages respec
tively. The altered relation to external nature works a
change even in the old and already fully formed myths,
and lays down for them a new tendency in accordance
with the altered conception of nature. Thus the myth
which was already formed at an earlier stage of civilisa
tion frequently still possesses enough power of resistance to
preserve, in spite of adaptation to new views, much of the
character formerly impressed on it by a past stage of
civilisation. But the new myth must bear only the im
press of the new stage at which its existence begins.
For as the capacity for creating language does not ex
haust all its force at once, but still continues to form new
modes of speech whenever an alteration of circumstances
demands them, so it is with myths. As the agriculturist
1 See Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie dtr alien Volkcr, 3rd ed., I. 38.
2 Welcker, GriecMsche Gotterkhre, I. 169.
3 As the myth grows more and more into a religion, and the conception of
a mighty god who excels all others becomes fixed, the production of thunder
and rain, &c., is gradually transferred to this originally solar god (see also
Max Miiller, Chips, &c., I. 357 et seq.). The sharp division made above is
therefore absolutely true only of the purely mythological stage. Conversely
Indra and Varuna, originally figures belonging to the gloomy cloudy and rainy
sky, which take the highest places in the Indian religion, are in the Vedic
Hymns endowed with solar traits.
AGRICULTURISTS LOVE THE DAY AND SUN.
59
creates new words for his new circumstances and ideas, so

also lie creates new myths.
2. What therefore especially distinguishes the

Nomad s myth from the Agriculturist s is mainly refer
able to the different position occupied at these two stages
by the dark night-sky on the one hand and the brilliant,
warm, sunny sky on the other. The myth is not a merely
objective l expression for the phenomena of nature. For
what is ordinarily and in common life called purely objec
tive description, is almost an impossibility, seeing that no
one with all possible exertion, restraint and self-abnega
tion can put off all his individuality; and this is true,
in a much higher degree, of the myth. It is incorrect
to speak of objective reporters or historians. For how
would it be possible for me, giving a report on an event,
whether as eye-witness or as critical sifter of the state
ments of others, to speak of it without being myself the
Speaker? And the single fact that J am the speaker,
impresses on my report a different stamp from that which
the report of another would have borne. Compare
so-called objective historical narratives from different
decads not to speak of hundreds or thousands of years.
How much more must the subjectivity of the myth-
creators be impressed on the myths of different periods
of civilisation ! Now it is undoubtedy true that the
special, sharply characteristic intellectual individuality
of persons is only developed in direct proportion with the
advance of the culture of the mind. The more education
a man has, the more can he give expression to his inner
self and make its influence felt ; and with the advance of
education, the just claims of Individuality will also re
ceive more and more attention, both in society and in law.
1 Those to whom the philosophical terms objective and subjective are not
familiar must understand them respectively as impersonal or impartial, and
personal or partial; the former being that which is outside the thinker s per
sonality, the latter that which is within him, and therefore often the reflected
image ;jf external things on his o\vn min !. - Tu.
This process can be traced upwards from animals of low

organisation to man, and within the human race can be
confirmed through its various stages of development,
geographical and historical. At the myth-creating stage,
intellectual uniformity prevails almost universally, in all
individuals. Consequently here only the sum total of
the men who are creating language and myth has any
power ; the individual could not effect anything of his
own, different from the work of others. There is no such
thing as either language or myth of a single individual ; l
and what Steinthal says in reference to national songs,
is equally true of both of them, that the mind which
produces them, is the mind of a multitude of persons
without individuality, held together by physical and
mental relationship ; and whatever is mentally produced
by this multitude is a creation of the common mind, i.e.
of the nation. 2 And just for this reason the common
mind in each of the various epochs of civilisation has its
own characteristic impress, a tendency and fundamental
conception, which distinguish it from those of the preceding
epoch.
Among the Nomads, then, the dark, cloudy heaven

of night is the sympathetic mythical figure ; they imagine
it conquering, or if it is overcome, give to its fall a tragic
character, so that it falls lamented and worthy rather of
victory than of ruin ; and the Nomad s grief for the de
feated power is propagated from age to age far beyond the
mythical period. The sacrifice of Jephthah s daughter is
still lamented from time to time by the daughters of
Israel. It is just the reverse with the myth of the Agri
culturist. He makes the brilliant heaven of day-time
conquer, and the gloomy cloudy heaven or the dark night
1 On the disappearance of individuality in direct proportion to antiquity,

see Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ueber die Verschiedenhcit des inenschlichen Sprach-
baues, Berlin 1836. p. 4. Lazaras appears to concede to the individual too
much influence on the origin of speech ; see Lcben der Seelc, II. 115.
2 See the article Das Epos in Zeitschrift fur Volkcr psychologic, &c. 1868,
V. 8, 10.
ARABS RECKON TIME BY NIGHTS. 61
fall ; lie accompanies the victory of the warm heaven of

the day with cries of triumph and applause, and his hymns
immortalise what he felt and thought on this victory.
Here it is the defeat of the sunny heaven that attunes him
to lamentation. The fallen Samson is a tragical figure.
Every reader will be able himself to supply the applica
tion of these general propositions to the myth of the
Hebrews, if he pays attention to the chapter in which the
chief figures of the Hebrew mythology were brought for
ward, with the chief traits by which they are accompanied
in Mythology. 1 should deem it superfluous to prosecute
this application further, as it is to be found in every case
in the nature of the myth itself.
But it is not only from a feeling of sympathy towards

the heaven of night and clouds that the Nomad puts it in
the foreground. This aspect of heaven is to him also the
datum, the prius, the natural, which the heaven of day
afterwards opposes as foe and persecutor. With the
nature of Nomadism, and especially of the night-wan
derings, is also connected the Reckoning of time by Nights.
This has been best preserved by the Arabs, who count by
nights, instead of days, as we do. It is especially marked
in the determination of the distance between two places
and of the length of a journey : e.g. His face perspires
with desire for the payment held back for long nights (i.e.
for a long time) ; 1 Between Damascus and the place
where Walld b. Yazid lived in the desert are four nights ; 2
f I will give him five hundred dinars and a camel, on
which he can travel for twelve nights ; 3 in a poem of Abu
Zeyd al- Abshami, When the tribe travels for sixteen
nights (ida-1-kaumu sarat sittat ashrata leylatan). 4 This
Arabic idiom is so firmly established that in the opposite
case, when a period is for once to be expressed in days,
the equivalent expressed in nights is added as a more
1 Noldoke, Beitrdge zur Kcnntniss dcr Poesie der alien Araber, p. 185. 12.
8 Ki/ii i al-a<id,u, VI. 137. 17.
8 Din-rat al-gauwd* (ed. Thorbecke), p. 178. 4. 4 Yakut, I. 934. 2.
exact definition ; e.g. So that there lay between them

and their home a distance of two days or three nights. l
With the reckoning of time by nights two other practices
are connected. First, the Night has priority before the
Day; therefore among the Arabs and the Hebrews (as
also among the later Jews), the two peoples which, as we
shall see, preserved the feeling of nomadism longer than
the Aryans, the day begins with the evening. c There was
evening, there was morning one day. A residuum of
the old 110 madic conception is found in the Egyptian myth
that Thum, the form of the sun s nocturnal existence, was
born before Ra^ the sun s form by day. Secondly, chron
ology is thereby connected chiefly with the nocturnal
heaven and the moon. It is to be observed on this subject
that in nations which begin to count the day from the
evening, the moon is the central figure and the starting
point in the chronology of greater periods. 2 Seyffarth,
in an essay entitled, Did the Hebrews before the De
struction of Jerusalem reckon by lunar months ? (pub
lished in 1848 in the Zeitschrift der D.M.G., II. 347 sqq.),
endeavoured to defend the thesis that the Hebrew chron
ology was originally founded on solar months, which were
not supplanted by lunar months till between the second
and fourth century after Christ ; but he supports this
theory by arguments which cannot stand against pro-
founder criticism. It must rather be assumed that the
original lunar year at the beginning of agricultural life
was united with the observation of the solar periods (see
Knobel, Commentary on Exodus, p. 95), so as to produce
very early compensation of the difference between them ;
but that in the various attempts at compensation, which
1 Romance of Antar, IV. 97. 2.
2 This connexion is found among the Polynesians: The time-reckoning in

all Polynesia conformed to the moon. They reckoned by nights, &c., Gerland,
Anthropologie der Naturvolker, VI. 71. Only the nights had names, the days
had. none, ibid., pp. 72. Both the chronology according to moons and the count
ing of days by nights are linguistically demonstrated of the Melanesian group.
See the comparison in Gerland, ibid., pp. 616-619.
LUNAR CHRONOLOGY PRECEDES SOLAR. 63
ended with the fixing of the calendar and the arrange

ment of the intercalary month, the reckoning bj moons
remained in the foreground, as is evident in the mode of
compensation. In reference to the Arabs also, Sprenger
has fully proved in the essay to which we have already
referred in this chapter, that the solar element of chrono
logy was subordinate, and that in the old times before
Mohammed the lunar reckoning was in force .
As on another occasion we shall recur to the fact that

among the Aryans the Indians retained a certain degree
of nomadic sentiment more distinctly than any other
Aryans, and that this is impressed on their literature and
on many of their institutions, so here we may observe the
same in reference to their chronology. In the Vedas, the
oldest literature of the Sanskrit people, we find the lunar
year of twelve months, with the occasional addition of a
thirteenth or intercalary month. l It is remarkable that
on this subject we find still more reminiscences of the
nomadic life among the Persians. In the whole book of
Avesta, in passages where the shining heavenly bodies are
enumerated, they appear in this invariable order : Stars,
Moon, and Sun, the sun always occupying the last place.
And we even find also the reckoning of time by nights
exactly as it is among the Arabs ; which enables Spiegel
to draw the just inference that the ancient Persians
reckoned by lunar years. 2 According to Bunsen 3 the
Delphic myth of the purification of Apollo likewise points
to the conclusion that the Hellenes in later times sub
stituted the solar for the old lunar chronology.
The Solar chronology belongs to the Agriculturist, in

opposition to the Nomad. As the night and the nocturnal
sky forms the foreground to the nomad, so the agricultural
stage of civilisation leads the sun to victory, and the sun
1 Laz. Geigcr, Ursprung und Entivicklung der mcnscMichcn Sprache und

Vcr/iinift, II. 270.
- lit Ii -ilnji-n Mi r if (en der Parson, in German, IL xcviii. and III. xx.
3 Go .l in llixtdfi/, II. 433-5.
becomes the measure and tlie starting point of its

chronology. With the advance to agriculture the lunar
year is superseded by the Magnus Annus, or r)\ia/c6v,
which was also called o Osov hiavros. Yet very curiously,
as the remains of nomadism in general may be long
visible and be unconsciously perpetuated in the ideas of
the agriculturist, it is the mode of calculating time that
echoes the nomadic ideas the longest, and even survives
in ages of more advanced culture. Of the Gauls, e.g.,
Julius Caesar reports that they counted by nights, not by
days. 1 Tacitus says the same of the ancient Germans. 1
In one case, namely in the English word fortnight, 3 which
is a speaking proof that the ancestors of those who now
use the word reckoned time by nights, one of the most
advanced nations of the present time has not yet left off
counting by nights. Other languages also, spoken by
nations which have long accepted the solar reckoning,
preserve memorials of the old nomadic lunar reckoning.
In Hungarian and other languages of the Ugric stock the
expression hopping year (szoko ev) for leap-year, 4 in
connexion with other similar phenomena, points to a
chronology of lunar years, as the Hungarian Academician
Paul Hunfalvy has very fully demonstrated, with important
documents. 5 The residuum of the lunar chronology which
has stood the longest, and which, despite the generally
preponderating solar character of our reckoning of time,
and despite the love of a decimal system inherent in the
1 De Bello Ga J lico,VI. 18: Spatia omnis temporisnon numero dierum, sed

noctium finiunt ; dies natales et mensium et annorum initia sic observant, ut
noctcm dies subseguatur.
2 Germania, XI : Nee dierum numerum, ut nos, sed noctium compulant.

Sic constituunt, sic condicunt : nox dncere diem videtur, in connexion with the
public assemblies at the changes of the moon. The fact must not be overlooked
that, according to Caesar, ibid. 22, the Germans agriculturae non student,
majorque pars victus eorum in lacte, caseo, carne consistit. See also, on this
subject, Pictet, Les origines Indo-Europeennes ct les An/as primitifs, II. 588.
3 And in Se nnight. TR.
4 The identical English term Leap year is another apposite example.

TR.
5 See the Hungarian review, Magyar Kyclvur, I. 26-28.
LUNAR AND SOLAR CHRONOLOGY. 65
first French Revolution, is now fixed firmly for a long

future period, is the Week a notion specifically connected
with the Moon. Yet it has long been made evident that
even this division of the month into four weeks was in
antiquity sometimes exchanged for a solar division into
three decads. This was due to the influence of the
agricultural stage of civilisation giving prominence to the
Sun. We know this, e.g., of the Egyptians, and it was
therefore long doubted whether they knew the division
into weeks at all. But Sir Gardner Wilkinson collected a
series of proofs that among the Egyptians the later system
of decads was historically preceded by the division of the
months into four weeks of seven days each. 1 It is also
tolerably certain of the Mexicans, that of their two methods
of reckoning time, which in later times were in force side
by side, the Tonulpohualli or solar reckoning and the
Metzlapolmalli or lunar reckoning, the latter was histori
cally the earlier, but was retained in the time of the solar
chronology, as is so frequently the case in computations
of time. 2 We ought, moreover, also to consider the compu
tation of longer periods of time by Masika, i.e. rainy seasons,
which prevails among the Unyamwesi in Africa. 3 How
powerful is the posthumous influence even on later times
of the nomadic lunar division into weeks, an influence
which again and again obtained validity, even after it had
been once supplanted by the solar reckoning by decads, we
see best among the Eomans. They had originally a con
sistent lunar computation ; even their year consisted of
ten months, the sun s cycle of twelve months being
ignored ; and they divided the month into four weeks. 4
Later, this fourfold division gave way to a threefold
division into three decads, nonae, Jcalendae, idus ; but yet
1 In Etnvlinson s History of Herodotus, A pp. to Book II. chap. VII. 16-20

(eel. of 1862, vol. II. p. 282 et scq.).
2 Waltz, I.e. IV. 174.
3 See Karl Andree, FcrscJiungsreiscn, &c., II. 205.
4 Mcmmscn, History of Rome, I. 217 (cd. 1862), 230 (eel. 1868),
they returned at last to the week again, and called its

seven days by the names of the sun, the moon and the five
planets. However, the division of the montli into three
decads is not always connected with solar chronology ; it
is also found in combination with lunar reckoning, when
three phases of the moon are acknowledged (as in the three-
headed forms of the moon in the Greek mythology). 1
A five-days period has been proved to exist in many

nations as the equivalent of our week (among the Chinese,
Mongol tribes, Azteks, and Mexicans.) 2 But this division
into pentads must be connected with an original quinary
system of numeration, to the linguistic importance of
which Pott has devoted a special treatise. 3 In Old Calabar
on the west coast of Africa a week of eight days occurs ;
most curiously, as the people cannot count beyond five. 4
A priori this would seem impossible ; but it is vouched for
by an observer so accurate as Bastian.
3. As the Nomadic stage of civilisation of necessity

historically precedes the Agricultural, so also that stage
of the myths at which the nocturnal, dark or cloudy
heaven has precedence of the bright heaven of day comes
before the stage at which the latter occupies the foreground
and plays the part of a beloved figure or favourite. More
over, it cannot be assumed that this second stage of the
formation of myths has grown up without being preceded
by the first stage ; for it is simply impossible that any
portion of mankind should have lived through the stage
of Nomadism, which perhaps lasted for thousands of years,
without having thrown its conceptions of the world into
mythic forms. Everyone knows, and no one now doubts,
that the most prominent figure in the mythology of
1 Welckcr, Gricchischc Guttcrhhre, I. 555.
2 Sir Gardner Wilkinson, in Rawlinson s Herodotus, eel. 1862, vol. II. p. 283,
7-
3 Die quin drc und vigcsimcde Ziihlmctltodc, Halle 1867.
4 Waitz, /. <?. II. p. 224, com pare .1 with Bastian, Gcoyraphiseltc und
cthnolo-
f/iache Ei du; Jena 1874, |p. 144, 155.
INDIAN MYTHS OF KOMADISM. 67
the Aryans, which later at the theological stage took the

rank of a supreme god, was the brilliant sunny heaven, Dyu
(Dyaus, nom.}, BEOS. Zeus, on whom the powerful sympathy
of the Aryan was concentrated, and to whom he turned
with admiring devotion as soon as he began to pray and
compose hymns. On the other hand, it could not escape the
notice of the inquirer on the domain of Aryan mythology
and history of religion, that the very oldest and most
genuine representative of the Aryan mind seems itself
to form a sort of exception to this universal idea. The
Indians, namely, among whom Dyu certainly was ele
vated to theological importance, 1 do not make him their
supreme god, but Indra, who, as his very name shows,
(indu = a drop ) is identical with the rainy sky (Jupiter
pluvius), 2 and Varuna, who, in contrast to the shining
Mitra, was the gloomy night-sky (from var=z e to cover ). 3
Max Miiller, whose merit it mainly is to have raised the
Aryan Dyu to the high throne which he now occupies
in the history of Aryan religion, explains this strange fact
by supposing that Indra drove Dyu, the oldest of the gods,
from the place which he had formerly held even among
the Indians. If in India, he thinks * Dyu did not grow
to the same proportions as Zeus in Greece, the reason
is simply that dyu retained throughout too much of its
appellative power, 4 and that Indra, the new name and
the new god, absorbed all the channels that could have
supported the life of Dyu, 5 5 so that he died away.
From what has been explained above, it is evident

that the subject might present itself in a different light.
It is well known that the people of India represents, both
1 Sec on tlris J. Muir, Contributions to a Knowledge of the Vedic Thcogon

and Mythology (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., 1864, I. pp. 54-58).
- 3! ax Miiller, Lectures on the Science of Language, Second Series, p. 430.
3 Max Miiller, Chips, &c., II. p. 65. Muir, 1. c. p. 77 ct seq.
4 This is connected with Miiller s view that language must die l. cforo it
can enter into anew stage of mythological life (Lectures on the Science of
Letngnagc, Second Series, p. 426).
6 L .cturcs, &c., Second Series, p. 432.
F 2
in its language and in its mythology, the oldest stage of

the Aryan mind attainable by us, and after it follows the
people of Iran. The ancient literature of these two
nations, but that of the Indians more than that of the
Persians, stands much nearer in its ideas to the nomadic
life than any other documents of the Aryan mind which
have been preserved to us. It is then no wonder if (it
being a rule in all physical as well as intellectual develop
ment, that at a later stage of progress residua of a pre
vious one remain behind unnoticed) these nations, which
at the time of their oldest known intellectual productions
were not far removed from nomadism, exhibit more traces
of nomadism than others, even if they be found to have
then fully passed out of the nomadic stage. We have
already referred to this in treating of the nomadic elements
in chronology, and now return again to the same point.
In some things the Iranians preserved the traditions of
nomadism more firmly and persistently than the Indians,
who generally stood nearer to the original forms. This is
to be explained from the fact that in Persia nomadism
itself lived longer as an actual stage of civilisation, and
was more fostered, than in India ; for indeed it even now
maintains its position there. For just as in the time of
Herodotus (I. 125) the Persians were partly migratory
nomads (vo^dScs), partly settled agriculturists (dporfipss),
so now a proportion, varying from a quarter to a half, of
the population of modern Persia still leads a nomadic life. 1
One characteristic of the nomadic period is a social and
political division into tribes, which in many civilised
nations is retained into the time of fixed dwellings as
a residuum of nomadism. Without pausing over the
Thracians, who according to the account of Herodotus, 2
found it impossible to throw off all reference to tribe-
differences and bring their power to bear through national
1 Eawlinson, History of Herodotus, I. 211.
- V. 3 : oAAa yap rovro iiiropov ff<pi /ecu a^xavov W KOT eyytvriTcu fieri
077
acrflevees.
TRACES OF NOMADISM IN IRAN. 69
unity, -we will refer to the lonians as an example, whose

divisions into ^parp/at, ^sirj, and yswfyrai, have been ac
curately traced. 1 Now among the Indians we find no trace
of tribal divisions worth mentioning, but very soon come
across the Caste an hereditary division according to
modes of occupation, which cannot be formed at any
earlier stage than that of fixed dwellings, since this gave
the first impulse to the practice of arts and trades, which
is not conceivable at the nomadic stage. Among the
Iranians, on the other hand, the tribal division maintained
itself for a long time parallel with that according to occu
pation, which was better suited to the time of transition
to a fixed life. 2 Even on the Caste system of the Parsees
the tribal division still exerts a definite influence. The
sacerdotal caste is a distinct tribe, a family, just like the
Levites among the Hebrews ; 3 and in ancient times many
sacerdotal functions, the smaller and less important re
ligious duties, were assigned to the heads of the various
subdivisions of the tribe. The name of the priests,
mobed (which Spiegel explains as urn ana-paiti=: c chief
head of the tribe or family, perhaps equivalent to the
Hebrew rosh beth abh), in itself indicates the original
universality of the bestowal of the sacerdotal functions 011
the head of the tribe. 4
1 The literature is clearly and concisely enumerated in G. Pawlimon s

essay On tie Early History of the Athenians, 8-n (Bint, of Herod., Bk. II.
Essay II.). But it must "bo added that the idea of the learned author The
Attic castes, if they existed, belong to the very infancy of the nation, and had
certainly passed into tribes long before the reign of Codrns does not agree
with the historical sequence demanded by the connexion of the tribes with
nomadic life and that of the caste with fixed tenure. In the very nature of the
case the division into tribes is proper to nomadism, which knows of no system
atic occupation witli arts and trades, whereas the division into castes pre
supposes such an occupation with trades and arts as only a sedentary life
renders possible. Therefore, between tribes ar.d castes the priority will always
have to be assigned to the former.
2 Spiegel, Ucbcr die cranische Stctmmcsvcr failing (AbAandturtffen der I <

>,>.
lair. AkacL (L W., 1855, Bd. VII.) ; Kastcn Mid Standc in dcr arischcn l or~cit
(Aitsland, 1874, No. 36).
3 Die hcilif/cn Schriftcn dcr Farscn, in Herman, III. vi.
* Ibid. II. xiv.-xv.
70 MYTHOLOGY AMOXG THE HEBREWS.
As in Iran a fundamental social institution, so among

the Sanskrit people a prominent mythological fact is the
notable residuum of nomadism : viz. the fact that by them
the first seat and highest rank among the figures of the
myth and subsequently among the gods is assigned not to
Dyu, but to Yavuna and Indra. It is not to the field-
guarding, harvest-sending, shining sunny heaven, but to
Yaruna the coverer and Indra the rain-sender, that the
nomad directs his admiration and sympathy, his venera
tion and devotion. This relation towards Indra was pre
served by the Indian from the nomadic period from a
time before that remarkable people had chosen a per
manent abode 011 the banks of the Ganges and Indus.
With this agrees very well the idea which Both worked
out in an essay on the highest gods of the Aryan peoples,
that Yaruna is as old as the Aryan period, and is the
common property of all members of the race; even the
conception of Indra being later than that of Yaruna, and
specially Indian. 1 But it is not only among the Indians
that we find this memory of nomadic life impressed on
the mythology ; its traces may be found also in the Hel
lenic mythology, not however as a positive, actual exist
ence, as in India, but still as an historical reminiscence.
According to Hesiod s Theoyony, the dominion of Zeus
was preceded by that of Uranus ; i.e. before the Hel
lenic- people, choosing a settled agricultural life, brought
Zeus, the bright sunny heaven, into the foreground, the
centre of their world was Uranus (Yaruna), the gloomy
overclouded sky. There is scarcely any serious reason for
regarding, as Bunsen 2 and some writers on the history of
religion do, the kingdom of Zeus alone as an original intel
lectual product of the Hellenic people, and putting aside
Uranus as merely a result of Theogonic speculation, or
for even seeing in Uranus a figure borrowed from a
Semitic source. The succession Uranus, Zeus rather
1 Zcitsclmft d. I). M. G. 1852, YI. 67 ct scy.

3 God in I-fotnr, II, 8.
HELLENIC NOMADIC MYTHOLOGY. 71
corresponds perfectly with the successive stages of civili

sation, nomadism and agriculture, and all that Hesiod
did was to clothe an historical, natural and true tradition
of the Hellenic people in the form of a theogonic story.
With this, other points of the Theogony seem to be
clearly and unmistakably connected, namely those in
which, we perceive the idea of the priority of the Night.
Among the powers preceding the rule of Zeus in Hesiod s
Theogony, Chaos is named a word signifying according
to its original sense darkness and Tartarus. We well
know the theological meaning of the latter word the
subterranean place to which the souls of the dead go;
but there is no doubt that it originally denoted a gloomy
pit, never lighted by the sun, or darkness in general.
Therefore Tartarus figures in Mythology as father of
Typhon and Echidna, and therefore Nyx is his daughter.
Then it agrees well with nomadic ideas that Tartarus is
called father of waters and springs, and that he bears the
epithet c the first born (Trpwrcyovos). On Hebrew ground
also we meet a similar transition. In Job XXXVI. 20, the
word layla c night is used quite in the sense of c nether
world ; which is true also of salmaweth, denoting dark
ness in general, and used only secondarily with special
reference to Orcus.
4. We have above just touched the confines of reli

gious history, though it was strictly speaking, only a
border territory of Mythology, which ought not to be con
founded with religious history. But we must here allow
ourselves an excursion into the neighbouring territory.
O /
For it ought not to pass unnoticed that, as the myth

which has the night-sky in its foreground always precedes
that which has the bright sky of day in its centre, the
former corresponding to the nomadic, the latter to the
settled agricultural life, the same sequence can also be
observed in the history of religion. There are nations,
which, when already standing at the nomadic stage, work
72 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE
out for themselves atheistic religion. As theistic religion

always grows up out of the elements of myths, the religion
of Nomadism must be essentially a worship of the night-
heaven. Then, when the progress to the agricultural
stage works the revolution in man s ideas of the world,
and in the relation of his mind to external nature, of
which I spoke above, when he cleaves more to the Sun
and pays his reverence to him, then the worship of the
nocturnal starry or overclouded rainy heaven is naturally
supplanted by one of the diurnal heaven and the sun, and
only residua of the ancient ideas and the ancient objects
of worship are propagated into the new epoch, sometimes
continuing and remaining in force unmodified, and some
times interpreted anew in the sense of the new system.
The religion and the worship of the nomad stand to those
of the agriculturist in the same relation of historical suc
cession as the two similar stages of mythology to each
other. At the later stage, the elements of solar religion
can undoubtedly stand peacefully side by side with the
residua of the earlier stage of religion. Similarly, when
nomads have relations with townsmen who have a solar
religion already powerfully developed, many elements of
the solar worship may fml their way into the nomadic re
ligion ; of which the well-known accounts of the religion
of some Arabic Beduiii tribes furnish plenty of examples.
To this an outside observer may probably reduce the report
brought by William Gifford Pal grave, the daring explorer
of Central. Arabia, of the adoration of the Sun among the
Bedawi. 1 But in the order of genesis the worship of the
night-sky, inclusive of that of the moon, precedes that of
the day-sky and the sun. It was observed long ago that
wherever sun-worship exists, moon-worship also is always
to be found, being a residuum of the earlier stage of religion ;
but not in the reverse order. 2 "We shall have to revert in
a subsequent chapter to this fact, in speaking of the
1 Narrative of a Years Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia, I. 8.

9 See "Welcker, Gri chischc Gottcrlchrc, I. 551,
ARABIAN MOON AND SUN WORSHIP. 73
religion of the nomadic Hebrews, and will therefore only

refer to a few points in the ancient Arabic religion. If
Blau is right in interpreting the old Arabic proper name
Abd Duhman. as Servant of the Darkness of Night, 1
the theological importance of the night-sky to the
ancient Arabs in general is proved ; for it is well
known that in Arabic proper names compounded with
Abd servant the second member of the compound is a
god s name, or at least a name of theological meaning. 2
To the same class belongs the Moon-worship of the
ancient Arabs, which is sufficiently attested. 3 The
clearest evidence of a worship of the rainy sky and the
storm among the Arabs is furnished by the name
Kuzah, to which storms and rainbows were attributed
(see the following chapter 12). Arabian etymologists,
among whom may be mentioned the author of the Kamus
and the author of the Supercommentary on that dic
tionary, publishing at Bulak, have tried many combina
tions in order to find a suitable explanation of this
Kuzah, with especial reference to the meaning rainbow ;
all the derivative significations of the root kzh, em
bellishment, variety of colour, lifting oneself, are brought
forward to yield a sufficient ground for the appellation.
This proves how little the Mohammedan now knows of
his heathen antiquity; the use of the name Kuzah
must have been interdicted. Al-Damiri, in his work
Almasa il al-rnantlmra, finds a deep-seated error in the
word itself, instead of which he wishes to read kaza
1 Zur hauranischcH AltcrthumsJcundc (Zcittchrift dcr D. M, G., 1861, XV.

444).
a It should be noted that from Ibn Dureyd, Kitab al-ishtiJcak, p. 96. u, it

is evidently possible that in such compounds the word abd itself may belong
to the idol ; he writes wa- abdu shams " za nmu sanam" 11 wa-kala kaum" 11 bal
aynu m;V in ma rufat 1 " 1 wa-hua ism" n kadim"" : Abd Shams is in the opinion
of some an idol, others say it is the name of a well-known spring of water : it
is an old name.
3 Tueh, SinaitiwJtc Tim-Jiriften (Zcitschr. dcr I). M. G., 1849, III. 202).
Osiandor, Voridam. Religion dcr Arabcr (Zcitschr. dcr D. M. G., 1853, VII.
48 ?\
with ayn, with the meaning ( cloud. 1 But it is probable

that this name Kuzah is derived from the signification
mingere, which belongs to the corresponding verb (used
specially of beasts), and that it is due to a mythological
conception of the Rain. This circumstance tempts us
to connect the Hebrew word bul c rain, rainy month
with the Arabic bala, yabiilu mingere. If so, the
combination of this word with the name of the God
Ba al, which certainly does occur in Himyaric in the form
Bul, must have been made later, from a misunderstanding
of the mythological relations. 2 The theological power
of Kuzah among the ancient Arabs is evident as well
from its being explained by Moslem interpreters as the
name of a devil or angel, as also from the fact that geo
graphical appellations which are in force in the ritual of
the old religion are connected with it. 3 These elements
of the worship of the night and the cloudy and stormy
sky must have priority before those of the solar worship
which are found subsisting beside them. F. Spiegel
states this succession to be a law in the history of religion.
It is not the sun, he says, 4 c that first attracted the at
tention of the savage by its light . . . On the other hand,
the night- sky, whose lights form a contrast to the dark
ness of the earth, is much more calculated to attract the
gaze of the savage to itself. And among the heavenly
lights it is the moon that first absorbs the sight, as well
from, its size as from its readily discernible changes ; and
after it a group of particularly brilliant stars. . . We find
moon- worship among almost utterly savage tribes in Africa
and America ; and it is noteworthy that there the moon
is always treated as a man, the sun as a woman 5 not till
1 Taj-al- arus, II. 209.
- Sclilottmann, Die Inschrift EsJimunazars, Halle 1868, p. 84.
3 YAkut, IV. 85. See al-Jawaliki s Livrc dcs locutions vicicuscs (ed. Dereii-
Txmrg in Morgcnland. Forschungcri), p. 153.
4 Zur vcrgleichcnden Itcligionsgcschichtc, I Art. (Ausland 1872), p. 4. See

also 1871, p. U59.
PRIORITY OF MOON-WORSHIP. 75
later are these relations inverted. From this we may infer
that the lunar worship is older than the solar. 9 We cannot,
however, agree with Spiegel when he gives as the reason
why darkness attracted the special attention of man, that
the sun was to him a matter of course. We see the same
story of the lunar religion repeat itself again in the history
of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion. HUR-KI (Assyrian
SIN) is historically the older and earliest prominent object
of worship of the ancient Accadian kingdom; and the
further we advance towards the beginnings of the history,
the more does the worship of the moon preponderate. The
inonarchs of the first dynasties regard her as their protector,
and the name of the moon often enters into composition
to form their proper names. 1 In the later empire, that of
Assyria, this prevailing pre-eminence of the moon gradu
ally ceases. She is supplanted by the sun, under whom
she descends to be a deity of the second rank, the c Lord
of the thirty days of the month, and Illuminator of the
earth. 2 That SAMAS, the sun, is called in the Assyrian
epic of Istar the son of Sin, the moon-god (IV. 2), points,
as the learned German interpreter of the cuneiform in
scriptions observes, to a veneration of the moon-god in
Babylonia earlier than that of the sun-god, 3 or else to the
conception of the night preceding the day. Among the
Egyptians, too, it is a later period at which the dominion
of the sun is recognised. The older historical epoch
whether permeated, as Bunsen expresses it somewhat
obscurely, 4 by a cosmogonic-astral idea, or, as Lenormant
describes it in a few bold strokes, 5 possessing very little pos
itive religion at all knows as yet nothing of solar worship.
The solar worship of the Egyptians is undoubtedly the
product of a later development of high culture.
1 Compare also the Ilimyaric proper name Uen Sin (Halevy, Etudes
subcoincs {Journal Asiat. 1874, II. 543]).
2 Lenormant, Lcs premieres civilisations, II. 158.
3 .^chrader, Die Hollenfakri dcr Mar, p. 45.
4 Egypt s Place in Universal History, IV. 342.
5 In his essay on the Egyptian antiquities at the Great Exhibition of 1867

at Paris.
7o MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
Tliis phenomenon, the priority of the lunar to the solar

worship, is asserted also by the adherents of a theory of
the history of civilisation usually called the Gynaecocratic,
which was founded and worked out by the Swiss savant
Bachofen in a large book entitled ( The Gynaecocracy of
Antiquity. To the adherents of this theory, who suppose
the lordship of man to have been preceded by a long period
in which the female sex bore rule, the lunar worship is
closely allied to the importance of woman, while the solar
worship is connected with the rule of man. I do not, of
course, deem it a part of my present task to criticise the
Gynaecocratic theory, which has certainly had but small
success in the learned world, or to take up a position
either for or against it. Yet it is satisfactory that the
phenomenon in the history of religion which we have
brought into prominence may find confirmation in another
quarter, where the premisses are utterly different.
5. The first founder of Comparative Mythology,

Professor A. Kuhn, starting from the truth f that every
stage of social and political growth has a more or less
peculiar mythological character of its own, and that the
fact of these, so to speak, mythological strata lying side
by side or crossing one another often renders the solution
of mythological enigmas more difficult, insisted, primarily
with reference to Aryan mythology, that the mythological
products of each of the great epochs of civilisation ought
to be sifted with reference to the cycles of myths peculiar
to each epoch. 1 He himself ventured 011 the first
beginnings or elements of such a sifting in a very interest
ing and instructive academical treatise f On stages of
development in the formation of Myths. 2 Kuhn finds the
criterion of a myth s belonging to one or another period
1 I must explain that the preceding four sections were already written
down, "before I could get a sight of Knlm s essay, which appeared later.
2 Ucbcr Entwickdunysstufcn dcr Mythenbihlung, Berlin 1874; from the

AbJtandlungcn dcr Jconigl. Academic d. Wiss. zu Berlin (phU.-hitt, Klastc),
1873. rp- 123-137.
KUHNS THEORY OF THE AGE OF MYTHS. 77
of civilisation mainly in the notions and objects with

which the myth has to do. Sun s hunts were spoken of
in the hunting period, the sun s cattle in the nomadic, &c. ;
and the formation of myths which employed these notions
commenced as soon as the following 1 period had lost the
understanding of the language of the preceding (p. 137).
I do not think tha/t a definition of the periods of
myth-formation which starts with the Material of the
myth can always afford a strictly reliable rule for judging
a mythic stratum and assigning it to this or that period
of civilisation. For it must not be left unnoticed that,
when once the notion of hunting or of herds has come
into existence, it does not vanish from the mental inven
tory of man as soon as ever the stage of civilisation is
passed on which that portion of mankind occupies itself
with hunting or keeping herds. On the other hand, the
entrance of a more advanced stage of civilisation does not
imply the utter banishment out of human society of every
thing connected with the preceding, though, speaking
generally, this was now passed and gone. Otherwise, how
could we at the present day, when the hunting age is left
so many thousand years behind us, still have our hunting-
adventures and enjoy all the pleasures belonging to the
sportsman s life ? And must there not be shepherds even
in agricultural countries, although the agriculturist 1ms
long passed the stage of nomadism V Consequently, from
the phraseological material employed in the myth it is
only possible to infer the terminus a quo referring to its
origin, but not the terminus ad quern. Else we should be
entangled in the same mistakes into which the earlier
Danish antiquaries fell, when from the occurrence of stone,
bronze, or iron instruments in a tumulus or avenue,
they inferred that the tumulus or avenue was so and so
old; not considering that the material of a completed
period is propagated into the next epoch, as is shown in
all those prehistorical finds in which instruments of all
possible materials appear promiscuously, as James Fergus-
son has convincingly proved. 1 We are in the same case

with the phraseology of the Myth. On the ascent out of
each of the great periods, the ideas connected with it,
which began with the entrance into it, cannot disappear.
The idea, having once been grasped by man, remains
always present to him, and can be conveniently used to
give names to natural phenomena connected with the same
circle of ideas ; and he does not cease to take notice of
natural phenomena while forming myths. Thus even the
agriculturist may have spoken of the Sun s hunts ; and
even at the agricultural stage myths may still have arisen
which spoke of the Sun as a sportsman armed with arrows
with which he slays the dragon. It is accordingly not
the mythic material that is of the highest moment in
sketching the chief stages of development in the formation
of myths, but rather the Tendency of the myth the position
occupied by man in relation to external nature, so far as
appears from the myths in question. How, according to
this scale of development, the stages of the myth among
the Aryans are reflected in their mythology, I do not pre
sume to judge, being on Aryan ground only a dilettante.
I will, however, quote some examples from the special
ground of these studies, to illustrate what has been ex
pounded. Looking at the myth of Jacob, observing the
centre of the cycle, whose name as is demonstrated at
the proper place is an appellation of the starry heaven,
how he strives against the Red, Edom, and the White,
6 Labhan, and seeing that the myth-maker s sympathy
always inclines to Jacob, that his over-reaching of his
enemies always appears in a light favourable to him, and
that his defeats always wear a tragic colour, I can conclude
that this cycle of myths belongs to Nomadism. The same
inference must be drawn from an examination of the myth
of Joseph. But if I look at the hymn to Judah, or con
sider the myth of Samson and what the Hebrew told of
1 Rude Stone Monuments in all Countries, their Ages and Uses, London
1872, } p. 9 d . ami 28.
NOMADS AND AGRICULTURISTS* 79
the Sun-giant with his long locks, of his being blinded,

and of his fall, then I know that I have to do with myths
of agricultural people. With regard to the antipathy felt
towards the scorching sun, I will finally call attention to
the ideas held by the tribe of Atarantes in Herod. IY. 184,
where it is said : OUTOL TM fj\.l<p virspfBaXKovTi Karapsovrai,
KOL TTpOS 70VTOK7L TTaVTCi TO, ald^pa XotBopSOVTCU, OTL afysaS
KCLIWV iirirpipeii avrovs rs rovs avOp&Trovs KCII rrjv
6. It is a remarkable fact in the history of the

human mind that many nations which made the advance
from the nomadic to the agricultural life under the condi
tion that either Nomadism still continues to vegetate in
the nation as an isolated residuum of the previous stage,
or that the advance affects only a part, though an influ
ential one, of the nation, whilst another equally consider
able portion remains at the old stage of civilisation, not
orly have no consciousness that the transition is an ad
vance, but even hold to a conviction that they have taken
a step towards what is worse, and have sunk lower by
exchanging pasture for crops. The nomad cherishes the
proud feeling of high nobility and looks haughtily down
011 the agriculturist bound to the clod. Even the half-
savage Dinka in Central Africa, who leads a nomadic life,
calls the agriculturist Dyoor a man of the woods, or
wild man, and considers himself more privileged and
nobler. 2 Everyone who knows anything of the nature and
history of Arabic civilisation knows the pride of the Beda-
wi and the ironical contempt with which they look down
upon the Haclari. For the Semites are especially charac
terised by this tendency. 3 The Hellenic mind is totally
1 The same is stated of some American tribes by Sir J. Lubbock, Tin

Origin of Civilisation, cd. 3, 1875, pp. 273, 306, ct scq.
- Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, I. p. 200.
3 lUit we cannot on this account characterise the Semites generally by llio

assertions, The Semites are in general a pastoral people, the Semites live in
tents, as Frieelrich von Hdhvald docs in his Cultttrgcfckickt* in ihrcr naiii.--
c MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
different. To tlie Hellene the agricultural life only is a

morally perfect condition ; his poet has given expression
to this feeling in the beautiful words :
Tijs TTCKTIV dvdpa>7roi(Tiv Lpr]vr)$ (ptXr/s

-q rpocpbs ra/zi tt crvvfpybs eVi rpO
a.$f\<pr] TTCLVTCI TOUT e^prjro
And to the Roman poet of a period troubled by wars

peaceful agriculture is not only the most ideal condition
of human life, but also the happy state of innocence of
primeval mankind :
Ut prisca yens mortalium

Paterna rura bobus exercet suis,
says Horace in his celebrated epode e Beatus ille ; and of

any more ancient period he had never heard. 2 George
Rawlinson very oddly says, c It was a fashion among the
Greeks to praise the simplicity and honesty of the nomade
races, who were less civilised than themselves ; 3 for the
passages of literature quoted by him in confirmation of
this assertion lay no stress on the nomadic element. But
lichen EntwicMung, p. 134. A glance at the sedentary Phenicians and the

settled Semites of Mesopotamia shows at once the important exceptions. It
must also not be overlooked that agriculture was in practice to no small extent
among the Phenicians ; even the Romans call a kind of threshing machine, the
Punic : Varro, De re rustica, I. 52 ; cf. Lowth, De sacra poesi Helracornm,
Oxford 1821, Prael. VII. p. 62. The commerce with Egypt, which von Hell-
wald brings into prominence, is no sufficient reason why the favourite charac
terisation of the Semites does not apply to these nations. The Hebrews
continued their nomadic life for a long time after they had made intimate
acquaintance with Egypt ; and the nomadic Arabs were not materially in
fluenced by communication with sedentary nations.
1 Given by Joseplms Langius, Florilcgii magni sen Tdyantlicac . . . libri

XX1IL, Lugduni 1681, I. 120, as by Aristophanes; but the author and the
translator have searched the works and fragments of Aristophanes in vain.
2 Ovid also begins with the life of the fields; his golden age is distinguished
from the ethers only in this, that :
Ipsa quoque immunis, rastroque intacta, nee ullis

Saucia vomcribus, per se dabat omnia tellus ;
and
Mox etiam fruges tellus inarata ferebat:

Nee renovatus ager gravidis canebat aristis.
(Metamorph. I. ipi-2, 109-10.)
3 History of Herodotus, it. G. Rawlinson, IV. c. 46, note 5.
MOHAMMED S ADMIRATION OF NOMADISM. 81
the case is very different among the Semites. Let us first

consider from this point of view the territory, richest
among all those of the Semites, which yields the most
copious evidence of the thoughts and feelings of its in
habitants the Arabic. c The Divine Glory (al-sakinat =
shekhina) it is said, in a speech of Mohammed s, c is among
the shepherds ; vanity and impudence among the agricul
turists (al-faddadun). 1 Another traditional sentence,
which the propagators of Mohammed s sayings certainly
not Bedawi themselves put in the mouth of the Prophet, is
that every prophet must have been a shepherd for a long
time. 2 How greatly Mohammed approved the proud self-
consciousness of the nomad, as opposed to the agricultural
character, is evident from the following narrative belong
ing to the Islamite Tradition. The Prophet once told
this story to one of his companions in the presence of an
Arab of the desert. An inhabitant of Paradise asked
Allah for permission to sow, and Allah replied, " You have
already all that you can want." "Yes," answered the
other, " but yet I should like also to scatter some seed." So
(when Allah had given him permission), he scattered seeds ;
a>nd in the very moment that he was looking at them, he
saw them grow up, stand high and become ripe for har
vest ; and they were like regular hills. Then Allah said to
him " Away from here, son of men ; you are an insatiable
creature ! " When the Prophet had finished this story, the
Arab of the desert said, " By Allah ! this man can only have
been a Kurey shite or an An sari, for they employ themselves
with sowing seed, but we Desert- Arabs are not engaged
in sowing." Then the Prophet smiled with manifest
approbation. 3 The accredited collections of traditions tell
also the following of Abu Umama al-Bahili : e Once on
seeing a ploughshare and another agricultural implement,
1 Muslim s Collection of Traditions (ed. of Cairo with commentary), I. 138;

ul- Jauhari, s.r.fdd. Cf. Dozy, Gcschichte dcrMaurcn in Spanien, Leipzig 1874, 1. 1
7.
2 Al-Buch^ri, Rccucil des Traditions Mustilmans (ed. Krchl), II. 385 (LX.
No. 29).
3 Al-Buchari, RecueU &c., II. 74 (XL I. No. 20).
he said : I heard the Prophet say, " These implements do not

enter into the house of a nation, unless that Allah causes low-
mindedness to enter in there at the same time. " l So also, in
his political testament the Chalif Omar when dying recom
mended the Bedawi to his successor, c for they are the root of
the Arabs and the germ of Islam; 9 2 and how little this Arabian
politician could appreciate the importance of agriculture
is evident from the edict in which he most strictly forbade
the Arabs to acquire landed possessions and practise agri
culture in the conquered districts. The only mode of life
equally privileged with the roving nomad life was held to
be the equally roving military profession, or life of nomads
without herds and with arms. Even in Egypt, a specially
agricultural country, this principle was acknowledged and
strictly carried out. 3 He was likewise hostile to permanent
buildings and houses such as are erected in towns. Once,
passing by the brick house of one of his governors, he
obliged him to refund the money that had enabled him to
enjoy such luxury ; and when Sa c d b. Abi Wakkas asked
his permission to build a house, the Chalif thought it was
enough to possess a place that gave protection from the
sun s heat and the rain. 4 And this same Chalif, who may
pass for a still better type of the true Semite than
1 Al-Buchari, Eecueil &c. p. 67, No. 2. It is true these expressions might be

ba
lanced by a few somewhat opposite in character, such as that which declares that
in the judgment of the Prophet the best business is Trade ; according to other
reporters Manufacture ; according to others (whose version is regarded as the
correct one) Agriculture (see al-Nawawi on Muslim s Collection of Traditions,
IV. 32). Still such sentences, even when confirmed by others, cannot weaken
the force of those cited in the text. I must also mention in conclusion that
al Sha rani in his Book of the Balance (Kitab al-mizan, Cairo [Castelli], 1279,
II. 68) mentions this question as a point of difference among the canonical
authorities of Islamic theology : the school of al-Shafe i regards trade as the
noblest occupation, whilst the three other Imams (Abu Hanifa, Malik b. Anas,
and Ahmed b. Hanbal) declare for field-labour and manufactures.
2 See Alfred von Kremer, Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Khalifen,
I. 16.
3 Von Kremer, ibid. pp. 7 1 ? 77; Culturgeschichtliche Streifzuge, p. xi.
4 Ibn Abdi Rabbihi, Kitab al- ikd al-femd, ed. Bulak 1293 A. H., vol. III.
P- 347-
THE BEDAWI THE TRUE ARABS. 83
Mohammed himself, extends his preference for nomadism

even to the mode of giving names. The nomad calls
himself by the name of the tribe to which he belongs ; the
townsman, in whom all memory of tribal life is already
extinct, receives a name from his birth-place, or that of
his ancestors, or from his occupation. e Learn your gene
alogies, said Omar, ( and be not as the Nabateans of al-
Sawad ; if you ask one of them where he comes from, he
says he is from this or that town. This trait of glorifica
tion of the old-fashioned Beduin-life, to the disparagement
of the free urbanity of the townsmen, runs through a con
siderable section of Arabic literature, which gladly en
circled the rough, manners of the sons of the desert with a
romantic nimbus of transfiguration. In this connexion
a passage in a work falsely ascribed to Wakidi l should be
noticed, which describes the Bedawi Rifa a b. Zuheir at the
court of Byzantium, and after putting a satire against
nomadism in the mouth of the emperor, gives a brilliant
victory over this attack to the e mouse-eating 2 Bedawi.
This preference for nomadism, and the view that, although,
having fewer wants, it be a simpler and more uniform stage
of human development than city-life, it nevertheless sur
passes the latter in nobility and purity, still live on in the
system of the talented Arabian historian Tbn Chaldiin.
He devotes several sections of his historical c Introduction
to the glorification of the Bedawi against the townsmen. 3
What was thus established theoretically is presented in
1 Futuh as-Shdm, being an account of the Moslem conquests in Syria, ed.

Nassau Lees, Calcutta 1854, I. 9 et seq.
2 This satirical reproach of the Bedawi often occurs, e.g. sometimes in the
Homance of Antar in passages which are not accessible to me at the present
moment. We meet with it also in the Persian king Yezdegird s satire on the
Arabs (Chroniqucs de Tabari, transl. by Zotenberg, III. 387). Later also, in
Ibn Batuta, Voyages, III. 282, where the Indian Prince describes his Beduin
brother-in-law Seif al-Diu Gada, who had at first charmed him, but afterwards
been disgraced for his want of manners, by the epithet mush char, i.e. field-
rat-oater ; for, adds the traveller, the Arabs of the Desert eat field-rats.
See also Atjam, III. 33, 1. 4 from below, where Bashshar b. Burd accuses a
r>c(!; i\vi of hunting mice (seydu fa rin).
9 Prolegomena*, trad, par df. (Wane, pp. 255-273.
o 2
real life down to the present day. Still, as twelve cen

turies ago, the Bedawi alone are quite strictly entitled to
the name al- Arab or al- c Orban (Arabs), and the Arabic
poetry of the townsmen is found to have its locality still in
the desert. The old Arabic poet in forming his poetical
figures always likes best to carry the camel in his thoughts.
With the camel the great majority of his best similes are
connected. In one verse the poet compares himself to a
strong sumpter camel ; and in the very same line he, the
camel, milks the breast of Death, which again is regarded
as a camel. Time is a camel sinking to earth, which
crushes with its thick hide him on whom it falls ; a thirsty
camel, which in its eagerness for water (here men) swallows
everything. 1 War and calamity also are camels. The
poet Kabida b. Jabir cries to his adversaries in praise of
the valour of his own tribe : We are not sons of young
camels with breasts cut off, but we are sons of fierce battle,
where, according to the interpretation of the native com
mentator, the young camels with breasts cut off are
meant to denote weak kings, who provoke the ardour of
battle in a very slight degree. 2 How frequently, too, has
the comparison of men with camels both in a good and in
a bad sense been employed ! Even in the nomenclature
of places, and wells in the Arabian peninsula the camel
often comes in, probably often as the result of comparisons
of which the details have not been preserved. 3 The host
of stars is to the nomad a flock, which feeds by night on
the heavenly*pastures, and in the morning is led back to
the fold by the shepherd. A poet describing the length
of a night, exclaims : A night when the stars move
slowly onwards, and which extends to such a length that
I say to myself " It has no end, and the shepherd oj the
stars will not come back to-day." 4 Hartwig Dereiibourg
finds the same view expressed also in Ps. CXLVIL 4,
1 A collection of similar poetical passages is to be found in Freytag s Com

mentary on the Hamasd, pp. 601 and 606. 2 Hamasd, Text, p. 340, 3 infr
3 E.g. Yakut, Gcograph. Diet., II. 118. s.r. gamal, * al-MMga, III. 2.
ALL ARABS NOMADIC IN SPIRIT. 85
Counting to the stars a number, calling them all [by]

names ; l it is, however, doubtful whether this poetical
passage is based on the conception of the starry heaven as
a flock. 2 But also poenis of non-nomadic poets have been
written from a Beduin point of view. The Kasidas ol the
Andalusian Arabic poets are written as from the camel s
back, and move in the scenery of the desert ; and when a
modern Arab writes a Kasida for an English lady, as has
been done, the circle in which he moves is the circle of
Imrulkais and Antara. 3 This is not the effect of the tra
ditional canon of the Kasida only, but of the Arab s belief
that true nobility is only to be found in the desert. There
fore his national enthusiasm transports him into the desert,
for only there is life noble and free, the life of towns being
a degradation. Even the town-life of the Arabs, says
the celebrated African traveller George Schweinfurth, 4 is
essentially half a camp life. As a collateral illustration
of this, I may remark that to this day Malta, where an
Arab colony has reached as high a degree of civilisa
tion as ever yet it has attained, the small towns, which
are inhabited by this active little community, are called
by the very same designations as elsewhere belong to the
nomad encampments in the desert. We must add, that
1 Journal Asiatique, 1868, II. 378.
2 Just as can bo said of another passage closely connected with the above,
Is. XL. 26. On the contrary, especially in the latter passage, the host of stars
is compared to a war-host, sabha; and the idea that each star is a valiant
warrior is also not strange to Arabic poetry (e.g. Harndsd, p. 36, 1. 5, comp.
Num. XXIV. 1 7) ; for the conception of seba hash-shamayim host or army of
heaven, has taken as firm root among the Arabs as among the Hebrews. For
thou art the Sun, says al-Nabigu (VIII. 10) to kingNo man, and the other
kings are stars ; when the former rises, not a single star of these latter are
any longer visible. With this is connected the expression juyush al-zalam
the armies of darkness (Romance of Antar, XVIII. 8. 6, XXV. 60. 69). In the-
last passage, indeed, it stands in parallelism with asakir nl-di a w-al-ibtisam
armies of light and smiling, just as with the synonymous juyush al-geyhab
( Antar, XV. 58. n).
3 On this peculiarity of the poets of the towns an opinion of Ajjaj very

much to the point occurs in the Kitab al-aydni, II. 18.
4 The Heart of Africa, I. 28.

even the so-called Moorish architecture is said by many art

critics to point to nomadic life, and the onion-shaped domes,
the thin columns, the horse shoe-arches and the double
pointed arches to be transferred from the construction
of the tent to stone. The wandering habits of the Arabs
are also preserved to the present day. Even now/ says
Gerhard Rohlfs, 1 this volatile people is engaged in constant
wandering ; the slightest reason is sufficient to make them
pack up their little tents and seek another abode. Yet
this experienced traveller appears somewhat to overdo it
when he adds : Their pleasure in roving has its root in
the essence of the Mohammedan religion ; wherever the
Arab can carry his Islam, he finds a home &c. But Islam
has, on the contrary, rather contributed to give the Arab
a stable, political, state-building character. Certainly it
has rather hindered than promoted the development of
the feeling of nationality it has this in common with
every religion of catholic nature ; but it has not had the
influence ascribed to it by Eohlfs for the maintenance of
the nomadic tendency. Why, it is the Bedawi himself
who is the worst Mohammedan ! With this tendency of
the Arabian mind, finally, is connected the fact that the
Central Arabian sect of the Wahhabites, the very branch
of the Mohammedans which stands nearest to the old
Patriarchal ways in faith and ideas of the world, and
protests energetically against all novelties introduced by
foreign civilisation and historical advancement, has a
particular dislike to agriculture. 2
The Hebrew conception of the world, like the Arabic,

inclines to a glorification of the Nomadic life. In the
last stage of their national development the Hebrews refer
the origin of agriculture to a curse imposed by God on
fallen humanity. What a charm tent-life had for them,
is proved by the fact that the fair shepherdess of the Song
of Songs (I. 5) compares her beauty with ohole Kedar, the
tents of the Arabs. Even the Hellenised Jew Philo, quite in
1 Quer durch AfriJea, I. 121. 2 Palgrave, Central and Eastern Arabia, I. 463.
AGRICULTURE CONDEMNED BY NOMADS. 87
opposition to Greek ideas, glorifies the shepherds as ideals

of morality in contrast to the agriculturists. 1 Such a
view could not but exert an influence on the figures of
the myth. The persons of the myth who have our sympa
thy are generally presented as shepherds : Abel, Jacob,
Moses, and David, are shepherds ; whereas Cain is an agri
culturist.
Moreover, the idea that the fall of the human race is

connected with agriculture is found, besides the analogous
cases commonly adduced by commentators, to be also often
represented in the legends of the East African negroes,
especially in the Calabar legend of the Creation communi
cated by Bastian, 2 which presents many interesting points
of comparison with the Biblical story of the Fall. The
first human pair is called by a bell at meal-times to
Abasi (the Calabar God) in heaven ; and in place of the
forbidden tree of Genesis are put agriculture and propa
gation, which Abasi strictly denies to the first pair. The
fall is denoted by the transgression of both these com
mands, especially through the use of implements of
tillage, to which the woman is tempted by a female friend
who is given to her. From that moment man fell and
became mortal, so that, as the Bible story has it, he can
eat bread only in the sweat of his face. There agriculture
is a curse, a fall from a more perfect stage to a lower and
imperfect one. This view of the agricultural life is, how
ever, not the conception of nomads only ; it is proper also to
nations which have not even reached the stage of noma
dism, but stand a step lower the hunters. To them their
own condition appears the happiest, and that of the agri-
1 De Sacrificio Kajin, p. 169, eel. Mangey, Oxford 1742. In another

treatise Philo distinguishes two kinds of shepherds and two kinds of agricul
turists, of which one kind is blameworthy, and the other praiseworthy. There
is a distinction between 7rot/x^j> and Kt)i>oTpo(p6s, and on the
other hand between
yrjs fpydT-rjs (probably answering to the Hebrew obed adama), and ywpyos
(probably intended to represent the Hebrew ish adama). See De Agricultura,
p. 303 ct seq.
2 GcograpJdsohc und cthnologischc Bilckr, pp. 191-97.
culturist condemned by a curse. The countries inhabited

by savages, as Montesquieu makes his Persian Usbek
write, 1 c are generally sparsely peopled, through the distaste
which almost all of them have for labour and the tillage
of the soil. This unfortunate aversion is so strong that
when they make an imprecation against one of their
enemies, they wish him nothing worse than that he may
be reduced to field-labour, 2 deeming no exercise noble and
worthy of them except hunting and fishing. This con
tempt of a sedentary life and its usage is by the Bedawi
directed also especially against the practice of arts and
manufactures. Hence it comes that such peoples as the
Arabs, which even in a sedentary condition regard nomadic
life as a nobler stage of manners than the agricultural
life to which they have fallen, neglect manufactures and
seldom attain to any perfection in them. This is espe
cially true of the inhabitants of the holy cities of the
Arabian peninsula, who give a practical proof of their pre
ference for Beduinism by the fact that the Sherif- families
let their sons pass their childhood in the tents of the
desert for the sake of a nobler education. I am inclined
to think, says the credible traveller Burckhardt in his
description of the inhabitants of Medina, 3 that the want
of artisans here is to be attributed to the very low esti
mation in which they are held by the Arabians, whose
pride often proves stronger than their cupidity, and pre
vents a father from educating his sons in any craft. This
aversion they probably inherit from the ancient in
habitants, the Bedouins, who, as I have remarked, exclude
to this day all handicraftsmen from their tribes, and con
sider those who settle in their encampment as of an inferior
cast, with whom they neither associate nor intermarry. 4
1 Lettres persanes, Lettre CXXI.
2 See Herberstein, Rerum Moscoviticarum Commcntarii, Vienna 1549, p. 61,

where a Tatar formula of execration is said to be ut eodem in loco perpetuu
tamcjuam Christianus haereas.
3 Travels in Arabia, ed. Ouseley, 1829, p. 381.
- A notable illustration of this relation is presented by the Arabic proverb,
ARTS AND MANUFACTURES ALSO DESPISED. 89
Burton compares the Arabs of the desert in this respect

with the North American Indians of a former generation :
Both recognising no other occupation but war and the
chase, despise artificers and the effeminate people of cities,
as the game-cock spurns the vulgar roosters of the
poultry-yard. 1 The same is true of the relation of the
Bedawi towards the townsmen in the Somali country. 2
Kant, who casually notices this remarkable trait of human
ideas in a small tract, refers the peculiarity to the fact
that not only the natural laziness, but also the vanity (a
misunderstood freedom) of man cause those who have
merely to live whether profusely or parsimoniously to
consider themselves Magnates in comparison with those
who have to labour in order to live. 3
Thus is explained the conception which forms the basis

of the Story of the Fall, and at the same time everything
else in the older strata of Hebrew mythology in which the
sympathy of the myth-forming people is given to the
shepherds, to the prejudice of personages introduced as
agriculturists. And now we will consider the most pro
minent of the figures forming the elements of the ancient
Hebrew mythology.
If you hear that the smith (of the caravan) is packing up in the evening, Le
sure that he will not go till the following morning (al-Meyddin, Bulak edition,
I. 34). Notice the occasion of the origin of this proverb, in the commentary
on the passage.
1 Personal Narrative of Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, 2nd ed. 1857,

I. 117-
2 Burton s First Footsteps in Eastern Africa, p. 240.
3 Kant s Kleiner -c Schriftcn zur Logik und Metaphysik, hcrausgcgcben von

Kirchmann, II. 4 (Philosoph. Ribliothek, Hermann, Bd. XXXIII.).
CHAPTEE V.
THE MOST PROMINENT FIGURES IN HEBREW

MYTHOLOGY.
BATTLE and bloodshed, pursuit and suppression on the

one side, love and union, glowing desire and coj evasion
on the other, are the points of view from which the Myth
regards the relations of day and night, of the grey morn
ing and the sunrise, of the red sunset and the darkness of
night, and their recurring changes. And this point of
view is made yet more definite by the mythical idea that
when forces are either engaged in mutual conflict, or seek
ing and pursuing one another in mutual love, as one fol
lows the other, so one must have sprung from the other,
as the child from the father or the mother ; or else, beinsr
^ O
conceived as existing side by side in the moment of battle

or of heavenly love, must be brothers or sisters, children
of the same father or of the same mother, i.e. of the phe
nomenon that precedes both of them alike as the bright
day precedes the twilight and the night or must be the
parents of the child that follows them.
Therefore, still more definitely, murders of parents or

children or brothers, battles between brothers, sexual love
and union between children and parents, between brother
and sister, form the chief plots of all myths, and by their
manifold shades have produced that variety in our race s
earliest observations of nature, which we encounter in the
thousand colours of the Myth.
The talented founders of Aryan Comparative Mytho

logy, especially Max Miiller in the first rank, have set
these themes of the myth on so firm and unquestioned a foun-
THE HEAVE 1ST. 91
dation both in relation to psychology and to philology, and

have so completely introduced them to the mind of the edu
cated class, that I may safely omit a new exposition of this
axiom of all Mythology. I content- myself with pointing
once more to what was shown in the preceding chapters,
that these fundamental mythical themes are not some
thing specially Aryan, but lie at the bottom of the Myth
of all mankind without distinction of race, and conse
quently must form a starting-point when we are about to
investigate Semitic or Hebrew myths.
The task of the following chapter will therefore be to
find a place in the category of what is common to the whole
of human kind for the myth of the Hebrews ; in other
words, to prove the existence of the myth-plots on Hebrew
ground. As it is not my object to exhaust all the
materials, to present a system already perfectly worked
out on every side, or to erect a building with all its rooms
and stories stuffed full, I shall confine myself to that
which, after competent and sober philological criticism,
can be acknowledged as certain and indubitable. I hope
that other investigators, who will gain from the method
pursued here a rich treasury of material, will then follow
up these safe results by gleanings of their own.
i. In the designation of the Heaven the Semite

starts from the sensuous impression of height, and
therefore forms the names denoting it from the roots
samd (shama) and ram, both of which express the idea
of being high. To the latter group belongs e.g. the
Ethiopic rayam, 1 which denotes heaven. Both roots are
combined in the Phenician Shamin-rum. One of the
most prominent figures of Hebrew mythology belongs to
this category: Abh-ram the High Father, with his innumer
able host of descendants. 2 We have seen above that in
^ Osiandcr (Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1853, VII. 437) is inclined to combine

with this the old Arabic Rayfim or Ulyam.
2 The added Abh in Ablmim, compared with the other expressions in which
his view of nature the nomad begins with the sky at night.
The sky by itself is the dark, nightly, or clouded heaven ;
the sunshine on the sky is an accessory. Hence it comes
that in Arabic the word Sky (sama) is very often used
even for Rain ; and the notions of rain and sky are so
closely interwoven that even the traces of rain on the
earth are called sky. 1 In the language of the Bongo
people there is only one word for sky and rain, hetorro. 2
On Semitic ground the Assyrian divine name Eammanu
or Raman, must be mentioned here. If this name has
any etymological connexion with the root ram to be high,
as Hesychius and some modern scholars say, though
others derive it from ra am thunder, Ra aman the
Thunderer, 3 then we find here again the primitive my
thological idea that the intrinsically High is the dark
stormy sky, or, personified, the God of Storms. So also in
the old Hebrew myth the High is the nightly or rainy
sky. The best known myth that the Hebrews told of
their Abh-ram is the story of the intended sacrifice of his
only son Yi$chak, commonly called Isaac. But what is
Yischak? Literally translated, the word denotes he
laughs, or ( the Laughing. In the Semitic languages,
especially in proper names and epithets, the use of the
aorist 4 (even in the second person, e.g. in the Arabic
name Tazid) is very frequent where we should employ a
participle. 5 So here. Now who is the He laughs, the
Smiling one ? No other but He who sits in heaven
the quality of father is not emphasized, finds an exact parallel in ATJ( = r?j)-
jUTjTT/p and Fcua.
1 Opuscula Arabica (cd. W. Wright, Leyclen 1859), p. 30. 2 ; 34. 5. This

usage is made possible by the signification Cloud, which is peculiar to the word
sama in Arabic (Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammed, I. 544).
2 Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, I. 311.
3 See the Count von Baudissin, Studien zur scmitischen Religionsgeschichtc,

Leipzig 1876, I. p. $o6etseqq.
4 Or Future, or Imperfect, as it is more generally termed. TB.
5 It is worthy of note that in Arabic pluralia fracta can be formed from

this class of proper names. An interesting example of this is Tan um" b.
Kami ata, the name of the ancestor of the tribe Tana um. See Ibn Dureyd,
Kitdb al-ixhtiMk, p. 85 and gloss h.
ABRAM AND ISAAC. 93
and laughs (Ps. II. 4), whom the .mythology of almost

all nations and their later poetry too likes to call the
Laughing or Smiling one. When, as Plutarch tells in his
Life of Lycurgus, that legislator consecrated a statue to
Laughter (ysXcos) and Laughter enjoyed divine honours at
Sparta, we are certainly not to understand it of the
laughter that plays round the lips of mortals, but of the
celestial smile with which Mythology endows the Sun, as
when the Indian singer calls Ushas (the Sun ! ) the Smiling
(Rigveda, VI. 64. 10). With regard to the Sun s laughing
in the Aryan mythology, we can refer to the learned work of
Angelo de Gubernatis, Zoological Mythology (vol. Li. i).
But there is a primitive connexion between the ideas to
laugh and to shine, which is not, as might be thought,
brought &bouifiyurativelyl>y a mere poetical view, but rather,
at least on the Semitic field, established at the very begin
ning of the formation of speech. An extraordinary number
of the verbs which describe a loud expression of joyousness
(to shout, bellow, laugh &c.), originally denoted to shine,
dazzle, be visible, and the like ; affording another confir
mation of Geiger s thesis, that language owes its origin
more to optic than to acoustic impressions (see supra p. 40)
I give a series of linguistic facts as examples to prove this
assertion. The Hebrew ?ahal signifies both to shine
bright and to cry aloud, and its phonetic connexion
with sahar, zahar &c., proves the priority of the optical
meaning. Similarly hillel, which means to cry out, to
triumph, was originally to be brilliant, as is proved by
the derivative nouns hilal (Ar.) new moon and helel (Heb.)
morning star, and the employment of the verb itself in
Hebrew. Sarach, serach, saraha, denotes to cry in the
chief representatives of Semitism ; but the Arabic has also
preserved the original sense clarus, manifestus fuit, which
appears in the Hebrew noun seriach a conspicuous emin
ence, or f a high tower. 2 The roots yapha (in Hiph il)
1 Strictly the Dawn. TR.
2 This theory explains the connexion of sarach with zarach to be bright.
to be bright and pa a to cry, are through their ety

mological connexion brought into this group. The root
of the Hebrew hedad cry of joy is the same from which
Hadad, the name of the Syrian god of the shining sun, can
be etymologically derived. This root undoubtedly repre
sents a reduplicated form of the radical of the solar name
Yehuda e Judah (see 14 of this chapter). The verbal root
from which nahar (Ar.) nehara (Heb.) c daylight/ is derived
has in one Arabic derivative form the meaning Ho cry. So
also sachak to laugh aloud (compare a c ak c to cry ) must
have originally expressed the idea of being bright, clear,
which is proper to the primitive Semitic root ah, sach.
If this be admitted, it follows that the name Yichak as
a solar epithet was not formed by mere figurative or
poetical metaphor, but is based on the original significa
tion of the group of roots to which it belongs. Poetical
phraseology then brought into general use what was based
on etymology.
There is nothing more universal and more generally

pervading all nature-poetry than the idea Like one
laughing gaily the world shone, as the Tatar poet says
of the sunrise ; T and in Arabic poetry, which has to be
especially considered on these subjects, it is met with
at every step. In the charming Eomance of Antar, the
cessation of night and the break of day is dozens of times
expressed by the words until the black night went off
and the laughing morning (al-.?abah al-dahik) arose ; or
the morning arose and smiled (ibtasama) out of dazzling
teeth. 2 The old poet al-A sha says of a blooming meadow
that it rivals the sun in laughter (yudahik al- shams) ; 3
Accordingly, I should like to place the Hebrew sara ath lepra in this same
etymological group, as the relationship between jj and n does not require de
monstration ; the signification would then be that of whiteness (see Lev. XIII.
3,4).
1 Hermann Vambery, Uigurische Sprachmonumcntc und das Kudafku Bilik,
Innsbruck 1870, p. 238 a.
2 E.g. vol. IV. 26 ult. ; XVIII. 3, ii. 19, 93. II ; XXV. 5. 12, 6. 6 &c. I
always quote the octavo edition of the Romance of Antar, printed by Sheikh
Shahin in thirty-two small vols., Cairo 1286.
3 In De Sacy, Chrestomathie Arabe, II. 151. 13.
SHINING AND LAUGHTER. 95
and in the last makama of Hariri (de Sacy, 2nd ed.

p. 673. 2,) it is even said that the tooth of the daybreak
laughs (ibtasama thagr al-fajr), i.e. becomes visible, as
the teeth of a person laughing become visible. This my
thic view has become so incorporated in the Arabic lan
guage that the word lazaga, denoting that the teeth are
prominent, is also used of the rising of the sun. In a small
Arabic tract l by the Sheikh Ulwan b. ( Atiyya of Hama,
which brings forward the contest between Day and Night,
a subject not infrequent 2 in Oriental literature, in which
the two champions engage in a battle of respective excel
lence in prose and poetry, there also occurs a passage
suitable for quotation here. The Night says in the course
of her dispute : To the string of these thy blameworthy
qualities this must yet be added that thou art change
able and many-coloured in thy various conditions, and not
stedfast ; thy beginning contradicts thy end, and thy in
terior is different from thy exterior. O what an utterly
culpable quality is this, which scratches out the face of
every merit ! Thou laughest at thy rising, when thou
remember est weeping and mourning ; and at thy extinction
thou clothest thyself in thy most gorgeous of raiments,
instead of putting on mourning garments. And the Day
replies, in his own defence to his black antagonist : What
rank takest thou in comparison with me ? What is thy
gloominess and thy sombre seriousness in comparison with
my gay smiles (dahiki wabtisami) ? 3
It is not only the clear shining sunny sky that is called

by the Arab poet the Smiling ; this attribute is applied
also to other luminous things, e.g. to the glittering Stars
1 It is entitled Nuzhat al-anrdr fi muhdwarat al-lcyl w-al-nah/tr, and is in

MS. in tho University Library at Leipzig : cod. Ref. no. 357, fol. 11-18.
2 Of this literature I will now draw attention only to a Kasidu of the old
Persian poet Asadi, which is now made accessible in the edition of Riickert s
G-rammatik, Poetik und Ehctorik der Pcrser, published by the care of W. Pertsch,
Gotha 1874, PP- 59- 6 3 But it contains little that harmonises with the argu
mentation of the above-employed Arabic tract.
3 Nuzhat al-asrdr &c., fol. 14 verso, 17 verso.
(not to the night-sky itself), 1 and to the Lightning, which

is even called al-dahik, the Laughing. In the Eomance
of Antar there frequently occurs the expression the
Lightning laughed (al-bark yadhak, e.g. XXIV. 65. 6). 2
Abu-l- e Ala al-Ma c arri, an excellent Arabic poet, says in
an elegy 011 the death of his father :
1 disapprove of merriment even in the laughing (i.e. lightning) cloud,
And let no cloud bring me rain, except a gloomy, dark one. 3
We have in passing treated the words c He who sits in

heaven laughs in the second Psalm as a mythical reminis
cence, which originally referred to the Sun, but then, like
similar instances which we shall see, was employed by the
poet in another sense. But there is nothing to exclude
the possibility that the Laughter of him who sits in
heaven may refer in this passage not to the sweet smile
of the bright sunny sky, but to the wild raging of the
Thunderer, pictured in the myths as scornful laughter,
as F. L. W. Schwartz 4 shows by many examples from
classical antiquity. This conception would also be more
suitable to the context of the passage in question in the
second Psalm, where mention is made of derisive laughter.
However this be, the c Smiling one whom the High
Father intends to slay, is the smiling day, or more closely
denned the smiling sunset, which gets the worst of the
contest with the night-sky and disappears.
2. The same myth is also given as follows: Jeph-

thah sacrifices or Mils his daughter. In its later ethical or
religious transformation given in Judges XI. 29-40, it is
known to everyone. This story is especially worthy of
consideration in connexion with the science of Mythology,
1 E.g. Abu-l- Ala s Poems in the edition with commentary, Bulalj: 1286, II.
107, line I : wa-tabtasimu-1-ashratu fajran.
2 See Abu-l- Ala, ibid., p. 211, line 5 : fi madhaki-1-barki.
3 Vol. I. 193. Compare a beautiful passage iu a poem of Ibn Muteyr, given

by Noldeke, Beitr dge zur Poesie der alien Araber, p. 34, to which we shall reiur
farther on.
4 fj r sprung der Mythologie, p. 109 et seq
THE SUN AS THE OPENER. 97
because a Hebrew custom similar to the mourning for

Osiris or Adonis and Tammuz was fastened on to it, as
appears in v. 40 ; and it is well known that these latter
rites stand in a very close connexion with physical pheno
mena, and with the myth which speaks of these phe
nomena.
What means Jephthah (Yiphtach) ? We have again

an aorist form l exactly similar to Yischak ; it denotes
literally e he opens, he begins, thence the opener or
beginner. For the understanding of this mythical person
we must note by anticipation that this Opener has a
correlative in the After-follower Jacob (Ya akobh), c he
follows his heels. 2 Both these expressions belong to one
group of mythic conceptions ; and it is remarkable that
in these designations we find mythology already advanced
to the stage which we characterised in the previous chapter
as belonging to the ideas of the Agriculturist. For these
two names and the cycle of myths coupled with them pre
suppose the view that in the order of time the Day is the
earlier and is followed by the Night ; and the very circum
stance that the idea of time is impressed on these myths
with something of precision (see above, p. 44), also indi
cates a relatively late formation of these designations and
of the views that led to them. The Opener is the Sun,
which first opens the womb (see Gen. XXX. 22 ; Ex. XIII.
2, 12), while the Night is called the After-follower; just as
in the Eigveda (II. 38. 6) the Night follows on the heel of
Savitri. To establish more certainly the meaning of the
name Ya akobh it may also be mentioned that in Arabic the
participial form of the same verb, ( Akib, is exceedingly
frequent in the same signification. According to Moham
medan tradition one of the many names of the Arabian
Prophet is Al- akib, with the sense that Mohammed, the
last of the prophets, followed after and concluded their
1 Most persons know this tcnso as Future, or as Imperfect. TR.
2 Similar corn-la tive names in Hellenic mythology are Pro-metheus and

F.pi-methcufi,
TI
line. 1 We will now first return to Jephthah, the Opening

Sun. This conception of the Sun as Opener receives a re
markable illustration in a passage of the Persian national
epic by Firdusi, in which occurs an expressive echo of this
mythical view. The sun is there actually a golden key,
which is lost during the night. 2 As the lighting up of the
sun is conceived as an unlocking, so the darkness is a
locking up. Who commandeth the sun and it riseth not,
and who locketh up the stars/ is said in Job IX. 7, of the
God who brings on darkness. The solar character of
Jephthah receives confirmation from another side, but like
wise on Semitic ground. In the version of the Phenician
Cosmogony furnished by Damascius 3 it is related, on the
authority of Mochus, that the spiritual God Ulomos begot
Chrysoros TOV avoided, the Opener. The Sanchuniathon of
Philo Herennius identifies this Opener with Hephaestus,
who was the first inventor of iron implements (Tubhal-
Kayin of the Hebrews). Now, although in its latest de
velopment this cosmogony does not pretend to mean any
thing else than the opening of the Egg of the world, 4 there
can be no doubt that this version belongs to a very late,
perhaps the last phase of development of the myth which
lies hidden in the background a stage at which all that
makes the myth a myth is quite washed out and changed
by the prevalence of theological ideas into an artfully
systematised cosmogony. But originally nothing else can
have been understood by the Opener than the firstborn
brother of the pair, Sun and Night. Another mythic trait
which we know of this Opener testifies to his solar significa-
1 Muslim s Collection of Traditions, edition with Commentary, Cairo 1284,

V. 1 1 8. The commentator, Al-Nawawi, puts the name al- Akib in combination
with another name of the Prophet of identical meaning, viz. al-Mukfi. The
name al- Akib occurs elsewhere also as a proper name, e.g. as the name of a
friend of the poet al-A sha (Kitab al-agam, VI. 73).
2 Shdhndmeh, ed. Mohl, VII. v. 633, according to Eiickert s ingenious inter

pretation in the Zeitschrift dcr D.M. 6r., 1856, X. 145.
3 De Principiis, ed. Kopp, p. 385.
4 The sun itself is called a goMeu egg (Ad. Kuhn, Zehs.lir. far vcrc/i.
Sprachforschrntj, I. 456).
THE SUN. 99
tion in the myths on which the Phenician cosmogony was

based. Philo Herennius authority, who calls the opener
Chrysor, says of him : 6 He was the first man who fared in
ships. This trait, which is far from fitting into the frame
of the portrait of Hephaestus presents a very attractive
and simple conception held by the men of the myth- form
ing age. We generally find in myths of the rising and
setting of the sun, that the view which lives longest and
conforms most naturally to the nature of the phenomenon
is that the rising sun ascends out of the river or the sea,
and that the setting sun sinks into the water.
The gaudy, blabbing, and remorseful day

Is crept into the bosom of the sea,
as Shakespeare says, 1 or as a German poet, feeling an echo

of the meaning of the old myth, speaks still more expres
sively :
that the sun was only

A lovely woman, who the old sea-god
Out of convenience married ;
All the day long she joyously wander d
In the high heavens, deck d out with purple
And glitt ring diamonds,
And all-beloved and all-admired
By every mortal creature,
And every mortal creature rejoicing
With her sweet glance s light and warmth ;
But in the evening, impell d, all-disconsolate,
Once more returneth she home
To the moist house and desert arms
Of her grey-headed spouse. 2
In a Swedish popular song, a King of England has two

daughters, the elder black as night (Night itself); the other,
younger, beautiful and brilliant like the day (Day itself).
The latter goes forward followed by the other, who comes
and throws her into the sea. 3 In this popular story, also,
1 King Henry VI., Part II. Act IV. beginning.
2 Hoinrich Heine, The Baltic [sic I i.e. die Nordsee = the German Ocean],
Part 2, No. 4 in E. A. TSowring s translation.
3 Jn ilenne-am-Khyn, Die deutache PbtoftMBpe, Leipzig 1874. p. 292, No.
544-
B 2
ioo MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
the sunset is viewed as a fall into the sea ; but one new
feature is here added, viz., that the two sisters fight, and
the black one, the dark Night, throws the brilliant Sun into
the sea. In the morning the Sun that had fallen into the
sea rises up again out of her night s quarters. The Roman
poet expresses the idea 6 Never did a fairer lady see the sun
arise, 9 by the words :
Ne qua femina pulclirior
Clarum cib Oceano diem
Viderit venientem ; 1
and because the sun rises out of the water, a Persian poet 2
calls water in general < the Source of Light (tsheshmei nur).
Connected with these ideas is that of the so-called Pools of
the Sun, 3 which are assigned to the rising and setting sun
alike. 4 But the morning sun is also made to come forth
out of mud and morass (as in Homer from the \i^vrf), as is
described amongst others in the Arabic tradition, 5 It is
obvious that this conception must have first arisen in
countries whose horizon was not bounded by the sea. The
same assumption must be made with regard to another
conception also, found in the African nation of the Yorubas.
These regard the town Ife as a sort of abode of gods,
where the Sun and Moon always issue forth again from the
earth in which they were buried. 6 No doubt this notion
was formed among the portion of the nation that lived at
a distance from the sea. A considerable part of the
elements of the animal-worship which refers to water
animals may be traced back to mythological conceptions
which we have exhibited above. 7
1 Catullus, LIX. [LXL] vv. 84-86.
2 Emir Chosrev of Delhi, in Eiickert, Grammatik, Ehetorik und Poetik dcr

Pcrser, p. 69. 6.
3 See Excursus C.
4 Pauly, Eealcncyklopddie, VII. 1277; Wilhelm Bacher, Nizami s Leben und
Wcrlte, Leipzig 1871, p. 97, note 13.
5 Al-Beidawi, Commentarius in Coranum, ed. Fleischer, I. 572. 17. Bacher,

Lc.
6 Waitz, A)itTiropologie dor NaturvoUtcr, II. 170.
7 See Excursus D.
NA VIGA TION OF THE SUN. 101
When in ancient times men dwelling by the sea- shore

saw the heavenly fire-ball in the evening dip into the sea,
and the next morning issue shining at the opposite point
of the sea-line, what other idea could he conceive of this but
that down in the sea the sun was swallowed by a monster
which spat out its prey again on the shore (see p. 28) ?
or else that the sun undertook a voyage, starting over
night? or, as is so beautifully expressed in the Hellenic
myth, that he took a bath, so as to shine on the sea-shore
in the morning with new brightness and purified from all
dingmess ?
Navigation is the explanation of this daily phenomenon

which prevails in the myth. It became so general that
later among the Egyptians it was divested of its original
associations and brought into connexion with the sun of
day. In the Egyptian view the Sun s bark sails over the
ocean of heaven : 1 f/ HXio^ Ss /cal asX^vrjv ov% apuacriv a\\a
irKoiois o%nftaat xp&fJ&ovy jrepiirXetv del, says Plutarch of
the Egyptian view, 2 and adduces Homeric parallels. 3 The
Jewish Midrash compares the course of the sun to that
of a ship and curiously enough to a ship coming from
Britain, 4 which ha,s 365 ropes (the number of the days of
the solar year), and to a ship coining from Alexandria,
which has 354 ropes (the number of the days of the lunar
year). 5 The solar figures, then, are everywhere brought
into connexion with the invention and employment of
navigation. The sinking Apollo is with the Greeks the
founder of navigation. Herakles receives from Helios the
present of a golden bowl, which he used to employ as a
bark when he sailed across the Okeanos. The voyage of
the shining ((f>ai-vc0) Phaeacians and Argonauts originally
1 See e.g. Brugsch, Histoire cVEgypte, ist ed., I. 37.
2 DC Osir. ct hid., c. XXXIV.
3 De Pythiae oraculis, c. XII., and compare the pseudo-Plutarch, De vita et

2>oesi Homcri, c. CIV.
4 So says Yalkut. Shocher Tobh has the reading Akramania, which is

difficult of identification (Germaniu?).
5 Yalkut and Shocher fobh on Ps. XIX. 7.

signified only the same sea-passage, which the sun makes

every evening. Of Charon himself, the subterranean
ferryman (whose name, Schwartz thinks, indicates his solar
significance, âponros) it has also been proved that his sub
terranean navigation is only an eschatological development
of the solar myth. 1 Indeed, eschatology and conceptions of
the things after death and resurrection have their essential
origin in the Sun s voyage under the sea and reappearance
on the other side. 2 The Roman Sun-god Janus is also
brought into connexion with navigation ; this idea is un
mistakably expressed on coins which bear the image of
the two-headed god, 3 and is especially important here
because Janus himself, as the etymology of his name de
clares, likewise belongs to the series of e Openers. This
name was given him, says Hartung, because the door
represents in space exactly what formed the basis of his
essence with regard to the relations of time and force.
For every beginning resembles an entrance. 4 The most
prominent figure of the lately discovered Babylonian epos,
Izdubar, and Ur-Bel (the Light of Bel, i.e. the Sun), both
of them purely solar figures, are provided with ships. 5
We cannot justly doubt, it is true, the historical character
of the Biblical prophet Jonah. But, from what was dis
cussed in. the Second Chapter, this does not exclude the
possibility that various mythical features may have been
fastened on this undoubtedly historical personage, as is
the case with many other persons of Hebrew history, for
example, most strikingly with David. The most prominent
mythical characteristic of the story of Jonah is his cele
brated abode in the sea in the belly of the whale. This
trait is eminently solar and belongs to the group on which
we are now engaged. As on occasion of the storm the
storm-dragon or the storm-serpent swallows the sun, so
1 Ursprung der Mythologie, p. 273. 2 See p. 15.
3 Compare Eckhel, Doctrina Nummorum vcterum, V. 15.
4 Die Religion der Homer, Erlangen 1836, II. 218. Compare Mommsen,
History of Rome (translation), I. 185, ed. of 1868.
5 Fr. Lenormant, Les premieres civilisations, Paris 1874, II. 29-31.
MYTHICAL NAVIGATORS. 103
when lie sets he is swallowed by a mighty fish, waiting for

him at the bottom of the sea. Then when he appears
again on the horizon, he is spit out on the shore by the
sea-monster. 1
Accordingly, when Chrysor is said to have been the

first navigator, this must have the same meaning that it
has when applied to Apollo, viz. that the Sun, sinking and
going down into the ocean, is taking a journey by sea ;
or when applied to the Tyrian Herakles, the builder of the
city (building of cities we shall see to be a specially solar
characteristic), called the inventor of navigation ; 2 or when
used of Prometheus, recounting before the descendants of
Okeanos his benefits conferred on mankind, and saying :
/Spaêi de nvQcp navra o-vXXrj^dr/v /Lia&,

Traoai rkyvai /3poToi0-/ e /c IIpo/n^cos.
Learn, in a word, the sense of all I mean :

Prometheus gave all arts to mortal men ;
without forgetting to allude to the ships :
6n\aaro-oTr\ayKTa 8 OVTIS aXXoj avr e/Liou

Aiz/oxrrep evpe vavrtXav o\r]p,ara.
The seaman s chariot roaming o er the sea

With flaxen wings none other found twas I. 3
Now if this trait raises the solar character of Chrysor to

a certainty, then it cannot be doubted that his epithet
the Opener, which is identical with the Hebrew name
1 It is well known that the story of Jonah was long ago connected with the
myth of Herakles and Hesione, or that of Perseus and Andromeda (Bleek,
FAnlcitiing ins A. T., Berlin 1870, p. 577). Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. 306,
should also be consulted. What Emil Burnouf says in his La Science des
Religions, Paris 1872, p. 263, is quite untenable; he finds in the myth un
image de la naissance du feu divin et de la vie dont il est le principe.
2 Nonnus, Dionysiaca, XL. 443 ; Movers, Religion dcr Phihiieier, p. 394.
8 Aesch., Prom., vv. 505, 467, Dind. I must also refer to Tangaloa, the
chief figure in the Polynesian mythology, who is described as the first navi
gator. This characteristic, and the fact that Tangaloa is regarded as the
originator of every handicraft (see the chapter on the Myth of Civilisation),
with other features on which Schirren lays stress in determining his nature,
seem to claim for him a solar character. Gerland (Anthropologie der Ratur-
wlker, VI. 242) disputes this interpretation.
Yiphtach (Jephthah) is an appellation of the Sun the First

born. The Sun sacrifices his own daughter. In the even
ing the sunset sky is born from the lap of the sun, and in
the morning, when in place of the red sunrise (which
the myth does not distinguish from the red sunset) the
hot midday sun comes forth, Jephthah has killed his own
daughter, and she is gone.
Thus we see in the myths of Abram and of Jephthah the

two sides of the same idea, each having its peculiar form
and frame : the former tells of the victory of the Night,
the dark sky of night over the Sun, the latter of that of
the Dawn over the shades of Night. In Hebrew mythology
the name Enoch (Chanokh) belongs to this series. It was
very happily explained by Ewald 1 as denoting the Be
ginner, inceptor, and is therefore a strict synonym of
Jephthah.
We meet with one other Opener on Semitic ground,

the Libyan and especially Cyrenaic god of agriculture,
whose name is preserved in the Grecized form Aptuchos
( A7rroi)%os > ). Blau 2 has already connected the name with
the verb pathach to open, as opener of the ground by the
plough. We must here refer in anticipation to the follow
ing chapter, which will elucidate the connexion in which
the ancient religions put the rise of agriculture with the
personages of mythology ; and such a personage this
Libyan Opener ? undoubtedly is. Anyhow, we must hold
fast to the identity of Aptuchos ( ATTTOVÔS) and Jephthah.
3. The myth of the death of Isaac, and that of his

later life, which of course presupposes that he continued
to live, are not contradictory to the mythical mind. At
a more advanced stage of intellectual life, which had
lost all share in and understanding of the nature-myth,
and the mythical figures became epic persons, this con-
1 Jahrbucher fur die bibl. Wissenschaft, X. 21 ; History of Israel, I. 265 ct

seq.
2 In his essay Phonikische Analektcn, in the Zeitschr. der D. M. G., 1865,

XIX. 536.
THE MYTH OF ISAAC. 105
tradiction necessitated an arrangement or harmonising

process ; and in this lies the reason for the origin of the
turn which occurred in the historical form of the legend
of Isaac, substituting for the accomplished homicide an
intended homicide; which latter, when religious feeling
began to rule over the still existing mythic materials,
became later simply an act of pious willingness to per
form a sacrifice. Such contradictions do not present
themselves distinctly to the mind of men at the stage of
the actual formation of myths. The slain Isaac appears
again on the arena a few hours after he was killed ; he
shews himself afresh. Some fifteen years ago when a
Christian mission penetrated to the Central- African tribe
of the Liryas, a great crowd collected round a priest, who
began to expound to them the main principles of his
religion. But when he came to the attributes of God,
they absolutely refused to allow that he is very good.
On the contrar} , they said, he is very angry, and even
bad, for he sends death; he is the cause of dying, and
sends the sun, which always burns up our crops. Scarcely
is one sun dead in the west in the evening, than there grows
up out of the earth in the east next morning another which is
no better. l In this story we see the beginning of the
transition from the formation of myths to religious re
flexion : the sun that appears in the morning in the east
is a different one from that which fell dead to the earth
in the evening in the west. Yet, though substantially
it is a different one and not identical with that of the
previous day, it is still perfectly like it, and qualitatively
not distinct from it. At the mythical stage, when it was
still productive, Isaac reappearing is the same as Isaac
already killed. He appears again several times ; he marries
Eibhka (Eebekah) ; and again we meet him old and blind
f with weakened eyes, sending his son Ya akobh (Jacob)
into a foreign land, to return only after the death of the
1 Sepp, Jerusalem nnd das Heilige Land, Schaffhaiisen 1863, II. 687.
io6 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
old blind Smiling one, with a large family, and prepared

to take up again his old quarrel with his hairy brother
Esau, the hunter. The living myth does not treat these
events as following one after the other. To work up to
gether the various members of the group of myths which
assemble round a common centre or a common name, is
not the business of the myth proper. The epic impulse
first begins to act in this direction, and gives the first in
citement to the harmonising of myths.
We will linger a few minutes longer with Isaac.
He loves and marries Eebekah, or as she is called in

the Hebrew text, Bibhka. The Dutch historian of reli
gions C. P. Tiele sees in this name an appellation of the
fruitful, rich earth, 1 a view which is partially supported by
the etymology of the word. The laughing sky of day or
the Sun-god (surely originally only the Sun?) is united in
marriage with the fatness and fruitfulness of the earth.
This conception of the myth, notwithstanding its etymo
logical correctness, has little to recommend it to my feel
ing, but I cannot propose any better in its stead. I only
add, that if Tiele s conception is correct, we shall certainly
understand better the feature of the myth which makes
the Laughing one (Isaac) of his two sons prefer
Esau (who will be proved to be a solar character), while
the mother s love attached itself more to Jacob. Esau is
a mythical figure homogeneous with Isaac ; but the fruit
ful earth is more closely connected with the dark rainy
sky, as a kindred and homogeneous phenomenon.
Another notable point in the myth of Isaac is blind

ness. c And when Isaac was old, his eyes became too dim
to see (Gen. XXVII. i). It is an idea peculiarly mythical
(which found an echo in poetry), to regard the Sun as an
Eye, which looks down with its sharp sight upon the
earth. In the Egyptian monuments and in the Book of
the Dead the Sun is often represented as an eye, provided
1 VergdijJccnde geschiedenis van de egyptische en mcsopotamischc Godsdien-

sten. Amsterdam 1872, p. 434.
THE SUWS EYE. 107
with wings and feet. To the same conception are also due
the so-called mystic eye which is often met with on Etrus
can vessels of clay, and the part played by the eye in the re
presentation of Osiris. 1 The sun is called in the Malacassa
language masovanru, and in Dayak matasu, both of which ex
pressions denote oculus diei. 2 In the Polynesian mythology
the sun is the left eye of Tangaloa, the highest god of heaven,
hence the Eye of Heaven. 3 The sun accordingly possesses
also the attributes of the eye. Thus in the Hebrew poetry
we meet with the Eyelashes 4 (i.e. rays) of the Dawn, <aph-
appe shachar (Job III. 9, XLI. 10), as in the Greek with
afjispas /3\s<fiapov (Soph. Ant. IO4), 5 and in the Arabic
with hawajib al-shams. This notion has so completely
become an idiom of the Arabic language, where the my
thical force of the sun s eyelashes has retired into the
background, that we even find the singular : 6 the sun s
eyelash is risen, (tala a hajib al-shams) or set (gaba
hajib al-shams). 6
Among more recent poets Shakespeare is most fami

liar with the expression eye, eye of heaven, as descriptive of
the sun :
Though thy speech doth fail,
One eye thou hast to look to heaven for grace ;
The sun with one eye vieweth all the world.
King Henry VI. Ft, I. I. 4.
1 Julius Eraun, Katurgcschichte dcr Sage, I. 41. See Tylor, Primitive

Culture, I. 376.
2 E. Jacques, Vocabulatre Arabe-malacassa, \n Journ. Asiat., 1833, XI. 129,

130.
3 Gerland, Anthropologie dcr Naturvblkcr, VI. 242.
4 Wimpern dcr Morgenrothe, and so Ewald translates aph appayim in Job,

i.e. eyelashes, eyelids being Augenlieder. Yet Gesenius understands the word
as palpcbrae, i.e. eyelids (though both this word and cilium are occasionally
used indiscriminately in either sense). BAe <papoo is only eyelid; the
Arabic
hawajib is only eyelash. Tit.
5 Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 1003. a; compare Orph. VIII. I. 13. In the

Thcvmophoriaz iisae v. 17, Aristophanes makes Euripides call the eye the
imitation of the disc of the sun; compare Acharn. v. 1184:
glorious eye ! as an address to the Sun.

6 Al Buchari, IX. 30, 35.
io8 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
Or with taper light

To seek the beauteous eye of heaven to garnish.
King John, IV. 2.
All places that the eye of heaven visits

Are to a wise man ports and happy havens.
King Richard II. 1. 3.
When the searching eye of heaven is hid

Behind the globe and lights the lower world,
Then thieves and robbers range abroad unseen.
King Richard II. III. 2.
Hence also the Dawn is spoken of as looking about:--
Who is this that looketh forth as the morning ?
Song of Songs, VI. 10.
At the theological stage the mythical view was sub

jected to several alterations. The holy book of the
Parsees J calls the sun the Eye of Ahuramazda. Many
regard the name Anamelekh, who from 2 Kings XVII. 3
was a deity of the inhabitants of Sepharvaim (the Baby
lonian Sipar of the cuneiform Inscriptions), expressly
designated in the national documents a solar town, 2 as con
tracted for c En ham-melekh, i.e. Eye of the Sun-god Melelth,
and so probably the sun itself. 3 Even in the speech of a
late Hebrew prophet (Zech. IY. 10) we find the same view,
somewhat modified : These seven are the eyes of Jahveh,
that run over the whole earth. Here Jahveh s eyes are
undoubtedly to be referred to the sun, and the number
seven allows us to think of the seven days of the week. 4
Similarly, it is said in the Atharvaveda IV. 16. 4 of the
messengers of Varuiia ; descending from heaven they
traverse the whole world, and inspect the whole earth with
a thousand eyes. 9 5 To the same tendency we must attribute
1 Yagna, I. 35, III. 49.
2 Eberh. Schrader, Die Kcilinschriften und das Altc Testament, p. 165.
3 fianeberg, Beligioxe Altcrthumer der Bibel, Miinich 1869, p. 49 ; Movers,

Die Phonizier, I. 411, where other combinations are given.
4 The sev T en days of the week are imagined to have a connexion with the
sun. According to Diodorus, I. 272, the inhabitants of Rhodes at the time of
Cadmus worshipped the Sun-god, who had begotten seven sons on that island.
5 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, V. 64.

THE SUN S EYE. 109
names of places such as En Shemesh, f Sun s Eye/ (e.g.

Josh. XV. 7), and the Egyptian Heliopolis, Arabic c ayn
shams ; ! which suggests the obvious conjecture that the
Hebrew c lr ha-cheres city of the sun was originally and
more correctly <En ha-cheres. The emendation affects
only the final consonant 1.
The Indian singer (Bigveda I. 164. 14), says that the

sun has a sharp sight, and the same idea is preserved in a
relic of Hebrew mythology, which has attached itself to
an historical person. Of King David, an historical hero,
it is written among other features borrowed from the myth
of the Solar hero (to which also must belong the idea that
he takes the life of his giant adversary by hurling stones),
that he was ruddy, with beautiful eyes, and a good sight,
admoni im yephe enayim we-tobh ro i (i Sam. XVI. 12).
The red colour itself which is praised, since the narrator
evidently wishes to characterise David s handsomeness,
shows us that these traits cannot have been invented
directly for the hero of this story ; for it can scarcely be
proved that the Hebrews in ancient times considered
reddishness an element of beauty. But the red colour is
admirably fitted to figures of the solar myth, as we shall
have further occasion to observe in the course of this
chapter. With this are connected the beautiful eyes and
the good sight, which are certainly taken from the mythi
cal description of the blazing midday sun. They are the
relics of a mythic cycle only preserved in fragments, and
have been tacked on to the portraiture of an historical
hero, who had, like the Solar hero, to fight with a hostile
giant. When the sun appeared at noon with a red glow
at its highest point in the heaven, the men of old said
6 The Red one is looking down on the earth with his perfect
eyes and sharp sight. And he viewed the diminution of
the solar rays and heat as a weakening of his sight, which
ended at sunset with total blindness. Samson (Shimshon),
Geogr. Wortcrb., III. 762. 2 See Excursus E.
no MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
the hero whose solar character Steinthal has raised above

all doubt, ends his heroic career by being made blind. In
the Greek mythology the significance of one-eêd and
blinded persons is exhibited with equal clearness. 1 This
mythical idea is very clearly reflected in language. In
Arabic, for example, itlachamma or itrachamma signifies
both oculos hebetiores habuit and obscura fuit [nox]. The
verb agdana, from which agdan is derived, which is used
of suffering from certain eye-diseases, expresses the idea
of darkness, and the word inchasafa unites the two mean
ings to be eclipsed (of the moon) and to lose one s sight.
Hence the expression, al-leyl a war, the night is one-
eyed. 2 It becomes clear from all this what is the mean
ing of the mythical words, And when Isaac was old, his
eyes became too dim to see. It may also be mentioned
here that Shakespeare calls night the eyeless :
Thou and eyeless night

Have done me shame. King John V. 6.
4. The battle of the Day with the Night is still

more frequently represented as a quarrel between brothers.
At the very threshold of the earliest Biblical history we
meet a brothers quarrel of this kind, the source of which
is the nature-myth, spread out among all nations of the
world without exception. It is not difficult to prove that
Cain (Kayin) is a solar figure, and that Abel (Hebhel) is
connected with the sky dark with night or clouds. Here, as
everywhere, investigation must of course be guided by the
nature of the personages in question, by the matter of the
story, and by the appellative signification of the names.
Cain is an agriculturist, Abel a shepherd. We have demon
strated in the preceding chapter that agriculture always
has a solar character, whereas the shepherd s life is con
nected with the phenomena of the cloudy or nightly sky,
Shepherds in mythology are figures belonging to the dark
1 Hartung, Religion und Mythologie der Griechen, Leipzig 1865, II. 87-94.
- al-Meydam Majma al-amthdl, II. in. 21.
^ AND ABEL. in
or overclouded sky ; whereas huntsmen and agriculturists

are solar heroes. The heaven at night is a great tent or
a group of tents, with a great piece of pasture close by,
where the herds (the clouds) are driven to feed. In
German, to be sure, the expression Himmelszelt (heaven s
tent) is also used of the heaven by day, but this is a gene
ralisation of the original limitation to the nocturnal and
cloudy sky. This limitation is still acknowledged in the
Hungarian language, where sdtoros ej is said, the tented
(provided with many tents) night ; e.g. by Vorosmarty
at the commencement of the second canto of his national
epic Zalan Futasa (the Flight of Zalan). And in
Arabic, e Night spread out its tent, and there arose thick
darkness, is quite a familiar expression. 1
The shepherd Abel (Hebhel) is accordingly a figure of

the dark sky. This is proved also by the signification of
the name. For it denotes neither childlessness, as some try
to explain it by the help of Arabic, and on the supposition
that the first pa,rents anticipated their son s future fate
on giving his name, nor simply son, being explained from
the Assyrian. The Hebrew language itself is adequate to
establish the proper signification. The word denotes in
Hebrew a c breath of wind ; 2 and the wind stands in con
nexion with the dark sky. Another modification of the
same appellation is known to Hebrew mythology. As in
other classes of language h and y may interchange dialecti-
cally, so here beside Hebhel (Abel) we have Yabhal (Jabal).
This latter appellation is etymologically either identical
with the former, or if not, at least its mythological identity
1 Wu-ktin auwal ma asbal al-leyl riwakah wa-kad isâdd al-zalam biag-

sakah, Romance of Antar, V. 170. 17. Accordingly, insadal is said of night
as well as of a tent, e.g. Antar, VI. 60. 14, 95. 5.
2 I wish to mention here a suggestion received in a letter from Prof, do

G-oeje of Leyden, to take the name Hebhel in the appellative sense herds
man, and compare it with the Arabic abil, the initial breathing being aspira
ted. The Hebrew abhel, pasture, would then belong to the same group.
But see also on the latter word an ingenious conjecture of Dorenbourg in the
Journal AritUiyuf, 1867, vol. I. p. 93.
H2 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
can scarcely be questioned. Yabhal (from whence comes

mabbul, body of water, hence of the Deluge) signifies Eain
(like Indra). Eain and Wind are both attributes of the
dark sky and the night- sky. In Arabic the verb gasaka
denotes both the darkness of the sky, and the rain, and
(what exactly suits the mythical circle of ideas) the flow
ing of milk from the udder. The rain is to the men of the
myth-creating age a milking of the cloud-cows, which the
shepherd leads out to pasture by night on the heavenly
meadows. The verb agdana, of which Freytag, following
al-Jauhari, gives only the meaning perpetuo pluit coelum,
is known to the classical lexicographer of Arabic syno
nyms also in the sense it is dark night. Similarly, agdafa
denotes both obscura, atra fuit nox and ad pluviam ejfun-
dendam paratum et dispositum fuit coelum. In poetry also
rain is often attached to night : an old poet quoted by
Ibn al-Sikkit says, 1 A dark night, during which a drench
ing rain pours down upon the streets. 2
The identity of Abel and Jabal appears conspicuously

in another circumstance. Abel is introduced as a Herds
man. In the system of the harmonising genealogy of
Genesis, in which Jabal appears some generations later,
he is described as the c Father of those that dwell in tents
and with cattle (Gen. IV. 2, 20). Both features or rather
this identical feature told of both these Patriarchs, have a
foundation and are equally true. But in the method of
the critical school of Biblical exegesis these two accounts
involve a contradiction which it is attempted to solve,
either by the usual supposition of different narrators, or by
minutely pressing the literal meaning of words and setting
up delicate distinctions. The acute Knobel, for instance,
pretends to know that f Even Abel had kept cattle, but
only small cattle, and these only in his own district ;
Jabal invented the moving about with cattle from one
1 "Wa-leylatun tachyu u yarma illu * fiha ala-1-shari nadan rrmchdalhi,
MS. of Univ. Lcyden, Cod. Warner, No. 597, p. 345.
2 See above, pp. 42, 43.
CAIN. 113
district to another. 1 It concerns us not to know how far

Jabal extended the area of his pasture, and within what
narrow limits Abel confined his : our assumption of the
mythological identity of the two designations solves the
inconsistency without any resort to minute distinctions.
Equally clear is also the Solar character of the name

Cain (Kayin). This word, which, with other synonymous
names of trades, occurs several times on the so-called
Nabatean Sinaitic inscriptions, 2 signifies Smith, 3 maker of
agricultural implements, and has preserved this meaning
in the Arabic kayn 4 and the Aramaic kinaya, whilst in
the later Hebrew it was lost altogether, being probably
suppressed through the Biblical attempt to derive the
proper name Cain etymologically from kana c to gain. In
Hebrew therefore it appears only as the name of the first
fratricide and of his duplicate Tubal-cain (Tubhal-kayiii),
the brother of Jabal, who is called the founder of the
smith s trade (Gen. IV. 22), and stands to Cain in very
much the same relation as Jabal does to Abel.
Cain is accordingly the same mythological figure as

Hephaestus and Vulcan with the Greeks and Romans.
But there are some other points which determine his Solar
character. First, there is the characteristic that after the
murder of his brother he built the first city, and called it
Enoch (Chanokh, Gen. IV. 17). We have seen above, and
I shall show still more clearly in the treatment of the
Myth of Civilisation, that in the myths of all peoples the
Solar heroes are regarded as the founders of city- life, and
that a fratricide often precedes the building of the city.
The agricultural stage, which is connected with the Solar
worship, overcomes the stage of nomadic life, which holds
to the dark sky of night or clouds ; and, after conquering
the herdsmen, the surviving agriculturists build the first
1 Die Genesis, Leipzig 1860, p. 64.

- Levy, in the Zeitschr. dcr D.M. ., 1860, XIV. 404.
3 Compare Gelpke s article Neutestamcntlichc S .udicn, in the Tlito . Stv.dicn
it. KritiJccn, 1849, pp. 639 ct scq. * See Excursus F.
ii 4 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
city. It -will not surprise us if the solution of the question

raised by F. Leiiorinant, pour en suivre toutes les formes
depuis Cain batissant le premiere ville Eanocli apres avoir
assassine Abel, jusqu a Romulus fondant Rome dans le sang
de son frere Rernus, 1 proves the consistency and univer
sality of the ideas of mankind at the mythic stage in
reference to this point. Whether the connexion of the
zodiacal figure of the Twins with this feature of the myth
is so close as this acute French, scholar imagines, is an
independent question. The account of Cain as the first
builder of a city is accordingly a testimony to his Solar
character. But far more important testimony is afforded
by the characteristic feature in the story of Cain, that
after the commission of the crime that fratricide, laden
with the curse of Jahveh, has to be c a fugitive and a
vagabond in the earth (Gen. IV. n). We will pause a
little at this mythic feature, and passing beyond Cain,
consider it in connexion with a larger group of myths
which exhibit the same. 2
5. The word which preeminently denotes the Sun

in the Semitic languages, and which, when the abundant
synonyms produced by mythology to designate the Sun
had vanished, drove all other names of the Sun into the
background, viz. the Hebrew shemesh and the correspond
ing words in the cognate languages, has been proved
to descend from the etymological basis of the idea of rapid
motion, or busy running about. This original sense gives
the point of connexion with the Aramaic terms sham-
mesh ( to serve and shumshemana an ant. 3 The same
function which language exhibits in the most prominent
name of the Sun is also repeatedly shown in mythology.
1 Premieres Civilisations, II. 81.
2 "We do not wish to overlook the fact that the word Kayn in Himyaritic
is a name of dignity, like Prince, Euler, Lord, and may therefore, if this sig
nification is adopted, be a synonym for Ba al. See Prsetorius in the Zeitschr.
der D. M. <?., 1872, XXVI. 432.
* See Fleischer s Nachtr dglickcs to Levy s Chald, Wortcrb, uber d. Targ., II.
577- &
THE RUNNING SUN. 115
The myth views the Sun. from the point of view of hi

rapid course, hastening and continuous motion, or stead)
march forwards.
Like a bridegroom coming out of the bridal chamber,
Who exults like a hero to nm a course. Ps. XIX. 6 [5].
Hence fiery, rapid horses are attributed to the Sun

both in the classical mythology and in Indian and Per
sian, 1 and no less so in the Hebrew. The latter may be
inferred from the fact that in the Hebrew worship in
Canaan there were horses dedicated to the Sun. King
Josiah, the zealot for Jahveh, was the first to abolish this
worship (2 Kings XXIII. IT). And Heinrich Heine gives
the jesting couplet :
Phoebus lashed his steeds of fire

In the Sun s own cab with ire. 2
To the same mythical conception must be referred the

Wings assigned to the Sun or the Dawn, which are men
tioned very frequently in the classical mythology. 3 Just
as the Egyptians and the Assyrians 4 in their monuments
express this aspect of the sun by the picture of a
1 Yafna, I. 35, XVII. 22; Khordawsta, III. 49, VII. 4; Spiegel, Die
hciligcn Schriftcn dcr Parsc/i, III. 27: The beautiful Dawn we praise; the
brilliant, endowed with brilliant horses, who remembers men, remembers
heroes, and is provided with splendour, with dwellings. The morning Dawn
we praise ; the cheering, endowed with fast horses. Vcndidad, XXL 20 :
Rise up, splendid Sun! with thy fast horses, and shine on the creatures.
In the Sun s Yast (it i.s the sixth), in almost every verse from the invocation
to the end of the prayer, this epithet is applied to the Sun ; and in the tenth
Yast chariots and flaming horses are assigned to Hithra (see the references in
Spiegel, /. c. III. xxv.).
2 A rough imitation of:
Phobus in der Sonnendroscliko

Peitschto seine Flammcnro.sse.
Atta Troll, XXII. I.
3 Schwartz, Sonnc, Mond und Sterne, pp. 106-109.
4 According to Rawlinson this conception came from the Assyrians to th?

Persians. But the learned explorer of Assyrian antiquity seems to ignore tho
s ilar significance of the winged disc when lie says : The conjecture is probable
thai . . . the wings signify Omnipresence and the circle Eternity (History of
Herodotus, note to I. c. 135, I. 215 of tho edition of 1862).
i 2
u6 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
winged solar disc, so the Hebrews, although they did not

give expression to their ideas in monuments and imita
tions which might have been preserved to the present
time, have in the extant fragments of their poetical litera
ture left behind them confirmation of the fact that they
conceived of the Sun and the Dawn in the same way.
As they called the wind winged, so that the monotheis
tic singer imagines Jahveh as c flying on the wings of the
wind (Ps. XVIII. n [10]), so he binds wings also to the
rapidly increasing light of the Dawn. :
If I take the wings of the Dawn,

And go down at the uttermost parts of the sea. 1
Ps. CXXXIX. 9,
Jahveh tf makes the Dawn flying (literally for flight), as

the prophet Amos (IV. 13) says. The prophet speaks in
this verse of the regular phenomena of nature, not of
exceptional physical changes, which would allow us to
take epha as obscuration, as in Job X. 22 ; it is there
fore best to keep to the sense of flying. Joel (II. 2) says,
6 As the Dawn, spreading out her wings over the moun
tains. 2 Accordingly the Dawn or the Sun is a bird,
and the Persian expression murg-i-sahar Bird of the
Dawn becomes intelligible. When the sun sets, the runner
has stumbled and fallen to the ground ; or the bird gliding
through the air has lost its power of flight and fallen into
the sea. Hence comes the use of 6 to fall of the setting
sun : cadit sol, and in Homer : 3
Ev eyreo- SlKeavai \cifjurpbv (fidos HeXioio,

\KOV VVKTCI p.\aii>av 7r\ êidojpov (ipovpav,
And in Arabic they say of the setting of the sun, wajabat
1 Hebrew scholars will observe that I here abandon the usual interpreta
tion, and understand eshkena in the second member of the setting of the sun.
In this way the first member speaks of the rising, the second of the setting of
the sun (= ba hash-shemesh), which dips into the water at the further edge
(horizon) of the sea (acharlth yam).
2 See Excursus G-.
3 Iliad, VIII. 485. See Plutarch, De vita et poes. Horn., c. CIII.
WINGS OF TPIE SUN AND THE DAWN. 117
al-shams, or habatat al-shams, 1 verbs which are synonymous

with waka a, c to fall. We then understand (passing again
to Hebrew) Isaiah s exclamation (XIV. 12), How art thou
fallen from heaven, Ligkt-brvnger, son of the Dawn !
As the rising Dawn is said to spread out her wings, so

the setting evening sun drops her 2 pinions, bends her
wings downwards. This expression, a relic of the mythic
view, is retained in the Arabic language. The Arab says
of the setting sun, janahat; but although this verb ac
cording to the lexicons denotes inclinavit in general, yet
there can be no doubt that this inclinatio was originally
something special, namely the bending of the wings, from
whose name janah, indeed, the above denominative verb
is formed. Hassan b. Thabit, 3 a poet contemporary with
Mohammed, says, f The sun of the day bent herself (i.e.
bent her wings) that she might set (wa-kad janahat
shams-al-nahari litagriba). But when wings are attri
buted to the Night, the basis of the conception is quite
different from that which gives wings to the Sun or the
Dawn. In this case the thought is of covering and hiding. 4
In this sense are to be understood such phrases as kana-1-
leyl nashiran ajnihat al-zalam, Night unfolded the wings
of darkness, or kaiia-1-leyi kad asbala ala-1-chafikeyni
ajnihat al-zalam, c Night had thrown down over the ends
of the earth the wings of darkness. 5 The frequent ex
pression fi junh or jinh al-leyl certainly belongs to this
1 E.g. al-Suyuti in the Husn al-multaflara, &c. : fa id.4 achadat fi-1-

hubut (ap. "Weycr s Diss. de loco Ibn Khacanis dc Ibn Zcidun, p. 87, n. 82).
- Tlic Sun is in all the Semitic as well as in many Aryan languages grani-
matii-ally feminine, and the myths frequently assign to the Sun a female form.
It is therefore necessary sometimes to use the feminine pronoun. TB.
3 In Ahlwardt, Chulaf al-al>mar, p. 49. I. See Vita Timuri, II. 48: kad
janahat al shams lil-gurub.
4 Compare Ps. XVII. 8, LXI. 5 [4] ; and accordingly in tastirem besetlier

punckha, Ps. XXXI. 21 [20], tbm hidest them in the hiding-place of thy
face, we must emend panekhu, face, into keaaphekha wings.
5 Romance of Antar, V. 136 ult., 236 penult. In the Babylonian epos of

Tatars Descent to Hell, \. 10 (Len^rmant, Premieres Civilisations,!!. 85), Night
is compared to a bird
ii8 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
category. Lexicographers who translate the word junh

pars noctis, even on the authority of native lexicons, e.g.
al-Jauhari, who explains it as ta ifa minim c a portion of it, l
are mistaken. It must rather signify ( under the wings of
Night/ which is also supported by the fact that, besides
junh al-leyl, fi junh al-zalam is also found, 2 where wings
only can be understood. 3
From all this it is easy to perceive that the solar

figures of the myth are brought into connexion with the
idea of swiftness, flight, and constant marching forwards ;
for rapid motion is one of the chief attributes of the Sun
which naturally present themselves to the eye and the
mind. From this mythical view of the rapid running of
the Sun may also be explained a feature in the German
mythology which Holtzmann 4 leaves unexplained. The
Osterhase [Easter-hare], he says, c is inexplicable to me;
probably the hare is the animal of Ostara [the goddess] ;
on the picture of Abnoba a hare is present. If Ostara, as
Holtzmann proves, is the sun or the sunrise, then the
hare is easily explained as indicating the quick-footed
sun. The connexion of ideas required to bring the hare
into connexion with this view is one that needs no proof.
In the hieroglyphs also, when there is free choice among
1 This interpretation, hero erroneously employed, is occasioned by the fact

that in the Semitic languages the notion of part is conveyed by words which
properly denote side : the two sides of a thing are two parts of it. Thus,
even in literary Arabic the word taraf, and in vulgar Arabic the word jamb
(which is etymologically connected with the Hebrew kanaph wing ) are used
quite in the sense of ba d a part. An interesting modern example of this
lies before me in the Arabic text of the terms of the latest 5,000,0007. loan by
the Egyptian Minister of Finance, in which the third article says: The shares
fall under the ordinary laws regulating buying and selling and bequest
sawa an kanafijanib minhu au fihi bil-kaiflil equally whether it concerns a
portion of them 01 the whole (al-JawiTib, a weekly paper, XIV. Ko. 695,
p. 2, c. 2, of the year 1291).
2 E.g. Romance of Antar, V. 80 Tilt., 168 V. 6 : Saarhalu ankum la uriclu

sawa akum * wa aksidukum fi junhi kulli zalamin I go away from yott, I want
not the like of you ; but I shall seek you under the wings cf all darkness.
3 cd-Aijara, II. 12. 3, is also noticeable: kamrttn tawnssatu jitnhn leylin

mubridi.
4 Deutsche MytJwloyie, p, 141.
THE SUN A RUNNER.
119
various phonetic signs (e.g. with the vowel ), the figure

of the hare is generally chosen when the word expresses
a rapid motion. 1 So the Keel Indians, in calling their
Kadmus a great white hare, may have been influenced (in
dependently of the false popular etymology of the word
michdbo 2 ) by the conception of the Sun as a swift-footed
hare. 3
Abraham and his wife Sarah (the princess or queen of

heaven the Moon as we shall see) expel Hagar (Gen. XVI
6). The Moon is jealous of Hagar. What does Hagar
signify in this Hebrew myth ? The cognate Arabic language
offers the most satisfactory basis of interpretation of this
name. Hajara, the root of the name Hagar, denotes to fly/
and yields the word liijra, flight, especially known from the
flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. The mythic
designation Hagar is consequently only one of the names
of the Sun in a feminine form. The battle of the two
figures of the night-sky against Hagar is again that inex
haustible theme of all mythology, the battle of Day with
Night. With respect to this particular name the Arabic
language gives us still further light. While gatasha denote 5 ?
both ( to be dark and to move slowly, the hot noonday
sun is described by the Arabs by the participle of the verb
from which we have explained the name Hagar, al-hdjird
or al-hijird the flying one. That this is not mere chance,
but is connected with the mythical order of ideas from
which we deduced the designation Hagar for the Sun, is
further confirmed by the word barahi or birah, also denoting
flight (from the Hebrew and Arabic root Irk to flee ),
and yet belonging to the nomenclature of the Sun.
The case is the same with the fugitive and vagabond

life of Cain ; after the conquest of Abel the Sun wanders
from place to place, and leads a life of unrest and motion
1 El/ere, Argyptcn uwl die llucltcr Musis, p. 70.

- l- i !..-. J//////.S and Myth-Maker*, pp. 71, 154.
3 The sun is called cdcr dens l>y Ovid, Fasti, I. 386; find Herodotus, I.
215, says : TWV 0ewv & rdx^ros. See Helm, CvlturpflatutHH, etc., p. 38.
till night comes. A reminiscence of the solar significance

of Cain is even found in the Agada, which makes the sign
granted for the safety of Cain to consist in the brightening
of the sun ; or,, according to another interpretation, in a horn,
which grew up on him from the moment of the promise. 1
It is well known that the sun s rajs were mythologically
called horns, a meaning which the language preserved.
6. With this group of Solar figures of the Hebrew

mythology which are exhibited as wandering or rapidly
marching forward, 2 I also class some others whose names
alone lead us to recognise this mythological character. First
and foremost we must consider a word which has been
retained in the language beyond the mythical stage : the
Hebrew shachar, Arabic sahar, morning, dawn. This
word is doubtless connected with the verb sachar, which
denotes constant moving, wandering. 3 The Arabic sahir
6 magician is the same word as the Hebrew socher e mer
chant, both signifying originally those who are always
travelling about from place to place. The Hebrew verb
shadier c to seek relates originally to the movement of one
who has lost something and goes about looking for it.
Although in the course of this chapter I shall devote a
special connected disquisition to Jacob s sons, yet I must
here pick out a few beforehand to incorporate them in the
class of solar figures whose characteristic feature is that
here discussed. To this class belongs e.g. Asher, the name
of a son of Jacob by his concubine Zilpah. The name
cannot be explained (according to Gen. XXX. 1 3) as the
Happy, or Bringer of Happiness, since this signification
1 Bcrcshith rabbd, sect. 22.
- Even Philo lays the chief momentum of the story of Hagar on her flight :
p (sc. 6 fepbs \6yos} Tro\\axov T&V a.TrofiiSpao Kdi Tuv, KaQdirep Kal vfiv
eVl TT)S "Ayap Srt Ka/ca>0e?(ra aWSpa &7ri Trpoffwirov rrjs KVpias (Dc
prO-
fugis, p. 546, ccl. Mangey).
3 I leave it for the present undecided whether the name Terach, given to
Abraham s father, belongs to this class. E\vald (History of Israel, I. 274) puts
it in connexion with arach to wander/ though in an ethnological sense*
SHACHAR (MORNING}; ASHER. 121
of the root ( to be happy ) is only secondary to the funda

mental meaning applied, not original. Language does
not form originally expressions for ethical notions of this
kind, any more than the notion itself rises without
contact with something sensual, which may subsequently
be transferred to the ethical. The Arabic words for simi
lar ideas spring up in a similar way, e.g. mu?lih ( suc
cessful denotes properly one who penetrates through
something, &c. The root of Asher, in Hebrew ashar, in
Arabic athara (whence athar c a trace ), originally de
noted to march, go forwards (Prov. IX. 6) ; intensively
ashsher, to make some one go forward, to lead, and as a
noun, ashur c way, path. From the same root comes also
the relative pronoun asher, which originally signified
place, (compare the Aramaic athar place ) ; but we know
that expressions which serve as exponents of the category of
relation) both in time and space, generally start from the
conception of space, as is clearly seen in the Hebrew sham,
indicating originally the idea of place, there but also
transferred to the expression of the idea of time, then. 1
We see the same quite as clearly in the employment of the
Aramaic athar in the combination bathar (from ba-athar)
to denote after, afterwards, properly on the spot. 2
To this fundamental meaning of the root ashar to

march, go forward is added the secondary application 6 to
be happy, properly ( to advance prosperously. But the
old mythical designation Asher is connected with the ori
ginal sense : since at the time when this mythical word
was first spoken the verb had not yet obtained its secon
dary sense, nor could yet obtain it, as ethical ideas were
1 Sco above, p. 41.
2 The first to discover this origin of the relative asher was the Hungarian
Cseprcgi, pupil of the great .Schultens, Divert., Lugd., p. 171 (qtiotcd by Gesc-
nius, Thesaurus, p. 165) : he did not, ho \vevcr, follow out the idea very clearly
Compare also St ado s view, essentially the same, in the Murgcnliindischc For-
schunycn, Leipzig 1875, p. 188 ; I cuuld not get a sight of this till after the
above was ready for the press. On the other side Schi ader, Jen. Litc?aturcit
1875, p, 299.
still non-existent. Accordingly Asher signifies he who

marches on, and is simply a solar name. Thus the
ancient Hebrew called the Sun, when he noticed the
continual change of his place on the horizon, and observed
his constant movement. Through Asher, it is said, in a
fragmentary hymn on Asher in Gen. XLTX. 20, his bread
is fat ; he gives dainties for a king ; for the sun is to
the agriculturist the beneficent element that hastens the
ripening of his crops.
This simple and, I hope, obvious explanation throws

light on another expression in Hebrew mythology, which
stands in the closest connexion with Asher. I mean the
feminine form derived from the masculine sun, the appel
lation Ashera, on which Biblical interpreters and anti
quaries have had so much to say. Ashera, as the
feminine form of Asher, denotes what the Hebrews
regarded as the marriage- consort of the Sun. We know
this of the Moon, as I hope to show more fully in speaking
of Sarah. Ashera is, therefore, an old Hebrew name of
the Moon. In those passages of the Old Testament which
speak of the idolatry of the Hebrews in Canaan, Asherah
is named with Baal (the Sun-god) : The vessels that were
made for Baal and for Asherah and for all the host of heaven
(as though for Sun, Moon, and Stars), 2 Kings XXIII. 4 ;
And the children of Israel did that which was evil in the
sight of Jahveh, and forgat Jahveh their God, and served
Baal and Asherah, Judges III. 7. They probably served
Asherah too at the altar of Baal (see Judges YI. 25) ; but
this is quite in the spirit of the Canaanitish and Mesopo-
tamian religious practice. One. mode of doing homage to
the supreme God was to offer sacrifices and build temples
to his subordinate deity, just as any honour conferred on
the Satraps conduced to the greater excellence of the
* King of kings. This view is very general on the votive
tables with cuneiform inscriptions ; so e.g. in an inscrip
tion in the Temple of Mugheir : In lionore SIN domini
ASHERAff; YAREACh. 123
deorum coeli et terrae, regis deorum . . . templum Iz deae

magnae condidi etfeci.
Asherah is accordingly the Wandering one, and the

moon is here made feminine. A masculine word for the
Moon, which, being* common to all the Semitic dialects
(unlike the later, lebhana), must be one of the oldest Semitic
names for moon, viz. yareach, expresses the same idea ; for
it is derived from the noun orach, a path, way/ and
stands for oreach with the initial hardened 1 (like yachid
( only/ with initial y, yet echad one ; and yashar
straight, connected with the root under discussion,
ashar c to go forwards ). In Job XXXI. 26, the epithet
holekh, marching, is applied to the moon. Therefore the
two plural forms asherim and asheroth are not identical
(the former denoting objects of worship, and the latter as
* femiiiinum vilitatis declaring them to be in the opinion
of the writer objects of abomination} ; 2 but the masculine
form is derived from the singular Asher, and the feminine
from the singular Ashera.
7. To the same series belorg also the names Dan

and Dina, which latter is only a feminine to the first, and
occurs again as a proper name in Arabic. 3 It would be
erroneous to regard the verb din c to judge as the etymon :
for this would give no solution of the question concerning
the nature and signification of the designations under
review. Then, as the Hebrew language itself offers no
satisfactory points d appui, we are fully entitled to look
for information to the cognate idioms. I believe that the
fundamental idea contained in the group of consonants
1 In A.v-iyrian the Moon is called arhu, with a mere hamzu, (Schroder,

Aî/r.-lKihifl. Kcilinschr., p. 282). In Arabic the reverse has happened ; from
\vaivh (yareach) has been formed the verb arracha to fix the time (by tho
lunar calendar), to date, the w (Ileb. y} bc inj; wakened into hamzu (alcpli).
Whether the Coptic lull and Arabic ydh are connected with yareach (tho abra
sion of r is not uncommon), is another question.
S o Eottcher, Anafitfirl. Ldtrlim-Ji tier lt<ln\ fyrcu-Jtc, I. 516-17.
3 The poet Dik al-Jiun had a mistress mimed DinA (Ibn Chullikan. ed. Wiis-
tenfeld, IV. 96. 7). Sec also Abii Uyeynu aKttuhallabi (Ayfint, III. 128. 2, 6),
Dn is extant in the Assyrian, where it expresses the idea

of going ; l whence the Arabic clana c to approach/ the
secondary dana, and the adjective dunya, which denotes
the near and visible world, in opposition to al-achira, the
life beyond. 2 Consequently, Dan and Dina must denote
c he or she who marches on, or comes nearer, or ( goes in
general, synonymous with Asher, i.e. the Sun. In Arabic
also al-jariya who goes is one of the many names of
the Sun which are enumerated by Ibn al-Sikkit in his
Synonymical Dictionary of the Arabic Language. 3 Whilst
of Dan no actual myth has reached us, and etymology
alone gives us any help in discovering his mythical
character, of Dinah on the other hand the chief source
of our knowledge of Hebrew antiquity has preserved a
more material statement, telling of the love of Shechem
for Dinah and their ultimate union, and of the imme
diately following murder of Shechem by Jacob s sons.
These are the features which come under our view when we
draw out the mythical kernel from the mass of epical de
scription surrounding it (Gen. XXXIV). From the argu
ments of the Second Chapter the connexion of the noun
shekhein with the verb hishkim may surely be treated as
removed beyond all doubt, as well as the fact that this
word is a designation of the Morning-dawn. I will add
at this place, to complete what was discussed at p. 26, that
the Hebrew word shekhein seems to be etymologically
connected with the Arabic thakam, which signifies way.
Like most Hebrew words denoting a way, this word
shekhein must stand in connexion with the verbal idea of
marching forwards - either by the verb being a denomi
native (like the German bewegen from Weg) 9 or inversely
by the noun being a deverbal. The changes of consonants
which we find here are in accordance with the law of the
Semitic languages, namely :
1 Edwin N orris, Assyrian Dictionary, I. 248.
2 We find also al- ulya opposed to al-dunyain Ibn Chakan kala id al- ikyan,
ed. Bulak- 1284. p ; 60 ult. : wa-damat laka-d-dunya * >va-dariiat laka-l-
ulya,
3 Cod. Leyden, Warner s Fund, No. 597, p. 325.
DAN AND DINAH; ZILPAH. 125
Arabic i^j tli Hebrew $ sli Aramaic f\ t,tli
Xillj thalatka H^? slieloslia $$$ telatha
thaur -fl> shor Klin tora
Therefore also :
(5 tliakam = &?# shekhem
The longing love of the Dawn for the Sun and her
union with him the same theme which Max Miiller in
his essay on Comparative Mythology has so ingeniously
traced in Indian and Hellenic myths was told also by the
Hebrews ; only that the Hebrew inverted the relation.
When the Dawn vanished and the Sun began to shine
bright in the sky, the Hebrew said of the union between
the Dawn and the Sun that the Dawn snatched up the
Sun to himself and was united with her. Not long after
wards followed the vengeance taken by the sons of Jacob
(the night-sky), who, enraged at the abduction of their
sister, murder the ravisher and deliver her. This is only
the disappearance of the Sun, while the evening glow
comes forward, again independent, to inaugurate the do
minion of the Night. 1 The myth makes no distinction
between the morning and the evening glow, but treats
them as identical phenomena. Therefore Shekhem is made
a son of the Ass (Chamor); and there is no doubt that
chamor (ass) has here the mythic significance which ac
companies that animal whenever it appears in the Aryan
mythology. 2
Zilpah also, the mother of Asher, is to be classed in

the same group. Any one who has cast even a superficial
glance on the real meaning of the myths of the Aryan
nations, as now discovered and recognised, must have
noticed the peculiarity that the mythical relation of child
1 It also deserves consideration whether Dma as the feminine of Dan
denotes the Moon : compare Lablian, Lebhuiia ; Asher, A&lu-ra. In that case
the above myth would speak of the abduction of the Moon by the Mornino--
d;i\vn, i.e. the disappearance of the moon at sunrise. It would then be the
same myth as the Hellenic one of the abduction of Hclene (Selene) by Paris.
2 Angelo do Gubernatis, ibid. p. 278 ct scq.
to parent does not always indicate a succession of what

should precede and what follow, but that the child is not
unfrequently only a repetition of the father or the mother,
and is therefore to be considered identical with them, 1
The present is a case of this kind. Asher is only a repeti
tion of his mother. The designation Zilpa, the explana
tion of which has been sought in vain in Hebrew for
the meaning c a drop can hardly be maintained finds a
smooth and ready interpretation in Arabic, where zalafa,
as well as zip,, zlb in Assyrian, 2 denotes to march on. So
that Zilpa also is she that marches forward. Another
marcher forward is preserved by Arabian tradition, viz.
Zalicha. She is unmistakably a solar figure, and her
name (zlcli has the same signification ( to march forward )
is perhaps even formally connected 3 with that of Zilpa,
with whom she is identical. The battle of the Sunshine
with the Rainy Sky is the amorous contest of the beauti
ful Zalicha (or, as the name is commonly but erroneously
pronounced, Zuleycha) with Yoseph c the Multiplier. Now,
having been led into the above digressions by the expla
nation of Cain s flight, we return to Cain again.
8. We have just alluded to the fact that in the

Hebrew mythology the figures presented as children are
frequently only repetitions of one of their parents. 4 This
observation is found to be confirmed in the case of the
posterity which the Biblical genealogy in Gen. IY. derives
1 See Zeitschr. d. I). M. <?., 1855, IX. 758.
2 Echvin Norris, Assyrian Dictionary, I. 347. The signification having

locks might also be mentioned as a possibility for zalichu. In that case wo
should have to notice the Syrian zeliche of the Peshittoin Song of Songs, I. n,
where the parallelism to gedule demands something like locks of hair ; and
this meaning agrees with that of zelach in Syriac : fudit.
3 It is well-known that the gutturals & h and I*, ch often change into j f.
The Arabic kadah cup becomes in Turkish kadef; the name Yehud is pro
nounced in jest Jufut. Compare the Arabic nakacha with nakafa, and the
Mehri ehu, denoting mouth, with Arabic fd, Hebrew peh, etc.
4 See Zeitschr. d. D. M. G., 1855, IX. 758.

CAIN A SOLAR HERO. 127
from Cain, Some of the descendants of Cain are quite as

much solar figures as their ancestor himself; and in an age
which had advanced beyond the stage of the formation of
myths, and even beyond the after-sentiment of mythology,
tliis identity occasioned the idea that these figures must
stand in a genealogical connexion with the ancestor.
The same psychological process which in the employment
of language produces a specialisation or limitation in the
sense of words originally synonymous, is at work here
also, forming from the numerous synonyms of mythology
genealogies, in which identical designations, after their
substratum has been personified, become his sons, grand
sons, and great-grandsons. Thus among Cain s descen
dants none but solar figures are to be found. In the
demonstration of this fact, I limit myself to those names
which can be interpreted without at all forcing their
meaning. The very first, Enoch (Chanokh), the son of
Cain, from whom he names the first city he built, is of
pure solar significance. We have above already, with
Ewald, put his name in the class in which the Sun is pre
sented as the Opener. The solar character of Enoch
admits of no doubt. He is brought into connexion with
the building of towns a solar feature. He lives exactly
three hundred and sixty-five years, the number of days of
the solar year; which cannot be accidental. 1 And even
then he did not die, but 6 Enoch ivalked with Elohim, and
was no more [to be seen] , for Elohim took him aivay. In
the old times when the figure of Enoch was imagined,
this was doubtless called Enoch s Ascension to heaven, as
in the late traditional legend. Ascensions to heaven are
generally acknowledged to be solar features. Heraldes
among the Greeks, Eomulus the city-founder among the
Latins, and several heroes of American mythology, 2 agree
in this. The same feature also often attaches itself even
to historical persons e.g. to the legend of the Prophet
1 See Pfk ideivr, Religion und ihrc Gcsthichte, II. 271.

* Briuton, Myths of the New World, pp. 159 ct scy.
Elijah, the hairy man 3 who ascends to heaven 011 a

chariot of fire and horses of fire, } indeed this as well as other
mythical features has been better preserved in the case of
this favourite hero of Israelitish prophecy than in that of
the former purely mythical personage.
Wachsmuth 2 expressed a conjecture that the old

Greek god Helios, who drives round the vault of heaven
on a fiery chariot, has a share in the phenomenon, so fre
quent in modern Greece, that the prophet Ilias (Elias or
Elijah) is especially venerated on mountain-tops. The
temples and altars of Helios in -ancient times were simi
larly situated on high hills ; and the casual similarity of
sound between Ilios and Ilias, together with the identity
of the myths concerning each, in this case caused the old
heathen worship to be preserved and transferred to the
name of the Biblical prophet. But this certainly cannot
have taken place, as Otto Keller lately flippantly declared
in a lecture on the Discovery of Troy by Henry Schlie-
mann, 3 from a sort of childish attention to the wants of
great Prophet, inasmuch as the people wished to make the
fiery journey as easy as possible for him, and therefore
made him mount the chariot at the nearest point to heaven. 3
Enoch (Chanokh) is introduced in another version of

the genealogy (Gen. V. 18), as son not of Cain but of
Jered, who is separated by five generations from Seth,
Adam s third son. But this genealogy has but little im
portance for mythological investigation; indeed its two
chief original creations (Seth and Enos), do not belong to
mythology at all. The feeling of a later time rebelled
against deriving all mankind from the hated fratricide
who bore the curse of God, and thus gave rise to the two
interpolated patriarchs and the Seth-genealogy, which
runs parallel with that of Cain : moreover, in proof of the
1 2 Kings, I. 8, II. n. Compare the fiery, flame-red chariot of Ut-has

(Rigveda, VI. 64. 7).
2 Das alte Griechcnland im neucn, p. 23.
8 Supplement to the Augsburg Allgem. Zeitung, 1874, No. 344. p. 5377.
ELIJAH; ENOCH; LEMECH. 129
honourable origin of mankind, the son of Seth was made the

author of the worship of Jahveh, which is said to have
begun in his time. The Seth-genealogy, which answered
better to the feeling and the ethical need of mankind, then
utterly expelled the Cain-genealogy. The author of the
Book of Chronicles, who knows only Adam, Seth, Enos,
&c. as first-fathers, seems either not to have known or
intentionally to have ignored the other genealogy, and
keeps strictly to that in Gen. Y. It is remarkable that
even in the Seth-genealogy among the ancestors of Enoch
a Cainan (\y\> Kenan) is named a word which will be recog
nised by everyone who knows the laws of the Semitic form
ation of words as a so-called nunnated form of the word
P.j2 Kayin, so that the two are really perfectly identical. 1
Let us continue the consideration of Cain s descend

ants. One prominent figure is Lemech. 2 An obscure
song, which he declaims before his two wives, has given
the interpreters much trouble with regard both to its
language and to its subject ; and legend has made free
with this song, as it has with anything problematical. For
us here this only is important, that th e song contains a
self- accusation on the part of Lemech before his wives,
of having killed his own child. As Jephthah killed his
daughter, so the myth spoke of Lemech as a similar solar
hero who killed his child. The Sun today kills her child,
the Night, whom she bore yesterday evening. Among
the children of Lemech we actually find Jabal (Yabhal), of
whom we have already spoken at length as denoting the
Eainy Sky. No doubt the ancient myth spoke of Jabal as
the son who was murdered by his solar father Lemech.
Accordingly, the genealogy does not continue the line of
Jabal. Next to him his brother Jubal (Yubhal), inventor
1 Compare Renan, Hist, gener. des Langues semitiques, p. 28.
2 Called in the English Bible Lamech, which is derived from the pausal
form Lamekh through the LXX. Aaêx, as is the case with many names, e.g.
Abel, Jnpheth, Jared, though not all ; cf. on the other side Jether, Zerah,
Peleg. The ordinary form, such as Lemech, ought to be preferred. TR.
of musical instruments, the Hebrew Apollo, is mentioned.

It is to solar gods such as Apollo, and heroes, that the in
vention of music, a product of the settled mode of civilised
life, was everywhere attributed. But his name seems to have
been chosen only on account of its assonance to Jabal ( a
favourite practice with the Semites), and not to belong to
the ancient myth, but to owe its origin to the later legend
of civilisation.
That the brothers Tubal-cain and Jabal are only a

repetition of Cain and Abel I think I have already made
evident. It must here be added that the mother of
Tubal-cain, the solar man, is named Zillah (Silla), c she
who covers, overshadows the Night, mother of the Sun or
of the Day. The Seth-genealogy concludes with one who
is called son of Lemech Noah (Noach), the founder of
improved agriculture, who f gave men rest from their work
and the toil of their hands proceeding from the earth
which Jahveh cursed (V. 29). What else can this mean,
but that Noah invented agricultural implements? The
Seth-genealogy accordingly disputes the invention of these
by Cain or Tubal-cain, and gives to the etymology of the
name Noach, which really does denote ( rest, an application
which makes it as impossible for it to belong to the ancient
myth as for the names Sheth and Enosh. Noah is a regular
hero of the legend of civilisation ; and the larger part of
what the myth tells of him is a product of the victory of
Solarism, i.e. of agricultural life. He is the first vine-grower,
and a new ancestor of the human race, since all mankind is
derived from his three sons. The regular operation of the
laws of nature (Greri. VIII. 22), and social order and legality,
are also brought into connexion with him. The protec
tion and forbearance, secured to the beasts by the Nomad,
ceases ; the Agriculturist subdues the beasts. But, on the
other hand, with him begins the protection and security
of human life (Gen. IX. 2-5). Yet side by side with
this legend of civilisation we have in connexion with
Noah a true old solar myth, which well deserves attention.
NOAH; THE SUN RESTING. 131
After the introduction of vine-cultivation Noah once makes

overfree use of his discovery and gets drunk ; and in that
condition uncovers himself takes off his clothes (Gen.
IX. 21). Only this last feature has any mythological
interest; for the previous one, which was attached to
this germ, belongs to another and later stage of forma
tion of legends, since nothing could be told of intoxication
till the free use of wine was known and practised. The
word Noach denotes him who rests. 9 While the Sun of
Day is called he who goes, runs, wanders, the Evening
Sun, preparing to set, is f he who rests. 9 Noah uncovers
himself : after setting, the Sun is shrouded in a covering
which darkens his light, but in the morning he throws
off the clothes and becomes visible, spreading light
and brightness abroad. In a hymn to Ushas, the Dawn,
the ancient Indian poet says that she f uncovers her bosom
(Rigveda, VI. 64. 2, 10). If the intoxication is also to be
accounted for, then this prominent circumstance must
describe the reeling motion with which the Sun, exhausted
by his long course, staggers towards his repose. The
Agadic tradition has preserved another element of the
Noah-myth. The wicked black son Ham (Cham), emascu
lates his father (Sanhedrin, 70 a). The emasculation of
the Sun, when the Sun is male, is an expression of Aryan
mythology denoting the weakening of his rays before and
at sunset. 1 The black son, the Night, overcomes and
emasculates his father, takes all power from his rays
and drives him to ruin.
9. Thus we find Cain s posterity to be repetitions

of their ancestor, mere solar figures of the old myth,
brought by an unmythological age into a genealogical
connexion with the wandering and fratricidal solar hero.
It is the genealogy of the solar figures to which the data
of the legend of civilisation are attached ; for the agri
culturist always puts civilisation into conjunction with
1 Schwartz, Ursprung dcr Mythologie, pp 138-150.

K 2
the sun. 1 But besides this solar pedigree, we possess also

a nomadic one, starting from the myth of the dark Night-
sky the genealogy of Abram (Gen. XI. 10 sq.), which
begins with his ancestor Shem. But the name Shem has the
same signification as Abhram itself, according to the lexi
con. As Abhram is the High Father, so also the name
Shem denotes the High ; and from this name the Semitic
appellation of heaven, Hebrew shamayim, Arabic sama,
is derived. Like Abram, Abel, Jabal, Jacob, Lot &c.,
Shem too possesses tents. ( Elohim opens out (room) for
Jepheth ; * he (Jepheth) dwells in the tents of Shem
(Gen. XI. 27), is said in the extant fragment of an ancient
hymn. Jepheth (Yepheth) signifies the Beautiful, Bril
liant, if it is connected with yapheh ; or who spreads
himself out,* if the root pathah is its origin; or c who
opens, if with Gesenius and some later writers we lay
stress on the connexion of the sounds of pathah with
pathach ; but in any case it is a solar name. As the sun
of the daytime is observed wandering from place to place,
it is not an unnatural idea that the sun takes up his
abode in the tents of high heaven. For the sun he made
a tent in them (the heavens). 3
It cannot be denied that in Abraham s genealogy, as

given in the Book of Genesis, there occur some ethno
graphical appellations which have no mythological meaning
(e.g. Arpachshad). Still, the majority of names are of
a mythical character. Unfortunately, they must remain
mere names to us, as no material myth connected with
these names is extant. Although they seem to invite
etymological attempts, as e.g. the names Shelach and
Ebher, yet I shall resist the temptation, as it is not my
business here to indulge in vague speculations. But I may
be allowed to remark that there is one sentence in this
1 See the whole of Chapter VI. 2 See note 2, p. 129.
3 Ps. XIX. 5 [4]. We have already remarked (p. in) that the tents which
originally belonged to the sky at night are frequently transferred to the sky of
daytime ; see also Is. XL. 22. And Noah uncovers himself, bethokh oholo
<in the middle of his tent (Gen. IX. 21).
ABRAHAM; JACOB. 133
genealogy which reflects the nomad s life again. Peleg

begat Be c u : that is, taking these words, as they were
originally understood, appellatively and translating them
literally, The stream produces the pasture-land ; the
nomad owes his meadow-land to the stream that meanders
through the pasture and keeps the grass fresh and green.
So instead of to lead the cattle to pasture, he says
also, c to lead them to the waters of rest. The psalmist
of Ps. XVIII. I, 2, says Jahveh is my shepherd, I want
nothing. He makes me lie down in green pastures, he
leads me to waters of rest.
10. We will now continue our contemplation of the

contests which the myth tells of the sky at night, in which
we have already seen the dark sky either conquering or
conquered by his brilliant father or brother. One of the
most conspicuous names of the dark sky of night or clouds
in the Hebrew mythology, and containing a rich fund
of mythical matter, is Jacob. Etymologically we have
already done justice to him. Now let us see what the
myth has to say of him. He endures hard struggles.
His father, the laughing sunny sky, loves him not.
The hatred of his brother Esau drives him from house
and home ; and at the place where he takes refuge, he
has to struggle against the white one (Labhan), who, if
not his brother, is at least his near relative, and in the
original form of the myth was perhaps presented as his
brother (see Gen. XXIX. 15). We must examine more
closely the mythical character of these two hostile brothers
of Jacob. To make short work of it both Esau and
Laban are solar figures. What we learn of them in the
epic treatment of the old myth found in the Old Testament,
presents a multitude of solar characteristics. We espe
cially note this in Esau, whose heel Jacob grasps at their
birth (Gen. XXV. 26). This mythical expression is in
itself clear enough : Night comes into the world with
Day s heel in his hand, or, as we should say, Night follows
close upon Day, driving him from his place. Nevertheless,

we can further confirm this signification of the mythical
expression for the benefit of hesitating doubters by show
ing that the same conception is found even in the later
Arabic poetry, where it is doubtless a residuum of an
old mythical idea. For Tha laba b. Su eyr al-Mazini l
says of the breaking of the dawn : 6 The shining one
stretches his right hand towards him who covers up ;
the Sun puts out his hand towards the Night, grasps him,
and pulls him forward, whilst he himself retires; here
therefore it is the same relation, only inverted. Simi
larly, the poet al- Ajjaj says : c till I see the shoulder of
the brilliant dawn, when he springs upon the back of the
black night. 2 This is spoken in quite a mythical tone,
and expresses the same idea as the Hebrew when he said
6 Jacob holds the heel of his red brother in his hand,
only that the Arabic words quoted speak of day following
after night.
Esau is a hunter, Jacob a herdsman, dwelling in

tents. The Sun is a hunter : he discharges his arrows,
i.e. his rays, and does battle with them against darkness,
wind and clouds. Why should I adduce examples from
Aryan mythology, where this view occurs in manifold
variations and is one of the commonest ? 3 The Sun s
arrows are golden, wherefore Apollo is called %pvcr6ro%os
UvOtos (Pindar, 01. XIV. 15). This mythical idea is fre
quently reflected in the composition of language. In
Egyptian, the combination st denotes flame, ray, and
arrow, all at once ; and the Slavonic strela, with which
the German Strahl ray is connected, means arrow. 4
1 In al-Jauhari, s.r. Jcfr.
2 In Ibn al-Sikkit, p. 193 ; hatta ara a naka subhin ablaja * tasuru fi

a jazi leylin ad aja. The expression a jaz al-leyl also occurs in a verse of
Farazdak, Kitab al-Agdni, XIV. 173. 19, and of Ashga , ibid. XVII. 35. 13.
3 See also SMhndmek, VII. 395, -with Eiickert s conjecture suggested in

Zeitsch. dcr D. M. G. 1856, X. 136.
4 Lazarus Greiger, Ur sprung und EntwicJcelung der menschl. Sprache und

Vernunft, I. 447.
JACOB; NIMROD. 135
e The Sun can no longer bend his bow = he has lost

his power, is therefore an expression for the setting of
the sun. When Herakles finds himself too weak to bend
his bow and shoot his arrows, he feels that his end is
approaching. When the Sun regains his powers at the
outburst of spring, after a long winter in which his arrows
had been at rest, Odysseus (Ulysses), a solar wanderer
like Cain, seizes his bow to shoot off his shafts again. 1
We see the same in the myths of the Semites. An epi
thet of the Sun-god Bel is Mpru, which, according to Sir
Henry Kawlinson, signifies 6 hunter ; 2 and the city Resen,
the building of which is attributed in the Bible to Nimrod,
is called in the historical cuneiform inscriptions the ( City
of the Hunter. 3 This Nimrod himself, against whom
Abraham the Nomad contends in the same sense in which
Jacob the Nomad against Esau the Hunter, is a hunter
(Gen. X. 9). The etymological explanation of the name
Mmrod cannot be established until the really primary
signification of the root inarad has been satisfactorily
traced; for it may be considered certain, that at the
myth- creating stage mankind had no sense of the idea
of ( insurrection, which could only be formed after some
advance in social life, and could not therefore endow a
word with that special meaning. This signification can
consequently only be secondary and metaphorical. 4 As
to the grammatical form of the name Nimrod, it is not
impossible that, like Yi.schak Isaac, Yiphtach ( Jeph-
thah, &c., it is a verbal form. If so, it would be the
third person of the imperfect, formed by prefixing n, as
1 Schwartz, Sonne, Mond und Sterne, p. 228.
2 In G-. Kawlinson s History of Herodotus, I. 490 et seq. One might also

think of the Arabic nafara to fly. The Sun is a, fugitive, as has been already
shown.
3 Lenormant, Premieres Civilisations, II. 21.
1 On the primary signification of the root mrd in Semitic, see Fried.

Delitzsch, Studien ubcr indogerm.-semit. Wurzclverwandtschaft, Leipzig 1873,
P- 74-

in Aramaic. Schrader l regards this prefixed n in Nimrod
as a sound used for the formation of nouns. I will also
call to mind incidentally that on Babylonian ground we
meet also with the name of a god Merod. 2 The wars of
Nimrod with Abraham are not preserved in the Old
Testament, but are in Agadic tradition, which has also
retained from the Nimrod-myth an expression of a truly
solar character ; that three hundred and fifty kings sit
before Nimrod, to serve him. 3 Similarly against Joseph,
the giver of increase, the rainy sky, fight the men with
arrows 4 (ba ale chissim, Gen. XLIX. 23), 6 who exasperate
him and shoot and persecute him. So again Jacob fights
against Esau the hunter. It is always the battle of the
sky of Night and Clouds against the Sun, who sends his
arrows to repel the invader. One somewhat more com
plicated mythological conception having reference to the
arrows of the sun is found on Hebrew ground. The sun
and the moon stand still, and then go in the direction of
the arrows which were sent off before them. This view
is known to poetry, except that there it is Jahveh who
shoots the arrows, so that the sun and moon
Walk to the light of thy ( Jahveh s) arrows,
To the brightness of the glitter of thy spear.- Hab. III. II.
The rays of the moon also are here designated arrows.
Esau is a hairy man, Jacob a smooth man (Gen. XXVII.
il). The first came out red, quite like a hairy mantle
1 Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, p. 17, and Die a$syr.-bdbyl.
Keilinschriften, p. 212. Compare Merx, Grammatica Syriaca, p. 201.
2 Levy, Phonizische Studien, pt. II. p. 24.
3 Adolf Jeliinek, Beth ham-midrash, V. 40 ; see supra, p. 32.
4 I am fully aware that in Hebrew poetry arrows are frequently, indeed

most frequently, to be understood of lightning. He sends out his arrows and
scatters them ; lightnings in great number and discomfits them (Ps. XVIII.
15 [14]). But the arrows of Joseph s adversaries must from the very nature
of the myth be rays of the sun. If the hunter is the Sun, then the rays can
only be something which the hunter in that ancient time used for shooting.
Mythology is not the product of a well-thought-out consistent system, and so
nothing is more likely than that two different things should be treated in the
same way by virtue of some feature common to both. Thus the solar ray and
the lightning are the same in mythology an Arrow.
THE SUN S ARROWS AND HAIR. 137
(XXV. 25). For the present we will put the redness aside,
and pay particular attention to the element of hairiness.
Long- locks of hair and a long beard are mythological
attributes of the Sun. The Sun s rays are compared with
locks or hairs on the face or head of the Sun.
Helios is called by the Greeks the yellow-liaired ; and

in Greek poetry xpva-oKOfjiijs or a/cspaofcofj,?]? is a frequent
epithet of solar gods and heroes. A Latin poet also calls
the sun s rays Crines Phoebi. 1 In an American legend
the Sun-god Bocsika is introduced as an old man with a
long beard ; the Yiracochaya of the Peruvians, the Quet-
zalcoatl of the Toltecs, the Coxcox of the Chichimecs,
solar figures all of them, possess this strongly emphasized
characteristic of the long beard. 2 Indeed, this feature is
sometimes ascribed in popular fancy to historical person
ages, as e.g. to Julius Caesar, who was imagined to have
been born with long hair ; and his name was popularly
explained from, this circumstance caesaries.
We must here consider a point in the history of Art,

which occupied archeologists about the years 1820-30,
and especially the meritorious numismatist Ekhel. I
refer to the representation of Janus as biceps, vultu uno
barbato, altero imberbi, which some regarded as the old
traditional conception of Janus, while others thought it
comparatively modern ; the question of age is, however,
not a question of principle at all. 3 In any case it may be
assumed as probable that this picture of the two-headed
Opener, 4 is not an accidental idea, devoid of all mythical
1 See a fuller description in Schwartz, Sonne, Mond und Sterne, pp. 218-220.
2 J. G. Miiller, Gcschichtc der amerikanischen Urrcligionen, p. 429.
8 See this question treated and its literature cited in Creuzer, Symbolik und
Mythologie, 3rd ed., I. 57.
4 For the description of the Sun as an Opener, I am enabled to insert a sup/

plementary datum, borrowed from a book which was published when p. 97 of
the present work (to which I refer back) was already printed. In a cuneiform
Hymn to Samas, the Sun-god, he is addressed thus :
Samas ! from the back of the heavens thou hast come forth :
The barrier of the shining heavens thou hast opened ;
Yea thf gate of the heavens thou hast opened.
(German translation of George Smith s Chaldean Account of Genesis, with
import ; but that on the contrary, the two bearded and

beardless representations of the Sun-god express two
points in the Sun s life ; he appears in the morning and
evening (as Opener and Closer, Janus Patulcius and
Janus Clusius) with smooth, beardless face, i.e. without
powerful rays, but in the middle of the day with a large
beard and hairy face. 1
When the Sun sets and leaves his place to the dark
ness, or when the powerful summer sun is succeeded by
the weak rays of the winter sun, then Samson s long
locks, 2 in which alone his strength lies, are cutoff through
the treachery of his deceitful concubine Delilah, the ( lan
guishing, 3 languid, according to the meaning of the
name (Delila). 4 The Beaming Apollo, moreover, is called
the Unshaven ; and Minos cannot conquer the solar
hero Nisos, till the latter loses his golden hair. 5
It is then clear what the description of Esau as a man

born hairy in contradistinction to the smooth Jacob de-
n otes the same as the epithet ish ba al se ar hairy man
additions by Dr. Fr. Delitzsch, Leipzig, 1876.) The passage quoted is one of
Delitzsch s additions, p. 284. I think this Hymn is a remarkable illustration
of our hypothesis that Yiphtach, the Opener, is a linguistic description of
the Sun.
1 I owe to the kindness of my honoured friend Dr. Ham pel, Gustos of the
archeological section of the Hungarian National Museum, the verification of
a reference in the Bulletin o dell Institute di Corrcspondenza Archeologica, 18531
p. 150, to a stone which exhibits the same representation of the head of Janus
as the coin in question, viz. : una testa doppia, di cui una facie e barbata,
1 altra giovanile.
2 See Naphiali, discussed in 14 of this Chapter; p. 178.
3 Compare Sol languidns (Lucretius, De rcrum nat., V. 726)-
4 The Arabian historians transfer the entire Biblical story of Samson

(Arabic Shamsun), to the time of the Muluk al-tawa if ; and in their narrative
the hero fights against Rum [i.e. the Greek Empire at Constantinople] ; for
the jawbone of an ass is substituted that of a camel. See Ibn al-Athir al-Ta rich
al-kamil, Bulak edition, I. 146.
5 Schwartz, Ursprung dtr Myihologie, p. 144, where Sif and Loki of the
Scandinavian mythology are also mentioned. The hairiness of the solar heroes
has been translated into an ethnographical peculiarity in modern Greek popular
legends. Bernhard Schmidt (Das Volkslcbcn dcr Neugricchen, I. 206) says,
In Zante I encountered the idea that the entire power of the ancient Greeks
lay in three hairs on the breast, and vanished if these were cut off, but re
turned when the hairs grew again.
ESAU THE HAIRY, 139
(2 Kings I. 8) in the description of Elijah: the rajs of

the sun, whose mythical representative Esau is. It is a
more difficult question whether the solar character of this
hero is capable of proof from his name. If, not to have
recourse to non-Hebraic languages, we derive c Esav from
the Hebrew verb asa to do, accomplish, and explain it
as the Accomplishes Worker, or the like, then this de
scription of a solar hero is suitable enough for a legend
of civilisation, which sees in the sun the power that brings
to perfection the corn and fruit, and produces in human
society a legally secured condition of social life, in short,
the Perfecting Agent. But such a description is less con
sonant with the sense possible to the ancient myth, in
which the ideas and conceptions just mentioned were not
yet developed. If then the name c Esav cannot be ety-
mologically explained in the spirit of the oldest mythical
circle of ideas, we are necessarily driven to conjecture
that the appellation does not belong to the oldest stratum
of the materials of Hebrew legends, but was introduced
by a legend of civilisation. This conjecture appears all
the more probable when we remember that Jacob s hos
tile brother in the Bible itself bears another name besides
Esau, much more expressive and suited to the earliest
period of the formation of legends ; namely, Edom the
Red. In later times, when the original signification of
the myths was entirely forgotten, these two names Esau
and Edom were found in the story of the brothers
quarrel, as appellations of the brother with whom Jacob
fights. Attempts were made to harmonise them ; and
the name ( the Red was connected with the red pottage
(Gen. XXV. 30), as well as with the more characteristic
feature belonging to the old mythic stage, that the hostile
brother was admoni, of a reddish colour. But the name
Esau also can be rescued for the old myth, if we connect
this name with the Arabic a tha hairy, which is ety-
mologically related to the name Esau. 1 Thus the name
1 Sec Ewuld, History of Israel, I. 345, note I.
Esau would come in contact with the above-discussed

mythic characteristic of the Solar hero, that he is an ish
se ar, a hairy man. 1 In the Phenician mythology the
antagonist of Usov (whom those who do not utterly re
ject the authenticity of the statements of Sanchuniathon
identify with Esau) lives in tents and is called Shamin-
rum the high heaven/ 2 i.e. the dark night-sky. The
identity of the conceptions Abh-rdm and Ya akobli would
find further confirmation here. We are led to a different
series of solar characteristics by the name Edom, an un
questionably ancient designation of the Solar hero. We
will consider together the names Edom and Labhan, both
appellations of hostile brothers of the Night-Sky. But
before we begin this, I will mention another contest of
Jacob s, to which the original writer devotes only a few
lines : Then Jacob remained behind alone ; and there
wrestled a man with him until the morning rose. And
he saw that he could not do anything to him, so he
knocked his thigh-socket, and Jacob s thigh-socket was
dislocated in wrestling with him. And he said, Let me
go, for the morning has risen (Gen. XXXII. 25-27
[24-26]). Thus Jacob fights with a man who cannot
conquer him, but whom he must let off at the rise of the
morning. This is the Dawn, who wrestles with the end
of the night, and in the end breaks loose, so as to go up
to the sky. The Night is a limping figure (ver. 32 [31]).
This again is a feature in the myth of the hero of dark
ness, which we meet with also in classical mythology,
e.g. in Hermes, Kv\\o7ro$v(0v.* It probably indicates the
opposite to the swiftness and the rapid never-ceasing
course of the day, the sun and the dawn.
ii. Jacob is pursued and made to fight by the Red

and by the White. Both words are designations of the
1 In Gen. XXVII. n, the received punctuation is ish sa ir. TR.
2 Compare Tiele, VergeL Gcschied. p. 447.
8 Schwartz, Ursprung der Mythologie, p. 146; see above, p. 34.
DESIGNATION OF COLOUR. 141
same thing, i.e. the Sun. It strikes us as very strange

that the myth should call the same object now red, now
white. To appreciate this fact, we must think of the
various stages which the sense of colour has to pass
through in old times, until it is fully developed. Even in
much later times we come across extraordinary fluctua
tions of language on Semitic ground in the designation
of colours for solar phenomena. As the demonstration of
this fact appears important to our present subject and
things in connexion with it, the reader will excuse me
for pausing longer than usual at this point and taking
some excursions from the centre of our investigations.
The names of colours were in ancient times very vague ;
the primitive man could not elevate himself to make any
sharply defined distinction and classification of colours.
Red and white are therefore here not exactly red and
white, according to our modern distinction of these colours,
but rather light or bright-coloured. It is a great merit of
the late Lazarus Geiger, too early called home, to have
most clearly exhibited this phase of the history of the
development of ideas and their expression in language,
and illustrated it with the light of psychology and com
parative philology. 1 His ingenious researches have raised
to a certainty the theory that the capacity for distinguish
ing colours has arisen, both in the individual and in the
whole race, in the course of history, through gradual
general development ; that its beginning follows very late
after the beginnings of other intellectual capacities; and
that, even after man had grasped the distinction of
different classes of colour, the fixing of his conceptions
of colour made very slow progre ss, so that he often attri
butes first one and then another colour to the same object.
The shading-off of colours, when once understood, has yet
been fixed in the human mind with such difficulty, that
1 Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte der Menschheit, pp. 45-60. Ursprung und

Entwickelung der menschlichen Sprache und Vernuuft, Bd. II. book 3. Com
pare Lazarus, Lcben der Secle, II. 80 ; ibid. p. 185 note.
142 MYTHOLOGY- AMONG THE HEBREWS.
we find in many languages the most helpless wavering in

the use of names of colours. As this phenomenon, im
portant in man s mental development, is no less so in
relation to the origin and the understanding of the ele
ments of myths, we will pause over Geiger s disquisitions,
to consider still further the fluctuating nature of the desig
nations of colour in language, and especially to notice how
far from clear and unsullied a reflexion impressions of
colour cast on language, their natural medium of ex
pression. We will however sfcay in the neighbourhood of
the proper subject of investigation, and bring only Semitic
words under consideration. Let us pick out the designations
of Gold in this field. We cannot say in general terms of
the Semitic languages that in the designation of gold and
silver they do not express the optical difference between
them, as a scholiast remarks in reference to Homer ; for
the appellations both of gold as brilliant, shimmering, and
of silver as pale, prove that at least the different shine of
the two metals was observed at the stage of the formation
of language. 1 Far less definite, however, than this dis
tinction of the two according to the general impression
made on the sight, is the designation of the sensation
made by each separately. The appellations of gold in
Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic, zahabh, dahabha, dahab,
denote brilliant in general ; whereas the Assyrian and
Phenician 2 word for gold, hurasu (which is the same as
the Hebrew charu), expresses no optical sensation. 3 The
1 For Silver the three North-Semitic languages, Assyrian, Aramaic, and

Hebrew, have the same word, and in so far form a strict union, as Schrader
says, in opposition to the South-Semitic languages, which employ other words
for the designation of this metal. Keilinschriften und das A. T., p. 46.
2 Charus = gold has in recent times been frequently met with on Phenician
territory, e.g. in the Inscription of Idalion published by Euting, II. I, in the
Inscription of Gebal (De Vogue in the Journal asiat. 1875, I. 327), and in an
unpublished Carthaginian Inscription (Derenbourg in Journal asiat. 1875, I.
336).
8 The consideration of the Hebrew chores Sun might suggest that both
it and the old word for gold (charus), composed of possibly related sounds,
both originated in the notion of shining.
DESIGNATION OF COLOUR. 143
former appellations describe an optical sensation ; but no

definite colour-sensation. Indeed, even a late Arabic
poet says of gold: al-dahab al-nari, 1 the fire-like gold,
which, if a description of colour, is a very vague one.
Ru ba b. al- Ajjaj, an Arabic poet living in the second
century of the Hijra, says : 2
Hal yanfa uni kadabun siclititu * au fiddatun an dahabun kibritu ?

Will a great lie save nie ? * or silver, or sulphur-yold?
Here gold and sulphur are compared together as similar,
at all events in colour, for colour is the only possible tertium
comparationis between them ; and in fact we also find in
Arabic the expression yellow sulphur, as if it were gold
(kibrit a$far ka annahu dahab). 3 I lay particular stress
upon this, because a common phrase among the Arabs is,
al-kibrit al-ahmar e red sulphur, to denote a peculiar
person, one without his equal, inasmuch as there is no
red sulphur. Now gold, of all things, is commonly used
both in the later literature and iri popular speech with the
epithet red (al-dahab al-ahmar). This phrase, as Osian-
der has proved, 4 occurs also in Himyaric, and passed from
Arabic into Persian and Turkish (in Persian zeri surch ;
in Turkish kizil altyn), and is used especially when
minted gold is opposed to silver coins. The former is
red money, the latter white: e.g. wa-mala tum aydikum
min al-dahab al-ahmar wal-fidda al-beyda you hav e
filled your hands with red gold and white silver ; 5 dih-
hezar dinar zeri surch, ten thousand dinars of red gold. 6
In a very noteworthy essay, Belin has shown with re
ference to Turkish that in the Ottoman Empire the metal
1 Al-Makkari, Analectes, etc., Leyden edition, I. 369. 3.
2 Al-Jauhari, s.r. kbr.
3 Yakut, Geogr. Dictionary, II. 609. 8.
4 Zur himjarischen Alterthumskunde, in Zcitsch. derj). M. Gr., 1865, XIX.

247. Compare HaleVy, Etudes sabeenncs, in Journal asiat., 1874, II. 523.
6 Pseudowakidi, ed. Nassau Lees, p. 181. 6.
6 Hist, de leconomie politique en Turquie, in Journal asiat., 1864, I. 421.

Compare also Sprenger, Altc Geographic Arabiens, p. 56.
money is divided into white, 6 ak, and red, c kizil ; l and in

Egypt at the present day the silver piaster is called abyad
white, to distinguish it from the copper mone} r chorde.
Mu awiyya said to Sa sa a, Thou Bed one ; and he an
swered, Gold is red. 2 Thus we see that red has become
the constant designation of the colour of gold. Now in
what harmony does this stand with the above-quoted
designation, 6 sulphur-coloured gold, when we consider at
the same time the proverbial kibrit ahmar c red sulphur ?
Ethiopic designates gold, not by a derivative of the
root * dhb, like the other languages of the same stock, but
by the word warak. We cannot decide a priori whether
in its origin this word expresses a colour-sensation or not.
In Arabic also we find warak or warik in a similar signi
fication, and I can scarcely believe that it must be thrown
out of the original treasury of the Arabic vocabulary.
Von Kremer classifies it with the Arabic words borrowed
from the Persian stock, and refers it to the Huzwaresh
warg. 3 In old time it was equivalent to property, goods. 4
The poet Suheym, an elder contemporary of Mohammed,
says in a little poem, 6 The poems of the slave of the
Banu-1-Hashas on the day of competition are worth as
much as noble birth and warak (property) ; 5 and in
some of the traditional sayings of Mohammed a collateral
form of the same word, rika, denotes money. 6 The
Arabic lexicographers give the signification of both forms
as al-darahim al-madruba ( stamped coins, drachmas.
In the more general signification we find warak used by
Abu Nuwas in a poem of youth or rather childhood.
The poet Ibn Munadir, finding little Abu Nuwas leaning
against a pillar in the mosque, took a great fancy to him,
and addressed an erotic poem to him ; upon which the
1 The use of black should also be noticed; dirhem sauda and kara gurush.
2 In al-Tha aliM in the Zeitsch. der D. M. Gr., 1854, VII. 505.
3 Culturgeschichtlicfie Streifzuge, p. xi.
4 Compare Again, III. 90. 10. Fada a bichazinihi wa-kala kam fi beyt
mali fakala lahu min al-warak w-al- ayn bakfyyatun.
5 Thorbecke, Antarah, ein vorislamiscker Dichter, Leipzig 1867, p. 41.
6 al-Harm, Paris edition, 2nd ed., p. 467.
NAMES OF COLOUR. 145
boy extemporised the following verses, and wrote them on

the back of the letter :
You write me a letter of praise without any warak (present) ;
That is like a house built on a foundation of reeds ;

But I should think it much pleasanter than your eulogy on me,
If you would send me a pair of black shoes and a fine dress.

If you are willing, do get me a warak (present) : if you do so
I shall not turn you away. 1
We see clearly from this example how general the

meaning of warak is in Arabic ; even a pair of shoes
and a dress are included in it. It is, however, probable
that the word, which certainly comes from the south of
Arabia, originally denoted specially gold, but being sup
planted in this narrow sense by dahab in ordinary
Arabic, was applied first to gold-money, then to money
generally (even of silver) , and lastly by a further generali
sation to goods and objects of value of all kinds. Its
South-Arabic origin is also confirmed by the fact that it
occurs in Himyarite, 2 beside dahab and kethem ; and
there is no reason for supposing, with Halevy, that it
denotes specially de Vor en feuilles, contrasted with de Vor
en poudre. 3 On the other hand, it must be noticed that
the root warak in the Semitic languages designates a colour,
either green or yellow, and that it is probably owing to
this circumstance that gold is in Ethiopic called warak.
But this word of colour itself is very fluctuating. Whilst
in Ethiopic it designates the colour of gold, in Hebrew it
gives a name to grass (yerek), and similarly in Arabic the
green leaves are called warak, notwithstanding which
its diminutive urayyik 4 (from aurak) denotes a dark brown
camel; in irkan it returns again to the notion yellow or
reddish. The Hebrew of the Talmud and the Targum
employs yarok (which in Biblical Hebrew is mostly used
for green, but sometimes of a pale face for yellow, e.g.
yerakon jaundice ) chiefly for a green colour, of vegetables
1 Kit Ah al-a< /a t, XVII. p. n.
" M. A. Levy in ZcitscJtr. tier D. M. G., 1870, XXIV. p, 191.

3 Jlalevy, ibid. p. 539. 4 Frcytag points this word urayk. Tie.
I 4 6 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
and precious stones ; l nevertheless, we find in the Talmud

(Bab. Nedarim, 32. a) horikan bezahabh he made it yarok
with gold, i.e. made it yellow, gilded it. We have in
Ps. LXYIII. 14 [13] yerakrak charu, flavedo auri. There
is a noteworthy passage in Bereshith rabba (sect. 4 near
the end), in which the various colours of the sky are
mentioned : red, black, white, and also yarok.
The above remarks show how little consistency and

distinctness there is in the relation of the names derived
from colour to the various types of colour. The same
result is reached when we inquire, with what designations
of colour other objects are combined. For we find almost
everywhere the greatest fluctuation, whether we consider
the etymological value of the names themselves, or study
the adjectives attached to them. In the most favourable
cases only the class of colour light or dark is observed ;
but within the class nothing definite is found. Arabic
especially is a field offering abundant matter for observa
tion and demonstration, on which the excellent labours of
Lazarus Geiger might be corroborated, completed and ex
tended ; but I cannot undertake such a task at this place.
We will now limit our observations to the point which
has to be established here : the views of colour which were
attached to day and night, the sunny sky and the night-
sky, the grey of the morning and the red of the evening.
In the Yedas, when day and night, sun and darkness,

are opposed to each other, the one is designated red, the
other black. The gods have made the night and the
dawn of different hue, and given them black and red
colours (Rigveda, I. 73. 7). The red mother of the red
calf comes ; the black leaves his place to her (Rigveda, I.
113. 2). The dawn comes forward, driving off black
night (Rigveda,!. 92. 5 : compare VI. 64. 3). 2 In Hebrew
1 J. Levy, Chaldaisches Wortcrbuch, I. 345.
2 The Sun had long since in the lap

Of Thf tis taken out his nap ;
And, like a lobster boil d, the Morn
From black to red began to turn
says Hudibras, canto II.
NAMES OF COLOUR. 147
poetry we find no similar case, in which the opposite

colours of the antagonistic forces are thus clearly set
against one another. Indeed, we do not even find that a
separate colour-epithet is given to each. Still it seems
certain tha/t at least Night was brought into connexion
with the colour black ; l otherwise a sentence such as
Darker than Blackness (chashakh mish- shechor) is their
form (Lam. IV. 8) would be impossible. We may infer
from this that the notions of choshekh c Darkness and
shechor Blackness were closely connected together.
This is in Arabic one of the commonest combinations.
The dark night is sometimes called al-leyl al-halik a
word denoting the deepest shade of blackness. To the
same class also belongs ad aj (in leyl ad aj black night ),
another adjective denoting black. Chudariyya is an Arabic
word which denotes both raven 2 and night (one cannot
help thinking of the Hebrew erebh evening and orebh
raven ). The verb iktahal is used of Night : f She has
coloured herself with the black dye 3 al-kuhl, e.g. wa-1-
zalam ida-ktahal (Rom. of Antar, VI. 53. 12). Poetry
gives the same evidence as language itself. As in other
literatures, so in Arabic, darkness is the term of com
parison for everything black. The black hero of the best
loved Arabic popular romance is pictured as black as the
colour of darkness, riding on a horse which resembles the
darkness of night (as wad kalaun al-zalam c ala jawad min
al-cheyl yahki zalain al-leyl : Eom. of Antar, IV. 183. 14).
This is the source of a poetic figure much used by Arabic
poets in application to a mistress with light features and
dark hair. So Bekr b. al-Nattah says (Hamasa, p. 566) :
She is as white as if she were herself the brilliant noon-
1 In tho Babyl. Talmud, Yoma 28. b, the falling of the shades of night is
described as the time when meshachare kothale the walls are black.
2 Called by Freytag an eagle. Tu.
3 In Hariri (Paris edition, 2nd c-d.), p. 644. 4, we read of tho Dawn: hina
nasal chidub al-zalam when the dye of darkness was washed off. The Arabic
word here used for dye is generally employed of gay colours, e.g. al-hinua ;
but it is self-evident that here only al-kuhl can bo meant.
day-sky, as if her black hair were the night which darkens

it. The black hero Antar, contrasting his own colour
and that of his beloved c Abla, compares himself regularly
with the night, and her with the dawn (e.g. Antar, VII.
136 penult.). She herself once addressed him thus, Go,
in the name of God, thou colour of night (sir fi amam-llahi
ya laun al-duja, VI. 162. 4), and he often repeats the
idea that his colour and that of night are the same. Thus
(XVIII. 66. 12):
In akun ya Ablata abdan aswada * fasawadu-1-leyli min ba di sifati

Wafachari armani yauma-1-likiVi * yaclida u-s-subhu liseyfi wa-kanati.
Tliougli I am, Abla, a black slave,
And tlie blackness of night is one of my qualities,

Yet it is my boast that on the day of encounter
The Dawn bows before my bow and spear.
As a black man is compared to night, so, inversely, the latter

is likened to a black gipsy. Abu-l- Ala al-Ma c arri, who is
remarkable for accurate pictures of nature, says of the sky
dazzling with stars, This night is a Gipsy s bride, decked
out with pearls : l
Leylati hadihi ariisun min az-zan- * ji aleyha kala idu min jumani. 2
On another occasion the same poet (II. 106. 4) compares

the night to black ink :
Katabna wa-a rabna bi-hibrin min ad-duja * sutura-s-sura fi zahri bey da a
balka i.
And one of the most ordinary descriptions of darkening is

that Mght put on her Hack adornments. 3 From all
this it is seen that it is perfectly usual and matter-of-course
1 In Persian black hair is called mu i-Zengl Gipsies hair, and zulf-i-Hindu,

Indian hair, i.e. black like an Indian s (e.g. Eiickert, Grammatik, Poetik und
Ehetorik der Perser, p. 287). So in the well-known verse of Hafiz, in which
the poet gives away all Bochara and Samarkand for the black mole (bechal-i-
Binduwesh, Indian mole ) of his Turkish boy (Diwan Ea, no. 8. v. I; ed.
Kosenzweig, I. 24).
2 Safct-al-zand, I. 91. 7-
3 E.g. Romance of Antar, VII. 115. line 4 from below: wa-kasa-1-leylu

liullat al-sawad.
COLOUR OF NIGHT. 149
to associate Night with the colour Black. 1 Indeed, by the

Black the poet understands par excellence Night. Abu-1-
<Ala al-Ma c arri, the poet so frequently quoted in this
section, says at one place (ibid. I. 131. 2) : The Black one,
whose father is unknown to men, has shrouded me in
clothes from himself (i.e. in black or dark ones). Never
theless, we can convince ourselves here too, that even this
point of the conception of colour is not devoid of fluctua
tion. For the blackness of night is not nearly s,o distinct
a conception as ours when we speak of a black night. On
the contrary, it is not yet separated from the general
category of dark colour, to which green and blue also
belong. When the land of the Banu Madhij was visited
with drought, the tribe sent out three explorers (ruwwad,
from the singular ra id), to look for suitable pasturage.
One of them says in his report in praise of the splendid
green meadows of the land he recommends, that the
surface of the land is like nigfit, so green is it. 2 Al-Af\v ah,
a Preislamite Arabic poet and sage, 3 in. a verse quoted
by the lexicographer al-Jauhari (under the root sds),
associates Night with the colour of sudus. So also Abu
Nucheyla, 4 a later poet who lived under the Abbasid
dynasty as their laureate, says e Put on as thy shirt Night,
black and dark like the colour of sundus :
Waddari i jilbaba leylin dalimasi * aswada dajin mitlili launi-s-simdusi. 5
Another anonymous poet, or rather verse-monger, says
1 Varro treats it as self-evident that black is the most suitable epithet

for Night, and is thereby tempted to a very curious etymology in his work
De ration/; rocabulorum. He explains the word fur thief by saying that in
the old Latin fur-rum was equivalent to black, and thieves practise their
dark deeds at night. Sed in postcriore ejusdom libri parte docuit (scil. Varro)
furem ex eo dictum quod vetercs Eomnni furvum atrum appellaverint : at
fures per noctem quaeatra sit facilius furentur (Aulus Gollius, Nodes Atfioat,
I. 1 8. 3-6).
2 Opuscula arabica, od. W. Wright, Leyden 1859, p. 30. II ;" compare p.
31. 12.
Ayfint, XI. 44. * Ibid, XVIII. 139.
* Ibn nl-Sikkit, p. 344.
in the same sense c Among the nights a dark night, when

the sky is like the colour of sundus :
Waleylatin min-al-layali hindisi * launu hawashika kalauni-s-sundusi. 1
But sudus and sundus denote a garment the colour of

which is regularly mentioned as achdar greenish. So, e.g.,
twice in the Koran (Sur. XVIII. 30, LXXVI. 21), where
the joys and delights of Paradise are described, green
sundus garments are promised to the faithful ; and similarly
in a tradition mentioned by al-Gazali 2 we find it said of
men who become brethren in God, Their beauty shines
like the sun, and they are clothed in green sundus garments
(wa- c aleyhim thiab sundus chudr).
But this uncertainty of the colour which is associated

with the Night is far less prominent than the fluctuation
which prevails when the colour of the Day has to be
described. In the former case, with a few exceptions
based on the impression which a certain peculiar night
may have made on the mind of the speaker or poet, black
is by far the prevailing colour. Not so with the colour-
distinctions of the solar phenomena. Here usage wavers
among three colours, which are usually connected with the
various stages of the Sun himself: golden-yellow, red, and
white. The greatest definiteiiess is found to exist with refer
ence to the first. It refers mostly to the dawn and sunset.
In Aramaic the early morning is safra. Etymologically this
word is capable of many explanations which justify the
above-expounded mythical conceptions of the dawn. It
may be explained, as the soundest lexicographers 011
Semitic ground do explain it, 3 to denote curled locks of
hair, or one who springs, leaps. Both explanations take us
back to mythic attributes of the morning-sun; in the
second we see the morning- sun springing up to heaven
from behind the hills like a bird (sippor). But I believe
that the word safra is related to asfar, a colour-name in
Ibn al-Sikldt, p. 345. 2 Ihyd ulum al-dm, II. 148.
G-esenius, Thesaurus, p. 1183.
COLOUR OF DAY. 151
Arabic, which, though like all such it has an extremely

vague signification, and may even mean nigredo, prevail
ingly indicates a golden-yellow colour. Now while the
Aramaic safra is exclusively the morning-sun (compare
y H.o)$ tcpoKOTTSTr Xo?., Iliad, VIII. I, and fjLsKdfjL7rs7r\os of the
night), in Arabic the colour- word in question is prevailingly
applied to the evening-sun : Until upon him came the
end of the day, and the Sun put on the garment of yellow
ness (ila an ata aleyhi achir al-nahar wa-labisat al-shams
hullat al-i$firar, Rom. of Antar, VI. 244. i). . Another
example, in which the succession of time comes out with
still greater clearness, is : They had defeated al-No man
at noon ; then they took rest till the Sun put on the
garment of yellowness, and towards evening dust appeared
before them (wa-kanu kad sabaku al-No c man bi-nisf al-
nahar wa-achadu rah a hatta labisat al-shams hullat
al-i?firar wa-*ind al-masa tala c aleyhim gobar, Rom. of
Antar, VI. 35. 2). It is remarkable that in Egyptian the
setting sun is said to throw out rays of taken a metal
distinguished for its saffron colour, which is frequently
contrasted with the colour red. 1 Chabas finds this con
trast to constitute a difficulty in the comparison with the
setting sun. Semitic analogies, however, show that the
association of saffron colour with the sun, especially the
evening-sun, is not confined to Egyptian. No case 011
Arabic ground is as yet known to me in which this
yellowish colour, al-isfirar, is attributed to any other stage
of the sun s course except the evening. But there is the
word abah (from ?ubh the early morning ) morning-
coloured, used of the lion, which is said to denote a
colour near to asfar. 2 At all events, the Aramaic ?afra
and the Arabic usage teach us that a yellow colour is in
1 Chabas, Etudes sur Pantiquite historique d aprcs Ics sources cgypticnnes,

etc. 2nd edition, Paris 1873, p. 34, where the article by Le Page Benouf is
referred to.
2 Tbn al-Sikkit, p. 193, whom I follow as a reliable ancient authority; al-

Jauliarl and Freytag after him tt&dersta&d afba^&mewhat differently.
Semitic an attribute of both the morning- and the evening-

sun. It is very different with the two other colours,
white and red. There we meet with greater fluctuations.
Sometimes the morning-sun is described as white, in com
parison with the sun of the advanced day; sometimes the
former is bright red and the latter white :
Ka anna sana-1-fajreyni lamma tawalaya * damu l-achaweyni za farani
wa-ayda i.
Afada ala talihirna-s-subhu rna ahu * fagayyara min ishraki ahmara
mushba i.
As if the light of the two daybreaks when they follow one after the other
Were the blood of the two brothers saffron and red.
The dawn poured its waters over the latter,

And changed into white its deep red. 1
At its very first appearance the morning-dawn is of

saffron colour, then a bright red comes, and the further
the day advances, the whiter it becomes. The two day
breaks (al-fajran), as the scholiast observes on this passage,
are al-kadib wa-l-adik> the lying or supposed one, which
precedes the true dawn, and the latter itself. The very
poet, however, from whom I quote this fragment, at
another place exactly inverts the order of colour : repre
senting the white or grey colour as appearing first, and
then passing into the reddish or saffron. In a poem to a
friend, in which he gives a beautiful description of night,
he brings forward Night as in love with the stars. But
she grows old
Thunima shaba-d-duja wa-chafa min al-haj- * ri fagatta-1-mashiba bi-z-

za farani.
And Night grew grey, and feared the desertion [of her lover, the starry
heaven] :
So she dipped her grey hair into saffron.
1 Abu-l- Ala, II. 107. 3-4.
2 Sakt al-zand, I. 93. i. These ideas of the relations of colours are found
expressed -with characteristic energy by the eccentric Persian poet Abu Ishak
Hallaji ; he says, When the Sun in the blue vault turns his cheek into yellow,
it makes me think of saffron-coloured viands on an azure dish (Riickert,
GrammatiJc, Poetik und Rhetor ik der Perser, p. 126). The conception of turn
ing grey combines that of both colours the white appearing beside the black.
According t AfjAnf-, II. 41. 7 I those clouds which comliino the two colours are
called shib grey (al-saha ib allati fih sawad wa-baya I).
COLOUR OF DAWN. 153
The idea that the poet intends to express here is, that
Night at its latter end becomes grey, when the grey
morning begins to appear, and that to preserve the
appearance of youth and be still acceptable to her lover
she must put on red paint. But even the brightness of
the sun by day (dia al-nahar) is compared by the same
poet to the grey hairs of an old man (II. 226. 2), as is also
the brightness of the stars : l
Ra aha salilu t-tini wa-sh-sheybu shtimilun * laha bith-thureyya wa-s-

simakeyni wa-1-wazni. 2
He that was brought out of clay [Adam] saw it [the world], when its
hair was all grey,

With the Pleiades, the two Fishes and the Balance.
We find the same figure, of which we have seen Abu-1-

<Ala to be so fond, used by Abu-1- Hasan <Ali b. Ishak al-
Waddani, a Magreb [North African] poet, who says of the
morning : 6 It is like the greyness which spreads itself over
the black hair of youth (the black night) :
Dana-s-sabahu wa-la ata wa-ka annahu * sheybun atalla ala sawadi
shibabi. 3
So, inversely, when the hair grows grey it is said The

dark night is lighted. 4
From all these cases it may be gathered that the pro

gress of the sun from the dawn to the full day is treated
sometimes as a transition from a whitish to a reddish
colour, sometimes as the reverse. Sometimes the redness
of morning begins, and turns into white ; sometimes the
greyness, which passes into red. 5 But both conceptions
are also found combined in a single idea : thus, for in
stance, al- e Arji the poet says :
1 I will mention hero that according to al-Gazali (////<?, IV. 433) the
stars
have various colours, some tending towards reel, others towards white, others
towards leaden: Ava-tadal>l>ar adad bnvukibiha wachtilaf alwaniha
faba duha
tomil ila-1-humra wa-ba dulia ilu-l-l>ay;id wa-lwi duha ila launi-r-rusas.
2 Abu-l- Ala, I. 195. i. 3 Tn Yakut, IV. 911. 7.

Hariri s MaMmas, p. 675. 7 : Istamlra-l-loyl al-bahim.
5 Seo Excursus II.
Bata bi-an ami leylatin hatta bada * subhun talawwaha ka-l-agarri-1-
ashkari.
They both passed a joyous night, until began

The morning to appear, like a red horse with white forehead-spot (gurra). 1
Some already-cited examples have enabled us to observe

that when day is contrasted with night, it is done by calling
the night black and the day white. To the former in
stances I will now add another for clearness sake : c Till
the whiteness of the day became black (hatta *"ada bayad
al-nahar sawadan, Eom. of Antar, XXY. 5. 4). The
attribute white, applied to the sun of the advanced day, is
especially clear in a passage which I must not omit to
mention. The poet al-Mutanabbi says :
Azuruhum wa-sawadu-1-leyli yashfa uni * wa-anthani wa-bayadu-s-subhi
yugri bi.
I visit them when the blackness of the niyht aids me ;
And I retire when the whiteness of the morning drives me away.
A critic 2 remarks on this passage that the writer ought

to have spoken of the day rather than of the whiteness of
the morning, as the rhetorical law of al-mukabala c anti
thesis demands as the opposite to .Night not Dawn, but
Day. Thus c the whiteness of day would be better.
Another passage with the antithesis is contained in
Hariri : The white day becomes black (iswadda-1-yaum
al-abyad). 3 This use of language is characteristically
exemplified in the expression sirna bayada jaumina wa-
sawada leylatina, c we travelled night and day (literally,
6 we travelled during the whiteness of our day and the
blackness of our night, Agani, II. 74. 20). But apart
from any antithesis, the white colour is attributed to the
light of the morning and the day : falamma-rtafa at al-
shams fabyaddat, c after the sun had risen high and
become white, is said in a tradition. 4 In the Romance of
Antar (XXIV. 1 1 1. 3), a horse is thus described : he was
1 Agdnt, I. 158. 23. 2 al-Antaki, Tazym al-aswdk, etc., p. 405.
* MaMmds, p. 128 ; cf. Mehrcn, Rhetor ik der Araber, p. 99.

4 al-BucMri, IX. 35.
WHITENESS OF DAY AND THE SUN. 155
white in colour, as if lie were the day when it breaks, or

the moon l when it shines with full beams (wa-hua abyad
al-laun ka annahu al-abah ida-iifajar wa-1-kamar ida
badar).
On Assyrian ground also we discover the idea of the

whiteness of the sun, expressed, not indeed by a word
directly signifying a colour, but yet by an epithet which
is undoubtedly founded upon this idea.. In the lyrical
poem, called b}^ Schrader 6 The Assyrian Royal Psalm
(line 29), a land with a silver sky* i.e. with a bright
shining sunny sky, is desired for the king. So here the
bright sunny sky is represented as of silver colour. On
the other hand, Homar m , the name of a Himyarite god, 3
has perhaps a solar meaning, equivalent to the Arabic
ah mar Red ; at all events, the fancy that he may be a
sort of Bacchus (chamr wine ) sounds improbable. In
Hebrew literature we find no direct indications of the
colours which were associated with the sun : an indirect
indication is afforded by the passage in Is. XXIV. 23,
where it is said that the sun grows pale and the moon,
red. 4 In the Talmud literature, however, we find an in
cidental discussion of the colour of the sun ; to which one
of the Excursus is devoted. 5
I have paused long on the ideas held of the Sim

with reference to colour, longer than is consistent with
the symmetry of my book, and have especially brought up
many examples from the Arabic language, celebrated for
its wealth of synonyms and epithets all with the object
of giving probability to my ideas on the mythical character
of Esau or Edom and Laban, Jacob s two hostile kinsmen.
1 The notion of the white colour of the moon is also the foundation of
one of the Hebrew names of the moon. Jn the verse abyatun adma u mithla-1-
hiluli a gazelle red like the new moon (Ay am, VI. 122. 21) the moon is
1 iv;it"d ;is red. Eut in the appellation ;i!-l;iyali al-bid white nights, by which
are meant nights illumined throughout by the moon, the moonshine is associated
with a white colour.
2 Die Hi illcnfrilirf l>r fsfar, p. 75. Halevy, z7;/W.. p. 556.

* See Excursus I. 5 Sec Excursus K.

We have seen that the sun is called white quite as fre
quently as red ; l now is it not certain beyond a doubt that
the two foes of Jacob the Night-sky, namely Edom the
red and Laban the white, are only names for the Sun,
formed by the Hebrew myth on the ground of the sun s
colour ? The war of darkness and the stormy sky against
the red or white sunny sky is described in the rich language
of Mythology, which has devoted such multifarious appella
tions to this struggle, as a strife of one who follows on the
heel of his brother, against the white and the red. Here
we will return to a point which was anticipated in the Third
Section of this chapter ; I mean the fact that the mythic
feature which, with other solar characteristics, has fastened
itself on the description of David, a perfectly historical
person, that he was admoni reddish, belongs to the same
group of mythic ideas. It is a bit of solar myth : He is
red, and of excellent sight and good eyes (i Sam. XYI.
12).
Thus the mythical appellations Jacob, Edom, and

Laban appear to be cleared up, and the features belonging
to them have discovered to us the nocturnal character of
the first-named and the solar of the two latter personages.
I have confined myself to the most essential point, the
statement of the fact and the identification of the mythic
figures in the centre of the story. If we were to use the
collateral points also as mythic matter, more abundant
results might be attained. But we must limit ourselves
to an investigation of the main features, since in the pre
sent position of mythological inquiry it would be difficult
1 Among the Arabic names of the sun, we find the curious appellation
al-jauna (Ibn al-Sikkit, p. 324), a word of colour, which belongs to the addad
of the Arabic philologians, i.e. words with contradictory signification, and may
denote either white or black (see Eedslob, Die arab. Worter mit entgcgengesetzter
Sedentunff, Gottingen 1873, p. 27). Al-jauna is especially the setting sun,
e.g. la atihi hatta taglb al-jauna, I cannot come to him till the jauna sets;
and the setting sun is well described by a colour-word which, by its faculty
of star.ding for either white or black, answers to the transition from sunshine
to darkness.
ESAU (EDOM) AND LAB AN. 157
and dangerous to try to pick out with any confidence from

the epic descriptions in the Bible all that belongs to the
original myth. It might, for instance, be urged that Jacob
is endowed with a deceitful character, since he cheats the
one of his blessing and his birthright, and the other of
his sheep (Hermes), and this might be treated as character
istic of the night, as the figures of the night- sky are
credited elsewhere with a thievish nature. Like thieves,
said the ancient Indian singer, so the nights stole away
with their stars, that Surya might become visible
(Rigveda, I. 50. 2).
In a legend of the Palatinate the King of the Night

residing at the Ice-sea stole the Sun ; 1 Rachel steals the
household-gods of her father Laban (Gen. XXXI. 19);
and Jacob himself, as the Scripture expresses it, steals the
heart of Laban the Aramean, not telling him of his inten
tion to fly (v. 20).
Now wrapt in mantle, like a thief, the Night is seen,

She covers o er her silver-studded raiment s sheen.
says Arany, in his Gipsies of Nagy-Ida 2 (Canto I. v. 2 1 ).

But what I have hitherto explained is only one side of
Jacob s mythical characteristics : we have seen against
whom he fought. But Jacob did not only fight : he loved
also, loved with tenderness and self-abnegation. He
wooed, he married; and the history of his children takes
up a considerable portion of the Book of Genesis. The
loves of the Night-sky, the names of his wives whom he
gained by conquest, and of the children that came out of
his loins, must be an important part of the Myth of the
Night- sky ; and we should be accomplishing our task
very imperfectly if we refused to enter on the considera
tion of these figures of Hebrew mythology.
1 Communicated by Heune Am Khyn, Dcutsche Volkssagen &c., p. 219.

no. 427.
2 Nagyidai Czic/anyok. In the original Hungarian :
Most az Ej folvette tolvajkoponyeg^t,

KltJikara azzal pityk^s 61tozet6t.
12. Let us turn first to his women. He has both

wives and so-called concubines. In my opinion this dis
tinction belongs to the original form of the myth ; and
some explanation of its significancy must be given at the
outset. There is another already-discussed name of the
night-sky, Abhram, with which are associated both a
legitimate wife Sara, and a concubine Hagar ; and in the
latter we discovered the mythical bearer of a solar name,
the Flying one. This circumstance leads to the discovery
that, whilst the concubines in mythical phraseology are
figures of opposite nature to their master, like Hagar a
solar figure to Abram the dark sky, the names of the
legitimate wives represent figures homogeneous to the
nature of the husband. This is the case preeminently
with Sarah, Abram s wife. The name signifies Princess ,
Lady, the Princess of the Heaven, the Moon, the Queen
who rules over the great army of the night-sky (sebha
hash- sham ay im). Another name of the moon in Hebrew
mythology is probably Milka (the wife of Abraham s
brother Nahor, Gen. XI. 29), i.e. the Queen not
expressly wife, but grammatically the feminine form of
Melekh (Abhi-melekh) King (the Sun), like Ashera
(Moon) from Asher (Sun), or Lebhana (Moon) from Labhan
(Sun). e Queen or Princess of Heaven is a very frequent
name for the Moon. 1 We learn most remarkable facts
from the Chaldee-Babylonian series of deities, which,
though not old enough to be a myth, must, like every
theogony, have sprung from mythology misunderstood.
In this system, in which the deities are arranged in male
and female triads, so that there is always a male deity
parallel to the goddess of the female triad who stands at
the same spot, Sin (the Moon) and Gula of the male
triad are balanced respectively by the highest Princess
and by Malkit the Queen in the female ; and these are
only Sarah and Milcah again. Istar also is described as
1 On Ecgina coeli, seo Jablonski, Opifscula, II. 54 ct seq. (ed. Te Water).
WIVES AND CONCUBINES IN MYTHOLOGY. 159
Princess (sarrat) of heaven ; l which is probably connected

with the fact that this goddess of the Assyrian Pantheon,
who is commonly compared to Venus, in later times be
came a moon-goddess. 2 Sir H. Rawlinson says that
Miao-aptf in Damascius may be cognate with the Assyrian
Sheruha or Sheruya, the wife of Asshur, and signify the
Queen. 3 And as it is the stars over which the Queen of
the night-sky bears sway, she is siderum regina in Horace
(Carmen saeculare, v. 35)- 4 Even in the latest times the
Hebrews called the moon the Queen of Heaven (mele-
kheth hash-shamayirn, Jer. VII. 18), and paid her divine
honours in this character at the time of the Captivity.
The Hebrew women who had migrated to Egypt answered
the Prophet who warned them : c As to the word that thou
has spoken unto us in the name of Jahveh, we do not
listen to thee ; for we shall certainly do all the things that
have gone forth from our own mouth ; burning incense to
the Queen of Heaven, and pouring libations to her as we
have done, we and our fathers, our kings and princes, in
the cities of Judah and the streets of Jerusalem, and were
filled with food and were happy and saw no evil ; whereas
ever since we have ceased to burn incense to the Queen of
Heaven and pour libations to her, we have wanted every
thing, and been consumed by sword and famine. And
when we were burning incense to the Queen of Heaven
and pouring libations to her, was it without our men
that we made cakes for her, to receive her image, and
poured libations to her ? (Jer. XLIV. 16-19). This reply
leads us to infer that the moon-worship in Judah was
specially attractive to the women and allowed by the men,
and was not a mere secondary religious act, but a promi
nent worship of the first rank ; yet a worship which, con
sidering the prevailingly solar character of the religion of an
1 In Fox Talbot, quoted by Schrader, Die Hbllenfahrt dcr Islar, p. 98.
2 Zeitchr. d. I). M. G., 1873, XXVII. p. 404.

3 G. K;i\vlinson, History of Herodotus, App. B. I., Essay X. (I. 484).
4 Schwartz, Sonnc, Mond und Sterne, 269, 274.
agricultural people, was then kept up chiefly by the women

as the relic of an ancient nomadic age. What was the
antiquity of this lunar worship among the Hebrews, is
testified (as has long been known) by the part played by
Mount Sinai in the history of Hebrew religion. For this
geographical name is doubtless related to Sin, one of the
Semitic names of the moon. The mountain must in
ancient times have been consecrated to the Moon. 1 The
beginning of the Hebrew religion, which, as we shall see,
was connected with the phenomena of the night-sky,
germinated first during the residence in Egypt on the
foundation of an ancient myth. The recollection of this
occasioned them to call the part of Egypt which they had
long inhabited ere Sinim c Moonland (Is. XLIX. 12).
Obviously the lunar worship of Nomads stands in con
nexion with the prominent position occupied by the figures
of the night- sky in their mythology. When, through
that psychological process which results in the decay of
the life of the myth and the rise of a religious view of
the world, the mythic elements become religion, then the
Moon is not believed to possess those deleterious qualities
of which the later legends of the American nations
are full, but is rather regarded as the source of blessing
and success. The Hebrews called the most fruitful place
in their new country, the City of the Palms, formerly
delightful, though now a very cheerless hole, by a name
denoting M om-city Yerecho (Jericho). An analogous
system of nomenclature is mentioned by Hamza of Ispahan,
a Persian who wrote in Arabic, who says in his Kitdb
al-muwdzand that, because the moon is the cause of an
abundant supply of water and of rain, the names of the
most fruitful places in Persia are compounded with the
word mdh moon : e.g. Mahidinar, Mahishereryaran,
Mahikaran, Mahiharum &c. 2 For, in the opinion of the
1 See especially Osiander in the Zcitsch. d. D. M. <?., 1865, XIX. 242 ct

scq.
2 In Yakut, IV. 406.
MYTHIC WIVES AND CONCUBINES. 161
Iranians the growth of plants depends on the influence of

the moon. 1 The Arabic language still shows clearly the
mythical connexion between the moon and good pasture, 2
in the fact that the same word, which as a noun, al-kamar,
signifies moon, as a verb, kamara, expresses the notion
multus fuit (de aqua et pabulo), and kamir means multa
aqua.
The nomadic Hebrews called Sarah, the Princess of

Heaven, 3 i.e. of the night-sky, Abram s legitimate wife.
The same relation between wife and concubine comes out
with still greater distinctness in the case of Jacob, Abram s
synonym. His legitimate wives are Leah and Rachel;
to the latter he is bound by the tenderest love a love
which in the view of the Biblical writer became the ideal
of self-sacrificing conjugal affection. Both their names
are homogeneous to Jacob s mythical character, and the
bearers of these mythical appellations are figures of the
dark sky of night and clouds. It will be regarded by
serious investigators as no mere chance that the word
1 The constant epithet holding the seed of bulls brings to view the idea
that the influence of the moon produces fertility in cattle (Spiegel, Die heiligen
Schriften der Parsen [in German], III. xxi.). According to Yasht, VII. 5, it
is the moon that produces verdure, that produces good things. Compare
Catullus, XXXII (XXXIV) v. 17-20, where the poet apostrophises the Moon
Tu cursu, Dea, menstruo

Metiens iter annuum,
Rustica agricolae bonis
Tecta frugibus exples.
2 This connexion is also clear in the Hottentot mythology. Heizi Eibib,

which means moon, is there the name of the man to whom grave-tumuli are
consecrated, and who is addressed in prayer for good sport and numerous herds
(Waitz, Anthropologie dir Naturvolker, II. 324).
3 Max Miiller s view (Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 184), When

Jeremiah speaks of the Queen of Heaven, this can only be meant for Astarte
or Baaltis, is correct only if Baaltis be identified with the Moon. The cor
rectness of this identification, which was first asserted by Philo Byblius, and
has been conceded by the older interpreters Grotius and Lyra, and by many
modern ones, is very probable ; for the name Baaltis stands in the same rela
tion to Ba al (Sun) as Milka to Melekh, Lebhana to Labhan, and Ashera to
Asher. Tiele also (VtrgdijJccnde Geschicdenis, p. 512) says the same as
Miiller.
Le a in its origin signifies the same as Delila, namely,

languida, defatigata, the Languishing, Weary, Weak the
setting Sun that has finished its day s work, or rather the
time when there is no longer any sun, but the Night, who
cuts off from her long-haired lover or bridegroom the locks
(crines Phoebi) in which his whole force resides ; the
Night, which robs the Sun of his splendid rays, and causes
him to fall powerless to the ground and lie blind on the
battle-field. Even in a product of the Jewish literature of
a later age the expression chalash weak, debilitated is
used of the setting sun. He is like a hero who goes
forth strong and returns home powerless ; thus the sun at
his rising is a mighty hero, and at his setting a weakling. 9 1
Nothing similar is connected with the name Le a ; yet it is
clear that this name is an appellation of the setting sun
or the advancing night, when we read : we ene Le a rakkoth
6 the eyes of Leah were weak (Gen. XXIX. i;). 2 How
closely the ideas End (here that of the day) and
Weariness 5 hang together in Semitic, we see clearly in the
Aramaic word shilha, shilhe end, which is developed out
of the Shaph el form of the root lehi (the Hebrew la a,
whence the name Le a), which denotes c to be wearied. 8
The name Rachel is still clearer and less ambiguous. It
signifies Sheep. When the ancients raised their eyes
to heaven and saw grey clouds slowly driving over the
celestial fields, they discovered there the same as our
children see when in their innocent imaginations they find
figures of hills and animals in the sky. Men who form
myths stand in this respect on the same intellectual stage
as our children. How finely has Angelo de Gubernatis,
in the introduction to his most original work Zoological
1 Midrash Shocher Tobh on Ps. XIX. 7.
2 The contrast of Leah s weak eyes to Kachel s beauty belongs not to the
mythic stage, but to the epic description.
3 There is no reason to separate the word shilhe from the Shaph el shalhi,
as Levy does in his Chald. Worterbuch, II. 481 ; compare Keggioin the Hebrew
journal Ozar Nechmad, I. 122,.
RACHEL; THE CLOUDS. 163
Mythology, 5 attached his profound explanations of the old

animal-mythology, which are based upon a sympathetic
poetical feeling after the sentiments of a mythic age, to
vivid memories of that early age in which the enquirer
after myths himself looked up to heaven and made myths !
Moreover, what the primitive humanity that created myths
and the children of our advanced modern age read in the
picture-book of nature, 1 is still found there by people who,
although they no longer make myths, yet excel us in
immediate observation of nature. The sandhills and downs
of the Sahara are variously called by the natives kelb Dog/
kebsh Earn, or chashm el-kelb or chashm el-kebsh
6 Dog s nose or ( Ram s nose. 2 But it is chiefly the
clouds that gave so much food to fancy. On Arabic
ground we can refer to a treatise by Abu Bekr ibn Dureyd,
a linguist of an early age known to every Arabist, on the
( Description of the Eain and the Cloud, which the learned
Professor William Wright has published in a useful col
lection. In this treatise many a vivid picture is to be
found which exhibits the continual working of the old
mythic views. 3 Even a modern literature nearer to us
may be quoted ; for who knows not the classical passage
in Shakespeare, where Poloiiins makes observations on the
forms of the clouds a series of mythical observations,
which the same poet allows another of his heroes to con
dense into a mythological resume :
Sometime we see a cloud that s dragonish ;

A vapour sometime like a bear or lion,
A tower d citadel, a pendent rock,
A forked mountain, or blue promontory
With trees upon t, that nod unto the world,
And mock our eyes with air.
Antony and Cleopatra, IV. 14.
If the sky is a pasture, it is most natural to see in the
1 See Zeitschr. fur Volkerpsychologie und Sprachwisscnschaft, 1869, VI.

237, 252.
8 Rohlfs, Qucr durch Afrika, I. 204.

8 Opuscula Arabica, pp. 16-39.
M 2
clouds beasts feeding there. So the nomad Arab sees in

the clouds herds of camels, 1 and calls a small herd of
twenty or thirty camels by the same name by which he
describes a broken-off fragment of cloud al-sirma. The
poet Abu Hibal calls a rain-cloud daluh, i.e. a heavily
laden camel ; 2 and according to the Arabian philologist
al-Tebrizi a cloud accompanied by thunder and lightning
is called al-hannana the bellowing, because the ancient
Arabs compared a thundering cloud 3 to a camel that
breaks out into loud bellowing from painful desire to
reach home. 4 How full of meaning is the myth that lies
hidden behind this expression hannana ! The camel on a
journey has gone far away from home, longs to be back
again, and bellows with terrible pain : it is the Thunder. 5
And this myth was not confined to the Arabs ; we find a
slight trace of it among the later Jews, in the Talmud.
When it thundered, they said, 6 The clouds groan. Acha
b. Ja akobh describes meteorological phenomena in the
following words : e The lightning sparkles, the clouds groan
(menahamin c anane), and the rain comes (Berakhoth,
fol. 59. a). This mythical conception is only a variation
of the more general view that thunder is a lion s roaring
(Job XXXVII. 4 ; sha ag is used specially of the lion), out
of which grew the roaring of Jahveh, mentioned in many
passages of prophecy and poetry a result of the mono
theistic transformation of mythical ideas. In Arabic
hamhama is used both of the lion s roaring and of
thunder ; and so also zamjara. In the work of Ibn Dureyd
1 E.g. Hamdsd, p. 609, v. 6 : Ndbigd, VI. v. 9. 2 Hamdsd, p. 391, v. 2.
3 Commentary on Hamdsd, ibid.

4 The Arabian poet Ibn Mayyada, in a description of the lightning (Agrdni,
II. 1 20. 9), says it lights up the piled-up cloud, which is like a herd of
camels, at the head of which those that long for their home cry out with pain :
yudi u. sabiran min sahabin ka annahu * hijanun arannat lil-hanini nawazi uh.
5 The ancient Arabs understood that the thunder and lightning were caused
by the clouds whence they issued. Many passages might be quoted in support
of this, but Lebid Mu allaka v. 4, 5, is sufficient. Hanna (to sigh, to groan with
desire) is therefore equivalent to to thunder, e.g. Agam, XIII. 32. 8. kad
ra adat sama uhu wa-barakat wa-hannat warjahannat.
CLOUDS GROANING AND WEEPING. 165
already quoted an Arab says of a thunder- cloud, Its

thunders groan like camels longing to get home (tirab),
and roar like raging lions. ]
The Arab saw in the clouds a herd of camels, in a

single cloud a single camel. 2 The ostrich, which is a
favourite term of comparison in Arabic poetry, is also
seen by them in the clouds. Zuheyr b. TJrwa says of a
little cloud visible behind a larger one, that it was an
ostrich hung up by the feet (ka anna-r-rababa duweyna-
s-sahabi * na amun tu allaku bi-1-arjuli). 3 From the
Hebrew mythology we have the similar conception of the
cloud as a sheep, as Rachel. She is the legitimate wife of
the dark, nocturnal or overclouded sky. When the cloud
let fall its wet burden in drizzling rain upon the earth,
the primitive Hebrews said Rachel is weeping for her
children a phrase preserved from an age of mythic
ideas, which was retained to a late age in a very different
sense. 4 For as the Arab regarded the thunder as the
cloud s cry of pain, so the Hebrew could - see in the rain
Rachel s tears. Even up to the present day the Arabs
say of the rain : The sky weeps, the clouds weep ; 5 and
the idea was not strange to the Greek, who spoke of the
Tears of Zeus. 6 In the Romance of Antar, XXV. 58.4,
it is said of the rain :
The gloomy heaven weeps with tears, that stream in constant flow
Out from the eye of a rainful cloud.
The poet Ibn Muteyr says most beautifully of the weeping

sky: The cloud smiles at the lighting up (of the lightning),
and weeps from the corners of her eyes, the moisture of
which is not excited by splinters (sticking in the eye) ; and
1 See W. "Wright, Opuscula Arabica, p. 20. 10 ; 21. 7.
2 Ibid., p. 29. 2.
8 Kitab al-Af/fari, XIX. 157. i.
4 Jeremiah XXXI. 15, Matth. II. 18.
5 Compare al-Shc-rblm Ilezz al-kulmf, etc., lithographed Alexandria, p.

253. The Arabs also said of the red evening-sky that it wept bloody tears
(al-]\Iakrizi, al-Chitat, I ulak edition, I. 430).
6 Clemens Alex. Strom. V. 571.
without either joy or grief she combines laughing and weep

ing. l Eachel has a favourite son called Yoseph (Joseph).
This name signifies : ( He multiplies/ or, from the ex
planation already given, The Multiplier. He is called
in a hymn addressed to him, The blessing of the heaven
above, the blessing of the flood that lies below, the
blessing of the (female) breasts and of the womb (Gen.
XLIX. 25). Can we doubt that this is the Eain, which
multiplies the blessing from above, which lies below in
floods of water, the rain which mythologically was so often
regarded as the nutritive milk of the milked cows of
the clouds ? 2 And probably the old Arabic idol called
Za idatu, 3 i.e. the Multiplieress, has the same mytho
logical signification as the synonymous term Joseph in
Hebrew, and may therefore be regarded as a goddess of
Rain. Can the least doubt be felt, that 6 the Multiplier,
the son of the cloud, must be the rain, as wine is called
the daughter of the grape, 4 and the fruit the son of the
tree, 5 and as bread is called in Arabic jabiru-bnu habbata,
like Strengthener, son of Mrs. Grain ? 6 Moreover,
while these latter views are natural, but not spread abroad
everywhere, the idea that the rain is the child of the
cloud is universal. We meet it among the Greeks, for
Pindar sings :
1 See Noldeke s Beitrcige zur altarab. Pocsic, p. 34.
2 In mythology the clouds are also called udders. See Mannhardt, German
My then/., pp. 176-188 ; so in Arabic, Ibn Muteyr apud Noldeke 1. c.
3 Ibn Dureyd, Kitab al-i&htikak, ed. Wiistenfeld, pp. 13, 14.
4 Ibnat al- inab, in the celebrated wine-song of Walid b. Yazid (Ayani, VI.
1 10. 5). Wine is well known to bo called in Hebrew Blood of the grape,
dam enabh (Deut. XXXII. 14) ; compare the Persian choni ruz in Wassaf ed.
Hammer, p. 138. 6 : shahzadegan ba yekdiger choni ruz chordend.
5 In Siamese Ink mei is son of the tree, fruit (Steinthal, CJiaraJderistik,

p. 150) ; compare Midrash rabba Leviticus, sect 7> where children of the
tree
are spoken of, chalakta khabhod la esim bishebhil benehem. The pearl is
called by Wassaf, p, 180. 15, zadei yem son of the sea. A curious mytho
logical relationship is found in the Polynesian system ; the year, a daughter
of the first pair, combined with her own father to produce the months, and the
children of the latter are the days (Geiiand, Anthropologie dcr Naturvolkcr,
VI. 233).
6 Fleischer in the Zeitschr. d. D. M. Gr,, 1853, VII. 502 note.

JOSEPH; THE RAIN. 167
NeÂas (Olymp. XI. 2, 3),
jnst like the Arabs. The poet Mohammed b. <Abd

al-Malik said, when a violent shower of rain delayed
the arrival of his friend al-Hasan b. Wahab, ( I know not
how to express my complaint against one heaven which
keeps back from me another heaven (the friend), unless
indeed I utter curse and blessing together : Let the
former become childless, and the latter live long. * The
cloudy heaven was to lose his children i.e. the rain was
to cease.
Lastu adri ma da akulu wa-asbkti * min sama in ta ukimi an sama i

Gayra amii ad ii ala tilka bi-th-thuk- * li wa-ad u lihadihi bi-1-baka i.
It is this c Multiplier, Son of the Cloud, alone who can

bring aid when the earth is visited by long drought and
famine. The multiplying Rain gives back to the parched
earth her fertility and procures nourishment for starving
mankind. This simple idea is formed from the mythic
base into the story of the famine in Egypt and Joseph s
aid in allaying it. The myth itself, while it lived, was
general, not bound by time or place, limited neither
geographically or chronologically. When no longer un
derstood and when lost to human consciousness, it
became a locally defined legend, belonging to a certain
historical period. This is the same experience which meets
us in most of the myths of Hellenic Heroes. The Sun,
which daily assails with an iron club and slays the
monsters of darkness and the storms, when personified as
Herakles does his deeds in a small place in Hellas, Neniea
or Lerna. While Joseph imparts fertility to the parched
earth, and in his character of Multiplier delivers it from
the curse which rested on it, the prophetic hero, in whom
we have already detected some solar features, does the
opposite. Elijah, who ascends to heaven on a fiery chariot
1 AyiiiA, XX. 54. 1 6.
1 68 MYTHOLOGY AMOtfG THE HEBREWS.
with a fiery horse, the hairy man, curses the soil of the
Hebrew land in the time of Ahab (again a localising and
chronological limitation of what the myth had told in
general terms without such limitation) with drought, want
of rain, and unfruitfulness ; he is the cause of a fearful
famine (i Kings XVII. i).
The Multiplier has also severe contests to sustain.

The most celebrated of them is that which he maintains
against her who loves him dearly, whose name is preserved
to us only in legendary tradition Zalicha, the Swift-
marching. l We know her already. He flies from the
temptress, but leaves his cloak in her hand (Gen. XXXIX.
12). This feature, which seems to us only accessory, may
have been an important element of the original myth.
We shall see further on, that the figures of the night-sky
or the dark sky generally are provided with a covering or
cloak, with which they cover over the earth or the sun, and
thus produce darkness. It is a different battle that he
fights against his brothers, the c Possessors of arrows, i.e.
the sun-rays, which shoot at the rain-cloud and try to
drive it off*. Joseph s persecution by his own brothers
and expulsion to Egypt is only the other side of the
Egyptian myth of Osiris and Typhoii and the Pheiiiciaii
myth of Adonis ; the solar hero being in the latter cases,
and the rain-hero in the former case, the object of persecu
tion. While the sarcophagus of Osiris starts from Egypt
on its travels, and lands at Byblos on the Phenician
coast, Joseph when sold goes in the opposite direction
from Canaan to Egypt. Both these myths became local
legends, one in Egypt, the other in Canaan ; consequently
the direction of the wandering is modified in conformity
with the locality.
From the battle of the rainy sky against the solar
1 AraLic tradition knows another name besides Zalicha for this person. In
al-Tabari her name is given as Ea il ; see Ouseley, Travels in various Countries
of the East, London 1819, I. 74 ; also in al-Bejdawi s Anwar al-tanzU, eel.
Fleischer, I. 456-8.
JOSEPH S BOW; THE RAINBOW. 169
heroes with their arrows our myth makes the Rainbow to

arise : just as the lightning was called c the Arrow of
God, so the rainbow was in later times described as the
6 Bow of God (kashti, Gen. IX. 13). The later legend of
civilisation gives to the rainbow a foundation which is
quite foreign to mythology. In mythology the rainbow
appears to be attributed to Joseph, who, when overcome
and driven off the field by the e Possessors of arrows, is
after all not totally defeated, for his bow abode in
strength (Gen. XLIX. 24). This expression indicates
the following conception. When the rain-cloud was
driven from its place by the solar heroes, he fixed his
bow in the sky, to be ready for a future fight. Thus
in the Hebrew myth the rainbow is a bow belonging
to the hero of storms. We find the same idea in the
Arabic mythology. Besides other names, the rainbow
bears that of kausu Kuzaha, the bow of Kuzah
(who has been proved so be a storm-hero) ; and it
may be gathered from some passages which Tuch has
incidentally brought together in his Treatise on Sinaitic
Inscriptions, 1 that Kuzah shoots his arrows of lightning
during the storms from this same bow, which after the
conclusion of the battle appears in the sky. In the same
Hebrew hymn which contains the above mention of the Bow,
ebhen Yisra el the Stone of Israel is named. Perhaps I
am not at fault in conjecturing that the Stone here has a
solar signification, and is used of the Sun which after the
victory over Joseph appears on the firmament. We know
from Schwartz s 2 demonstrations, which Kuhn has recently
confirmed in his academical treatise on the stages of de
velopment in the formation of Myths, that in mythical lan
guage the sun and other luminous bodies are called stones.
To the same mythic cycle belongs the circumstance that
1 Zeitschr. d. D. M. G. 1849, HI- 200. See above p. 73. ct scq>

3 Sonnc, Mond nnd Sterne, pp. i. et seq.
David slays his giant-foe by casting stones. And tradition 1

says that Cain killed Abel by throwing stones. But on the
whole we find in the above-quoted hymn, (called Jacob s)
only slight hints that can be claimed for the mythic
period ; for the remains of primeval hymns like that
fragment were in later times so overgrown with matter
derived from historical circumstances, that we must be
content if we can discover what were the points of view
and conceptions chiefly represented by these fragments.
The reason why it is so difficult to reconstruct the old
mythic view of the Hebrews concerning the Kainbow, ob
viously lies in the fact that it was supplanted by a later
theological explanation (Gen. IX. 12-17). ^ * s curious
that the reason assigned in this later passage for the
origin of the Eainbow was not able to obtain general
credence, and that even Christian popular legends fre
quently appear to flow from ancient mythic conceptions.
I will only mention an instance given by Bernhard
Schmidt the Christians in Zante call the rainbow e the
girdle, or the bow of the Virgin, TO tpvapi) TO TO|?O TTJS
13. Now while Jacob s lawful wives are mythical

figures homogeneous to himself, as we have seen, his col
lateral wives, the two concubines Zilpah and Bilhah re
present figures of the ancient myth standing in a position
of opposition to Jacob. The mythical character of Zilpah
has been already determined, in the Seventh Section of this
chapter. For this determination we had no other re
source but the etymology of the name, no mythical matter
having been preserved concerning this mythical figure.
The case is reversed when we enquire into the meaning of
Bilhah. The resource of etymology abandons us here;
for, even if we assume that the abstract idea represented
1 Weil, Biblische Lcgenden dcr Musclmanner, p. 39. Zcitsckrift d. D. M. dr.,

1 86 1, XV. 86.
2 Das Volksleben der Neugricchcn, Leipzig 1871, I. 36.

BILHAtf. 171
by the name must here be understood in a participial

sense (Bilhan: the Trembling, Terrified ), yet, in the want
of analogous cases, the signification of the name brings us
to no track worth pursuing. But, on the other hand, we
fortunately have a material myth (as opposed to a mere
name), relating to Bilhah : Eeuben went and lay with
Bilhah his father s concubine (Gen. XXXY. 22).
The transition from one aspect of nature to another is

not always regarded by the myth from the point of view
of a battle, in which the vanishing aspect is represented
by the conquered and the approaching one by the con
queror. The myth speaks equally frequently of love and
union, i.e. of sexual connexion. The vanishing aspect
disappears in that which immediately follows : they
become one, as man and wife. In the myths of sexual
union, the mythical feature that the two figures one of
which follows the other are brother and sister, father and.
daughter, or mother and son, is sometimes disregarded.
We had an example of this in the Hebrew myth of the
union of Shechem with Dinah. This is very frequent in
Aryan mythology ; and it is sufficient to refer to the part
of Max Muller s essay which deals with this subject. 1
There is a very fine myth of this kind, preserved in a
work ascribed to Plutarch, Defluviorum et montium nomi-
nibus (IV. 3). It is there said with reference to the
Ganges, Near it is situated the mountain Anatole, or
the Rising, so called for the following reason : ( Helios
saw the maiden Anaxibia dancing there, and was seized
with violent love for her. No longer able to control his
passion, he pursued her with desire to force her to yield to
his desire. The maiden, surrounded on every side, escaped
into the temple of Artemis Orthia on the mountain
Koryphe, and was lost to the eyes of her pursuer. He,
following after, and unable to overtake his beloved, went
1 Chips, &c. vol. II., the latter part of Comparative Mythology, and
Lectures on the Science of Language, Second Series, Lecture IX. The
Mythology of the Greeks. TB.
I7"2 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
up to the same mountain grieving. Therefore the natives
call the mountain Anatole or Sun-uprising, as Kaemarus
narrates in the tenth book of his Indian Affairs. 51 Here,
where the sunrise is not even the result of a union, but
very characteristically that of disappointed love, Helios is
no relative whatever of the Dawn 5 any more than Shechem

of Dinah, or Abimelech, the later Sun-god (Melekh, compare
Abhiba al and Ba al), of Rebekah, whom he loves (Gen.
XXVI), or of Sarah, Moon, whom he takes to himself
(Gen. XX). However, the view which we shall encounter
in the myth of Lot, that the lovers or united couples are
blood-relations, brother and sister, or parent and child,
is more prevalent. The idea of a son in love with his
-mother is quite general in Asiatic mythology, as Lenor-
mant proves : in the old Babylonian mythology Dazi, the
Hebrew Tammiiz, is lover of his mother Istar, &c. ; 2
among the Egyptians Amon is called the husband of his
mother ISTeith ; and among the Hindus Pushan is described,
as both his sister s lover and his mother s husband. When
after long darkness a mysterious Twilight slowly advanced,
followed by the Dawn with ever-increasing rapidity, the
Aiyan said, Prajapati loves his own daughter Ushas and
forces her, or Indra seduces Ahalya the Night/ or forms
a union with his mother Dahana. 3 To the same class
Sarah also seems to belong, as she is not only wife but
also sister of Abram. Reuben marries Bilhah, his mother,
or more correctly his father s wife. Eeuben is a figure
homogeneous to Jacob, and therefore belongs to the night,
as we discover most certainly from the circumstance that
in the battle of the Possessors of arrows against Joseph
he is on the side of the latter and tries to save him,
while Judah, a solar man, proposes to sell Joseph (Gen.
1 Plutarchi Fragmenta et Spuria, ed. Fr. Diibner, in F. Didot s Collection,

Paris 1855, p. 83.
2 Lettres assyriologiques et bpigraphiques, Paris 1872, II. fifth letter.

8 Miiller, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 530 ; Chips, &c., II. 163 ct scq.
;
Fiske, Myt?i8,p. 113.
MYTHS OF SEXUAL UNION. 173
XXXVII. 21, 26). Iii a myth sucli sympathy indicates

that the subject and object of it are at all events not
hostile figures : we have already seen this in the relations
between Isaac and Esau and between Rebekah and Jacob.
However, Eeuben here seems not to be the night in
general, but the twilight which forms the beginning and
the end of the night, if we attach weight to the fact that
Reuben is Jacob s son. Though unimportant and not
even necessary for the appreciation of the myth, this is
very probable. The Sun is the mother of the Twilight,
for the twilight proceeds from the sun. So when at
the end of the night the morning-darkness gives way
to the sun or dawn and disappears in them, Reuben and
Bilhah are united. Whatever part the twilight may play
here, it is at least clear that this myth speaks of the
union of Night with its mother Day : when Mght gives
place to Day, from whose womb it was born but yesterday,
then the myth says Reuben is marrying his mother.
14. But before we continue the chapter on love and

sexual union, the materials of which are mainly drawn
from the history of Jacob s family, it is desirable to insert
some remarks on the mythological significance of that
family. Our mythological observation leads to the following
result. From its first commencement the myth speaks of
twelve children of Jacob, i.e. of the dark night-sky. These
children, on whose names the myth lays no stress, can
hardly be anything else than the shining troop which has
its home in the night-sky the Moon and the Eleven Stars
(comp. Gen. XXXVII. 9, achad asar kokhabhim) . These
are Jacob s children, though in a different sense from that
in which Isaac is the son of Abraham, or Joseph the son of
Rachel. In these latter instances the conception of a
parental and filial relation was the result of the impression
produced upon the creators of myths by constant succes
sion ; in the case of Jacob s sons it is only meant that the
eleven stars and the moon together form the Family of the
174 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE PIE BREWS.
Night-sky. This conception having once been grasped,

there was nothing to hinder creators of myths from speaking
of a son of Jacob who did not belong to that Family. And
if there were a myth which said that Jacob fought with
his son, as is said of Abraham, then we could not seek
such a son in the family of stars which fills Jacob s house.
It is a general rule which must never be lost out of sight
in the investigation of myths, that mythology does not
present a system, whose separate elements are compre
hensive results, or abstractions from continuous observa
tion of nature. What is told in the myth expresses how
each single observation affects the mind of man. Hence
the various modes in which the myth speaks of a
phenomenon ; viewing it from various positions, it con
stantly changes the names, and recognises different rela
tions. Whoever finds contradictions in all this must not
turn against the interpreter and reconstructor of the myth,
but against the mind of man itself which created myths :
his dispute lies with the latter, not with the method of
mythological science.
Jacob s twelve sons, who are mentioned by name in the

document in Genesis, can hardly have had their separate
existence acknowledged at so early an age as that of the
myth which comprised them under the general name of
the twelve sons of the starry sky. Fathers of tribes with
twelve or thirteen children (even in the numeration of
Jacob s children this uncertainty of number occurs) are
frequently met with in Biblical genealogies, e.g. Joktan,
Nahor, and Ishmael. The same tendency towards the
number twelve is encountered in genealogies in other parts
of the world. In the Ojibwa legend Getube has twelve
children, of whom the eldest is called Mtijekewis, and
the youngest, who obtains great power and successfully
repels the evil spirits, Wa-jeeg-e-wa-kon-ay. 1 At a later
time, when a harmonising of the legendary matter, not
1 Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History,

Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes, 1851, II. 136.
JACOB S TWELVE SONS. 175
from a set purpose, but from the acknowledged tendency

of the human mind to bridge over contradictions, was
going on, then a desire was felt to know the names of the
twelve sons. When mythic consciousness and the stage
when the mind was self-impelled to mythic conception were
long passed, and the real meaning of names connected
by mythology with certain deeds was no longer known,
twelve such names, most of which had no longer any
meaning, were taken at random and called Jacob s twelve
sons. Thus were obtained ^twelve names to answer the
general proposition, The Twelve form the Family of
Jacob. Among these names there are true sons of Jacob,
i.e. some who are declared by the myth itself to be so :
hero the genealogical narrator employed data derived
from the myth. Next, there are some among them whom
the myth treats not as sons of Jacob but as sons of his
wives. For we must not forget that when Joseph is said
to be son of Rachel, the myth does not trouble itself to
ask who the father was. The conception that c the Eain
is the son of the Cloud, which is expounded in the mythic
description of Joseph s birth, is not the result of any con
sideration of the names of the two parents who gave life
to him ; but the myth-former, seeing the cloud heavy
with rain and observing the rain dripping from its lap,
combined these two impressions and said, The Cloud ha
borne the Rain. The later genealogical story could then
easily find a father for the children of Zilpah, Rachel and
others, in him whom the myth introduces as husband of
those female figures.
Other Hebrew tribes have names totally free from any

mythical character, and ethnographical (Judah) or geo
graphical in nature. The last especially must of course
have originated after the conquest of Canaan, since they
are connected with geographical peculiarities of that land.
One of these is Ephraim, whose name we shall see in the
Fourth Section of the Eighth Chapter to be derived from
the name of the town Ephrathah ; another is Benjamin.
The name Bin-yamm is associated with the division of the

land, and signifies Son of the right side. The tribe was
probably so called by the leading tribe of Judah, on
whose right side Benjamin was his next neighbour. 1 Yet
myths have attached themselves even to these geographi
cal and ethnographical names, as they have to many
historical ones. Concerning some no mythical features
have been preserved, which is most to be regretted in the
case of Gad. This name occurs in a later age with a
religious signification (Is. LXY. n), and would doubtless
yield much instruction if a fuller myth gave us insight
into its original meaning and connexion. Gad is commonly
held to be the so-called Star of Fortune (Jupiter) ; but it
is difficult to determine whether Gad s sons, when they
were called his sons, were put into connexion with the
Star. If they were, we should have a case analogous to
the Arabic appellation Daughters of the star al-Tarik
(see above, p. 57). As some Arabian tribes call themselves
Sons of the Earn (benu ma al-sama), &c. so the Hebrew
tribes, at the time when the myth still lived in the under
standing of all, took names from the mythical figures, one
calling itself Sons of the Longhaired, another e Sons of
the Multiplier &c. I think I cannot be wrong in as
suming this nomenclature of the tribes to be older than
the assignation of names to each of Jacob s twelve sons.
When the names of tribes had long been in existence,
they were brought forward to serve as names for Jacob s
sons ; and thus they laid the foundation of the genealogical
tradition which traces the people of Israel to its first father
Jacob, and thence goes back to his father and to Abraham. 2
1 See Greiger, Jild. Zeitschrift fiir Wissenschaft und Leben, vol. VIII. p. 285.
Breslau 1869.
2 Kuenen (in his Religion of Israel, I. 1 1 1 in the translation) expresses the

opinion that only the degree of mutual relationship between the fathers of
tribes was a later idea : that, e.g. the less noble tribes were called sons of
Jacob s slave-girls, and those that were bound together by closer fraternal
feelings were regarded as sons of the same mother. Compare now also Zunz,
Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin 1875, 1. 268.
GAD ; ZEBULUN; NAPHTALT. 177
But tlie mythical matter transmitted to us concerning the

twelve who are introduced as the sons of Jacob, inde
pendently of what we have already discussed, is very
little. Some names resist any reasonable etymology, or
at least any etymology consonant with the character of
mythical appellations. Still, even from these scanty
materials we can pick out some single points that seem
worthy of preservation as relics of the old Hebrew
mythology. If the investigation of this subject is to be
successfully pushed further than I can pretend to do in
this treatise, the accurate enquirer will have especially
to adduce the forty-ninth chapter of Genesis, known as
Jacob s Blessing, from which I have already borrowed
materials. In this ancient piece I am convinced that
many fragments of hymns are contained which originally
had for their subject those mythical figures to which
in their present form as blessings they refer. We have
in this fragment a sort of Hebrew Veda before our eyes.
Those figures among Jacob s sons, of whom I venture

to treat, 1 so far as there are means available have a solar
character, with the exception of those which we have
already recognised to be figures of the sky of night and
clouds, and of one other figure (Levi) in which we shall
discover something antagonistic to solarism. Zebhulun
was seen even by Gesenius to mean the Round, Globular.
Though we cannot find any analogous expression as a
name for the sun, it must be acknowledged to be a very
natural one. I believe that Zebhulun designates the sun
at the end of its course when its red ball appears on the
horizon of the sea. Anyone who has had the opportunity
1 There still remain some names whose etymological explanation is diffi

cult, as Re ubhen and Shim on. Yissasekhar (Issachar) translated literally
might be the Day-labourer, certainly a fitting designation for the Sun, ex
pressing how he does his day s work, like a day-labourer. Yet I cannot look
upon that as a mythical description, because it would be an unpardonable
anachronism to suppose that that primeval age when myths were created would
speak of day-labourers, especially after the fashion in which the idea is ex
pressed by the word Yissa-sekhar, he takes up his wages.
of admiring a sunset at the sea-side, will understand why

people living there should call the setting sun globular ;
for its true globular form is especially perceptible and
striking in such localities. That the name Zebhulun owes
its origin to such considerations is evident from the
language of the Hymn to Zebulun : he rests at the edge
of the sea (lechoph yammim yishkon, Gen. XLIX. 13) ;
and this verse (especially in yishkon) further confirms
what was said on p. 116. Naphtali (from the root ptl,
to twine, twist/ whence pathil thread ), is he of the
plaited locks of hair. The Hymn calls him a hind let
loose (ayyala shelucha, ver. 21), which is decisive for the
solar meaning of Naphtali with the locks of hair. For
the Semites call the Dawn a liind the Hebrews ayyeleth
hash-shachar the Hind of the Dawn (Ps. XXII. i), the
Arabs al-gazala. 1 Even the Talmud seeks and finds the
reason for the identification of the Dawn with a Hind ; 2
and another ancient Jewish- Arabic philologist, Moses ben
Ezra, in his book on Poetry, also recognised the connexion
of this appellation in Hebrew and in Arabic. 3 Accordingly,
we must think of a so.lar interpretation when we read that
among the furniture of the ancient Ka ba at Mekka, besides
various idols, there were golden Gazelles, which were carried
off and buried by the Jurhumites, but found again by
c Abd-al-Muttalib in the well Zemzem. 4 The mythical des
cription of the rising sun as a hind or gazelle is explained
by the animal s horns ; for the myth which regards the
1 Which according to al-Damiri, Haydt al-haywan, Bulak 1274, II. 219, is

used only of the rising sun ; we can say t a ^ a a t al-gazala the gazelle rises,
but not garabat he sets. Abu Sa id al-Eustami the poet (in Beha al-Din
al- Amili, Keshlcul, p. 164. 13) carries out the mythological figure still further,
using the verb nataha to butt, said of horned beasts. Describing a fine build
ing, he says tanataha karna-sh-shamsi min sharafatihi, that as to splendour it
butts in rivalry with the sun as if the palace and the sun were knocking
their horns together.
2 Babyl. Tract. Yomd, fol. 29. a : As the hind s horns branch out to every
side, so also the light of dawn spreads out to all sides.
8 Journal asiatique, 1861, II. 437.
4 Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes avant I lslamisme,

I. 260.
JUDAH. 179
Sun s rays sometimes as arrows, sometimes as locks of hair,

also treats them sometimes as horns. For this reason the
Hebrew language has only one word to denote e horn and
( ray of light, viz., keren ; and for the same reason Moses,
who received many features of the solar myth, as Steinthal
has pertinently proved in his treatise on the Story of
Prometheus, 1 was imagined provided with horns, i.e., with
beaming countenance (Ex. XXXIY. 29, 30, 35), a symbol
which sacred art has preserved only too faithfully. In the
Edda the point of the horn of Heimdall (the sun) is fixed
in Niflheini (abode of cloud), i.e. the rays of the sun
come forth out of darkness. The glyptic representation of
the Assyrian god Bel in the Louvre is adorned with a tiara
surrounded by a row of ox-horns. In the Accadian myth
ology the name of the goddess Ninka-si, c the Lady of the
horned face, as Lenormant translates it, has undoubtedly
a solar character. 2 The same is the case with the Egyptian
Isis : To yap Trfs "leios ayaXfjLa sov ^vvaiKj]lov ffovfcspcbv sari
/caraTTSp r/ ~Et\\7]vss TTJV low ypdôvcriy says Herodotus
(II. 4 1 ). Lucian, the frivolous scoffer at everything religious,
expresses his surprise to Zeus why he is represented with
ram s horns ; 3 to which he makes Zeus reply by referring
to a mystery into which the uninitiated cannot penetrate. 4
In a word, Naphtali of the long locks, Naphtali the swift
hind, is certainly identical with the Hind of the Dawn. 3
Whether the name Yehuda (Judah) belongs to mytho

logy, or was an early ethnical name before tradition intro
duced it as that of a Patriarch, is difficult to determine.
If the name Yehuda could be referred to an etymon which
1 Given in the Appendix to this work.
2 Lenormant, La Magie chez Ics Chaldeens, Paris 1874, p. 140. In the

decadence of magic, however, the horns, which are connected with magic, are
used even outside the cycle of solar gods ; e.g. On voit Bin la tete surmontee
de la tiaro royalo armee de cornes de taureau, les epaules munies de quatre
grandes ailes, etc., ibid. p. 50. Here the horns are for butting, not to symbolise
rays. However, in this particular case of Bin the mythical meaning is not very
clear. As he is sometimes called the southern sun over Elam, ibid. p. 121, the
horns in the passage quoted may have something to do with his solar character.
3 Dcorum Concilium, 10. * See Herodotus, II. 42, IV. 181.
N 2
i8o MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
exhibited a solar signification, we should decide for the

former alternative, 011 account of the solar characteristics
which are attached to the name. The most plausible
etymological explanation would be the Splendid, or (on
account of the feminine termination a, added to the passive
participle with an abstract force) Splendour. But if the
second alternative be correct, and the name Yehuda had
from the first only an ethnographical force, then, as in the
case of other names not belonging to primeval myths, we
must suppose that the solar myths, in company with
which we find these historical names, were attached to
them in later times.
It is a true solar legend l that Judah forms a sexual

connexion with Tamar. The latter name denotes Fruit ;
and the myth of her union with Judah expresses the fact
that the autumn- sun pours its rays over the fruits of the
trees and fields. Thus the Hebrew agriculturist may
have said at harvest-time, when the hot rays of the sun
rapidly ripened the fruits : and he may at such a time,
especially with reference to the vintage, have addressed to
the autumn sun Yehuda the hymn which is contained
in the so-called Jacob s Blessing for Judah (Gen. XLTX.
11-13):
He binds to the vine his foal,
To the wine-tree his ass s young one.
He washes in wine his clothes,
And in blood of the vine his covering.
Reddish is his eye from wine,
And white his teeth from milk.
This is a truly mythic picture of the Sun, pairing at

vintage-time with the Vine. The red eyes and white
teeth need no further discussion after what has been said
in 1 1 of this chapter. But a few words are needed in
explanation of what is said of the ass and foal. It is
We will not claim any importance for the fact that in Sanchuniathon s
account of the sacrifice of Isaac the name Jeud is given instead of Isaac ; con
sequently if Jeud be identical with the Hebrew Jehuda, the fact that JeM is
here equivalent to Isaac would prove the solar character of Jehuda.
THE SUN AND THE FRUIT. 181
sufficient to point to the fact that the reddish-brown ass is

one of the animals used in the old mythology to designate
the sun. 1 The point of resemblance must be sought in
the reddish colour ; and hence in the Semitic languages the
ass is called the Red (Hebrew chamor, c ass ; Arabic ahmar,
red ). 2 It is probably in consequence of the solar signi
ficance of the ass, that Shechem s father is named 6 the
Ass (Hamor ; and in Arabic Ass is a very frequent
personal name), 3 and Issachar is described as a bony ass.
Therefore to say, as is said in our hymn, that the foal and the
colt are bound to the vine is equivalent to saying that the
Sun forms a connexion with the Vine; it is only a different
view of the myth of the connexion of Judah with Tamar.
This connexion of the Sun and the Fruit, which is the
fundamental thought of the myth of Judah and Tamar,
was developed with the aid of other elements into the
later form found in the story in Gen. XXXVIII. The
same myth was also attached to figures of the historical
age in the legend of Amiion and Tamar (2 Sam. XIII.
I -20). David s son Amnon loves his sister Tamar; and
keeping her near him to wait upon him under the pretence
of being ill, takes the opportunity to ravish her. Here
the myth of the love of the Sun for the Fruit has been
transferred to Amnon, a perfect uiimythical personage.
But Tamar is here quite the same as the personage whose
connexion with Judah is described in Genesis ; although
in the legend of Amnon and Tamar it is Amnon who
pursues Tamar, whereas in that of Judah and Tamar the
1 Angelo cle Gubernatis, in his Zoological Mythology, is peculiarly indefinite
on the mythological significance of this animal ; compare Pleyte, La Religion
fas Pre- Israelites, Loydeu 1865, p. 151, where much useful information will be
found on the worship of the Ass.
2 See Gesenius, Thesaurus, pp. 494 and 1163.
s On the Arabic proper name Himar, Yakut, II. 362, may be consulted ;
cf. Ibn Dureyd, Ki/iV> <d-ixl/iik<"ik, p. 4. The Arabic proper
name Mishal is
also connected with tlio Ass ; it alludes to the screeching of the wild-ass; see
TebrizVs Scholia f the IJ,na.<ti, p. 200 penult. Compare al-Mcyda>ri,
II. 98 :
akfar min Tlimar.
intriguer and seducer is Tamar. When people in ancient

times perceived the fruit of the tree gradually change its
colour till the autumn-sun shone on it, after which it fell
down ripe, they saw in this a love-affair between the Sun
and Fruit, which ended with their union. We have here,
therefore, to do with that phrase of mythology in which men,
as agriculturists, but still standing on the myth-creating
stage of intellectual life, speak of vegetation and its causes
in terms which later, at the religious stage, will give rise
to dualistic religious ideas. Different from the Iranian
religious dualism, which sets up two mutually hostile
powers, this dualism will put side by side two factors
of the course of vegetation (see above, p. 15). This kind
of dualism is met with very frequently in the Semitic
especially North and Middle Semitic religions. Indeed,
were we to investigate closely the legends and love-stories
which fill the history of the Arabic nation and tribes
before Islam, we should probably discover mythological
matter turned into history, which would possess great
similarity with the legend of Judah and Tamar. We will
select here one only of these stories, which has preserved
transparently enough its mythical character. On the
mountains Safa and Marwa, which still play a part in the
pilgrimage to Mekka, there formerly stood two idols named
Isaf and Na ila, who were said to have been two persons
of Jurhuni who having committed improprieties in the
Ka ba were turned into stone in punishment for desecra
tion of the holy place 1 which, be it incidentally observed,
is no rare offence in modern times. It need scarcely be
observed that this conformation of the story is due to a
distinct Mohammedan tendency imparted to it, and that
1 Jâzwmi, ed. Wiistenfeld, I. 77, II. 166. I must also just refer to the
story of Mut im, as told in Yakut, IV. 565, and mention that Mut im. he who
gives food is likewise the name of an ancient Arabian idol. Even Krehl, in
his work on the Prcislamite Religion of the Arabs, p. 61, attempted to explain
mythologically the story of Isaf and Na iia, interpreting the latter name as
she who kisses.
PEREZ AND ZERAII ; LEVL 183
the interpreter of the myth has to regard only the germ of

the story the sexual union of Na ila with Isaf. Now the
mere translation of these words give us to understand the
meaning of the myth. Isaf means solum sterile, unfruitful
ground, and Na ila, she who presents (a nomen agentis from
nala 6 to present ) . No deep acquaintance with Arabic
literature is necessary to convince one that the latter
name may be simply an epithet of the Rain, which the
Arabs can as readily call the Giver as they compare a
liberal giver with the rain (compare geshem nedabhoth,
Ps. LXVIII. 10 [9]). Thus the liberal Rain unites with
the unfruitful Ground and encourages vegetation. Out of
this, as out of most unions of this sort, sexual licence was
evolved at a later time.
The names of Judah s sons, Perez and Zerah, 1 are

solar : the latter denoting the Shining one, who comes
into the world with a red thread on his hand, and the
former he who breaks forth. This name is founded on
the same idea as is present in the German Tagesanliruch*
the Hungarian Hajnalhasadds, i.e. c the breaking through
of the dawn 3 (exactly the same as Perez), the Arabic,
fajar (especially infajar al-ubh or infajar al-fatak c erupit
aurora ). 4 The dawn breaks through, or rather tears
asunder, the veil of darkness and breaks forth out of it.
After this survey of the solar figures found among

Jacob s sons, we will conclude this section with the con
sideration of another mythical name belonging to the class
of designations of Jacob s sons which is connected with
the dark sky of clouds and night. This is Levi. If we
contemplate this name unbiassed by the etymological
explanation of it given in the Bible (from lava 6 to cleave
1 Pharez and Zarah in the English Bible, derived through the LXX. from
the pausal forms Pares and /arai-h. TR.
2 And English Daybreak. TB.
3 From llajnal dawn, an 1 Jins-nLis, abstract substantive from root hasad

to split, tear opon. TR.
4 Abu Nuwus says of the dawn, mafiu^-ul-adimi, Yakut, III. 697. 22.
to ), I tliink we shall not be inclined to doubt that Levi

bears the same relation to the serpent s name livyathan,
as another serpent s name nachash bears to the enlarged
form nechushtan, which is given as the name of the brazen
serpent broken in pieces by King Hezekiah (2 Kings
XVIII. 4). The name certainly does not denote c brazen;
for an image is more naturally named from the object it
represents than from the matter of which it is made.
And the form livyathan necessarily presupposes a simpler
form, from which it could be derived by the addition of
the termination athan (or only an, if we suppose the
original word to have passed through the feminine form
livyat), as nechushtan necessitates the preexistence of the
simpler nachash. If we have in English a word earthly,
then, even if no word earth actually existed at the time in
the language, we could with perfect justice assert a priori
that the word earth must have once existed, in order to
make the formation of earthly possible. Similarly the
existence of the form livyathan justifies the assumption of
a simple noun-form, as the basis of that derivative en
larged by suffixes.
Now fortunately this simple form is preserved to us in

the name Levi, and we may therefore unhesitatingly affirm
that Levi means Serpent. Mythology speaks of a
serpent that devours the sun, of a Storm-Serpent, which
the Sun assails with his rays ; they are the serpents,
dragons and monsters with whom the Solar heroes of the
Aryan mythology wage their contests, which Herakles even
in his cradle crushes and afterwards overpowers at Lerna
and ISTemea ; the same, which sometimes, on the other
hand, keep their ground and come forth victorious from
the battle with the Sun, when the Sun, repulsed by a
boisterous Storm, is forced to abandon the celestial battle
field.
A serpent on the way,
An adder on the path,
That bites the horse s heels,
So that the rider falls backwards,
LEVI; LEVIATHAN. 185
(Gen. XLIX. 17), they are called in the Hebrew hymn of

the battle of the Eain-serpent with the Sun-horse. 1 It is
this same serpent that bears a c fiery flying serpent
(saraph me opheph, Is. XIV. 29), i.e. the Lightning; that
in common with the lightning is called the Flying
Serpent (nachash bariach, Is. XXVII. i), for whose con
queror the Sun, the monotheistic ideas of later times sub
stituted Jahveh who with his might lashes the sea, and
who with his intelligence pierces the monster (Rahab) ; by
whose breath the heaven becomes bright, whose hand has
stabbed the flying serpent (Job XXYI. 12, 13). The
hissing of this flying Serpent is said in an American myth
to be the Thunder ; and the Lightning is called by the
Algonquins an immense serpent, which God spat out. 2
The Rain itself is regarded in mythology as a serpent ; the
columns of water which fall in a serpentine course to the
earth are called the Crooked Serpent (nachash akalla-
thon). The flying Lightning, the crooked Serpent (both
livyathan), and the great Monster in the sea, which tries
to devour the Sun when he sinks into the sea in the
evening, are assailed by the Sun, and the monotheistic
prophet transfers the attack upon them to Jahveh (Is.
XXVII. i ; compare Ps. LXXVI. 4 [3] ). It is to be noted
that, in speaking of night and storms, even the later poetry
uses the expression that they bite, wound, because the
Serpent of darkness and tempest bites and hurts the Sun.
* I said, Surely the darkness will bite me (yeshupheni),
and the night [will bite] the light near me (Ps. CXXXIX.
n) ; and so of the storm (Job IX. 17). Everywhere here
the verb is used which is emplo} T ed in Gen. III. 15 to
denote that the serpent wounds the heel of the man. In
1 This hymn is applied to Dan, to whom it is quite unsuitable, as Dan has

a solar character. We are tempted to conjecture that it originally referred to
a non-solar figure, perhaps actually to Levi, whoso name is synonymous with
nachash serpent. This is tin- imuv probable, because no separate section of
Jacob s Blessing is devoted to this son, and in the only words relating to him
he rs coupled with Simeon.
2 See Zeltsch. filr VWeerptycfologit t j>., 1871, VII. 307.
these passages of poetry, therefore, we find an echo of the

myth which declares that the Serpent of the storm, when
victorious, bites, wounds, or even swallows down the hero
of the Sun. We encounter the Rain described still more
clearly as a serpent in the sacred literature of the Parsees,
in the first chapter of the Vendidad, verse 2, where it is
said that Ahuramazdao created Airyana-vaejo to be the
best of all lands, whilst in opposition to his act the Deadly
Aegro mainyus created the flowing serpent (azhim
raoidhitem) and the snow. Professor Haug was the dis
coverer of this explanation of the azhim raoidhitem ; l
nevertheless he translates it a powerful serpent, as he
thinks that the word ( flowing can be only understood of
the ejection of the venom, or of the writer s remembrance
of a warm spring which may have existed in the land
Airyana-vaejo. It is a very obvious conjecture that the
flowing serpent means the Rain. ; the more so because it is
mentioned in conjunction with Snow. 2 The last shoots of
this mythological conception are discovered in the system
of the Ophites, in which the serpent represents a moist
substance?
Levi (with Simeon, whose etymological value is no

longer deter minable), is introduced in the Hebrew myth
(Gen. XXXIY.) as the slayer of Chamor < the Ass and
Shekem (see above, p. 125). Of the same two brothers it
is said in the fragments of hymns already quoted, some
times that c for their amusement they destroyed the bull
(XLIX. 6) the horned solar animal whose horns (rays)
the storm- serpents eradicate ( ikkeru). It is at the same
time perfectly clear in this interpretation that no difficulty
at all resides in what is always troubling the expounders
of these passages in the fact, namely, that these brothers
1 The first chapter of the Vendidad translated and explained, in Bunsen s

Egypt s Place &c. III. 494 et scq.
As raoidhitem may also signify running (root rudh = to flow and to

run), a running snake, literally the same as nachash bariach, might be meant.
3 Mo ller, Kosmogonie, p. 193.
INCEST IN 7 HE SOLAR MYTH. 187
are said in the hymn (or Blessing) to have killed a bull

(shor), whilst no mention is made in the narrative of any
such act.
15. In the Biblical story of the family of Jacob we

have met with a few of those myths of Love which the
Aryan mythology developed in such variety and richness.
One of the best known myths of this kind is the story of
Oedipus and Jokaste. The king of Thebes received a sad
oracle, declaring that he would be exposed to serious
danger from a son who would be born to him. by his wife
Jokaste. He therefore exposed Oedipus, his new-born
son ; and the latter, having been marvellously saved from
death and educated at Corinth, travelled to Thebes when
grown to manhood, but killed his father on the way.
Arrived at Thebes, he delivered the city from the terror of
the Sphinx, and was proclaimed king, after which he
married his mother Jokaste. When he received informa
tion of the two horrible crimes that he had unconsciously
committed, the murder of his father and the incest with
his mother, in despair he put out his own eyes and came to
a tragic end. Everyone knows this celebrated Hellenic
story, which in the Oedipus-Tragedy was worked out
powerfully in its ethical bearings so as to excite the
emotions and touch the heart.
Oedipus kills his father, marries his mother, and dies,

a blind and worn-out old man. The hero of the Sun
murders the father who begot him the Darkness ; he
shares his bed with his mother the Evening-glow, from
whose womb (in the character of the Morning-glow) he
had been born ; he dies blind the Sun sets. We have
seen above that the setting sun loses the bright light of
its eyes. 1
What a universal act of the human mind, and how

1 Max Muller, Chips &c., II. 164; Fisko, MytJis &c., p. 113. On the
blinding, see p. 109 et scq.
little affected by ethnological distinctions, the production

of myths is, and what agreement is consequently discovered
in the direction taken by this myth -formation among the
most dissimilar peoples and races of the earth, will be
most strikingly brought home to us by the discovery that
this very myth of marriage with a mother occurs among
the Hebrews just as much as among the Aryans. We
have already seen that Reuben marries his father s wife
Bilhah. We observe that in the Hebrew myth the hero
of Darkness occupies the central position, whereas in the
Hellenic it is the Solar hero who shares his mother s bed.
But while the myth of Reuben and Bilhah is only men
tioned quite shortly in the Old Testament, there is another
myth which has grown into a long story in the Biblical
narrative that of Lot s daughters. But before we pass
to this, I wish to call attention to a concurrence which I
believe has never yet been noticed, but which may excite
to further meditations. The whole story of Oedipus, quite
in the form in which we find it among the Hellenes, occurs
also as an Arabic tradition, without change except in the
persons. One of the many Nimrods which the Arabic
legend seized upon (six Namarida Nirnrods are commonly
reckoned), 1 son of Kena an and Salcha, is the Oedipus of
the Arabic story. In consequence of an intimidating pro
phecy, he is exposed by his parents, that he may die and
not be a source of danger to his father. But he is miracu
lously suckled by a tigress (whence his name .Nimrud is
said to be derived, for nimr is f tiger in Arabic), and
subsequently brought up by the inhabitants of a neigh
bouring village. When grown to manhood he contrives
to bring together a great army, and becomes involved
in a war against his father Kena an, whom he slays
in the decisive battle. He marches in triumph into his
capital, and marries his mother Salcha. Thus the out
lines of the Oedipus-story have been attached to the solar
1 See al-Damiri, Hay&tal-heyv&n, I. 70.
OEDIPUS; LOT. 189
hero of the Semites, Nimrod the hunter. The story is

told at full length in the long introduction to the Eomance
of Antar (I. 13 seq.), and I leave it to readers competent
to judge, to decide between two possibilities. Either the
Arabs borrowed from the Greeks and simply took to them
selves this version of the Oedipus-story ; in this case the
remarkable fact of such a transference would provoke a
searching enquiry into the middle points between Greece
and Arabia, which made it possible to borrow mythology,
and also into the extent and nature of such borrowings. Or
we may assume that the story was independently and
gradually formed by the Arabs without external influence,
so that the elements of the Arabian as of the Greek story
reach back to the primeval age of the creation of myths,
and that with the Arabs also it was originally a myth of
the war of the Sun with the Night, and his union with
the Evening- glow. The latter view is favoured by the
circumstance that in the Arabian version the story of
Oedipus putting out his eyes is wanting a feature which
would certainly have been taken if the Arabian story were
only a borrowed one. But the above-mentioned questions
ought to be investigated before any decision in favour of
one of these possibilities can be arrived at, however in
clined I may be from personal feeling towards the assump
tion of borrowing. 1
The story of Lot and his daughters as told in Genesis

in one of the Biblical passages most notorious for its
obscenity ; let us see, however, what appears to have been
its original meaning. When the aged Lot and his family
were saved from the Divine judgment on Sodom and
Gomorrha, which converted those cities into a sea of
bitumen, he left his wife behind him, converted into a
pillar of salt, at a point of the coast of the Dead Sea,
which is still shown to credulous travellers, and lived in
a cave with his two unmarried daughters. These made
1 Seo Excursus L.
IQO MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
their old father drunk in two successive nights, and per

petrated with him an act of un chastity which is to us
almost unmentionable (Gen. XIX. 30-38). But the
science of Mythology has often saved the honour and
moral worth of primitive humanity by restoring the origi
nal mythological meaning of many a story ; and so here
we shall be able to prove that the Lot- story, in the form
in which we have received it, is only the tradition of the
myth of the Sun and the Night, the understanding of
which was lost in a later unmythological generation.
Through the clever succession of ideas suggested by the
solar theory, the science of Mythology on Aryan ground
at one blow caused the ideal heights of Olympus to tower
in their original purity above the endless chain of scanda
lous acts which mythology misunderstood attributed to
the immoral inhabitants of the mountain of the Gods;
and the method which guides us in these studies will aim.
at the same result on the domain of Hebrew mythology.
We return to Lot. This name (formed from the root

lut to cover ) denotes he who covers/ Darkness
covers the earth, and clouds the nations (Is. LX. 2).
6 For I did not shrink before the Darkness, when thick
darkness covered (everything) before my face* (Job
XXIII. 17). Thou hast pressed us down to the dwell
ing-place of the sea- monsters, arid covered us over with
deep shadow (Ps. XLIY. 20 [19]). The Semitic de
signations of darkness are mostly formed from roots
denoting to cover : so e.g. alata in Hebrew, isha in
Arabic ; l and the most prominent Semitic word for Night,
layil, layla, etymologically means only something that
covers. 2 In Aryan languages also, the Sanskrit Yaruna
and the Greek ovpavos, which denote the overclouded
sky, are formed from the root var to cover, in opposi
tion to the bright day-sky, Mitra. 3 Keeping on Semitic
ground, we find in Arabic copious illustrations of this
1 Connected with gashiya to veil. 2 See Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 749.
3 Max Muller, Chips &c., II. 68.
DARK MANTLE OF NIGHT. 191
conception. The words gashiya, damasa, gatha, saja, etc.

(compare gardakat al-leyl, ta attam al-leyl), combine the
notions of Darkness and Covering-up. Accordingly the
coming on of night is expressed by janna al-zalam, liter
ally the darkness has covered up (e.g. Romance of
Antar, V. 80. 3) ; and for the simple words of an even
ing/ or at night/ the Arabic expression is taht al-leyl
under the night/ 1 or fuller taht astar al-zalam under
the veils of the night ( Antar, X. 70, i) ; and the Night
is above the day, aleyha. 2 The Night is a garment or
carpet spread out over the Day. It is he/ it is said in
the Koran (Sur. XXV. v. 49), who made the Night as a
garment or veil for you. We have made the Mght as
a clothing (Sur. LXXYIII. v. io). 3 The Arabic poet
Abu-l- Ala al-Ma arri uses the most palpable expression
for this conception of the darkness of night. Describing
his swift camels, on which he traversed great distances at
Night, he says (I. 131. v. 4) in their swift course they
tore the mantle of night/ i.e. they ran so quickly that
they unrolled the garment which covers the surface of
the earth at night. On this conception of the nature of
Night I believe a peculiar expression in the Arabic lan
guage to be based. In the old classical Arabic, nights
which either have no moonshine at all, or have none at
the beginning and only a little quite at the end, are
called layalin dur un ; and when a verb is required, adra a
al-shahr is said. This adra a is unquestionably a deno
minative verb from dir k , which signifies a 6 breast-plate/
or a breast-covering of any sort. The Arabic expressions
just quoted are founded on the idea that the breast (al-
sadr), i.e. the upper side, the first part, of such nights is
dark, covered by a garment, so that only the uncovered
lower side or end is visible. In the cosmogony of Mo-
1 Arsala acb.ahu Sheybub taht al-leyl, Antar, VI. 102. 9.
2 HamA$&, p. 566. v. 2.
3 Libiisan, compare Sur. VII. v. 52 ; XIII. v. 3 ; yugsM-1-leyla-n-nahara.
hammedan legends, Night is represented as a curtain ,

hijab. 1
The clothing of the Night is of black colour, leyla

halikat al-jilbab, as is said in Arabic, 2 (compare /jusXa/j,-
TreTrXos- z/uf 3 ), a pitchy mantle, as Shakespeare says,
The day begins to break, and night is fled

Whose pitchy mantle overveil d the earth.
King Henry VI. First Part, II. 2. 4
And in Arabic poetry also we meet with night described

as a pitchy mantle. For the poet Abu-1-Shibl says in a
remarkable elegy 5 :
Shamsim ka anna-z-zalania albasaha * thauban min-az-zifti an min-al-kiri

A sun, as if darkness had clothed him
With a garment of resin or pitch.
The darker the Night, the thicker is the black cloak

with which it is provided. Even modern languages have
expressions like thick darkness (Hungarian vastag setetseg) ;
in Arabic a very dark night is called a night with a heavy
covering, leyl murjahinn. 6
The name Lot, accordingly, signifies, like the Hellenic

female forms Kalyke, Kalypso (from Ka\v7rrcD) y the Cover
ing Night. It is very significant of the Night that the
Greek figures are represented as weaving clothes for the
Thunderer : 7 they weave the cloak with which they cover
over the world when they spread darkness over it. Surely
1 In Yakut, I. 24. 2.
v Hariri, p. 162, 2nd ed. ; compare the Commentary, in which particular

stress is laid on the act of covering tip : li annahu yugatti ma f ihi. Compare
al-Meydani, II. 112. 23 : al-leyl yuwari hadanan.
8 Eur. Ion, v. 1150; it is also called iroiKiXov ez/Su/m côvcra, and in

Aeschylus, Prom. v. 24 wouuXfifuiv vv, from the gay robe of stars.
4 Compare King Richard II., III. 2. The cloak of night being pluck d
from off their backs.
5 Kitdb al-agam, III. 28. 24.
6 I quote also a passage from the Uigur language : The creation tore its
black shirt, i.e. the day has dawned : Vambery, Kudatku Bilik, p. 218 ; com
pare p. 70, I have put off the cloak of darkness ; r p. 219, The daughter of
the west spreads out her carpet.
7 Max Miiller, Chips, &c., II. 83. Schwartz, Ursprung d. Mythologie,

p. 245.
NIGHT THE COVERER. 193
no one will after all this doubt that the name Lot is a
designation of the Covering Night. Should this be still
doubtful, perhaps the following fact from the domain of
the Arabic language may bring conviction. Everyone
knows the Arabic word kafir, at least in its usual meaning
of Infidel. Even the earlier Arabian philologians, who,
notwithstanding frequent amusing whims and hobbies,
often exhibit a fine feeling and very sober judgment as
to etymology, said that this word received the meaning
Infidel only through the dogmatism of Islam, that it
originally denoted the C&verer, and that the transition of
meaning was founded on the idea that the Infidel covers
up God s omnipotence. Similarly in Hebrew the verb
kaphar is said of God when he forgives (i.e. covers) the
sins of men ; in Arabic gafar. 1 In Arabic the Unthankful
is also a kafir, a f Coverer, since he covers the blessings
he has received : and in late Hebrew he is similarly
termed kephuy tobha one who covers up the good. 9 In
short, the kafir is properly the Coverer. Now the darkness
of night is called kafir by old Arabian poets. We have
already (in the Tenth Section of this chapter, p. 134),
quoted for another purpose the verse of the poet of the
tribe Mazin : e The Shining one stretches his right hand
towards him who covers up, 9 where the latter is kafir, the
Night. The celebrated poet Lebid, too, says in his prize-
poem (Mu allaka, v. 65): Until the stars stretch out
their hands towards the kafir, and the weaknesses of the
boundaries are covered over by their darkness,
Hatta ida alkat yadan f i kafirin * Tva ajaniia aurati-tk-tlmguri zalamulm.
And the poet al-Humeyd says, They (the camels) go to
water before the breaking of the morning, whilst the son
of splendour (the dawn) is still hiding in the cloak, i.e.
before it is yet day,
Fawaradat kaLla-iildlaji-1-fajri * wabnu duka a kamimm fi kafri*
1 al-lieycjtiwi s Commentary on the Koran, I. 19. 21 et seq. Abu-]-Baka,

Kulliut, p. 305.
2 See Excursus G. 3 Ibn al-Sikkit, p. 322.
A very witty use of the application of the epithet Mfir

to the Night is make by the poet Beha al-Din Znheyr.
He would fain prolong the duration of the night, which
passes away far too soon for all the pleasures that it brings
him in the midst of a merry circle, and so he says : To
me is due from thee the reward of a Champion of the Faith
[in battle against the infidels], if it is true that Night is
a Mfir (an infidel, properly a coverer ),
Li fika ajru mujahidin * in sahha anna-1-leyla kafir. 1

As the Darkness of night is what covers over and
hides, so on the other hand the Dawn, or the Sun in
general, is that which uncovers and discloses. We have
met with this conception before in the case of Noah
(p. 131). In Arabic safara or asfara is said of the uncover
ing of any concealed object, and the same words are used
of the breaking-forth of the morning sun. There is no
doubt that this latter usage is deduced from the significa
tion c to reveal, uncover ; the instance quoted in the lexi
cons, The night which removes the cover from the morn
ing of the Friday (yusfir c an), i.e. which precedes Friday,
shews by the preposition an that to uncover is the fun
damental signification. Thus the Arabic etymologists whom
I mentioned in a former work 2 may be right in a certain
sense in tracing back most of the derivations of the root
safar to this sense. But in Egyptian and in the Arabic
1 The Poetical Works of Beha-ed-Din Zoheir of Egypt. By E. H. Palmer,

Cambridge 1876, I. 108. 7. It is impossible to quote this edition without an
expression of admiration for the perfection to which Arabic typography has
been brought in England in this magnificent Oriental work, the production of
which redounds to the imperishable credit of the University of Cambridge. It
may be pronounced one of the most beautiful Oriental books that have ever
leen printed in Europe ; and the learning of the editor worthily rivals the
technical get-up of the creations of the soul of one of the most tasteful poets of
Islam, the study of which will contribute not a little to save the honour of the
poetry of the Arabs. Here first we make the acquaintance of a poet who gives
us something better than monotonous descriptions of camels and deserts, and
may even be regarded as superior in charm to al-Mutanabbi.
2 Beitrcu/e zur Geschichie dcr Sprachgclehrsamkeit bei den Arab em, no. I,
in the Sitzungsberichte dcr kais. Akadetnie der Wissenschaften, Vienna 18/1.
Jan. p. 222 e f scq. ; or in the reprint p. 1 8 et scq.
Al YTIf OF LOT S DA UGHTERS. i 95
of the desert the word al-sufra denotes the Sunset, the

reason of which is by no means clear. 1 No doubt can
now be entertained that our Lot is identical with his
namesake the Arabic Kafir the Concealer, the Covering
Night. Now we can consider the myth. The daughters
of Night form a sexual connexion with their father.
When the evening glow, which is a daughter of the Night
(for, as we ha.ve seen, the. myth identifies the morning
and the evening glow), unites with the shades of night and
becomes darker and dimmer, so as at length to lose itself
in the night, the myth-creators said, The daughters of
Lot, the Coverer, are going to bed with their father.
From the bright, lively character, which the myth must
have attributed to the Glow in comparison with the dark,
heavy Night, they would naturally regard the aged Lot
as the victim of an intrigue of his lustful daughters ;
whereas in the Aryan myth it is Prajapati who uses
force against his daughter Ushas. The names of Lot s
daughters are not given in the Old Testament ; but we
know them from another source. The Arabic legend in
which the story of Lot, communicated by Jews, likewise
finds a place, tells us their names. It is scarcely credible
that these are pure inventions of the Arabs ; it is much
more probable that they received them, as they did much
else, from the traditions of the Jews. But the Jewish
tradition itself has lost the names, as it has lost much else
that was not written down. In the Arabic statements,
however, there occur such various versions of the names
as to show clearly that they are instances of the corrup
tion by which foreign names are constantly ruined beyond
recognition in Arabic manuscripts. One version gives
Eayya as the name of the elder, Zogar as that of the
younger (see Yakut, II. 933. 22, 934. 16) ; and from the
latter a town is said to be named, which is mentioned in
some ancient Arabic poems. Ibn Badrun (ed. Dozy,
1 Wallin s articles in the Zcitsch. d. I). M. G., 1851, V. 17 ; but see above
P- 43-
o 2
196 MYTHOLOGY ^Ti/aW THE HEBREWS,
p. 8) calls them something like Rasha and Ra usha (or

Ra vasha?) ; Mas udi (Prairies d or, II. 193) Zaha and
Ra va. Among these differing forms, every one of which
is probably based on a corrupt text, Zaha is the only one
that may confirm the solar character of Lot s daughters
in the myth. But I think the myth of Lot is clear enough in
itself to dispense with any such problematic confirmation.
If the conception of Kerubhim (Cherubim) is native
to the Hebrews, and not borrowed at a later period from
foreign parts a question which must be regarded as still
an open one then we may find here also the Coverer
(compare kerubh has-sokhekh the cherub that covereth,
Ezek. XXVIII. 14), the covering cloud; and hence may
be derived the function of concealing and covering which
was given to the cherubim in the later ceremonial, as
also their connexion with the curtains. 1 Jahveh rides on
the Cherub, says one of the later religious poets (2 Sam.
XXII. 11), and appears on the wings of the wind; he
makes darkness round about him, tents, collections of
water, gloomy clouds. Here the dark overclouded rainy
sky is described ; and when Jahveh sends rain over the
earth, he rides on the Cherub, and c mists are beneath his
feet, and the dust which he turns up while riding, forms
the shechakim (properly the dust), the overcast sky.
Jahveh is described in other passages also as riding on
clouds (Is. XIX. i). Accordingly kerubh would origi
nally denote the covering cloud, and whatever is connected
with the Cherubim in later theological conceptions would
be a transformation of ancient mythological ideas. 2 Now
the root krb is used in Himyarite inscriptions in titles
of kings, as Mukrib Saba, or Tobba kerib, i.e. as Von
Kremer explains them, 3 Protector of Saba, Protecting
1 See Vatke, Biblis^he Thcologi", p. 327, and Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 711,

where importance is attached to this.
2 The conception of Cherubim penetrated even into Mohammedan regions,

e.g. Hafiz, ed. Bosenzweig, III. 526 penult., chalweti kerrubiun alem-i-knds.
3 Ucber die *u<larabische Sage, Leipzig 1866, p. 27.
CHERbBlM. 197
TobbaV This is easily explained by the fact that in the

Semitic languages words signifying to protect are often
derived from the fundamental idea of covering. 5 The
Cherubim spread forth their wings (i Kings VIII. 7), i.e.
they cover. To spread out the wings (kenaphayim) over
some one is in Biblical language the usual expression for
the protection which is allotted to him. In Arabic the
same word (kanaf) signifies not only a bird s wing, but
also concealment, shade (compare Ps. XCI. 1-4), and
protection. 1
The opinion that the Cherubim were borrowed from

foreign parts is accordingly much less probable than that
which maintains that they originated with the Hebrews ; 2
and the latter view receives further support from the fact
that the Cherubim can be easily fitted without any
violence into the system of Hebrew mythology. It is
again supported by the connexion between Cherubim and
Seraphim, the latter of which are originally Hebrew.
This connexion agrees moreover with the results of our
mythological researches. As Kerubhas Coverer belongs
to the dark cloudy sky, so the Seraphim must be a mytho
logical conception pertaining to the same series, if we
adopt the correct interpretation of them as Dragons, 3 and
remember the mythological meaning of serpents and
dragons (supra, p. 27, 184, sq.). It then becomes probable
that the theological significance of Cherubim and Seraphim
belongs to the remains of the very earliest form of Hebrew
religion, and approximates to the facts of which I shall
speak at Chapter VI. 5, pp. 224, 5.
1 See riesenius, Thesaurus, p. 697.
2 See Dillmann, in Schenkel s BibttUxikon, I. 511.
8 Ibid,, V. 284.
MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
CHAPTEE VI.
THE MYTH OF CIVILISATION AND THE FIRST

SHAPING OF HEBREW RELIGION,
i . In close connexion with that stage of development

of the myth-producing faculty which is inaugurated by the
beginnings of agricultural life, is found a natural con
sequence of the solar myth among agriculturists the
Myth of Civilisation.
We have seen that the advance in civilisation from the

nomad life to the agricultural stage is accompanied by
that inversion of the direction of the myth which puts the
Sun in the foreground and allows a tone favourable to him
to prevail in it, whereas at the nomad stage it was the
night- sky and the phenomena of nature connected with it
that engrossed the sympathy of the formers of myths.
Now here we again encounter a remarkable phenomenon.
No intricate psychological foundation or historical demon
stration is required to prove that our own stage of civilisa
tion and not ours alone is intellectually qualified to com
pare itself either with a lower stage through which it has long
since passed, or with a higher which is now only beginning
to be aimed at by our best spirits, so as to estimate its
value from the point of view given us by our social system.
For let two different stages of civilisation, social systems
or conditions be brought before any man s observation so
that he notes their essential difference, and the perception
of this difference will awaken an impulse to measure them
off against one another and form a judgment on the per
fection of the one and the insufficiency of the other. And
ADVANCE OF SOCIAL ORDER. 199
not only does the man who has reached the higher stage
feel himself impelled to compare his new condition with
that of those who remain behind on the less perfect
stage already passed by him ; but also those who stand
on the lower stage, but are acquainted with the altered
mode of life of others, contemplate the advanced stage
and set off its value against that of the stage on which
they still stand. Thus we have seen above that hunts
men and fishermen have their ideas about agricultural
life. Still he who has reached the higher stage will be
more generally impelled to such meditations than those
who still stand on the lower. When the question has
arisen in his mind, it must finally culminate in the
enquiry, What was the origin or who was the author of
the great advance which procures for him such advantages
over one who stands lower ? It is true, the agriculturist
is not always conscious that his stage of civilisation is the
result of an advance at all ; for in many nations there
exists no consciousness that any less perfect stage pre
ceded that of the agriculturist. But this consciousness is
not a necessary condition of the raising of the question ;
the mere observation of the difference between the two
stages of civilisation suffices to prompt it. And it will
come more and more into the foreground when the gradual
progress within the limits of the agricultural stage has
advanced so far as to develop the social consequences of
the new state in all their fulness. Social order and laws
are non-existent for the nomad, who has not yet formed for
himself any permanent social system. At his stage they
are not merely superfluous, but even in a certain sense
inconceivable. The wranglings, the objects of which are
chiefly wells and pastures, are settled and composed, not
by laws and rights established once for all, but by strength
of arm, or between disputants of peaceful disposition by
separation : And their arose strife between the herdsmen
of Abram s cattle and the herdsmen of Lot s cattle. And
Abram said to Lot, Let there be no strife, I pray thee,
between me and thee, between my herdsmen and thy

herdsmen ; for we are brethren. Is not the whole land
before thee ? Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me : if
thou goest to the left hand, then I will go to the right ;
or if thou goest to the right hand, then I will go to the left
(Gen. XIII. 7-9). l And on occasion of a dispute about a
well, Abimelech said to Isaac : * Go from us ; for thou art
much mightier than we. And Isaac departed thence, and
pitched his tent in the valley of Gerar, and dwelt there 5
(Gen. XXVI. 1 6, 17). Arts, manufactures and other oc
cupations are inconceivable at this stage ; for the wants
of the nomad are so limited that the conditions of his exist
ence are satisfied by his tents, herds, and pasture-ground.
The answer which the agriculturist gives to the question

about the origin of the arts and manufactures, of social
order and law, all of them products of agricultural life,
is what we call the Myth of Civilisation. This Myth of
Civilisation, which we encounter among the most various
nations, refers the authorship of the advanced and refined
state of civilisation to the Solar figures of the myth, which,
to the prejudice of the figures of the dark sky, are brought
into the foreground by the human mind on its advance to
agriculture. It is therefore a spontaneous act of the
human mind that is made the cause of a series of pheno
mena, of which it is itself really the result.
The Greek and Roman mythology abounds with data

verifying the Solar character of the stories of the origin
of civilisation and morals. Arts and manufactures are
constantly brought into connexion with mythical names
which are recognised by comparative philologists as de
signations of the Sun. Not only the musician but the
1 An interesting Arabic parallel to this occurs in Yakut, III. 496. Thakif
and al-Naclia , who with their herds were migrating together, determine to
separate: So one said to the other: Assuredly this land can never support
both me and thee. If thou goest to the west, then I will go to the east ; and if
I go to the west, then do thou go to the east. Then said Thakif, Well, I will
choose the west. Then said al-Nacha , Then I go to the east. Ibid., p. 498,
occurs an equally curious arrangement between two nomad tribes.
CIVILISATION ATTRIBUTED TO THE SUN. 201
smith of Olympus are Solar figures; so also the first

navigator and founder of cities. The right understand
ing of Mythology was long hindered by the so-called
Euhemeristic system, which assumed that the gods of
mythology, and especially of the Greek and Roman
mythology (for scarcely any others were sufficiently known
to be considered), were only great benefactors of humanity,
who after their death were rewarded by divine honours ;
and this system has been maintained till the present day.
The Myth of Civilisation consequently had to be fitted
into the frame of this convenient system. It was said
that posterity had from mere Gratitude raised the inventor
of the arts to the throne of deity. Petrarch says, We
know that the founders of some arts after their death were
rewarded by divine honours, rather from grateful than from
pious feelings . . . Thus Apollo was made a god through
his lyre, Apollo and Aesculapius through medicine, Saturn,
Liber and Ceres through agriculture, Vulcan, through his
smithy. 1 This mode of regarding the subject was not
only upheld from Euhemerus down to Petrarch, but exerted
its influence on the interpretation of the ancient stories
even to our own times.
However, the consideration of the store of legends of

humanity in general, as far as they are brought under our
ken, collected and analysed according to their historical
and psychological truths, teaches us that the founder of
all the order and morality which result from the more
civilised agricultural life is, in the language of the old
stories, the Sun. The so-called Myths of Civilisation are
always put into connexion with the Sun, or with some of
the copious synonyms which mythology gives to the Sun.
1 De vita solit. I. 10. Inventores artiumquarundam post mortem divinitatis

honore cultos audivimus, grate quidem potius quam pie. Nulla enim est
pietas hominis qua Deus offenditur, sud erga memoriam de humano genere
benc meritorum inconsulta gratitude mortalium, himianis honoribus non
contenta, usque ad sacrilegas processit iueptias. Hinc Apolliiiem citliara, hinc
eundeni ipsuni atque Aesculapium nicdicina, Saturn uin, Libcrumque et Cererem
agricultura, Vulcaimm fabrica deos fecit.
These myths must exist in every nation which has won

its upward way from nomadism to agriculture, or from
tribal life to* society. As soon as the agriculturist began
to use the ploughshare, he could not but observe the
difference between his life and that of the nomad, who fixed
his tent-plugs in the earth at a different place from day
to day, moving from pasture to pasture, whilst he him
self had the control of permanent dwellings, protected by
definite unalterable laws, and lived a life of regularity, yet
full of enjoyment and variety, strongly contrasting with
the Bedawi s monotonous independence. Then, when the
source of this difference was sought, all the advance was
attributed to the Sun, as the author and encourager of
agriculture and inventor of the more refined arts and
enjoyments of life. Moreover, the connexion which the
Myth of Civilisation establishes between the Founder of
cities and the Wolf, as e.g. between Romulus and a she-
wolf who suckled him, has lately been explained by
Prof. Sepp through the signification given to the wolf
in the solar myth with perfect justice, though perhaps
going rather too far in the elaboration of details. 1 Like
Apollo, Osiris also is jswpyi as supsrrjs, Mouacov /J,a6ijrijy 9
Inventor of agriculture and teacher of the arts; 2 and in
this point the myths of nations quite distinct in race agree.
A few examples taken from sources wide apart will make
this clear.
One of the Solar heroes of the Persian myth of civili

sation is Jemshid, whose character can scarcely be doubt
ful to the mythologist, after the consentaneous characteris
tics with which the epic poet Firdosi and the historian
Mirchond fill up the description of his life. 3 His very
name indicates clearly enough a solar signification ; and
1 Ausland, 1875, P- 2I 9 ^ se( L
2 Sir Gr. Wilkinson on Herodotus, II. 79, note 5.
3 Even Herder compared together these two sources of information on the

story of Jemshid, in the Appendix to vol. I. of his writings on Philosophy and
History.
SOLAR HEROES OF CIVILISATION-. 203
to this must be added the fact that he combines many

characteristics of the solar supporters of the Myth of
Civilisation. He first gives to Iran, till then savage, the
benefits of civilisation. He is the first builder of cities,
the inventor of the fine arts, especially of music, navigation
(which belongs especially to the solar myth, as we have
seen), and, as Mirchond explains at length, of the cultiva
tion of the vine an Iranian Noah. He divides the whole
nation into four classes : Scribes, Warriors, Agricultur
ists, and Artists. Thus it is he who puts an end to the
nomadic tribal life. In this breaking up into castes not
the slightest trace is discoverable of any notice of pastoral
life ; on the contrary, in the story of Jemshid as worked
out by the later narrator, probably in close agreement
with the still living mythical tradition, especial weight is
laid on Agriculture. The solar chronology is also due to
Jemshid. Mirchond says: As often as the Chosrev of
the stars, the Sun, took away the royal robe of rays from
the fish s tail and threw it on the neck of the ram,
Jemshid appointed an assemblage of the great and noble
at the foot of the throne. He instituted all the appliances
of pleasure, and spread out the carpet of joy, and called
the day Neuruz. The Prometheus-side of the Jemshid-
story is surprising. The Persian hero of civilisation, like
the Greek, is chastised and hurled down by God for his
presumption ; his fall is occasioned by Zohak, who con
quers him, from whose shoulders dragons grow up (the
dragons of the Storm and the Night). After a fall of a
hundred years he appears on the coast of the Chinese sea.
The Sun is devoured by the monster waiting for him at
the bottom of the sea, but afterwards rises again out of
the sea, like Jonah in the Hebrew myth.
If now we turn from ancient Iran to the American

tribes, we find the Myth of Civilisation take the same
direction. There also the origin of morals, law and order
is attributed to the Sun. I quote one of the numerous
myths of civilisation from J. G. Miiller, who deserves
great credit for his work on American religions, which

makes American mythology known in Germany. It is the
myth of civilisation belonging to the Muyscas, inhabitants
of the Terra Fhma in the plain of Bogota, who tell as
follows of the commencement of civilisation among them
selves : 6 In the earliest times, before the moon was, the
high plain of Cundinamarca was closed in and the pass
of Tequendama not yet opened. Then the Muyscas people
were savage, without agriculture, without religion, with
out morals, without civil rule. Then there appeared a
bearded old man who came from the East, who had three
names, Bochica, Nenequetheba, and Zuhe, and was repre
sented as having three heads. He taught the savages
to wear clothes, to till the land, to worship the gods, to
form states. His wife had also three names, Huythaca,
Chia, Yubecayguaya. She was dazzlingly beautiful, but
so malicious that she plotted to destroy all her husband s
salutary undertakings. And she actually succeeded by
secret magic arts, in causing the Funzha (now Eio
Bogota), the river of the country, to rise to such a height
as to overwhelm the whole high plain with flood. Only
a minority of the inhabitants were able to escape to the
summits of the mountains. But then the just wrath of
Bochica was kindled ; he drove the wicked woman off
the earth for ever, and changed her into the Moon. Since
then there has been a moon. And to get rid of the trou
bles of the earth, Bochica made an opening in the wall
of rock, and allowed the water to run off by the majestic
waterfall of Tequendama, 570 feet high. When the land
was thus dried, the people that were left were called to
civilisation, and the Solar worship was introduced, with
a sacerdotal order, periodical feasts, sacrifices and pil
grimages. At the head of the state Bochica set a secular
and a sacerdotal chief, settled the chronology, and after
a life of two thousand years at length withdrew, bearing
the name Idacanzas. *
1 Geschichte der Amtrikaniscken Urreligionen, Basle 1867, p. 423. This

myth of civilisation is given also by Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. 318 et seq.
THE MUYSCAS MYTH OF CIVILISATION. 205
So much for the Myth of Civilisation. It is certainly

wrong to try to find matter of history in these stories of
civilisation, and, with Markham, Rivero, and Tschudi, to
see in Bochica and the other bearded heroes of civilisation
belonging to American mythology missionaries of the
worship of Brahma, of Buddha, and probably of other
sects. 1 My readers will surely perceive the perverseness
of such a proceeding. J. G. Miiller himself recognised
the Sun in Bochica, the civiliser of the Muyscas ; but he
did not find out all the mythological relations which de
termine his solar character. The most important of these
is the circumstance that Bochica is a bearded old man,
who came from the East. Here then, as in other Ameri
can myths, the Sun s rays are regarded as the long white
beard of the old man of the sun, in the same sense in
which they appear elsewhere under the form of locks of
hair (see supra, p. 137). And as in Egyptian the rising
sun has a different name from the setting, and the same
distinction of name is stamped upon the Hebrew myth
also (Leah and Delilah on the one side, and Dinah,
Zilpah, Asher, etc. on the other), so in the myth of the
Muyscas the three names of the Sun refer to his various
positions at rising, noon, and setting, which probably
played a part in the ancient myth of the Muyscas. The
corresponding three faces of the Sun express the same
idea that produced the myth of the two of Janus (see
p. 137); with the difference that the American myth
notices three phases of the Sun, and the Roman only two.
The Sun is opposed by the Moon, the sky of day is en
gaged in an everlasting war with the sky of night. The
circumstance that the moon causes the flood exactly
agrees with the American conception, which connects
water with the moon. 2 The moon also is provided with
three names in our American myth, and these three
1 See Dr. Kobert Hartmann, Die Nigritier : cine anthiwpologisch-ethnolo-

gische Monographic, Berlin 1876, Thl. I p. 176.
2 Brinton, Myth* of the New World, New York 1868, p. 130.

names have the same signification as the three of the

Sun, i.e. the conception that each of the varying phases
of the moon is itself an independent object. Dr. Anton
Henne, a Swiss mythologist, first considered the meaning
of the three visible forms of the moon (as contrasted with
the four astronomical phases) in mythology, especially
German, and cited some parallels from classical my
thology. 1 Now although this feature of the triple form
of the moon is undoubtedly expressed in many myths,
among others in the American one under review, yet
Henne-Am-Rhyn seems to go rather too far, in referring
the many variations of the German story of the three
spinning girls and so forth to this mythical idea. Many
of these variants bear the undeniable impress of a mythi
cal description of the setting Sun s or the Night s battle
with the bright Sun of day ; especially that in which one
of the Sisters is quite white, the second half-white and
half-black, and the third blind. Unquestionably the Sun
of day is the quite white sister ; the Sun shortly before
setting the half-white and half-black ; and the Night the
blind one (see supra, pp. 109-10). 2 The solar character of
the princess Martholl (no. 586, Henne-Am-Khyn), wlio
is as beautiful as the sun, and can only weep golden tears
(see Excursus E), can escape no one.
The moon-lit sky of night appears in the Myth of

Civilisation averse to all the blessings which the Sun
grants to the agriculturist. In this character it appears
frequently, especially in the American mythology; 3
whereas in the Oriental the connexion between the moon
and water suggests the idea that the moon produces
1 Otto Henne-Am-Rhyn, Die deutsche Volkssage, etc., p. 281 et scq.
2 Ibid., p. 285, the author says on the other hand: The blind sister is of
course always the invisible new moon, the half-black and half white the half
moon, the quite white the full moon.
3 See Hellwald, Ueber Gyitiikokratie im alien Amcrika, third art. in

Ausland for 1871, no. 44, p. 1158. In the language of the Algonkins the
ideas Night, Death, Cold, Sleep, Water, and Moon are expressed by one and
the same word.
CIVIL IS A TION E VER Y WHERE SOLAR. 207
fertility and freshness in the soil (eee supra, p. 160). In

the Voguls story of civilisation, a small fragment of
which, from the collections made by Antony Reguly, is
contained in the important work of the Hungarian Acade
mician Paul Hnnfalvy on the Country and People of the
Voguls, ] Kulyater is the builder of the first city. The
solar character of Kulyater cannot be doubted, if the fol
lowing portion of the Yogul story be taken into considera
tion : f He dwelt in a house locked with seven iron locks.
Tarom was angry with him, and seized him by one foot,
and he fell into the heart of the foaming sea. This is
the sunset. The reason why the Founder of Cities (whom
the Vogul reckons among the evil spirits and regards as
the originator of death 2 ) appears here in an unfavourable
light is the same as that which we shall discover for the
tone of dislike which the Hebrew story adopts towards
the agriculturist Cain. Till they became Russified the
Voguls remained prevailingly a hunting people, and their
myths did not rise to the elevation of the view of the
world possessed by agriculturists. The Vogul storj- of
the Creation 3 reflects exactly the ideas of a hunting and
fishing people ; it speaks only of the chase and of catching
fish.
Now we have seen that the Myth of Civilisation ex

presses the same idea in nations of the most different
races. Even in the Japanese myths of civilisation, pub
lished by the learned Japanese Dira Kittao, 4 a thoroughly
solar character is evident. Manufactures and arts, social
order and law are always attributed to the Sun as author,
not only by Aryans, but even by the still unclassified
1 A roynlfold es nep, Eeguly Antal hagyomanyaibol, Pest 1864, p. 139.
2 In the Hottentot story it is the Hare (on his solar significance see supra
p. 1 1 8) that is represented as the origin of death, in opposition to the Moon
(\Vaitz, Anlhropoloc/ie der Naturvolkcr, II. 342).
8 See the article line geneso vogule, in Ujfalvy s Revue de Pldlologie,

Paris 1874, livr. I. The original text and a Hungarian translation are given
Ly P. Hunfalvy in his lately quoted work, p. 119-134.
4 Anslaiid, 1875, p. 951 et scqq.
American tribes. If the knowledge of the American

languages were more advanced than it is in onr time, and
if the mutual relations of those languages were not ex
ceedingly perplexing, for the same reason as those presented
by the Polynesian and African dialects, and in a yet higher
degree," we might gain some understanding of the origin
of the many proper names which we encounter in the above
myth and in the other members of the copious American
mythology ; and this would lead us to a far more accurate
idea of their origin and life than is possible with petrified
myths of civilisation. Nevertheless, before we part from
them, we will still just notice that the introduction of social
laws, political constitutions and religious institutions such
as are ascribed in the Muyscas myth to the Sun himself
as an old man, is frequently attributed to the sons of the
Sun. There is no need to prove that in such stories the
sons of the Sun are identical with their father the Sun.
So e.g. Orpheus, son of the Sun, calls into cities men
living a savage life in the forests, and urges them to a
more civilised life. Again, the Indian legislator Vaiva-
suta is son of the Sun. And, not to neglect again here
American mythology, the two sons of the Sun, Manco
Copac and Mama, Oello, are brought forward in the Peru
vian myth of civilisation as teachers of civilisation. There
is no reason whatever to identify Mama Oello with the
Moon, as J. G. Miiller does ; 2 and it would even run counter
to the very nature of the Myth of Civilisation. For, as
we saw in the previously cited American myth, the Moon
is the very power that paralyses the work of the Sun in
introducing civilisation and law. To this place belongs
also the idea, which is found in many nations, that the
founders of their legislation and religion were born from
virgins, made to conceive by the Sun s rays. 3 This
1 Whitney, Language and the Study of Language, London 1867, p. 346.

* Amerikanisehe Urreligionen, p. 305.
3 "Waitz, I.e. I. 464 note. Among other examples Waltz quotes this : In
Mexico Huitzlipochtli, was Lorn of a woman who took to her bosom a feather-
HEBREW MYTH OF CIVILISATION.
209
element of the solar myth still operates in a story told

by the Persian poet Ferid al-Din Attar, who introduces
a maiden s dream as follows : Then the Christian maiden
saw in a dream that a Sun fell into her lap, opened his
mouth and said, etc. 1
2. The sources of the ancient Hebrew mythology

have preserved no less considerable remains of the He
brew people s myth of civilisation ; and it moves in the
same direction as has been indicated above. The inven
tion of arts and manufactures, morals, law, and social
order, is attributed to Solar figures. Especially note
worthy in this connexion is the fourth chapter of Genesis,
where mention is made of the beginning of the building
of cities, and of the invention of agricultural and of
musical instruments ; and the ninth chapter of the same
book, in which the first commencement of social order
secured by law is related. All this is attached to names
of which other mythical features besides those concerning
civilisation are recorded, features which point to their
solar significance, and serve to fill up the story of the
civilising activity of their bearers.
But the Solar figures are authors not of manufactures

and civil order only : the human race itself has the Sun
as its author, through whose children mankind is propa
gated. The name Adam, Abu-1-bashar father of all
flesh, as the Arabs call him, is, as is obvious at a glance,
a solar appellation the Eed ; etymologically the same
word as Edom. When the Hebrew story of civilisation
derives the human race from the Red one, it does the
ball is a solar designation, is not easily determined. In connexion with it I

will only mention that Shakspeare in one passage calls the sun a burning crest.
But even this night, whose black contagious breath
Already smokes about the burning crest
Of the old, feeble, and day- wearied sun,
Even this ill night, your breathing shall expire. King John, V. 4.
1 Mantik al-teyr, ed. Garcin de Tassy, p. 58 (from a communication of my
friend Dr. W. Bacher).
same as the Greeks when they call the mother of man

kind Pyrrha the Red. 1 The Hebrews call the mother
of mankind Chawwa (Eve) 6 the mother of all that lives
(Gen. III. 29), 2 i.e, c the Circulating (in Arabic hawa V),
a name of the Sun, the feminine synonym of Zebhulun
the Round ; a very ancient appellation of the Sun, the
traces of which we meet also in the Vedas, where (Rig-
veda, I. 174. 5) the Sun is called a Wheel, or, as he
frequently is in other passages, a Chariot. This is based
not only on the conception of the Horses of the Sun
drawing his chariot, but on the original conception of
this chariot, as consisting of a single wheel or of a cylinder
on a sloping plain, as Lazarus Geiger has admirably de
monstrated. 3
It is also to be considered that the mythological

genealogy of the Hebrews makes the world to be peopled
by the descendants of Cain, children of the Sun, and that
a second progenitor of the human race, Noah,, is likewise
a solar figure. We must here of course disregard the
late Seth-genealogy, at the time of the drawing up of
which even the minimum of mythical conception neces
sary to the working-out of the Myth of Civilisation had
already vanished. It is not impossible that originally
two or even more now forgotten versions of the myth of
population existed one which called the first father of
the human race Adam, and another which attached the
propagation of mankind to the name Noah, and that
then, by the interposition of the story of the Flood which
made the whole human race perish, the two versions grew
into harmony with one another in the popular mind. But
1 By the Eed the Sun is surely unquestionably to be understood, and not.

as Max Miiller says (Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 64), the Earth.
2 It should at the same time be noticed that in Arabic, in which, as in

Hebrew, men are usually called banu Adam, the expression bam A i Hawwa a
(sons of Eve) also occurs ; e.g. in a verse of the Kumeyt (Ay&ni, XV. 124;
wa-cheym bani Hawwa a), in a joem of Abu-l- Ala al-Ma arri, I. 96. I, of
al-Murtadi in the Keahkul of al- Amili, p. 169.
8 Ursprung der mcnschlichcn Sprache und Vernunft, II. 42.
SPECULATION ON THE ORIGIN OF THINGS. 211
in any case it is certain that the Hebrews made Solar

figures the ancestors of mankind.
Thus among the Hebrews also it was the Solar myth

that answered the question concerning the primeval origin
of agricultural civilisation ; and thus was completed the
picture of what modern interpreters love to call the
Origins. It is this side of the formation of legends
which maintains its life and productiveness longest
among men. For there is always a latent instinct and
powerful impulse in the mind of man to cancel all notes
of interrogation, and to gain and to give intelligence
on the origin of all that surrounds him. We well know
how many stories are current in the mouth of the people,
stories of comparatively modern origin, which have for
their subject the rise of rivers, mountains and institutions.
How charming are the Hungarian stories invented to
explain the origin of the two great rivers which traverse
that beautiful country ! and who knows not into what
petty details this impulse of the human mind pushes its
way ? It treats nothing as a matter of course and as
sufficiently explained by the mere fact of its existence ;
it finds everywhere a Why and a How, that must be
answered. It not only seeks reasons of existence, and
dives into cosmogonies, for the overpowering universe of
the world and the grander features of it, mountains and
seas ; but even what distinguishes one being from,
another the ox s horns and the camel s short ears, the
lion s mane and the black stripes on the ass s back it
cannot leave unexplained. It is the same noble instinct
that created the fables on the origin of things, and that
encourages the grand discoveries of the truths of natural
history : the instinct that impels us to understand aright
all that lies around us.
It may be affirmed that among the Semites this

impulse to explain the origins of things maintained its
longest existence as a living power, productive of stories.
Even on the subjects on which the Biblical accounts gave
p 2
information, men did not rest satisfied with these accounts,

but allowed free and unlimited scope to stories. 1 A large
part, indeed almost the whole, of the Arabian answers to
questions concerning the Origins, is a Postislamic product
of popular story. All that the Arabs learned on the
subject from tradition or from stories still in process of
formation was collected in works entitled Kutub al-awa il,
or Libri Principiorum. The best known and widest
circulated of these, is the Kitab al-awa il, written by Jelal
al-Din al-Suyuti, a voluminous writer of the tenth Mo
hammedan century, a part of which was published by
Professor Richard Gosche, with an instructive introduc
tion on literary history. 2 In former times it was so ex
tensively circulated in the East that a revised version was
also prepared, which was everywhere copied even before
the clean copy (tabyid) was made. 3 But several hundred
years before al-Suyuti, an Andalusian scholar, Taj al-Din
b. Hammuya al-Sarachshi (born A. H. 576) had written
a work in eight volumes on the Origins of Things ; and
I believe that this work, of which the classic historian of
the Moors in Spain 4 gives an account, is the most exten
sive of its kind. In the above-quoted work, Gosche main
tains the view that the whole Sepher toledoth, which is
familiar to us as one of the original elements of which
the composite Book of Genesis consists, was mainly
concerned with these * Origins, and is the Hebrew repre
sentative of the copious Awa il literature of the Arabs.
But we cannot admit this, when we consider that this
book of sources, to judge from its known fragments, has
rather a genealogical character, and, though containing
1 See Excursus M.
2 Die Kitab al-awa il der Araber, Halle 1867; congratulatory article on

occasion of the meeting of the German Oriental Society at Halle.
3 I know this work ( entitled Muhadarat al-awa il wa-musamaratal-awachir)

from a manuscript of it in the public Viceregal Library at Cairo. In the
catalogue of the year 1289, p. 92 antepenult, it is erroneously entered with the
title Muehtasar al-awa il wal-awachir.
4 al-Makkari, Analectes de I" historic et de la Htthature dcs Arabes d Espagne,

II. 69. The awa il are there called usul al-ashya.
BOOKS OF ORIGINS: 213
the myths of civilisation, does not embrace the cos

mogony, which is of a decidedly later origin. Therefore,
if we must at any price find an analogy in Arabic litera
ture to the Sepher toledoth, we ought rather to look to
the many works composing the copious genealogical
literature of the Arabs, called Kutub al-ansab. 1
3. In regard to the Hebrew myths of civilisation we

must pay attention to another circumstance ; to do which
we must again go back to what has been said above on
the phases of development of the myths. In determining
the amount of mythical matter which was worked out in
any period of development of human civilisation, we must
not, as was fully explained above, start from the materials
and the elements employed in the myths in question, so
much as from the direction or tendency of the myth and
the general ideas which prevail in it. But jet this view
requires some qualification, insofar as the designation of
some human occupation is employed in the phraseology
of the myth. I mention this with especial reference to
the name Kayin (Cain), which denotes Smith. 2 It is
obvious that this manufacture must have already existed
in society before such a name could come to be employed
in a myth. But, on the other hand, the myth of the war
of the Sun with the Cloud or the Wind cannot have so
recent an origin. We must accordingly concede to the
Myth of Civilisation an influence upon the form of the
mythic matter an influence which not only produced an
alteration in the tendency of the myth, but also introduced
new names and figures, which, as is evident from the
linguistic meaning of the names themselves, arose at the
stage of conscious civilisation. The story of the murder
of Abel belongs, no doubt, to the primitive myths which
were already formed at the nomadic stage; a solar name
1 A general view of this literature can now be obtained from Ibn al-Nedim s
Fihrist.
* The name Yissa-si-ldiar (Issachar) must also fall under our consideration
here, if we treat it as a Solar name (Da) -labourer). See supra, p 177.
must liave been given to his murderer, just as in the

dialectic variant of Hebhel (Abel), namely, Yabhal
(Jabal), his father Lemekh (Lemech) is named as the
murderer. Later, at the stage of the Myth of Civilisation,
the murderer of Abel is called Kayin (Cain), the smith
and inventor of agricultural implements, whose name is
indeed also a solar appellation, but one that already
belonged to the Myth of Civilisation. The same case
occurs in the story of Jacob. Originally, in the nomadic
myth, Jacob s hostile brother was called Edom, the Eed,
the Sun. For this name the Myth of Civilisation sub
stituted Esav (if we explain this as the Worker, the
Accomplisher ; see p. 139) ; again a name which is essen
tially solar, but could arise only with the Myth of Civilisa
tion.
In this wise the Myth of Civilisation, starting from the

general ideas of the agriculturist, opened a wider circle of
vision in the notions held of the Sun, and with the new
enlarged circle created new names for the Sun, which
then drove into obscurity some older appellations belong
ing to the primitive form of the myth.
4. Before we conclude our diagnosis of the Myth of

Civilisation, we will cast a momentary glance at the forms
in which this group of myths shows itself in other Semitic
nations. The founder of civilisation in the Assyrian and
Babylonian myth is the Oannes of Berosus. During the
daytime Oannes held intercourse with men, taught them
sciences and arts, the building of cities and temples, laws
and the introduction of the measurement of planes ; fur
ther, he showed them how to sow and reap : in a word,
he instructed them in everything necessary to social life,
so that after his time they had nothing new to learn. In
a word, Oannes is the teacher of civilisation and inventor
of all art and sciences, all law and order. That this
founder of civilisation has a solar character, like similar
heroes in all other nations, is shown in the very next
SIMILAR MYTHS OF OTHER SEMITES. 215
words of Berosus : But ivhen the Sun set, Oannes fell into
the sea, where he used to pass the night. Here evidently
only the Sun can be meant, who in the evening dips into
the sea, and comes forth again in the morning and passes
the day on the dry land in the company of men. He is
half fish half man, and in this respect identical with
the Canaanitish Dagon, whose name denotes Fish.*
Dagon also is, with the Assyrians as well as with the
Canaanites, the god of fertility of the soil and founder of
civilisation. He is c Inventor of the plough, distributor
of grain, protector of the cornfield ; and in Assyria we
find him represented with his head covered by a horned
cap. 1 The combination of the two characters is to be
explained, not by supposing that the idea of the god of
fertility was connected with that of the rapid propagation
of the fish, but by the solar meaning given in mythology
to the fish. It must not be overlooked that in this con
nexion the fish is always spoken of as rising out of the
water like the Sun, who, having passed the night 111
the water, issues forth again in the morning.
We see the same also in the extant Phenician myth

of civilisation, which is narrated by the Sanchuniathoii
of Philo Herennius. Perverted and spoiled as the stories
of the Phenicians may have been by the pen of the
Greek author, who contemplated Phenician mythology
through the medium of the Greek cosmogony, corrupted
and Hellenised as the proper names especially are, yet
these pieces of information are undoubtedly based on real
stories which were current among the Phenicians. It is
a pity to lavish on them so much profound thought and
symbolising combination as has been done by Bunsen,
Movers and many other scholars ; but, on the other hand,
it is an equal mistake to condemn the entire mass as a
useless forgery and declare it unworthy of attention in
investigating Phenician antiquity. The real task is
1 See Duncker, Geschichte dcs Alttrthums, 1874, I- 2 6, 266.
rather to penetrate the bewildering labyrinth of misunder

standings to the simple and original. The confirmation
given in the last few years by the cuneiform inscriptions
to the Babylonica, which are referred to the reports of
Berosus, ought to moderate any extreme scepticism on
the subject of the Phenician affairs which are quoted
from Sanchuniathon, Mochus and others.
The Phenician Cosmogony of Philo Herennius says

that Chrysoros, who as the Opener, Navigator, and Smith
has already appeared to us (pp. 98-9) to have a Solar
character, was the progenitor of *Aypos or "AypoT^s and
Aypvypos, and says of these, From them are derived
the agriculturists and those who hunt with dogs. These
latter are also called AMjrai, or Wanderers to and
fro. From them are derived "A/wz/os- and Mdyos, who
taught men how to found villages and feed herds. This
is only the Myth of Civilisation of the agriculturist again,
which everywhere brings the commencement of agri
culture, the foundation of cities and civilisation, into
connexion with the Sun. As from Cain is descended
Enoch, whose name is attached to the first city in the
world, so from Chrysoros, the Phenician Cain, are de
rived those who first adapted their places of sojourn to
the requirements of settled dwellings. In a word, the
genealogy only asserts that the Sun occasions the choice
of fixed dwellings and consequently of agricultural life.
But the fact that the hunting and nomadic life l is intro
duced together with the origin of agriculture, and that
the first commencement of the one is put into com
bination with the founders of the other, occasions some
difficulty, which cannot be simply denied and put aside.
Now it is certainly possible that the Myth of Civilisation
among the Phenicians, in whose neighbourhood alongside
of agricultural life nomadic life also was in full force
for their view extended over all Palestine and the valley
Can the Semitic ohol Tent of the Nomads be concealed in the word
SIMILAR MYTHS OF OTHER SEMITES. 217
of the Jordan referred the origin even of the latter

mode of life to the Sun, as the founder of all social life.
But it is also possible that what Philo asserts on a Pheni-
cian authority concerning nomads and hunters is founded
on a misunderstanding of the original information. For
the sons of Chrysoros, the Sun, were evidently described as
hunters and wanderers. Now Hunter and Wanderer are,
as we have seen, attributes of the Sun, who shoots his
rays at the monster of the storm, and is a fugitive and
a vagabond/ engaged in a migration from east to west.
Cain is an exile and wanderer, but not a nomad. But
through misunderstanding the Solar hunter and wanderer
may have been converted into the founder of the hunting
and nomadic life. Even Bunsen, though starting from a
different point of view and influenced by other considera
tions, designated this very passage as a perversion of the
Phenician account, perpetrated by Philo and perfectly in
accord with the system followed by him. 1 The original
Phenician account must, no doubt, have been different.
5. Although Cain and Esau cannot possibly have
been incorporated with the old Hebrew mythology till
the myth of the origin of civilisation was unfolded, yet
they retain the mischievous and hostile character which
the nomadic myth always assigns to solar figures. This
fact illustrates the general observation which I made
above (see p. 81) with especial reference to the Hebrews
and Arabs that in many nations the consciousness of
an advance in passing on to the agricultural life is never
aroused, or only very late, and that they rather regard
this advance as retrogression and look back on the no
madic state as a more perfect one. Among the Hebrews,
accordingly, the heroes of civilising agriculture, with the
exception of Noah, take a position in the myth far less
influential than similar heroes in other nations. The
sympathetic light in which Noah was regarded is closely
1 Egypt s Place in Universal History, IV. 223.
connected with his position in the story of the Deluge,

which was added at a very late period to the Hebrew
series of stories.
To understand this fact, however, we must cast another

glance at the oldest stage of Hebrew Religion, at which
religion had not yet fully shaken itself free from mytho
logy, but was closely united with it, and only beginning to
have a separate form. Whatever be the psychological
factors that produce the religious tendency in man an
attitude of the soul which can no longer be treated as
congenital, it must be regarded as established and certain
that the psychological process of the origin of religion, a
process influenced only in its most advanced stages by
ethical and esthetic forces, is in the first instance developed
out of the older mental activity which resulted in the
creation of myths. After the exhaustion of the mental
activity that forms myths, which is equivalent to the
disappearance both of mythical productiveness and of
vivid understanding of myths, men have no longer any
consciousness of what may be called the etymology of the
myth. Then the mythical figures begin to be individual
ised ; and parallel with this process runs the linguistic
phenomenon that polyonymy disappears and all the phases
of meaning previously expressed by separate names are
combined in one or a few. The various synonyms for
Sun, Darkness, etc., which existed in the myth, lose their
significance ; the different names for these natural pheno
mena, in each of which one feature or element of them
was expressed in language, succumb to one single name,
which then comprises in itself all their features and ele
ments. The names Helios and Shemesh take the place of all
other designations created in myths for the phenomenon
of the Sun. These other designations, e.g. on Hebrew
ground Jephthah, Asher, Edom and others, forfeit the
signification which they originally had when myths were
formed, and instead thereof are individualised. These
names become personal names, and the stories of which
MYTHOLOGY PASSES INTO RELIGION. 219
they are the subjects become events of society. Thus

from physical stories arise stories of gods and heroes ;
thus the nomenclature of the Sun and the Darkness
produces a host of names of gods and heroes. For
the personages who are thus imagined are powerful
celestials, and the forgotten processes of which the myth
spoke preserve for some time their heavenly scene of
action.
This process of transformation of myths is inevitable,

because bound up with the laws of development of the
human mind and human speech ; at a certain stage of the
development of mind and language, the myth must become
theology. But the process is gradual, so that the com
mencing stages of theological development do not break
loose at once from the mythical consciousness, and the
latter loses its colour gradually before it disappears alto
gether. A stage of this kind, at which Myth is turning
into Religion, is most clearly exhibited by the Myth of
Civilisation. Some bit of divine nature or peculiar person
ality always cleaves to the hero of civilisation ; and some
such myths actually live long unimpaired after the greater
number have been metamorphosed into theology or re
ligion. Thus, for instance, among the Hebrews the origin
of religion is to be traced in its germ as far back as
the nomadic age. Even a,t that stage, though of course
towards the end of it, we observe the Hebrew myth of
the beneficent sky of night and rain turning into religion.
For a searching investigation of the religion of the
nomadic Hebrews proves the object of their veneration
to have been the dark overcast sky, connected (where
it is not distinctly declared) with mythical figures of
undoubtedly nocturnal character. I must briefly refer to
what was indicated above (pp. 72, 73) of the worship
of the night-sky and the rain among the Arabs. The
religious stage of the nomadic Hebrews is still to be
recognised in the reminiscences, transmitted by theocratic
historians, of that age, which was to them a forty years
wandering in the desert preceding tlie conquest of Pales

tine. To the same stock, as sources for the reconstruction
of this religious stage, belong also some accounts contained
in the Prophetical books ; and they cannot but be con
sidered historically credible of course in the sense in
which such reminiscences must be critically estimated as
sources of history. For it is certain that such recollec
tions lived on a very long time in the nations of antiquity,
and that, if the special tendency of the reporter be
stripped off, they may yield objective matter of history.
The most important datum of this kind is the question

of the Prophet of Tekoa, which refers to a great expanse
of history a passage which has spurred many learned
men to attempt ingenious interpretations. 1
Did ye offer unto me sacrifices and offerings in the desert forty years,
O house of Israel ? Did ye bear the huts [read Sukkoth] of your king,
and Kiyyun (Ohiun) your idol, the star [read kokhabh], your god whom
ye had made to yourselves? (Amos V. 25, 26.)
It is evident from this important passage that the no

madic Hebrews worshipped their god or gods by huts,
and that one among the objects of their worship was a
Star, let alone what star Kiyyun may be, whether identical
with the Arabic keyvan, or some other. Thus, so far as
we can infer from the Prophet s word, their divine worship
was paid to the night-sky. The nomad looks on the
night-sky as a pasture where the herdsman (for the
mythical figures of the night-sky are mostly regarded by
him as herdsmen) lets his cattle feed ; and it is easy to
conceive that at the theological stage he venerates in huts
the mythical figure now converted into a god, ascribing to
him the same dwelling which he occupies on high in the
sky. The most important feast of the nomadic Hebrews
was the Feast of Sukkoth, or Tabernacles, which probably
1 Besides German scholars, Dutch orientalists and historians of religion

especially hare written very ably on the passage in Amos; the latest of whom,
Tiele, in his Vergelijkende Geschiedenis, pp. 539 et seq., mentions in a note the
most prominent Dutch labours on the subject.
HEBREW NOMADIC RELIGION. 221
stands in close connexion with these Sukkoth of a god,

and at the agricultural stage became a Harvest-feast.
But even at that stage the connexion of the feast with
nomadic life and the past nomadism of the nation itself,
lived long in its memory (see Lev. XXIII. 43). That
which they worshipped in the huts was not the Sun, 1 the
bright sky of day, but kokhabh, a Star, doubtless no parti
cular star, but only the starry heaven in general. Tor
the rain, the most beneficent element to the nomad, was
identified with the stars, i.e. with the sky at night. In
the view of the ancient Arabs there were also Hyades in
the starry heaven ; we meet in poetry with the expression
marabi 4 al-nujum e spring rain of the stars (Mu allaJcd of
Lebid, v. 4). A familiar phrase in the speech of the
nomadic Arabs is the stars have brought rain. 2 Moham
med forbids the Moslims to express their common idea
of the origin of the rain by their usual phrase mutirna
binau kada c we have received rain from such and such
a star, though he allows the connexion of the rain with
the stars, and only insists on the recognition of Allah as
first cause, while the nau is the immediate origin. 3
Similarly the Mohammedan Arabs were forbidden to
call the rainbow the bow of the Thunder-god Kozah. 4
The dew, also, has a connexion with the anwa f stars
(plural of nau ). It is not without interest to find
1 No weight must be attached to the word malkekhem your king, in

which many have tried to find a datum for the high antiquity of the worship
of Moloch by the Hebrews ; for the suffix shows that the word cannot bo taken
as Molekh, the name of a god. And the worship of that God appears every
where as one borrowed from the Canaanites.
2 E.g. in the following fragment of a poem: We lived in Chaflfan in com

pany with a people, may God give them rain by the constellation of the Fishes
(.-akahum Allah min al-nau nau al-simakeyn), then may a constellation give
them abundant water (farawwahum nau 1 ), [a constellation] whose shining
spreads light abroad (in Freytag, Darstellung der arabischcn Vcrskunst,^. 253).
8 See Lane in the Zeitschr. d. D. M. G., 1849, III. 97. Krehl, Vorislamische
Religion der Araber, p. 9.
4 Yakut, IV. 85. 19. Taj al^drus, II. 209.
this view in a Jewish-Arabic writer of the middle ages. 1

The worship of the kokhabh c star by the Hebrew no
mads must therefore have a special connexion with the
rain. Ancient mankind did not distinguish between the
cloudless sky which grows dark at night, and the sky
gloomy with clouds and rain by day (see supra, p. 42).
He notices the darkness only, not the various times of day
or night at which it occurs. Hence a sunless sky in general
is treated as bringing rain. To show what connexion he
imagined to subsist between the huts (sukkoth) and the
rainy sky, I will quote a verse .of a hymn to Jahveh, attri
buted to David, and said to have been sung on his deliver
ance from the power of Saul :
He made darkness round about him into huts (Sukkoth), collections

of water, clouds of the sky. (2 Sam. XXII. 12.)
The various reading for the expression chashrath mayim

6 collections of water, which is preserved in Ps. XVIII. 12,
where this hymn is given in a somewhat corrupt and less
original form, deserves attention nevertheless. The words
are cheshekhath mayim c darkness of water or rain-
brinsfinof darkness.
O o
The more we study the information preserved to us on

the religion of the nomadic Hebrews, the stronger is our
conviction that it consisted in a veneration of the sky of
clouds and rain, and was developed immediately from the
elements of the nomadic myth. We read that in the
desert God went before the Hebrews as a pillar of cloud
by day and as a pillar of fire by night, and showed them
the way (Ex. XIII. 2i); 2 that he as a pillar of cloud
came between the pursued Hebrews and the pursuing
Egyptians (Ex. XIV. 19, 20) by night (for the day breaks
soon after, Ex. XIV. 24) ; that he appeared to Aaron and
Miriam in the pillar of cloud (Num. XII. 5) ; that, as the
1 Sa adia, who translates Job XXXVIII. 28, egle tal store-houses of dew,
by the Arabic anwa stars, Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 21.
2 See Num. XIV. 14, where before the two pillars are mentioned it is only
said that the cloud stood over them.
HEBREW WORSHIP OF CLOUDS. 223
later psalmists, preserving the theological phraseology of

ancient times, say (Ps. XCIX. 7), he speaks with his
Prophet as a pillar of cloud. But what need is there to
enumerate all the passages which speak of the God of the
wandering Hebrews in connexion with the pillar of cloud,
and describe his turning away as the retreat of the cloud,
or to show that the cloud was retained in the popular tradi
tion of a later monotheistical age as kebhod Yah we the
glory of Jahveh ? M It at least appears from them that
the nomadic Hebrews attached their religious veneration to
the Cloud ; of which one of the latest relics is preserved in
the name Ananya (Ananias), i.e. Cloud-God, and another
in the phrase that God c rides upon a cloud. Another
feature of the nomadic religion is expressed in al-Damiri s
words that 6 the ancient Arabs paid divine honours to a
white lamb, and when the wolf came and devoured the
lamb, they chose another lamb to receive the same
honours. 2 From what was said above (p. 165) with
reference to Rachel, it is not difficult to perceive that this
white lamb is only a bright cloud like a lamb. This deifi
cation of clouds is also found elsewhere. The people of
Bonny on the west coast of Africa comprise their idea of
the Deity in the name Shur or the cloudy sky ; 3 and if
the learned Italian Assyriologist Felix Finzi 4 is right, we
find among the chief gods of the Assyrians the Cloud,
which looks like a relic of the ancient time, when instead
of the solar powers the Assyrians deemed those of the
dark sky worthy of their worship. This scholar wishes to
explain the Assyrian divine name Anu as etymologically
identical with the Hebrew Anan cloud which certainly
well suits the two epithets of the deity, 6 Lord of Darkness
1 For Hebraists I note that I take the 3 be in be ammiid anan as Beth

essentiac.
3 Hayat al-haywan, II. 52.
8 Bastian, Gcographischc und ethnoyrapkische Biller, p. 169, and some

passages in books of African travel quoted by Waitz, Anthropologie dcr
Naturvolkcr, II. 169.
4 Eicerche per lo studio dcW antichita assira, Turin 1872, p. 467.
and Gatherer of Shades. l In this case, however, the

identity of Ami with the Cannes of Berosus could not be
maintained, as the solar character of Oannes is undoubted;
but this identification rests on a very slender base, and
leads to no better understanding either of Anu or of
Oannes.
With the worship of the Clouds is naturally united
that of the Rain, which we find deified by many primitive
nations. We find this, for instance, in the Akra people
or the Gold Coast of West Africa. They express the
question Will it rain ? by the words Will God come? 2
Among the heathen of the tribe of Baghirrni in Central
Africa, with whom Dr. Nachtigall, lately returned from
that region, has made us acquainted, the name Deity is
identical with the designation of Storm. 3 In the language
of the Wamasai in Eastern Africa the feminine noun Ai
(with the article Engai) has the two significations God
and Bain. 4 This deification of rain and storm is moreover
identical with Serpent-worship, wherever the latter occurs.
For the adoration of the Serpent and Dragon is derived
from the mythical conception which regarded rain as a
fluid serpent (see supra, p. 1 86) ; and wherever it is met
with at a more advanced stage of civilisation it is a
residuum from that stage at which men knew no more
beneficent power than the dark overcast sky, the rain,
the dragon that opposes the sun Bel. The Egyptian and
Indian theological ideas of the serpent are examples of
such residua of the ancient nomadic views. Where a

solar worship has grown up, either the old conception of
the beneficent serpent continues to exist alongside of the
new views, without being understood or harmonised with
these, or else the defeat of the Serpent by the victory of
1 Tiele, Vergdijkende Geschiedems, p. 301, however, calls this last epithet

much too general to draw any conclusion from.
2 Lazarus Geiger, Ur sprung und EntwicJcehmg der menscklichen Sjjrach und

Vernunft, I. 346.
3 In Petermann s Geogr. Mitthdlungen, 1874, XX. 330, pt. 9.
4 K. Au4ree, Forschungareiscn etc II. 362.
WORSHIP OF RAIN AND SERPENTS. 225
the Sun becomes a feature of the new religion, and the

Serpent appears as a hostile figure. So, for instance, in
Persia and elsewhere. Max Miiller actually opposes the
very method of Comparative Mythology which he himself
introduced and maintained so brilliantly, when he declares
There is an Aryan, there is a Semitic, there is a Turanian,
there is an African serpent, and who but an evolutionist
would dare to say that all these conceptions came from one
and the same original source, that they are all held to
gether by one traditional chain ? l No doubt this single
chain of tradition is a perfectly unscientific assumption,
but none the less does the same original source serve as
origin of serpent-worship everywhere, namely, the old
mythical conception ; and the varieties of view that we
meet are to be classified not according to ethnological
races, but by historical stages of civilisation. Certainly
we shall at length have to cease seeking a motive for the
worship of the Serpent where the symbolical school have
persistently sought it even to the most recent times in
the c Conception of the deep wisdom of the serpent and of
the mystic powers which are said to belong to its nature.
The Serpent-worship as a form of religion is a further
development of the mythical expressions which describe
the rain as a serpent, made when these expressions had
become unintelligible ; in the same way as the worship of
crocodiles, cats, etc., are traced back to a solar myth, the
meaning of which had been forgotten. 2 The apparently
mutually contradictory significations which are attached
to the serpent in the myth and the worship must be traced
back, not to opposite views held by different races, but to
varying modes of understanding the myth > which might
all emanate from the idea of the serpent. How often in
the mythology of one and the same people we find the
same object employed for the apperception of most different,
or even opposite, things !
1 The Academy, 1874, P- 54**, col. 2. 2 See Excursus D.
226 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS,
The adoration of the Serpent is also demonstrable of

the Hebrews when nomadising in the desert ; for only in
this sense can the Brazen Serpent be understood, the adora
tion of which was commenced by the Hebrews of the desert
and continued to the latest times (Num. XXI. 9, 2 Kings
XVIII. 4) . It also deserves notice that that Hebrew tribe
which had from the earliest times the care of religious
affairs and provided the worship called itself 4 Sons of the
Serpent/ Bene Levi 1 (see supra, p. 183), and that it was
these who fell upon their compatriots when on the exodus
from Egypt they were about to introduce a solar element
into their religion by the adoration of the Golden Calf. 2
It was the Sons of Levi, the priests of the ancient religion
of the nomads, who defended conservatism, and would not
allow the solar bull -worship to raise its head. 3
Accordingly, the tribal designation Sons of the

Serpent belongs to the long list of such names which are
derived from animals. 4 Lubbock and Tylor, especially,
have put this species of tribal nomenclature into connexion
with the so-called Totemisni ; but in any case it is natural
to assume that the original relation of the animal to the
origin of the tribe or nation which claims it as its ancestor
is purely mythological.
6. Thus, then, the most ancient religion of the

Hebrews in the desert was derived immediately from the
myths of the nomads. To complete the above exposition,
it is now only needful to refer to the traces of Lunar wor
ship, which were treated in a previous chapter (pp. 158-1 60) .
1 Accordingly this appellation belongs to the same category as those which

are noticed above, p. 175. In genealogical notes elsewhere also the Serpent
occurs as ancestor ; I need only mention the case which stands nearest to our
subject in prehistoric Arabia that of al-Afa b. al-Afa, the Viper/ head of
a branch of the people of Jurhum, Ibn Abdun, p. 71 et seg.
2 On the solar significance of the Bull-worship see Kuenen, Religion of

Israel, I. 236 et seq.
3 I believe the historical narrative in Ex. XXXII. 26-29 is to be taken in

this sense. It is solar worship that is forcing its way into the strictly nomadic
religion of the Hebrews, and the Levites are guardians of the nomadic religion.
4 See Bastian in the Zeitschr.fiir VolJeer psychologic, 1868, V, 153.
RELIGION OF NOMADIC HEBREWS. 227
Not till after the entrance into Palestine, i.e. after the
transition from nomadic wanderings in the desert to a
settled agricultural life, does Solar worship appear among
the Hebrews, chiefly in the northern part of the land ; but
even there it is only introduced in imitation of the rites of
the neighbouring Canaanitish tribes, which, having been
long settled in Palestine as agriculturists, had formed a
complete solar ritual. The Hebrews brought no such
system into the conquered land; on the contrary, their
religion was, as we have seen, of a purely nomadic char
acter, having its centre in the adoration of the dark sky
of night. That it was so is evident also from the fact that
the solar worship employed by the Egyptians had no
attraction for the people of Israel during their residence
in that country. Accordingly in this point the Hebrews
were radically different from other tribes that had immi
grated into Egypt, which are generally comprised under
the common name Hyksos. For in some of these tribes a
fully developed solar form of religion, including even the
wildest excesses of the service of Moloch, is found to have
been adopted even as early as their residence in Egypt. 1
The objects of the adoration of the nomadic Hebrews

were the cloudy sky and the rainy sky. 2 But not only
was direct worship addressed to the Cloud and the Rain ;
their will was also regarded as a revelation of destiny,
and consulted. At first any nomad would look to the
Cloud and the Serpent, to learn what the gods wished ;
but at a later time such knowledge generally becomes the
property of certain persons perhaps originally a sort of
Rain-makers, like the Mganga in Eastern Africa. The
persons among the Hebrews who understood this revela
tion and could exert influence by magic on the higher
powers were the me onenim and menacfyasliim, the
1 Ebers, Acgypten und die Buchcr Moses, I. 245 ct seq,
2 On the adoration of the night-sky a passage of the Midrash should be

consulted (Mechilta, ed. Friedmaim, fol. 68 a), in which the possibility of a
demuth choshekh an idol of Darkness, is assumed.
Q 2
c Observers of Clouds and Serpents, as mentioned regu

larly together (Deut. XVIII. 10). In the same book of
law in which the adoration of the se irim is strictly pro
hibited, it is also forbidden to observe clouds and serpents
(Lev. XIX. 26). I am well aware that the connexion of
these two verbs wilh the words for cloud and serpent is
denied by some authorities of note ; l but the objections
raised in reference to the first at least lead to the estab
lishment of nothing more tenable.
Still there is another question which ought to come

under our notice here, the answer to which shall form the
conclusion of this chapter. When the nomad Hebrew s
Myth of the victory of the night- sky over the day-sky, or of
the unjust violence to which the dark sky falls a victim,
was converted into a nomadic Religion, in which the
mythical figures were individualised and adored as great
powers ; was not adoration then addressed to the names
which had been assigned to the night-sky in the myth of the
nomads? In other words, were not the deities themselves
called Abram, Jacob, etc., just as among the Aryans the
mythical figures when converted into gods were called by
the same names as they had in the myth ? For it was
mainly the appellations becoming unintelligible that occa
sioned the process of transformation, and so it would be
expected that in the resulting religion these names would
occupy the centre. It is, indeed, the consequence which we
should necessarily infer a priori from all that has been said.
We should infer that those names of the sky of night and
rain, of which the myth of the nomad was chiefly composed,
at the theological stage became names of theological mean
ing. Yet this does not appear at all clearly in the Old Testa
ment books. The reason is, that most of the historical books
belonging to the Bible are coloured by a theocratic concep-
1 Most recently by Ewald, Die Lehre der Bibel von Gott, I. 234 et seq. On
the purpose and importance of the interpretation of winds and clouds among
the Babylonians, see Lenormant, La divination et la science des presages chez
les Chaldeens, Paris 1875, pp. 64-68.
PATRIARCHAL NAMES ONCE MYTHICAL. 229
tion, and as literary works are advanced even beyond that

stage of the national mind at which the mythical figures
were converted into Ancestors. For not only religion, but
history also, is formed out of myths at a certain stage of
their development. But the mythical names really be
longed first to theological nomenclature before they became
historical, as names of Ancestors. This is proved by the fact,
which has been mentioned already for another purpose, on
which Dozy, in his book on Jewish-Arabic Beligious
History, has with excellent tact laid emphasis, 1 that none of
these mythical names occurs as a human name in the
whole course of ancient history, and even in modern history
not till late, 2 any more than an Indian would be named
Surya, Ushas or Dahana, or a Roman Jupiter or Saturn,
or a Greek Herakles or Aphrodite. This proves that the
mythical names of the Hebrew nomads possessed a super
human significance before they became historical names.
Yet there is still a fact belonging to the latest age

which shows that the memory of a former connexion of
theological ideas with the names Abrarn and Jacob had
not even then altogether vanished. The great Prophet of
the Hebrew people in the Babylonian Captivity, whose
name is unknown to us only that we may admire the
more his noble soaring spirit, cries in a prayer to Jahveh :
For thou [Jahveh] art our Father ;

Abraham knew us not,
And Israel [Jacob] acknowledged us not;
Thou, Jahveh, art our Father,
Our Eedeemer, whose name was from eternity. Is. LXIII. 16.
It is obvious that here the names of Abraham and Jacob

are opposed to that of Jahveh. Therefore it is Jahveh,
not Abraham ; Jahveh, not Jacob ! Jahveh is the omni
scient redeemer and protector of the people Israel ; the
others take no care of it. Can we read in this opposition
of names anything else but that the writer wishes to con-
1 DC Izraelicten tc Mekka, Haarlem 1864, p. 29.
2 See my remark in the Zcitschr. d. D. M. ., 1874, XXVIII. 309.
trast the idea of a God recognised as the only true with

the memory of something different, which ages ago passed
for divine, but is unworthy of adoration now, when the
Prophet brings forward the omniscience of Jahveh as an
irrefragable argument for the exclusiveness of his divinity ?
I think not. And it is not stated without a purpose that
Jahveh is the redeemer of the Hebrew nation from
eternity (me olam), i.e. even from that age in which to
the popular mind Abraham and Jacob towered over the
range of humanity into the sphere of the gods. We
ought further to notice the change of the names Abhram
and Ya akobh into Abhraham and Yisra el (Gen. XVII. 5 ;
XXXII, 29 [28]). The motive alleged for the change of
Abhram 4 High Father is, that the historical character of
the patriarch as Ancestor may be brought into the fore
ground : for I have made thee father of multitudes of
nations. To Jacob the later ethnographical name of the
people is given. Thus the memory of that to which the
ancient Hebrews had paid divine honours was to be sup
pressed as a thought of something divine but hostile to
Jahveh ; and its place was to be occupied by the memory
of the Ancestors of the nation, in which character the
Patriarchs are warmly commended to the people by this
very prophet (LI. I, 2). We must next explain what was
the impulse that drove the Hebrews to form out of the
nomenclature of their ancient myth the names of their
ancestors, or in other words to translate a considerable
portion of their mythological phraseology into ethnolo
gical,
CHAPTER VII.
INFLUENCE OF THE AWAKING NATIONAL IDEA ON

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE HEBREW MYTH.
i. THE nomadic stage of the Hebrew tribes reached
its end at the moment when a large part of them gained a
land for themselves on the right bank of the river Yarden
(Jordan) ; and that is the true beginning of the History of
the Hebrews. Nomadism holds in itself nothing essential
to the world s history. Hence the nomadic age of most
great nations fades away into the vague, and there are at
most separate and unimportant reminiscences by each
tribe of its days of battle, which give the historian any
fixed points for the construction of his picture. There is
scarcely any other nomad people that has had greater
vicissitudes in its changeful life than the Arabic tribes :
yet they scarcely afford any fixed points when we try to
survey their history. For it is not tied to any definite
limited soil ; no geographical unity runs throughout it.
A true national history is inseparable from one country,
which in peace presents the conditions necessary for the
development of civilisation, and in war offers an object for
the enthusiasm of assailants and defenders. There can
be no history without a definite land to which the events
of history cling. The nomad cares less for a particular
territory than for his goods and chattels, when he goes to
war. 1 The Desert, and the roamer who roves over its
1 Pal grave gives an excellent picture of this state, in his Central and Eastern
Arabia, I. 34: The Bedouin does not fight for his home, he has none; nor
for his country, that is anywhere ; nor for his honour, he never heard of it ;
nor for his religion, he owns and cares for none. His only object in war is
. . . the desire to got such a one s horse or camel into his own possession, etc.
broad surface, have no history proper. Only isolated

vague memories, such as can attach themselves to a great
geographical territory, are at our command as points of
support for the history of the Hebrew nomads. Their
proper history begins with the conquest of Canaan. This
conquest was by no means, as is still often assumed, a
program of political reorganisation, long nourished in the
mind of the people. On the contrary, the fact that we
find the tribes on coming from Egypt (whence it cannot
be seriously doubted that they came) engaged in roaming
about on the left side of the Jordan before they entered
Palestine, proves that the Hebrews did not dream of the
prospect of exchanging their nomadic life for one in towns.
In case they had any such intention, a way from Egypt to
Palestine was always open to the people, independently of
the route by sea, which could scarcely be thought of from
the want of means and adequate preparation. They would
have traversed the northern part of the desert al-Tih,
aiming directly at Hebron, on nearly the same track as that
taken by the Patriarch s family according to the Biblical
narrative in going from Canaan to Egypt. The theocratic
historian himself finds a difficulty here, and ascribes to
Moses strategic reasons for adopting another course :
6 And Elohim led them not by the [regular] road to the
land of the Philistines, because it is near ; for, thought
Elohim, [there is danger] lest the people should repent
when they see war, and return to Egypt (Ex. XIII. 17).
But the fact is really that on leaving Egypt the people

wished tp -continue in their old mode of life, roving from
desert to desert, seeking out one pasture after another ;
they were indifferent to the cultivated side of the Jordan,
and chose by preference the wild eastern side, that is to
this day the scene of that restless Beduin life which runs
continuously from the bank of the Euphrates to the
Sherra mountains. Nomadism is the most conservative
life imaginable. For hundreds and thousands of years
this plain has been occupied by the same tribes, alter-
THE HEBREWS ABANDON NOMADISM. 233
nately binding themselves for mutual support against a

common foe often even in modern times the townsmen,
and quarrelling among themselves on the slightest provo
cation. A perfectly new tribe entering from other parts
would have great difficulty in holding its ground there ;
and there is no wonder that the nomadic Hebrews in the
desert east of the Jordan were driven by constant struggles
further and further to the north, and, having at last dis
covered their self-protection to be impossible there, resolved
to cross the Jordan and try their fortune in the towns.
Another circumstance pressed this decision upon them.
The further they pushed northwards, the nearer they
came to the great northern power which stopped further
advance. Great kingdoms whose territories are bounded by
deserts have never left these deserts and their inhabitants
alone, but have always been diligently engaged in the
subjection of the desert tribes : it was so ages ago, and is
so still. The wars of the Grand Turk against the Beduin-
tribes in Syria, Palestine and Arabia, those of the North-
African powers against the nomadic tribes which form
their boundaries, are historical continuations of political
events of the very oldest times. The remark of Manetho,
the Egyptian priest and historian, is therefore very good :
According to the agreement they travelled from Egypt
through the desert to Syria with their whole households
and possessions, not less than 240,000 souls. But in fear
of the Empire of the Assyrians for these were then
masters of Asia they built a city in the land now called
Judea, etc. 1
Here comes that remarkable turning-point in the life

of the Hebrew people the abandonment of nomadic
life and transition to the civilised life of towns. The
passage of the Jordan marks this turning-point. That
river is still the boundary-line of two stages of civilisation,
nomad-life and town-life. Not the entire mass of the
| Josephus, Contra Apionem, I. 14.

231- MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
nation submitted to these changes ; we know that a large

portion of it, remaining at a half-nomadic stage, declared
itself averse to the removal, and preferred to stay on the
left bank of the Jordan, which is the Nomad s paradise a
plain blessed with splendid pasture and fine woods, of
which the Bedawi even now says Thou wilt find no land
like Belka. The Biblical document gives the exact name
of the portion of the people which resisted the transition
to town-life ; they are described as the sons of Eeuben,
the sons of Gad, and a part of the tribe of Manasseh.
We have no right to decide how much historical truth
there is in the contract between the two sections of the
nation, by which the larger only gave its consent to the
practice of cattle-breeding east of the Jordan by the
smaller on condition that the latter would render all
possible service to their martial brethren at the conquest
(Num. XXXII). Enough that after many long-protracted
struggles with the people of the land the advancing
Hebrews got a large part of Canaan into their power.
The details and the chronology of these wars lie outside
my present scheme. The history of the civilisation of the
Hebrews in Canaan has here to be considered only on one
side with reference to the history of Eeligion. In the
previous chapter we left the nomadic people wandering in
the desert, and worshipping those beneficent powers which
provide the nomad with his conditions of life and protect
him from the scorching heat so hostile to wanderers the
Eain, his mother the Cloud, and the luminous smile of
the cloud, the Lightning. The commencement of religion
does not kill off the whole myth at one blow. For the
mental activity required for the creation and propagation
of myths does not cease when polyonomy vanishes, but
only has its full vivaciousness abridged by that process of
language. But the process goes on very gradually; on
domains not yet fully attacked by it, accordingly, the telling
of myths continues for long. One part may remain when
another has been converted into religion. Now the law
HEBREWS IN CONTACT WITH NATIONS OF CANAAN. 235
described in Chapter IY. would require, that, after settle

ment in towns and adoption of agricultural life, the part
of the Hebrew myth which was not yet turned into
religion should be subject to a development corresponding
to the transition from nomadic to agricultural life, by
which the solar figures, the victors over Darkness and
Storm, take up the position of honour and sympathy
always accorded to them by the agriculturist.
2. Here, however, we have to notice a peculiarity of

Hebrew development resulting from the occupation of
Canaan.
Politically, the Hebrew nation on settling in Canaan

had power to annihilate a few small tribes which before
the occupation had held the middle of the land. But they
brought with them a minimum of civilisation and mental
endowments, and intellectually had nothing to oppose to
the long-established civilisation of the old inhabitants, 1
and especially of the neighbouring Phenicians, who even
then were the ancient occupiers of a great historical posi
tion. In mercantile and industrial respects, especially,
they were very dependent on that nation, which was the
chief bearer of the commerce and industry of antiquity. 2
How should the Hebrews have risen above such depend
ence? for the Phenicians exerted a powerful intellectual
influence not only upon the mentally inferior tribes of
Canaan, but also upon the western nations with which
they held intercourse ; as in recent times Ewald has again
strongly asserted. 3 Notwithstanding the contradiction of
some scholars who depreciate Phenician civilisation, 4 this
seems to be tolerably well established.
1 See Duncker, Gesckichte des Altertknms, 1874, I. 253.
2 In Ezek. XXVII. 1 7, the wares, the export of which made the Hebrews
dependent on the Fhenicians, are enumerated in detail.
3 Die Vorurtheile uber das alte uiid ncue Morgcnland, in Alhandl. dcr
Jconigl. Gcsellsch. der Wisscnsch., Gottingen 1872, XVII. 98.
4 So e.g. Jas. Fergusson, Rude Stone Monuments, p. 38 ; Mommsen, History

of Rome, 1868, II. 18 et scq.
There is a phenomenon which has been repeated count

less times in the history of the world. A conquered
people intellectually superior to its conquerors may, any
political dependence notwithstanding, enforce its intellec
tual preeminence by assimilating to itself the nation
which has succeeded to its dominion. The political victor
has no power to incorporate the mind of the subjugated,
if the latter possesses a higher civilisation than his own.
For example, the Hyksos, who were strong enough to
annihilate the rule of the Egyptians in the Delta, could
found no independent civilisation in the conquered land, but
made the Egyptian culture entirely their own. And when
the Aztecs, or more strictly the second horde of the Chichi-
mecs (Northmen), coming from Aztlan and California, over
whelmed Anahuac in the twelfth century, and subjugated
the Toltecs, a people which had already attained a certain
degree of civilisation, it was again the conquered that im
parted their culture to the conquerors. All the elements
of civilisation arts, manners, rights, usages, writing,
etc. which the Spanish conquerors found existing among
the Aztecs, had been received by them from the conquered
Toltecs, to whose intellectual influence they were forced
to accommodate themselves, not having anything more
potent of their own to impart. 1 The same is seen in
China, first in the tenth and again in the seventeenth
century. The victorious Khitem dynasty, as later the
Manchu dynasty, which still holds the sceptre of the
Middle Kingdom, could only accept and advance the
native civilisation and the peculiarities of the old Chinese
nation. And who can help thinking of the often-quoted
instance of the Franks as conquerors of Gaul ? And the
relation of the Normans to the population of France
conquered by them is most curious. The conquerors lost
their mother-tongue in favour of the French, took to
1 Lenormant, Essai sur la propagation de I Alj kabct phemcitn dans Tancicn

monde, ed. 2, Paris 1875, * P- 2 5-
LANGUAGE OF THE MORE CIVILISED PREVAILS. 237
them selves French institutions, laws and customs, and

actually transplanted subsequently the French language
to England. 1 The same phenomenon is also encountered
on the domain of Religion. 2 For the Phenicians, to
whom we recur, it was the easier to establish their system,
as they came as conquerors to places where they found
a population intellectually inferior to themselves. When
by the foundation of Carthage they gained an establish
ment in Northern Africa, they exerted an influence 011
the Libyans which almost suppressed everything native.
6 Phenician civilisation prevailed in Libya just as Greek in
Asia Minor and Syria after Alexander s campaigns, if not
with equal force. At the courts of the nomad Sheikhs
Phenician was spoken and written, and the civilised native
tribes took the Phenician alphabet for their languages ;
but it was neither the spirit of the Phenicians nor the
policy of Carthage to Phenicise them entirely. 3 But this
very Phenician language, which as bearer of a higher civi
lisation suppressed the language of surrounding tribes and
the civilisation connected with them, had in its turn to step
into the background. A civilisation of superior force and
intensity, the Arabian, assailed it, and put the Arabic
language of the conquerors of North Africa in the place
of that of the Carthaginian colonies. Kenan is wrong in
asserting, L arabe n absorba que les dialectes qui lui
etaient congeneres, tels que le syriaque, le chaldeen, le
samaritain. Partout ailleurs, il ne put effacer les idiomes
etablis. 4 We will not here enter on an enquiry, to what
extent Arabic in the middle ages and in modern times has
supplanted other idioms. But two considerations must
be suggested in answer to Kenan s thesis.
The first is, that it is difficult to see what power
1 W. D. Whitney, Language and the Study of Language, London 1867

p. 169; cf. F. von Helhvald, Culturgeschichte, p. 154.
2 Hellwald, ibid., p. 482.

3 Movers, Die Phonizicr, II. 2. 439 et scq.
4 Histoirc geuerale dcs langues semitiques, p. 200,
a relationship of language lite that between Arabic and

Phenician can possess to cause the weaker civilisation
connected with one of the languages in question to be
supplanted by the stronger civilisation belonging to
the other ; when the relationship is so remote as to be
clearly understood only by linguists, and neither known
to ordinary people speaking either tongue,, nor even in
stinctively felt by the popular mind (if any such instinct
can be allowed in psychology). Indeed Semitic philo
logists themselves, even with the knowledge of one or
more of the Semitic dialects besides their mother-tongue,
arrived comparatively late at acknowledgment of this
relationship. 1 It is easy to understand how within the
bounds of the Arabic tongue the Northern dialect sup
planted the Southern, when the Northern tribes, especially
that of Kureysh, gained the political and social hegemony
over Arabia, and their dialect was written down and
introduced into literature. Here, to say nothing of
political and religious causes, the extraordinary similarity
of the two shades of the Arabic language, of which the
commonest Arab could not but be conscious, made the
suppression of the one in favour of the other easy ; we
have frequent opportunities of observing the same in the
dialects of European languages. But it is not so easy to
conceive that a relationship in language which is only to
be discovered by learned research can promote the pro
cess of suppression of dialects. To the Arab, Syriac is
as foreign as French or any perfectly strange tongue.
Botrus al-Bustilni, an eminent savant at Beyrut, the
compiler of a dictionary of his native language and
active editor of several Arabic journals, had no fewer
difficulties to overcome when he devoted himself to the
study of the Syriac language in the Maronite convents
of Lebanon, than when he learned English by intercourse
with Dr. Van Dijk at the American Protestant Mission ;
perhaps even greater, as in the latter case mouth-to-
1 See my Studlcn iibcr Tanchum Jeruschalmi, Leipzig 1870, p. 12.
AFFINITY DOES NOT AFFECT THE RESULT. 239
mouth intercourse removed many difficulties. A Maronite

priest at Damascus assured me that the acquisition of
the Italian language gave him but few hard nuts to crack,
whilst in the language of his Syriac Church he could not
get further than the elements which were indispensable
to his office. The Fin found no special difficulty in
becoming Swedish, because Swedish is a Teutonic and
Finnish a Ugrian language. In Hungary, during a long
subjection to the Turks, Turkish had no appreciable effect
011 the language, except in lending a few words, although
Hungarian and Turkish belong to one and the same
group of languages. Hence when one language ousts
another, it is not their relationship, but solely the supe
riority of the one people in intellect and matters of culture
that determines the result.
The second answer to Kenan is that it is historically

untrue that Arabic could conquer only cognate idioms,
but elsewhere had no power to oust the native tongues.
Where is the Coptic now? a once powerful language
having no connexion with Arabic, the vernacular use of
which in Egypt was totally annihilated by the Arabic.
The dialects of the Negro countries are beginning to give
place more and more to the Arabic, and their ultimate
defeat in the contest with that language will be hastened
by the advances of the power of the Viceroy over the
equatorial regions.
This is the great struggle for existence on the domain

of Mind a struggle which the Hebrews, with the small
amount of culture that they brought to Canaan, could
not sustain, nor even attempt, against the settled popula
tion and the neighbouring powerful Canaanites of the
coast. On this a basis could be found for a hypothesis
which has never had any other foundation of the least
firmness. It is now revived by Professor J. G. Miiller
of Basle. 1 The Hebrews, we are told, originally spoke a
1 Die Semite* in ihrem Vcrhdltniss zu Chamiten undJapheiten,~B<\sel 1872,

P- 134-
different language not connected with that of Canaan ;

but, not being able to bring it into general use in their
new country, gave it up, and took over from the Canaanites
the language that we call Hebrew, which really possesses
a far more palpable similarity to all known relics of the
old idioms of Canaan than is the case with languages
which though connected, are intrinsically distinct. And
assuredly the consideration of the lately found Moabitish
monument, the column of victory of King Mesha, which
shows us a form of language perfectly intelligible by the
aid of the Hebrew grammar and the Hebrew lexicon, and
an historical style indistinguishable from that of the
Hebrews, involuntarily suggests the thought that we
ought to speak rather of identity than of connexion of
languages. Even the Phenician language, though not,
as many erroneously suppose, absolutely identical with
Hebrew, nor even so near to it as the more Southern
language of Moab, exhibits a far closer relationship with
the latter than is generally found between different
languages of the same family. 1 Phenician was certainly
not an idiom unintelligible to the Hebrews; and indeed
a Hebrew prophet even calls his mother-tongue the lan
guage of Canaan (sephath Kena an, Is. XIX. 18). The
idea that the Hebrews changed their language in Canaan
possesses, indeed, no high degree of probability, especially
in so extreme and violent a form as is given to it by J. Gr.
Miiller least of all for us, inasmuch as the nomadic myth
of the Hebrews, which was created quite independently
of Canaan, never contains any but Hebrew names. But
in matters of culture and manners, in which the Hebrews,
only just working their way up out of the nomadic stage,
still held a very primitive position at their entrance into
Canaan, they were most certainly influenced by the con-
1 This question will be found very satisfactorily discussed in Shade s article

Erncute Prufung dcs zwischcn dem Phbnicischcn und Hcbr dischen bcstehcnden
Vtrwandtschaftsverh dltnisses? in the Morgenldndische Forschungcn, Leipzig
1875, pp. 169-232.
HEBREWS ADOPTED RELIGION OF CANAAN. 241
quered original inhabitants and by their powerful neigh

bours. These influences were immediately perceptible in
the form given to Religion and to social and political
institutions. The Hebrews did not possess sufficient re
sistant force of mind to work the solar elements of their
own myth into a religion suitable to an agricultural people,
and had no strength to repel the Canaaiiitish Solar re
ligion, which must have been already long growing into
completeness from an old Canaan itish Solar myth ; they
could not accept the challenge, but yielded. With general
notions of religion they also adopted its forms and insti
tutes the Temples, which bear the same relation to the
Sukkoth used for Divine worship as the fixed house of
the townsman to the hut of the nomad ; the High places ; l
the sacred Trees and Woods ; the Human Sacrifices ; the
Priesthood, whose relation to the Sons of Levi among
the nomads again resembles that of a powerful dynasty
to the family of a Bedawi Sheikh ; the Ritual of Sacrifice,
and much besides. With the religion and religious in
stitutions of the Canaanites, their religious terminology
was also naturalised among the Hebrews. The Phenician
title of the Priest, Kohen KOLTJS (Hellenised from Kolrjv)
ispsvs Kapsipwv 6 KaOaipwv (frovsa ol &s KOTJS (Hesychius)
became among the Hebrews also the official name of
the public sacrificers ; and the fact that a derivative
verb was formed from it proves it to have become com
pletely naturalised in ordinary speech. 2 The extant monu
ments of the sacrificial ritual of the Phenicians, viz., the
so-called Sacrificial Tablet of Marseilles, discovered in 1 845,
and the Carthaginian Sacrificial documents published more
1 See Merx, Archiv.f. wissensch. Erforsch. d. A. T. pt. I. 1867, p. 108.
2 In late Aramaised Hebrew we find the feminine kehanta ( = koheneth)

for a Priest s Wife, equivalent to eslieth kohen ; see Levy, Chald. Wbrterb. I.
356 a. It comes thence to be used in a general signification, of an honest,
irreproachable woman, in opposition to pundakith, properly an innkeeper, in
Mishnd Yebhanwth, XVI. 7.
recently by Davis, 1 place before our eyes much the same

as we have in part of the Book of Leviticus ; and it is to
be assumed that, although, after the profound investiga
tions of Graf 2 and Zunz, 3 the Post-Captivity origin of
that book is impressed with increasing urgency on our
conviction, still the Sacrificial laws contained in it are
only a codification of older regulations which arose and
were in force in sacerdotal circles at the time of the
Hebrew dominion in Canaan, but were not, and ought
not to be, known to the people, as they referred only
to priestly functions. It would be inconceivable that
a regular sacrificial worship could exist without such
arrangements and fixed ritual. Among the Carthaginians
the contents of these sacrificial tables, with the ordinances
and apportionments to be found on them, had canonical
validity, and were not occasional or arbitrary orders.
That this is so, is to be inferred from the fact that the
sacrificial tariff discovered by Davis in the ruins of
Carthage exhibits only an abridged edition of the Mar
seilles Tablet, which also was derived from Carthage. 4
Not only religious, but also social and political in

stitutions were introduced from the Phenicians into the
public life of the Hebrews. How else could a nation
passing suddenly without political experience from noma
dic to civil life produce those institutions without which
a nation can neither constitute itself as a state nor con
tinue to exist ? Thus we find among the Hebrews from
the beginning the Shophetim (Judges), who are known as
1 See Ernst Meier s essay on the former in Zeitsch. d. D. M. (? M 1865, XIX.,

and Nathan Davis, Carthage and her remains, London 1861.
2 Die geschichthchen Bucher des A. T. t Leipzig 1866.
8 Bibelkritisches, in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1873, XXVII. 682-89,

especially the theses 22-26. Zunz appears to have laboured independently
of Graf, but arrives at almost the same results.
4 Barges, who has earned great credit for his elucidation of the Marseilles
table in several writings, disputes the authenticity of the inscription dis
covered by Davis (Eocamen d une nouvelle inscription phenicienne decouverte
recemment dans lea mines de Carthage et analogue a celle de Marseille. Paris
1868).
HEBREWS IMITATED PHENICIAN INSTITUTIONS. 243
Suffetes of the Carthaginians from Livy and the Inscrip

tions. It must be assumed that, although this institution
is not distinctly proved to have existed in the mother-
country, its root is to be sought there ; which harmonises
well with the highly developed civic constitution of the
Phenicians, To draw an inference from the institutions
of the colonies to those of the mother-country must here,
as in other cases also, be treated as perfectly justifiable.
Let it be remembered that we should have no knowledge
even of the elaborate system of priests and sacrifices
among the Phenicians, but for two remarkable monuments
of antiquity : the Tablets of Marseilles and of Carthage.
On one of the most important elements of Phenician
religious life, therefore, information is only to be found
in the colonies ; and the same must certainly be true of
social and political questions. In the present case it is
sure to be allowable, as the official name Shophet is found
in a Greek translation used of Tyre and Sidon. It must
not indeed be supposed that the Shophetim of the Hebrews
can be placed exactly beside the Phenician Suffetes.
Whilst the latter is a permanent dignity and a fixed
institution, the Shophetim of the Hebrews are not so
much officials as a sort of dnces ex virtute, who might
come and go without any alteration in the legal bases of
the state, as Evvald says. 1 But if we have to allow that
the Hebrew Shophetim are not holders of so fixed an
office as their namesakes in Phenicia, but were only
guerilla-chiefs in times of pressure of war, yet Phenician
influence cannot be denied, when we see that, just when
the nomadic tribal divisions were beginning to grow very
loose and to make way for town -life, these chiefs were
called by a name identical with the official name of certain
Phenician dignitaries of rather different character. It
is evident from this that the Hebrews regarded their
provisional chiefs as equivalents of these Phenician officers
1 History of Israel, II. 360.

R 2
of state ; they apperceived them, so to speak, by an idea

derived from Phenicia. But, on the other hand, this view
of the influence of the Shophetim rests on the picture of
their actions given in the Book of Judges. Now it must
not be forgotten that many of these Judges names are
mythical (as Samson, Jephthah, Gideon), used to fill up
a period which to posterity was a mere blank with no
historical contents, except the bare fact of a continuous
contest with the Philistines. This historical frame, as
we shall soon see, is filled with myths, which, when re
interpreted in a national sense, yield a supply of national
heroes, who then can be introduced as Shophetim. But
the harmonising of national stories was not pushed to a
sufficient degree of continuity to form a foundation for a
fixed historical picture. It is therefore better, in forming
our judgment on the dignity of the so-called Judges, to
allow ourselves to be determined more by the name
Shophetim itself than by the nature of the nationalised
myths attached to it. Gratz 1 has quite recently renewed
the attempt to render doubtful the existence of the Sho-
phetim-institution among the Hebrews, and especially
combated any connexion of the Shophetim with the Punic
Suffetes ; and in this the judgment of the most com
petent professional authorities is on his side. But, not
to speak of his view of the Shophetim as representatives
of an institution, he sets, up a linguistic conjecture which
arouses many a doubt. For it requires strong etymolo
gical imagination to deny to the Hebrew word shaphat
the signification judicare. Sober Biblical students and
philologists will not be imposed on by the passages quoted
by Gratz in justification and support of his conjecture.
Not to mention other passages, compare only the words
of Is. I. 17, 23 with the passages of Scripture which, Gratz
says, speak of rushing up to the aid of c oppressed or
injured persons, widows and orphans. The word ribh
1 Geschichte der Juden, Leipzig 1874, I. 407 et seq.
JUDGES AND KINGS. 245
is not calculated to support this conjecture. But, that

the Shophetim, though not hereditary nor even paid
officers of state (as no one would pretend they were),
were yet certainly heads of the state, appointed by the
voice of the people, is proved by the mere fact that the
Shophet was regarded in the same light as the Melekh, as
a species of the same genus. So e.g. in Judges IX. 6, 16,
where the instalment of a Shophet is denoted by hamlikh,
and Judges XVII. 6, XVIII. i, XXI. 25, where the in
terregnum between one Shophet and the next is described
as a time ( in which no melekh (king) reigned over Israel,
and every one could do what was right in his own eyes. 5
And the consideration of the word Shophet itself leads to
the conviction that the office was an institution suggested
by Phenician custom. For it is found in no other Semitic
language in the same signification as in these two dialects
of Canaan. 1 The Samaritan, in which Shaphat is also
found, 2 scarcely requires separate mention. So the He
brews, as was so often the case, must have borrowed the
term shophet, together with the corresponding institution,
from their cultivated neighbours ; for it cannot be assumed
that the expression for an idea implying so advanced
a stage of civilisation as Judge had its origin in the
primeval age of ethnological community between Hebrews
and Canaanites. And later, when the Hebrews began to
appreciate the institution of Kingship, as existing in
many neighbouring nations, 3 and wished to be ruled by
kings, the theocratic historian himself describes this
innovation as borrowed, making the people say to the
prophet Samuel, ( Give us a King to judge us, as all the
1 See Stade s exhaustive exposition in the Morgenldndische Forschungen,

p. 197. But I cannot share the opinion of my respected friend, that the
Hebrews could borrow nothing from the Phenicians because the two nations
passed through a completely distinct religious and political development.
2 Shcfat- Adad in Nabatean, quoted by Ernst Meier in Zeitsch. d. D. M. G.

1873, XVII. 609, is also problematical.
3 Duncker, Gcschichtc des AltcrtJiums, I. 371.
nations [have a king], that we also may be like all

the nations, and that our king may judge us and go out
before us and fight our battles (i Sam. VIII. 5, 20).
Even concerning the political subjection of the tribes of
Canaan, it has long been perceived that this was by no
means so complete as is commonly supposed, but that the
Canaanitish element in the centre of the Hebrew dominion
was powerful enough 1 to nourish exterior religious or
civilising influences. A somewhat later didactic poet
exclaims, < They did not destroy the nations which Jahveh
told them [to destroy] ; but mixed with the nations and
learned their works (Ps. CVI. 34 seq.). To this time
belongs the naturalisation of theological terms and conse
quently of theological conceptions, for the independent
working out of which the Hebrews had not passed through
the necessary historical experience and continuous religious
stages, but in which the history of the religion of the
Canaaiiites found its natural result. At the time when the
nomadic nation of the Hebrews entered Canaan, it first,
so to speak, produced out of the ancient myth the first
elements of a religion ; we cannot speak of a system of
religion existing in that age. In the Canaanitish peoples,
on the other hand, a systematical religion had already
been formed. Even independently of the preponderating
spiritual influence of the native population, it was parti
cularly natural to the Hebrews to attach themselves to
their system, as community of language familiarised them
with much of the religious terminology of the Canaanites.
Ever since the Hebrews had by their own efforts begun
to have any religious ideas, they called every power which
they regarded as divine El and Shadday c the Powerful ;
and as these Powers (which they also called Elohim, i.e.
4 the Worshipped or the Feared ) were seen by them
on the dark sky, El was also called f Elyon the Highest
1 The data belonging to this subject are lucidly brought together in

Kuenen s Religion of Israel, I. 182.
HEBREW AND CANAANITE RELIGION. 247
(a synonym of Abh-ram). To the Hebrews these names

were not yet exclusively theological, termini technici of
religion. Religion itself had not yet grown so stiff and
fixed as to have taken from such names their appellative
character: and that of Elohim and Ely 611 continued to
the latest times. But with the Canaanites even at that
early age these ancient Semitic expressions had been
already employed long enough in a theological sense to
take the step which converted them into a religious
terminology. Many synonyms of the terms in question
are found among the Phenicians as religious terms, and
among the Hebrews (when the words are equally native
there) in a completely appellative sense, e.g. Ba al Lord,
Kabbir Great, Powerful.
This community of language greatly promoted the

introduction of Canaanitish religion among the Hebrews.
Although the above-mentioned names impressed the
Hebrews differently, being not yet limited to a specially
religious signification, yet the knowledge of their meaning
as words, which was native to the Hebrews, promoted the
acquisition of the ritual attached to them by the Canaan
ites. Thus it came to pass that besides l, Elohim,
Ely on, Shadday, even Ba al received worship from the
Hebrews in Canaan, of which the Biblical documents
often speak (and he is not likely to have been the only
divine person borrowed from the Phenicians), and that
those names which had previously begun to assume a reli
gious sense were, by intellectual as well as practical inter
course with the Canaanites, filled with the force they had
to the Canaanites. It is therefore the exact opposite of
the real state of things to call the Elohim-idea specially
Hebrew, and make Jahveism Canaanitish, as some Dutch
theologians do. It is equally impossible to suppose the
names themselves to have been unknown till then to the
Hebrews, as J. G. Muller infers in connexion with his
ethnological hypothesis. 1 The names, as component parts
1 Semiten, (Jhamiten und Japhetitcn, p. 160 et seq.
of the language, are the property of Canaanites and

Hebrews alike ; only their theological employment and
the worship founded upon them are to be regarded as
Canaanitish. But it is especially this employment of
the names which has to be considered in relation to the
History of Civilisation.
Thus we see how the Hebrews in Canaan learned

much as to religion as well as to politics from the conquered
neighbouring aborigines. The religious ideas produced
on the nomadic stage from the nomadic mythology were
wiped away, and only a few relics of the old nomadic
religion remained to a late age, either actual residues or
mere memories. Spiritually poor, the nation was handed
over to the powerful influence of the already formed
culture of Canaan, and thus condemned to mere recep
tivity. Accordingly, they never had an opportunity of
further developing their myths on the agricultural stage
and converting them into elements of a religion. Hence
comes the remarkable fact that from this point the myths
of the Hebrews cease to grow, in the way in which those of
the Aryan nations grew. Only a small cycle of myths of
the Sun and of Civilisation were formed at this time ; and
the regular advance of the Mythical to the Eeligious was
arrested by that religious influence which pressed in with
full force from outside. The most complete and rounded-
off solar myth extant in Hebrew is that of Shimshon
(Samson), a cycle of mythical conceptions fully comparable
with the Greek myth of Herakles. But Samson never got
so far as to be admitted, like Herakles, into the society of
the gods, Those who say that mythologies have con
verted Samson to a deus Solaris make a malicious perver
sion of the truth, merely because they set themselves
against any mythological investigation on Semitic ground. 1
Whilst the Hebrews were thus taking in from the Canaan-
1 Equally exaggerated on the other side, however, is Tiele s view ( Vergclijk.

Crcschied., p. 182), treating the story of Samson as borrowed from the
Canaanites. See also Duncker, I.e. II. 65.
MYTHS CONVERTED INTO RELIGION OR HISTORY. 249
ites things quite new to them, by which the regular

further growth of their own was arrested, a considerable
portion of their own store of legends must naturally have
been starved out. For whatever ceases to grow, falls into
slow decay, and at last disappears and leaves no sign
behind. Here is discovered the origin of the defective-
ness and fragmentary nature which strikes us in recon
structing the old Hebrew myths, when compared with the
richness and variety of the Aryan myths among those
nations which have passed through all stages of civilisa
tion regularly and without obstruction or perverting in
fluence from foreign forces.
The Myth is converted either into Religion or into

History ; the figures of the myth become either Gods and
god-born Heroes, or Ancestors of the nation to which the
myth belonged. What part of the myth cannot be con
verted, or has not been converted, into religion, and what
has ceased to be religious without ceasing to exist in
the popular mind, is converted into history ; for all that
remains in the human consciousness as a living portion of
it must have a distinct impress ; no meaningless vegeta
ting is possible. Nothing is without an impressed form ;
when an old impress has lost its meaning, a new one is
made. It is these new impressions that keep the elements
of the ancient myth alive in the mind of the people far
beyond the mythical age. Among the Hebrews this new
force worked more powerfully than elsewhere in changing
the form and impress of the still living elements of the
myth, converting almost all myth into history. 1 This
result was attained with the cooperation of an important
factor in the History of Civilisation, which also determined
1 This fact, moreover, refutes Buckle s thesis (assuming the very opposite
course of development), which makes history to be the earlier, and to be sub
sequently degraded to a mythology full of marvels. This thesis has been
estimated at its true value by Hermann Cohen in an article entitled Die.
dichtcrinche Plantasie und der Mcchanismns des Bewusstscins, in the Zeitsch.
fur Volkcrpwjcliologic etc., 1869, VI. 186 193.
the direction which the myth should take in being trans

formed into history. We must now consider this factor.
3. Though the Hebrews were intellectually depen

dent on the older inhabitants of Canaan, and had to take
up a receptive position towards them in matters of civili
sation and religion, it was nevertheless inevitable that a
strong antagonism should grow up between the two sides.
The Hebrews edged themselves in like an unbidden guest
into the midst of the Canaanitish system of tribes. As
they could gain their political position in that system
only by conquest and repression, so also they could
maintain, protect, and confirm it only by continuous
defensive wars. We find Philistines, Moabites, and
Edomites the constant deadly foes of the existence of the
Hebrew state, and the history of Israel in Canaan is
filled up with incessant struggles of greater or less magni
tude, in which the Hebrews, themselves scarcely settled
in a home, were forced to engage against the repressed old
inhabitants on the one hand, and the menaced neigh
bouring peoples on the other. Moreover, the nomadic
characteristic, still preserved by the Hebrews, of faithfully
maintaining the memory of their national individuality,
could not be entirely obscured by their new spiritual life,
which was only borrowed from strangers, especially as
the constant wars in which they were necessarily involved
against those strangers were calculated to heighten and
confirm it. Indeed, the spirit of tribe and race, the
repelling and exclusive tendency which characterised the
Canaanitish peoples, 1 nourished in the Hebrews the desire
to insist on the enforcement and development of indivi
duality on their side too. This exclusiveness, this con
sciousness of individual peculiarity which lived in the
mind of the people, could not now find expression in
religion. When even modern Biblical criticism, coming
1 Mommsen, I.e. book III. chap I.
HEBREW NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS. 251
into the inheritance of a conception which obtained

acceptance from religious animosity, still continues to
insist on the National God of the Hebrews/ it commits
a decided error, at least in reference to the age of which
we are now speaking, and especially with regard to the
Elohim. The consciousness of national peculiarity could
not, at this stage of religion among the Hebrews, find
any expression on the domain of religion. Yet it must
perforce gain expression somewhere, and could not do so
anywhere except on a domain on which the most original
impress of their own mind was still visible in the myths,
insofar as they were not yet swept away by foreign jmfjnpnftp^-
The awakmg of National Consciousness plays a very
prominent part in the history of the development of the
Myth. From the moment when in ancient times this
idea began to fill the soul of a great national community,
it seized on and transformed the whole material of which
its mythology was made. The fact that this noble con
sciousness gives a distinct direction of its own to every
thing that fills the human soul, is another proof of its
power to transform the spiritual life. In modern times
the kindling of national self-consciousness, advanced by
the arousing of spiritual opposition to foreign influences
which had previously repressed national individuality,
causes the production of documents to prove the awaken
ing of this national opposition, documents which belong
to the best part of literature and intellectual labour.
Similarly, in ancient times before literature, this con
sciousness of opposition impressed its image especially on
the myth, and made that subservient to its purpose. And
on considering the relation of the myth to the idea of
nationality, we see on many sides, how closely and insepar
ably the two are connected together, how the idea operates
to transform the myth, and how it needs the myth as a
support ; for the myth, going back to the earliest times,
confers on the new idea something like an historical
title, and gives a broad basis to the intenseness of its
by furnishing a justification of it. Hence it comes to pass

that nations which have preserved no great stock of
original myths on which the awakened national conscious
ness could fall back, instinctively create similar stories,
and this even in relatively modern times, in which a
system of religion hardened into crystal on every side,
combined with the corresponding stage of intellectual
development, would leave no room for the revival of
mythical activity. Of this there are two noteworthy
instances, one in the middle ages (the twelfth or thirteenth
century), the other in this century. The Cyinry of Wales,
becoming alive to the opposition in nationality between
themselves and the English, felt the need of finding a
justification of this opposition in the oldest prehistoric
times. It was then first suggested to them that they
were descendants of the ancient renowned Celtic nation ;
and to keep alive this Celtic national pride they introduced
an institution of New Druids, a sort of secret society like
the Freemasons. The New Druids, like the old ones, taught
a sort of national religion, which however, the people
having long become Christian and preserved no indepen
dent national traditions, they had mostly to invent them
selves. Thus arose the so-called Celtic mythology of the
god Hu and the goddess Ceridolu, etc., mere poetical
fictions, which never lived in popular belief. 1 The other
instance is furnished by the Hungarian national literature
of the time when, to revive the ancient glory, Andrew
Horvath and Michael Vorosmarty created new myths,
mythic figures and a national epic, in place of the mere
fragments remaining of the old Hungarian cycle of myths,
with the view of reviving national feeling and conscious
ness in their fellow countrymen. And a few of these new
creations have in a course of a few decads of years pene
trated so deep into the national mind as to be treated as
1 Holtzmarm, Deutsche Muthologie, p. 28.
MYTHOLOGY BECOMES HISTORY. 253
something primitive and aboriginal ; so e.g. Hadur, the

god of war, etc. 1
Far more organic and natural is the effect produced

by the national sentiment and national opposition on the
form of the myth wherever copious mythic materials exist,
which it can influence and transform. The entire con
tents of the myths the mythological figures and all that
is told of them are appereeived by the national movement
and receive from it a new interpretation. This may be seen
clearly in the case of the old Persian myth, mentioned briefly
above (pp. 15, 16), where I showed that all that it told of
the contests and mutual relations of the Sun and Night
was, at the stage of the rising national consciousness, con
verted into contests between Iran and Turan the heroes
of mythology became national heroes, the victorious Sun
became a victorious helper and saviour of the nation, and
the malicious intriguing Darkness the cunning hero of the
hostile people. This national interpretation of the myth
is only another side of the process which resulted in in
dividualising the mythical figures and created personali
ties of theological significance. I have already insisted
on the fact that another set of the mythical figures when
converted into individuals assume an historical character.
This comes to pass in various ways : either the myth
which is turned into history first passes through the
stage of religion, and then becomes history ; or secondly,
the historical transformation is effected in immediate
sequence upon the old mythological stage ; or lastly, the
mythological figures assume a meaning which is at the
same time both religious and historical, like the Greek
Heroes. On the development of the Hebrew myth also
the awakening of the national spirit exercised a great
influence. The consciousness of national individuality gave
a new direction to all the ideas of the Hebrews, and so also
to their mythology. Among the Greeks and Indians the
1 Paul Gyulai, Vorosmarty elete [Life of Vorosmarty], Pest 1866, p. 49
/ / XI <f.
chief figures of mythology not to speak of occasional

localisation preserved a cosmopolitan character ; for Zeus,
Indra, and others have no special national character. But
the figures of the Hebrew myths at this period became
the national progenitors of the Hebrew people, and the
mythology itself the national primeval history of the
Hebrews before their settlement in the land of Canaan.
Abhram, the High Father, is converted into Abhraham,
the abh hamon goyim, f Father of a mass of Nations, and at
the same time into ha- Ibhri, the Hebrew (Gen. XVII. 4, 5,
XIV. 13) ; and all other figures of the myth are made to
subserve the national idea. On the one hand, they are
eager to have documentary proof of their nation s noble
origin and glorious past ; on the other, they nourish a
feeling of opposition towards other nationalities, on which
they cast shame. The nation of Edom receives Esau as
ancestor: and the reminiscence of nomadic conceptions
which draws their sympathy towards Jacob, the persecuted
brother, and turns with antipathy away from the red solar
hunter, is again revived in the service of the formation of
a national myth which paints Esau in the most repulsive
colours. The old mythological incest of Lot s daughters
is made the cause of the origin of two Canaanitish tribes,
the Ammonites and the Moabites. 1 The Philistines also
are dragged through this story-making process of national
antagonism. The primeval heavenly Father-King Abi-
melek, who conceives a warm love for the wife of the
Morning- sky and thinks to carry her off, is made a king
of the Philistines, and Shechem, the Early Morning,
the seducer of Dinah, is converted into a prince of the
Hivvites. In the story of Dinah, as given in Genesis, we
have an especially eloquent testimony to the national
animosity to which this conversion of the myth owes its
origin. This aspect of the story has been very fully
proved by a Dutch scholar, Dr. Oort. It exhibits in the
people newly awakened to national self-consciousness a
1 See Excursus N".
MYTHOLOGY BECOMES HISTORY. 255
tendency to abominate all connexion with the Canaanites,

and introduces as representatives or types of this tendency
the brothers Simeon and Levi, the zealots for the purity
of the Hebrew family. 1 Thus we see that the national
treatment of the myth is not merely of the nature of
narrative, but at the same time also instructive or didactic.
Ham, the unworthy son who reveals the nakedness of the
solar hero, is regarded as the denier of his father and
made the ancestor of all the Canaanites, and visited by
his father s curse. And Noah awoke from his wine and
learned what his youngest son had done to him. And he
said, Cursed be Canaan, let him be a slave of slaves to
his brethren. And he said, Blessed be Jahveh, the God
of Shem, and let Canaan be a slave to them (Gen. IX. 24-
26). We see that the national passion turns especially
on Canaan : for the story makes the offended father curse,
not the offender Ham, but Canaan, who is in the ethno
graphical genealogy only his grandson. It is impossible
to be blind to the factors which are concealed behind such
a conception. In the case of Esau too, the national story
makes him choose his wives from the daughters of Canaan,
to whom Isaac, the patriarch of the Hebrews, and Rebekah
the mother of the tribe, strongly object (Gen. XXVII. 46,
XXVIII. 1,6, 8); so much so that the mother would
rather die than that her favourite son Jacob should also
take one of them to wife, and the father repeatedly urges
on him to have nothing to do with that people. On this
very occasion it is mentioned with emphasis that Esau is
identical with Edorn, or according to another version is
the father of Edom (Gen. XXXVI. I, 43).
The national pride of a people roused to a conscious

ness of its worth must be strengthened by the memories
of national heroes, and find nourishment and life in such
memories ; and this impulse works with a revived force
even in later times, in which historical reminiscences of
the olden time are beginning to fade. The Hebrew
1 Godgclcerde Bijdragcn, 1866, p. 983 et seq. With him Kuenen agrees,

The Religion of Israel, I. 311 et xcq.
people found heroes even in some mythical figures ; they

were turned into Hebrew national heroes, and their
celestial contest became a national war against the
Philistines, and was removed to the age of the Shophetim or
Judges, which was in memory connected with the hardest
struggles and fiercest wars against the Philistines. The
blinded Shimshoii, Samson, the setting sun robbed of his
locks and his eyesight, is brought forward as a victim of
the perfidious cunning of the Canaanites. The Goat
Ya el (Jael), and the Lightning Barak, the Smasher
Gide on, mere mythical expressions (clearly exhibited as
such by Steinthal), are sent to battle against the Philis
tines; and the attractive part of the handsome ruddy
sharp-eyed youth who slays the monster of darkness by
throwing stones, is assigned as a piece of biography to
the historical hero-king David, who slays the Philistine
giant Goliath in single combat, and delivers the Hebrew
people from their dangerous enemy. 1 From the last example
we see that, besides mythical figures becoming historic
personages in the service of the national idea, historical
figures also may receive biographical features proper to
mythic heroes. Not only are the figures of the myth con
verted into historical ones by assigning to them a part in
historical events, but events of mythology are shifted into
historical times by fastening them on to historical
persons.
The entire materials of legend are clothed in a national

garb. The Hebrews in Canaan retained the nomadic
tribe -divisions. Every tribe was provided with an an
cestor, and every one of these ancestors was made a
son of Jacob, who was at the same time identified with.
Israel. The twelve stars of the nightly sky descended
upon the new people of Canaan, and took on themselves
the duties of Eponymi. The history of each of these
1 Like the Hungarian national hero Nicolas Toldi, who overcomes the
Czech (Bohemian) hero in single combat.
RISE OF NATIOA r AL LEGENDS. 257
fathers of tribes became the tribe s historical reminiscence.

The national passion, the revived consciousness of individ-
ualit} r , blew the glimmering sparks of story-building into
a clear flame, and determined the direction or tendency of
the stories. The history of this epoch suggests a motive
for the prevailingly national development of the Hebrew
materials of legend. Hence it comes to pass that the
individualised figures of the Hebrew myth appear as
national ancestors and fathers of tribes, some as fathers
of the Hebrew people with a negative spirit of exclusive-
ness towards everything foreign, some as fathers of the
hostile tribes, combating the ancestors of the Hebrews.
Thus the ancestors reflect in a dim primitive age their
own fortunes and relation to the tribes of Canaan. The
same psychological process which in later time caused the
Agadic interpreters to declare the principle : ma ase abhoth
siman lebhanim the deeds of the Patriarchs are types for
their descendants, ! was, inverted, the creative cause of
the legends of the fathers and their doings.
In such wise did the Hebrew people find expression

for the consciousness of their individuality, which they
might easily have utterly lost in their spiritual dependence
upon their neighbours ; namely, in a new interpretation
of their ancient myths. When they were becoming quite
Canaanitish through what they borrowed from others in
religion and culture, their whole soul was again electrified,
and a new spirit aroused by the feeling of self- dependence
confirmed by severe contests. What it could not put
into the religion, which it was powerless to create of
itself, it put into a glorious series of poetical legends.
These expressed both the national consciousness on the
one hand, and the national passion ateness on the other;
and it may be assumed that with the progress of animo
sities the tone of the legends increased in bitterness. I
adduced above the development of the Persian national
1 Compare Genesis rabid, 48.
S
legend as an instance showing how a national legend

grows out of a myth. At the close of this chapter I will
again revert to the same region of legend, to show how
national animosity can operate in transforming old mate
rials down to the latest times, in which new legends can
scarcely be still created. Firdosi gives the national le
gends of the contests with Turan, formed from the myths.
But the lately roused antagonism of the Persians to the
Arabs, who had become the dominant power and were
extinguishing Iranism, also finds expression in the form
which he imparts to the legends. On reading his descrip
tion of the behaviour of the Arabian ambassadors at the
court of Feridun, we observe that the legend here takes
a tone of hostility to the Arabs, and criticises the dark
side of the Arabian national character; and the sufferings
of Irej, the ancestor of the Iranians, are intended to be
a type of the subjugation and vicissitudes of the Iranian
race. Selrn himself (the Shein of the Shahnameh in rela
tion to Iran and Turan) is represented as malicious,
passionate, and intriguing. 1
1 See Shahnameh (ed. Mohl), p. 124. vv. 121-29 and pp. 139-40, etc.
259
CHAPTER VIII.
COMMENCEMENT OF MONOTHEISM AND THE

DIFFERENTIATION OF THE MYTHS.
I. WE have seen a new feeling 1 aroused in the breast

of the Hebrews, and gaining such force and intensity as
to fill their souls with a new thought and impart spiritual
significance and direction to their political life.
In the history of the world there sometimes appeal-

nations endowed with very small power of influencing
the outside world, and whose intellectual mission is quite
subjective, or, if we prefer so to call it, negative, insofar
as their entire historical life is taken up by the realisation
of the endeavour not to fall victims to some foreign in
tellect bearing down upon them from the outside, but to
preserve their individual being, their peculiarity, their
nationality, not merely in an ethnological but in an
historical sense also.
The Hebrew nation was preserved from the state of

intellectual passivity by the aroused consciousness of
national individuality. The consciousness of individuality
awoke, and as soon as it was fully roused, there began
that section of the life of the nation which was distin
guished by a peculiar productiveness on the domain of
ideas. The influences received from outside could be
neither extinguished nor cancelled, seeing that to them,
was mainly due the formation of the mind of the nation ;
but the national consciousness had now introduced a new
condition of further civilisation, which caused these
foreign elements to be dealt with in a peculiar and in
dependent way. No doubt a long time was needed to
allow the results of this national reaction to strike root
s 2
iii the soul of the nation ; bnt we shall see that a true
Hebraism was formed by slow progress out of Canaanism,
until at last the choicest and noblest minds of the nation
seized upon the idea which gave full expression to the
principle of nationality and freed it from the last traces
of Canaanitish influence.
2. The consequences of the national reaction are

exhibited in the first representatives of the house of
David, in the history of the Hebrew nation and in the
desire of political unity to put an end to the old disunion
and give strength against the Canaanites. The religious
and political centralisation, which forms the program of
David and Solomon, was the first and most forcible ex
pression of the roused national spirit. I will leave the
political arrangements on one side ; for although they
certainly come within the range of the general description
which I have to give of the character of the period, yet
the nature of these studies urges me more to consider
the forces which act on the history of religion. With
reference to this I must prefix some almost self-evident
remarks on the relation of Polytheism to Monotheism:
self-evident I say, yet even now still doubted and dis
puted, because on this subject even the least prejudiced
inquirers on questions of antiquity and the history of
ancient civilisation still use words in accordance with
the old traditional system. 1 The idea that a Monotheistic
instinct is inherent in a certain race or certain nations
is refuted by historical facts so far as relates to the
Semites, the consideration of whose psychological condi
tion had suggested the opinion, and has also been ex
hibited as generally untenable by Stein thai s and Max
1 Hartung, in the first part of his Religion und Mythologie der Gricchcn,
contradicts himself again and again on this subject. .At first he makes mono
theism precede all development of religion(p. 3), then he sees nothing religious
at all in monotheism (p. 28), and next the growth of religion proceeds from
polytheism to monotheism, not the reverse way (p. 32).
ALLEGED ORIGINAL MONOTHEISM. 261
Muller s psychological criticism of the meaning of instinct.

But equally untrue is the idea of an original Monotheism,
which later in history dissolved into Polytheism. This
idea, which moreover identified the original monotheism
with that of the Bible, prevailed almost universally in
former times. Recently Rougemont, a French ethnolo
gist, has endeavoured, in his work Le Peuple Primitif
(1855), to find a basis for it by supposing Polytheism to
have sprung out of the original Monotheism through the
medium of Pantheism by reason of a superfluity of
religious life and over-richness in poetical inspiration. 1
Of course many theological systems endeavour to main
tain this position ; but also scholars who are but little
influenced by theological prepossessions sometimes sup
port it in their special provinces of study, having recourse
to methods of deduction inspired mainly by an obsolete
mysticism. So, for example, the sound scholar Fraôis
Lenoruiarit assumes that in Egypt Polytheism grew out
of an original Monotheism by the process expressed in the
following words : L idee de Dieu se confondit avec les
manifestations de sa puissance ; ses attributs et ses qualites
furent personnifies en une foule d agents secondaires
distribues dans une ordie hierarchique, concourant a
Torgaiiisation generale du rnonde et a la conservation des
etres. 2 This is the old story of the separation of the
notion of a single god, given by an alleged primeval reve
lation, into its parts and factors ! Another renowned
investigator of Assyrian and Babylonian antiquity, Jules
Oppert, also, speaks of a common monotheistic ground
work of all human religion. 3 But from the nature of
the case, and in accordance with the laws of development
of the human mind which can be deduced from expe
rience, the fact is the very reverse. The history of the
development of religion, modified of course in accordance
1 \Vaitz, AntkropotogU rfcr Kd/itn-H/kcr, I. 363 note.
z Ijd Ma.gie chez Ics Chaldccns, p. 72.
* Annules de la Pkttosopk* ltr< :i:iine, uu 1858, p. 260.
with otir more educated conception of its origin, appears

in the main to be what old Hume asserted of it in his
Natural History of Religion : It seems certain, that,
according to the natural progress of human thought,
the ignorant multitude must first entertain some grovel
ing and familiar notion of superior powers, before they
stretch their conception to that perfect Being, who be
stowed order on the whole frame of nature. We may as
reasonably imagine, that men inhabited palaces before
huts and cottages, or studied geometry before agriculture,
as assert that the Deity appeared to them a pure spirit,
omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent, before he was
apprehended to be a powerful though limited being, with
human passions and appetites, limbs and organs. The
mind rises gradually from inferior to superior? 1 This be
comes still surer when we remember that religion begins
where mythology, from the elements of which theistic
religion takes its rise, ceases to live. For as these ele
ments are always very numerous, it is not possible but
that every religion must begin with a multitude of divine
figures, i.e. with Polytheism. For it is impossible to point to
any mythology which has to do with only one single name ;
yet from such a one alone could a monotheistic religion
spring directly. Accordingly Polytheism is the historical
prius of Monotheism, which can never exhibit itself ex
cept as historically v evolved out of Polytheism. The
1 Essays, Moral, Political and Literary, ed. Green and Grose, vol. II.
p. 311 ; compare Buckle s History of Civilisation in England, in 3 vols. vol. I.
p. 251; Pfleiderer, Die Religion und ihre Greschichte, II. 17. Before Hume the
view that Polytheism was a degradation of a previous Monotheism was gener
ally admitted. But Hume s exposition did not put an end to this radically
false idea. Creuzer s great work, Symbolik und Mythologie der alien Volker,
btsonders der Gricchen, is based on this false assumption, and Schelling s
Philosophy of Eeligion starts from the same premiss. And many able English
scholars still speak again and again of the degradation of the primeval
Monotheism into Polytheism. Not only one-sided theologians start from this
axiom; Gladstone s mythological system, in his Studies on Homer and the
Homeric Age, and Juventus Mwidi is founded upon it, all progress in history
philology and mythology notwithstanding.
POLYTHEISM TENDS TO MO A T THEISM. 263
brilliant company of Olympian gods is therefore older

than the first stirring of monotheistic feeling among the
Greeks. Those who invert the historical order transfer
to the religious condition of primitive humanity that
which is only postulated by their own mind, and ascribe
to the primeval man a religious tendency which in them
selves was the result of laborious abstract speculations.
But all the contents of the human mind, like those of

the material world, are subject to a constant evolution,
or progressive change of form into something more per
fect; and so Polytheism has an inherent tendency to
further development, being indeed itself the result of a
similar development of mythology. This tendency paves
the way for the approach of Monotheism; for this it is
to which the polytheistic stages of religion tend in their
further development. We may see in the human mind,
equally on a large and on a small scale, the inclination
to the unification of whatever is similar in kind though
hitherto divided into many individuals; abstraction and
formation of general ideas are the climax of his power of
thought. So is it in politics, and so also in the conception
of nature.
The same unifying mental action, operating on the

development of religion, creates in Polytheism an active
tendency towards Monotheism. Even in those ethnologi
cal races for whom, in contradistinction to the Semitic
race, E-enan vindicates a polytheistic instinct, this
tendency is active; and in any sphere which exhibits a
complete and finished chain of religious evolution, we
always find at the beginning Polytheism and at the end the
Unitarian idea of God, whether in the form of Pantheistic
Monism or of abstract personal Monotheism; whether
coupled with the ideas of the Transcendency, or that of
the Immanency, of God ; whether excited by religious
contemplation and absorption as with the Hebrew pro
phets, or by philosophical speculation as with the Greek
sages. A mode of transition from Polytheism to Mono-
theism is found in the religious system which, while

assuming a multitude of gods, distinguishes one of them
as the most powerful, as the ruler not only of the world,
but of the company of gods also. This system, to which
Homer s conception of Zeus as Trarrjp avSpwv rs Oswv re
belongs, possesses quite as much of Monotheism as of
Polytheism, and expresses powerfully the monotheistic
inclination concealed in Polytheism. Max Miiller justly
makes a distinction between Monotheism and Henotheisni.
A penetrating investigation of the Greek and the Indian
literatures, the chief representatives of what Renan calls
the polytheistic instinct, would prove the gradual forma
tion of strata of monotheistic transformation, which
attached themselves to Aryan polytheism and drew it
in the monotheistic direction. Classical philologians have
not neglected the study of the religious spirit on thh
subject, which prevails in the Greek tragedians and his
torians, not to mention the philosophical writers.
We have noted two kinds of impulse which usually

promote a monotheistic revolution from Polytheism :
religious absorption and contemplation on the one hand,
arid philosophical speculation on the other. Another
powerful force must be mentioned in this connexion the
form of political institutions. This also exercises no
small influence on the formation of the idea of God. If
man has ascribed to the Deity the attribute of might
and sovereignty, which is very natural to him, he will
then apply to the gods the idea of power which he has
gained by experience of human rulers, and will estimate
their power according to the quality which he perceives
every day in his earthly sovereigns ; for the picture of
these forms his sole conception of beings endowed with
might and dominion. Only in the Immortals, he extends
into infinity whatever he observes in his earthly rulers
as something finite ; since that which excites religious
feeling in man is the impulse c to advance beyond what
is given him, beyond what he finds existing, and to push
DIVINE SIMILAR TO HUMAN GOVERNMENT. 265
forward from the limited to the illimitable and absolutely

perfect. But this advance beyond what we have here is
more than in itself a valuation of what we have, a
measuring of it against the infinite, as Steinthal admi
rably describes it in his fine lecture on f Myth and Reli-
gion. l It also connects the valuation of the infinite,
and the quality attributed to it, with what we have here
and know from daily experience. Hence the tendency
of religious ideas is directly dependent on the ideas
which are embodied in political and social life. Thus it
was said by so early a writer as Aristotle, i that all men
say that the gods are under regal rule, because they them
selves, some even now, and others in ancient times, have
been so ruled ; for men conceive not only the forms but
the lives also of the gods as similar to their own. 2 And
similarly Schelling says, briefly, c It seems hardly neces
sary to point out how .closely magisterial power, legisla
ture, morals, and even occupations are bound up with
conceptions of the gods in all nations. 3 What, for in
stance, are the inhabitants of the Hellenic Olympus ? A
powerful and conscious Aristocracy, at the head of which
stands the most powerful among them not all-powerful,
for he is dependent on a mightier Fate, which prevents
his accomplishing all that his will has determined, and
1 In Virchow and Holtzendorff s Sammlung gemeinverstdndlicher wissen-

schaftlicher Vortrdge, 1870, Heft 97, p. 20.
2 Polit. I. I. 7 K <d TOVS Qeovs Se 8ia TOVTO Tr&vres (pacrl

fiaffLXevfaOat, 6ri
Kal avrol, ol fjikv e-n /ecu vvv, ol 5t rb apxôv f/3affi\evovTO
&&lt;nrfp 5e Kal TO. eif7]
eauroTs a$>oiJ.oiov(rii> ol avdpuTroi, ovrca Kal TOVS fiiovs rSsv
Qs&v. Waitz, Anthro-
pologie dcr Naturvblker, I. 466, says : Considering the multitude of super
human beings, it is certainly very natural to follow the analogy of human
relations, which is often carried out with great consistency, and to assume
gradations of power among them, one being regarded as the first and highest
of all. But this idea may easily be rendered unfruitful through the very
analogy which suggested it, because in human society the power and repute of
individuals are frequently changing. But even this fact is not unfiuitful with
regard to religion ; for on this analogy a world of gods with a head liable to
change may bo imagined.
8 Schelling s Sdmmtliche Werke (Cotta s edition, 1856), II. Abth. I. 52

(Einkilung in die Philosophic dtr Mythologic),
even on the surrounding aristocracy of the other gods,

who once bound their powerful ruler ! He owes his do
minion to this very aristocracy : when Zeus had gained
the victory over the Titans, says Hesiod, 1 the gods offered
him the supreme rule (wrpwov /3aai\v/jLv TJ&S avdorasiv),
and when he had entered upon it, he distributed offices
and dignities among his electors (6 Ss lolaiv sv SisSda-o-aro
Tifjidsi). Are these different circumstances from those of
the aristocratic republics of Greece ? is the relation of
Zeus to the subordinate gods unlike that of the sfa
Kolpavos to the members of the aristocracy who are subject
to his command, but yet possess a considerable influence
over him ? Turning from the classical Hellenes to the
boisterous Bedawi, of Arabia, we discover a conception
of God under the very same point of view. A great in
vestigator of Arabia observes : Nor did I ever meet,
among the genuine nomade tribes, with any individual
who took a more spiritual view, whether of the Deity, of
the soul of man, or of any other disembodied being so
ever. God is for them a chief [a Nomad Sheikh!] . . .,
somewhat more powerful of course than their own head
man, or even than Telal himself, but in other respects of
much the same style and character. 2 If we turn our
thoughts to a religious system of most recent origin, our
experience is still the same. To the inhabitants of the
Salt- Lake City in America, God is the President of
immortal beings. c The employment of familiar political
ideas, or application of political figures to theocratic ends,
as in speaking of the Presidency of God, colonies, eligi
bility, race, is a natural and obvious device. 3 This,
how ever, must rather be referred to apperception than to
symbolism.
In a despotic state the conception of God must take

a different direction, because the apperception of the
notion of dominion and power is essentially different. This
1 Thcogon. vv. 882-85.
2 Palgrave, Central and Eastern Aralna, I. 33.
3 Von Holtzendorffin the Zeitsch.fur Volktrpsychologie etc., 1868, V. 378.
GODS RULED LIKE MEN. 267
may be observed not only in nations of high culture, but

even in tribes living in a state of nature, on a comparison
of their religious and political conditions; though in
the latter case we have not the means of pursuing the
analogy with the same certainty. But, by way of illustra
tion, I will refer to a comparison of the political condition
of the Negro tribes which incline to a monotheistic view
of religion with those of the polytheistic Polynesians. 1
Molina, too, found in Chili that the god Pillan s govern
ment of the world agrees exactly with the Araucanian
political system, and concludes with the observation,
These ideas are certainly very rude ; but it must be
acknowledged that the Araucanian s are not the only
people who have regulated the things of heaven by those
of the earth. 2 But we will now stay on the firmer
ground of civilised nations. Let us take, for instance,
the great Assyrian empire. One powerful ruler, endowed
with unlimited authority, at whose commands great and
small, high-born and slave, bend the knee, to whose ar
bitrary will almost the whole of Western Asia is subject,
guides the destinies of his colossal empire, independent
of men. After him follow the Viceroys of the separate
provinces, Satraps, and a host of officials of court and
state with accurately defined powers and in distinct
order of rank. Whoever honours them and is obedient
to them, only honours in them the King of kings, and
exhibits his obedience to the all-powerful lord. Thus it
was at the flourishing period of this immense empire;
and to this political system corresponds exactly the re
ligious idea, which grew up parallel with the growth of
the empire from small beginnings. At the head of many
subordinate gods stands the God of gods, to whom all
the sacrifices and expressions of homage offered to the
1 Waitz, I.e. II. 126 ct scq. and ( ^penally pp. 167, 439, on the religion and
politics of the Negroes, and Gerland in the sixth volume of the same work
(passim) on similar institutions among the Polynesians.
2 In Tylor. /V////////V Culture, II. 306.
subordinate, so to speak, satrap-gods, are indirectly pre

sented. He is adored in the temples built in honour of
his subordinates (see supra, p. 122). He is the c God of
Armies, just as the King of kings is Lord of Armies.
In a word, we have to do with a form of religion that
combines absolute monarchy with Polytheism. And is
it surprising, considering the influence exercised by the
mighty Assyrian empire on Western Asia, the nations of
which it surpassed in manners and culture, that this form
of religion became the prevailing tone of theology through
out the region ?
Thus, while political division promotes in religion

Polytheism, political unity and centralisation help the
monotheistic development to break forth. As, when the
political system is centralised, individuals only contribute
to form a united political organism, and lose their person
ality in special functions which make each different from
the other, so the idea of one common god arises and pre
vails over the many local deities, who are then sub
ordinated to the former as their supreme Lord.
In the Hebrew nation likewise it was the political

centralisation which established itself in the epoch distin
guished by the names of David and Solomon, which at the
same time conduced to the confirmation of Monotheism.
It cannot be known for certain what sort of worship it was
that was practised at various places in the land beside
the so-called Ark of the Covenant (aron hab-berith),
before David removed the Ark to the political centre, and
Solomon erected the magnificent Temple, of which the
Books of Kings and the Chronicles give so elaborate an
architectural description. But it must be assumed that
the monotheistic working-out of the Elohim-idea in the
Hebrew nation coincided with the centralising movement,
that is with the period when the king directed the reli
gious sentiment of the whole people to Jerusalem. This
religious development again became powerful and was
greatly encouraged by the newly strengthened National
HEBREW MONARCHY CONDUCED TO MONOTHEISM. 269
spirit, the influence of which on the spiritual life of the

people was traced in the preceding chapter. For since
the Hebrew nation was conscious of occupying a position
of strict alienation from the tribes among and near which
it dwelt, the exclusive tendency and negative character of
this consciousness clung also to its conception of God,
and thus it formed the idea of One God, who was the
divine opposite to the gods of the nations, corresponding
to the idea of the Hebrew nation as a nation opposed to
the other nations. So long as the nation had no living
consciousness of its national separation, and had not
advanced to the point of saying I am something quite
different from you, no reason was forthcoming why the
Hebrews should hold a negative position towards the
objects of worship of other peoples; and they were, in
fact, quite dependent on the latter, and receptive in
temper. But having once risen to a consciousness of
their own individuality, they regarded their own God
exclusively as the Existing one, and denied the existence
of the gods of nations towards which it acknowledged a
national opposition. The germs of this religious develop
ment, so favourable to Monotheism, are bound up with the
rise of a strong national consciousness; but the latter
would not alone avail to create Monotheism at one blow ;
it only stimulates and encourages, but has need of other
psychical and historical coefficients. Eduard Hartmann,
who, in his recent work on the Philosophy of Eeligion,
justly insists on the influence of the idea of nationality
upon the growth of Monotheism, calls attention to another
stage in the relation of the nation to the gods of strange
peoples that at which the strange gods are looked on as
usurpers. Speaking of the three phases of development of
Hebrew monotheism, he says : l With the increase of
national feeling, their pride in their God was heightened.
From the moment when they raised him to the position of
1 Die Eeligion dcr Ztikunft, Berlin 1874, p. 102.

sole creator of heaven and earth, they could not but regard
the dominion of other gods on the earth created by Jehovah
as usurped, and could only hope for the honour of their
own God that ultimately the peoples would turn to him
and adore him as the highest God, the only creator of the
world. But then the progressive development of Mono
theism went further, to the point of not merely regarding
the strange gods as usurpers beside Jehovah, but of
declaring them to be false gods. What is the exact
meaning of this view of usurping gods in the growth of
Monotheism? In the growth of religions there is no stage
at which certain divine persons are acknowledged as
powerful and influential on the fate of the world or of a
nation, and yet treated as possessing illegitimate power
and influence. Their power might be unjustly exercised,
I but never illegitimate. The existence of gods is identified
\ with their legitimacy. The conquest of some gods by
\ others, which is told in theogonies and mythologies, is
I not explained by supposing one of the contending powers
| to have usurped his power, but by regarding the conquered
V as weaker than the conquering one.
This monotheistic development was very gradual, and

passed through many stages in unfolding itself out of
Polytheism. People spoke of the God of the Elohims of
Israel (El elohe Yisra el), without giving any account as
I to who these Elohims were and what were their names.
Whatever may be said, the plural form Elohim itself, the
interpretation of which as pluralis majestatis belongs to
the stage of pure Monotheism, decidedly indicates that
a plural conception was inherent in this word. Such
expressions, created by polytheistic imagination, were
retained at the monotheistic stages, Like the myth, they
lost their original signification, and were used by zealous
monotheists without any idea of the Polytheism which had
created them and been expressed by them. This Mono
theism comes to light in the monotheistic turn which was
given to the name Elohim ; and the stronger the national
ELdHfM BECOME MONOTHEISTIC. 271
life, and the intenser the national sentiment grew, so

much more eagerly did the people grasp this Elohim-idea
as a national one, entirely ignoring the fact that the
name was not its exclusive property. At the conclusion
of the national development the Elohistic monotheism
attained perfection; but from the very beginning the
mind of the nation lived in the conviction that Elohim
was not like the Elohiins of the nations. The monotheis
tic turn given to the word is distinctly impressed on the
form ha-E16him = o fos-, which is related to Elohim
exactly as among Mohammedans Allah to Ilah. An im
portant part in the encouragement of this monotheistic
development was played by the Levitical priesthood, which
conducted the centralised worship ; as also by those in
spired men of action who appeared as teachers and
monitors in the early days of the monarchy, precursors of
the later great Prophets, harbingers of the epoch of the
Prophetes ecrivains, as Renan correctly calls them, 1 The
later Prophets, although when writing history they
depict these precursors as completely imbued with their
own intentions, did not ignore their position as precursors.
Elijah and Samuel were prototypes of prophecy, in whose
lives and actions the prophetic historian of a later time
unfolded his own program ; but even they are endowed
with infirmities foreign to later Jahveism ; and these
faults are characterised as such. A prophet of the
Postexilian period, in which a history of the growth of
Jahveism as reconciled with the law (tora), with Moses as
law-giving prophet at the head, was already brought into
notice, regarded Elijah as the precursor of the c great and
dreadful day of Jahveh. Malachi, namely (III. 22, 23
[IV. 4, 5]), one of the chief representatives of the recon
ciliation effected between the two opposites, Sacerdotalism
and Jahveism, exhorts the people to remember the Tora,
of Moses, and in the same breath speaks of Elijah, the
1 Histoire ylncrale etc., p. 131.
272 MYTHOLOGY AMONG 7 HE HEBREWS.
chief member of the old school of prophecy, as precursor

of the great day of Jahveh. These are two reminiscences,
valuable in a religious sense to the prophet of the Post-
exilian period. 1 However gradual may have been the full
development of Monotheism among the Hebrews, on a con
sideration of the chronology it is impossible to deny that
it had a far more rapid course there than elsewhere. This
rapidity of revolution is expressed very significantly in the
monotheistic turn given to the word Elohim, which looks
as if (to use mathematical language) the separate Eloahs
had been added up and put in a bracket to represent a
Divine Unity, adequate to the sudden national unity pro
duced out of political divisions only just composed.
Thus the awakened idea of Nationality left its impress

also on the domain of religion. Bat it is now quite intel
ligible that the religious expression thereby introduced,
possessed an obvious defect, inasmuch as it bore on its
front a contradiction which no mere National sentiment
could get rid of, the word Elohirn being common to the
Hebrews and the Canaaiiites. This contradiction gave
the first stimulus to the creation of the word Jahveh, the
specially Hebrew term. The origin of this Divine name
may therefore be most probably assigned to this period,
as a necessary result of the religious element of the idea
of Nationality. An agricultural people could very easily
grasp the idea of God as an idea of him who makes to be,
who produces ; and it is not impossible that this appella
tion had its first origin at the time of the formation of a
myth of civilisation, and passed from a primitive solar to
a later religious significance. But during this whole
period Jahveh remained a mere word, a flatus oris, an
Elohim connected with the nation. No deeper meaning,
distinguishing Jahveh from the Canaanitish Elohim, was
as yet attached to the word ; that belongs to a later age,
that of the Prophets. Moreover, the name itself did not
1 Thus this much-discussed verse contains no prophecy, Lut a recollection

of the phases of the growth of religion in past times.
RISE OF THE HEBREW NAME JAHVEIL 273
at first force its way deep into the soul of the whole
people, but remained as something external, a Divine
name, identical with ha-E16him, and implying no more.
Fights, such as the Prophets fought, first created the
Jahveh-religion in opposition to Elohism. Accordingly, it
will be best to lay no stress on the existence of the Name
before the point at which it obtains a religious significance
and begins to be filled with its lofty conception.
3- A-t the same time with the monotheistic idea

there arose a multitude of religious views, which neces
sarily had an influence on the development of the myths
into history. And insofar as the Hebraisation of the
Elohim-idea confirmed, and even became the centre of the
consciousness of nationality, the conversion of the myths
into national history, of which the previous chapter
treated, naturally received a peculiarly religious tone.
Here we see the germ of that theocratic character

which people take a pleasure in introducing into the ear
liest history of the Hebrews, but which unquestionably
presupposes a high development of the Elohim-idea. The
theocratic system is a league between the religious and
the national ideas. As the myths were transformed in
the preceding period into national history, so now in this
Elohistic time, their interpretation in a national sense is
supplemented by a theocratic aim, which again imprints
a new stamp on the old mythology, and exhibits the
thoughts and feelings of the Hebrews in richer measure
than before. Those legendary figures which at the time
of National aspiration became Patriarchs or forefathers of
the Hebrew nation, now enter the service of the theocratic
or religious idea, and become pious servants and favourites
of God. Mythical events and contests which in the
national period were converted into national history of
primeval times, now take a liturgical or religious turn.
Not till now could the question, why Abraham was willing
to kill Isaac, arise distinctly in the mind. And the
cT3>
answer was at hand : he did it at the command of Elohim

he sacrificed, for he was Elohim s faithful servant, cap
able of sacrifice. The other Patriarchs also become pious,
God-fearing individuals ; their adventures and lives be
come types of Elohistic piety, as they had previously been
made types of the history of the nation. The political
idea also, i.e. the conviction that it was necessary for
the Hebrew nation to possess the territory which they
called their own, is carried back to the patriarchal age
in the repeated promises of Elohim to the Patriarchs that
their descendants should possess themselves of the land of
Canaan. This was the highest, the religious sanction of
the National idea ; and this conception the most pro
minent factor in the production of the direction imparted
at this time to the stories of the Patriarchs. The
national legends had only aimed at proving by documents
the noble ancestry of the Hebrew nation and the high an
tiquity of their antagonism to the nations who subsequently
were their enemies ; and endeavoured to demonstrate
that the national character and the national preeminence
of the Hebrews were founded in the earliest times, and
could be fully justified from the history of their ancestors.
In this later religious and theocratic epoch, on the other
hand, there is infused into the legends a tendency to trans
form the ancestors into religious prototypes and indivi
duals in whom the ancient preference of Elohim for the
Hebrew nation could be exhibited, and the truth estab
lished that this preference of Elohim was a primeval dis
tinction which advantageously marked off the Hebrews
from the other nations of Canaan.
This accordingly determines the form impressed on

the myths, which had already suffered several modifica
tions, by the rise of a religious and theocratic course of
ideas; and I deem it unnecessary to exhibit in detail
every portion of the matter constituting the Hebrew
legendary lore in which this stratum of development is
observable. Scarcely any part of the stories of the Patri-
THEOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT OF MYTHS. 275
arclis is free from this new force of development, and we

should have to reproduce them all in their fullest extent
to give a collection of examples of what has been said.
It must, however, be added, that this impulse to the fur
ther development of the legends is not confined to those
relating to Canaan. The same impulse draws the history
of the Hebrews in Egypt also into the sphere of its opera
tion. For, independently of the fact, that the conception
of the residence of the Hebrews in the land of the
Pharaohs receives a theocratic modification, the later
mutual relation of the Hebrew and the Egyptian nations
is prefigured in the patriarchal story, and gains a proto
type in the relation of Abraham to Pharaoh. A famine
in Canaan obliges Abraham to move into Egypt ; and this
journey is made the reason why ( Jahveh plagued Pharaoh
and his house with great plagues (Gen. XII. 17), until
6 Pharaoh gave an order to some men concerning him, and
they escorted away Abraham and his wife, and all who
belonged to him (v. 20). This foreshadowing of later
historical events and the insertion of them into the body
of old stories is, as we see, an important factor in the
development of Hebrew stories. Each epoch works into
the old legendary matter whatever preeminently occupies
the mind of the age, in such a manner as to indicate the
intellectual attitude and tendency of the later time.
4. There is still another feature of the development

of legends to be mentioned one which is closely bound
up with an important alteration of the political institu
tions of the Hebrew nation. This feature, though nearly
connected with the National transformation of the legends,
historically belongs to the age with which we have to do
in this chapter. This stage of development of the legends
may best be termed the Differentiation of the National
Legends.
The political and religious centralisation, which

formed the program of the first two representatives of
T 2
276 ^MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
the Davidical dynasty, and which bound the highest

power in the state to one city, Jerusalem, as a geogra
phical centre, and to one family, as the visible represen
tative of that power, did not meet with unmixed applause
everywhere. Jerusalem lies close to the southern limit of
the Hebrew territory. If the South came to the front, the
northern parts of the kingdom might be deprived of all
influence on affairs of state and religion. The inhabitants
of the northern district were practically condemned to be
only bearers of the burdens, imposed on the subjects
of the kingdom through the luxury growing up in
the centre of monarchy and of religion; for very little
enj oyment of, or pride in, this splendour could fall to their
share. And then the religious centralisation took all im
portance and influence from, the sanctuaries and places of
assembly in the North, which before the centralisation
were spread over the whole kingdom in due proportion.
Nothing, therefore, could be more natural than the reac
tion in the North, which spread after the death of Solomon
under his weak successor, and ended with the division of
the kingdom. The history of this division and the cir
cumstances connected with it are sufficiently well known
from the Old Testament narrative (i Kings XII.), in which
no essential element is devoid of historical credibility.
All of it is a natural consequence of the then condition
of the Hebrew kingdom. Now it is very intelligible that
in the northern district, the centralising and theocratic
spirit, which was at bottom the reason of the political se
cession, could not find an entrance, and that therefore the
northern district remained at the Elohistic stage as it was
before an advance had been made to pure Monotheism
in relation to religion scarcely yet separated from
Canaanism, but with respect to nationality sharing the
common Hebrew sentiment. Accordingly, in the spiritual
development of the Northern kingdom, the theocratic
interpretation of the past ages of the nation, excited by
the centralising movement, is not merely treated as un-
POLITICAL SEPARATION OF NORTH AND SOUTH. 277
important, but positively does not appear at all. This, of

course, is true not only of the spiritual condition of the
northern Hebrews after the secession, but of their spiri
tual life during the whole period of the formation of the
theocratic spirit in the South. For the very fact that the
Northerns possessed little knowledge of and no inclination
for this tendency, then all-powerful in the commonwealth,
gave an impetus to the secessionistic aspirations, which
under the strong rule of Solomon had no opportunity of
declaring themselves, but burst out all the more forcibly
and persistently at the commencement of a feebler reign.
But while the theocratic spirit, so peculiar to the Southern
kingdom, forms a distinction between the characters of
the North and of the South, intense national consciousness
and national opposition to the Canaanites is common to
both. This feeling grew up equally in both of them.
But even in respect to this, the political separation natur
ally produced its consequences. Nationality is very
closely tied to political unity. The abstract idea of
nationality becomes illusory if there is no united state in
which it appears in a concrete form. The consciousness
of national oneness is enfeebled, if the political state does
not coincide with the nation in a single idea. Hence we
see how eager nations divided into separate political
states are for a struggle for union, when once their
national consciousness wakes out of sleep. On the other
hand, in states formed by a union of peoples of various
nationalities, we observe a, certainly justifiable endeavour,
on the part of the strongest and therefore ruling nationality,
to inoculate the weaker ones with its own national senti
ment, and thereby produce a common feeling of unity.
The political separation of the Northern region from

the centralised Hebrew state, produced a remarkable and
very important alteration in the sense of nationality
hitherto worked out in common. The political opposition
between North and South encouraged also the recognition
of a difference in their common genealogy. As the

general Hebrew idea of nationality found nourishment in
the store of legends, so also the consciousness of this
secondary difference sought justification in the mythology.
This sense of difference came to light more clearly in the
northern Hebrews than in the southern. The former
wrote the name Joseph on their banner, and derived them
selves directly from that son of the common ancestor, and in
opposition to the southerns laid more and more stress on
this special feature of their origin ; moreover, it was not
so much Joseph that concerned them as Ephraim, who is
named a son of Joseph. We must not forget that this
name Ephraim has only a secondary origin. For when
the national purpose of the story was once drafted in the
mind of the people, it was developed in details in a most
independent fashion. The biography of the ancestors
was worked out exhaustively ; that to which the existing
legendary matter offered no suggestion or occasion was
supplied by the restless activity of the popular sentiment.
In various places in Canaan sepulchral caves had been
pointed out from the earliest times or rather caves
which were employed for sepulture ; for it is pretty certain
that they were originally intended rather for the living
than for the dead. Now could anything be simpler than
to imagine the bones of ancestors to have been placed
there, and to bind to these places the sacred piety which
was felt by an enthusiastic nation for venerated pro
genitors ? It is generally known that such an origin of
traditions relating to graves is not uncommon in the his
tory of civilisation and religion. Saints graves have as
many interpretations fastened on them as feast-days and
popular festivals. Hebron was a place suitable for this
treatment, and so popular tradition placed there the bones
of the Patriarchs and their wives, and attached the
general national piety to the place. Accordingly King
David acted in sympathy with the lately aroused national
enthusiasm, when he chose Hebron for his residence (2
Sam. II. i, 11). And the popular belief concerning the
ITS EFFECT ON MYTHS: GENEALOGY. 279
graves of the Patriarchs was so firmly fixed in the soul of

the nation as to become in later generations a meeting-
point of the piety of three religions towards their sacred
antiquity. Mohammedans, Jews, and Christians vie with
each other in the adorations which they lavish on the
Double Cave at Hebron. Mohammedans, who place
the prophet Ibrahim al* Chalil higher than either Jews or
Christians, have done more for the authenticity of the
graves of the Patriarchs at Hebron than either of the
older religions, from which they received the tradition
concerning them. I know of no literary work emanating
from Christians or Jews, written in defence of the authen
ticity of this cave. Conviction was left to faith and piety
rather than to historical certainty. But it was a Moham
medan not even an Arab, but a Persian that undertook
this task. <Ali b. Ja far al-Eazi wrote a book entitled
al-musfir lil-kulub c an sihhat kabr Ibrahim Ishak wa-
Ya kub ( Enlightener of hearts concerning the correctness
of the grave of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Ibn Batata
of Magreb (North- Western Africa), a great Mohammedan
traveller, who made a pilgrimage to al-Chalil (Hebron),
quotes largely from this book on occasion of his descrip
tion of the Graves of the Patriarchs. 1 But popular tradi
tion has preserved far more recollections of graves of
Patriarchs and Prophets than Scripture, and Mohammedan
tradition considerably more than Jewish. This testifies
eloquently how incomplete stories are felt to be as long
as they can tell only of events and persons without con
necting everything with a definite locality. Popular tra
dition always feels the want of topographical completion,
as long as it can give no distinct account of the places
where the events of which it speaks took place, where its
1 Voyages cVlbn Batoutak, I. 115 et scq. The jealousy with which the
Mohammedans for a long time forbad Christians and Jews to visit the graves
of the Patriarchs only began at the year 664 A.H. L an 664 Bibars defendit
anx Chretiens et aux juifs d entrer dans le temple do Hebron ; aA*ant cette
4poque ils y allaient librement, moyennant uno retribution (Quatreinere,
Memoir e gcogr. ct hist, sur VEgyptc, Paris 1841, II. 224).
favourite heroes lived and worked, where they were

cradled and where they slept their last sleep. This im
pulse was felt in ancient times, and produced the localisa
tion of myths. Accordingly, the Mohammedan popular
tradition knows of the grave of Adam on the mountain
Abu Kubeys, 1 of that of Eve at Jedda, of that of Cain and
Abel at Salihiyya, a suburb of Damascus, of that of Seth
in the valley of Yahfufa in Antilibanus, 2 and of those of
some of Jacob s sons, as of Keubeii at Jahran, a place in
the south of Arabia, 3 of Asher and Naphtali at Kafar-
manda, between Akka (Acre) and Tiberias. Even Zip-
porah, the wife of Moses, was a person sufficiently in
teresting to popular tradition to have a grave assigned to
her ; 4 just as Mohammedan tradition asserts the grave of
Ham to be in the district of Damascus, 5 and that of the
forefather of the Canaanites to be at Chorbet ras Ken an
near Hebron, 6 and also shows that of Uriah at the edge of
the desert beyond the Jordan. 7 The Mohammedans took
interest also in the grave of Aaron, and it was from them
that the Jews received the local tradition relating to it. 8
But it also happens not unfrequently, that popular tradi
tion allows one and the same patriarch or prophet to be
buried at several places, often far distant from each other.
Various countries take a pride in possessing the last
remains of venerated persons, and vie with each other for
this privilege. Even so established a tradition as that
which placed the graves of the Patriarchs at Hebron, and
was especially firm with regard to Abraham (al-Chalil), is
not so irremovable but that it could be localised some
where else also. The district of Damascus has its tradi
tion of Abraham, and the village of Berze its cave with
Ibn Kuteyba, Handbuck der GescMchte, ed. Wlistenfeld, p. 10.
Burton and Drake, Unexplored Syria, London 1872, I. 33.
Yakut, Mu jam, IV. 291. n et seq. 4 Ibid.? p. 438. 16.
Burton and Drake, I.e. p. 35.
Rosen in Zeitsch. d. I). M. G., XI. 59. 7 Yakut, III. 720. 3.
Zunz, Gcogr. Literatur dcr Juden, no. 109, Gcsammelte Schriften, I. 191.
LOCALISATION OF MYTHS. 281
Abraham s grave. 1 The most noteworthy instance of the

kind is the grave of Moses himself. It is well known that
the Bible has nothing definite to say of the place of inter
ment of this prophet ; and hence in the Jewish popular
tradition the prevailing idea is that it is impossible to dis
cover the place where rest the bones of the Prophet with
whom the origin of religion is so closely connected the
very same thing as the Sunnite Mohammedans assert of
the grave of All. 2 And he (Jahveh) buried him 3 in the
valley in the land of Moab, opposite Beth-Peor, and no
man has known his grave up to the present day (Dent.
XXXIV. 6). The little Pesikta thinks the purpose of this
was c that the Israelites might not pay divine honours to
his grave, and raise a sanctuary at it, and also that the
heathen should not desecrate the place by idolatry and
abominations. It is at least certain that, as appears from
the Biblical words just cited, the grave of Moses was
imagined to be in the valley and beyond the Jordan ; for the
Prophet had never crossed the river. It may also pro
bably have been in the region thus indicated in the Bible,
that, according to an assertion in the older Midrash on
Deuteronomy, a Eoman Emperor a royal precursor of
the Palestine Exploration Society sent explorers to find
the grave, in vain : The government of the Imperial house
sent people out with the order, Go and see where Moses*
grave is. So they went and searched above, and they saw
something below ; so they went down again, and saw it
above. So they divided themselves, and again those above
saw it below and those below saw it above. 4 Islam, how-
1 Alfred von Kremer, Mittelsyrien und Damascus, Vienna 1853, p. 118.
2 al-JJamiri, Hayat al-haywan, I. 59: Ali is the earliest Imam whose

burial-place is not known. It is said that before his death he ordered it to be
kept secret, knowing that the sons of Umayya woxild attain to power, and that
his grave would not then be safe from desecration. Nevertheless, his grave is
shown at various places.
3 Or And they buried him (LXX. fOatyav}, as it is understood by many

excellent scholars. Trt.
4 Siphre debhe JRaMi, ed. M. Friedmann, Vienna 1864, 357 and note 42
of the editor.
ever, possesses the grave of Moses at several places. The

best known place is the hill Nebi Musa, a very beautiful
eminence in a romantic situation, well worth visiting by a
slight but fatiguing detour from the road from Jerusalem
to the Dead Sea ; not much visited by pilgrims now on
account of its inconvenient position. Here, in the centre
of a ruined compound, is to be seen the grave of the
Prophet, a great sarcophagus, the carpet covering which
bears an inscription informing us of its venerable contents.
Thus this grave is not in the valley, but on a hill ; not
beyond the Jordan, but on the Jerusalem side. But also
an old mosque at Damascus was said, at all events six
hundred years ago, to contain the sepulchral monument
of Moses ; l and his grave is also said to be on a hill called
Horeb, three days journey from Mokka. 2
For Aaron s burial-place Mohammedan tradition has

assigned two places, one about where it would be looked
for according to the Biblical account, 3 and the other,
which is chiefly visited as Aaron s Grave, on the hill
Ohod. 4 This last position has been brought into con
nexion with a legend of Moses and Aaron staying in the
Hedjaz. 5 An Arabic savant, ( Abd-al-Gani al-Nabulsi,
finds an occasion, in his book of Travels, to notice the
circumstance that the grave of the same Patriarch is
shown at numerous places. 6 Sometimes an inscription is
found at every one of these burial-places. But such in
scriptions are not made with mala fides by mere deceivers
of the people. They are only the written expression of
what lives in popular belief ; and when inscriptions occur
at various places referring to the grave of the same
1 Yakut, II. 589. 21.
2 Sepp, Jerusalem und das Heilige Land, II. 245.
3 Tur Hdrun, Yakut, III. 559; Kazwini, I. 168; see Burckhardt in

Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 392.
* Zeitsch. d. D. M. <?., 1862, XVI. 688.
5 Burton, Personal Narrative etc., 1st ed. II. 117, or 2nd ed. I. 331.
6 Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., I.e. p. 656. On duplicates in Mohammedan and

Christian traditions about graves, see Sepp s article on Samaria and Sichem ,
(Ausland, 1875, pp. 47Q-72)-
GRAVES OF PATRIARCHS, ETC. 283

prophet, the reason is that the local popular tradition of
each of those places happened to be reduced to writing, 1
An interesting example of this is the grave of the Prophet
of the nation of Ad, the disappearance of which an
unsolved ethnological riddle occasioned the rise of the
Mohammedan legend of the prophet Hud. The grave of
this prophet is shown both at Damascus 2 and in the
region of Zafar in the south of Arabia, the scene of his
activity. Ibn Batuta, who visited both tombs, reports
that both were marked with an inscription in the follow
ing words : This is the grave of Hud, son of Abir : the
most excellent prayers and greetings for him ! 3
The grave of Rachel is also marked out by tradition,

which puts it in the neighbourhood of Ephrath, subse
quently and still called Beth-lechem (Beth-lehem). This
sepulchre is to the present day the object of pilgrimage to
the adherents of three religions. The myth calls Joseph
the son of Eachel, and we know of Ephrayim (Ephraim)
as son of Joseph. Now the name Ephrayim seems to belong
to the period of the differentiation of the national legends,
and to be a secondary form to Ephrath, which passes for
the burial-place of his ancestress. For we find also the
derivative noun Ephrathi, i.e. 6 belonging to Ephrath, in
the two senses a man from the place Ephrath and a
descendant of Ephraim ; and Ephraim himself is called
Ephratha in a passage in the Psalms. 4 The prophet
Samuel and his ancestors are also said to have been
1 A mala fides should not be assumed even in the case of inscriptions like
those mentioned by Procopius, De Bella Tandalico, V. 2. 13; see Munk s
Palestina, German translation by Levy, p. 193, note 5. They are everywhere
old legendary popular traditions, which in later time become fixed by an
inscription. From such inscriptions we must distinguish fictitious sepulchral
monuments, in which the intention to delude is manifest, e.g. the inscription
on the graves of Eldad and Medad, on which see Zunz, I.e. no. 43, p. 167.
On Jewish accounts of the burial-places of the ancients Zunz, I.e. pp. 182 and
210, should be consulted.
2 Sepp, I.e., II. 269.
3 Voyages, I. 205, II. 203. A brief list of graves of prophets which are
shown at Tiberias and some other places is given in Yakut, III. 512.
4 See Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 141.
Ephrathi-men (i Sam. I. i). 1 This identity between the

name of the burial-place of Joseph s mother and the name
of his son is probably not accidental, but produced under
the influence of the national tendencies of the North; and
the reaction of the spirit of the South may have sup
pressed the old name of the place and substituted the
modern Beth-lechem. Now in my view the name
Ephrayim was originally not a personal but a national
name. After the separation the Northern Hebrews called
themselves those belonging to Ephrath. For the word
Ephrayim has the form of a plural of a so-called relative
adjective (Arabic nisbd), derived from Ephrath by throw
ing off the feminine formative syllable ath and attaching
the new formative syllable directly to the base of the
word. Of this Semitic mode of formation the Arabic gives
a good instance ; there the feminine ending of the proper
name (t) is regularly cast off in forming the nisbd, and the
relative termination is attached to the body of the word :
e.g. from Ba$rat un not Basrati but Basri, c a man of
Basra. In Hebrew, the feminine termination is cast off
when it appears in the shortened form d ; e.g. Yehuda
(Judah), whence Yehudi ; Timna, whence Timni. But
an instance occurs in which even the termination th is
cast off before the formation of the relative. Instead of
Kerefchi, the form generally used in the phrase hak-
Kerethi wehap-Pelethi the Kerethites and the Pelethites,
the form Kari is found (2 Sam, XX. 23 Kethibh) ; the th 9
being discarded, and the vowel of the first syllable length
ened by way of compensation (productio suppletorm) . I
1 If this means that he belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, it is easy to

understand why the author of the Chronicle (i Chr. IV. 18 et seq.) claims him
for the tribe of Levi, when we consider the generally acknowledged Levitical
tendency of that late book of history. It would appear to one holding Levitical
sentiments impossible that a man who is said to have often offered sacrifices
(i Sam. IX. 13), and to have served in the sanctuary of Shiloh under the High-
priest Eli, should have been anything but a Levite.
2 Consequently the discarded f) th must be regarded as an inflexion, and

shows us that the word has no connexion with Crete,
DIFFERENTIATION OF MYTHS. 285
assume the same formation in the present case (though

the regular Ephrdthi is also used), the termination of ,, the
relative adjective being attached directly to the base Ephr 5
after the rejection of the th. We know further that the
idiom of the Northern part of the region covered by the
Hebrew language contained much that is generally called
Aramaism. The Aramaic relative adjectives are formed
in ay, and they are occasionally met with in Hebrew also ; *
Ephray, forming the plural Ephrayim, is an instance.
This latter form accordingly signifies f those belonging to
Ephrath, and is the national name ol\the Hebrews of the
North, used afterwards as a designation of their ancestor.
Many instances of a similar proceeding occur in the Biblical
genealogies.
Thus the Northern Hebrews possess "national memories

connecting them with Joseph-Ephraini. It is therefore
quite natural that, as the national difference^whichjparted
the Northern from the Southern people became more
evident, vivid and acknowledged, the mind of the former
was more occupied with the cycle of stories about the
person and adventures of Joseph. The existing mass of
stories offered abundant opportunity for this, and more
productive matter could scarcely be imagined than the
story of the hatred of the brethren towards Joseph, the
Patriarch of the North. The Northerns consequently
seized this portion of the Patriarchal history, and worked
it out in the interest of their national separatism, always
contriving to let the supremacy of Joseph above Judah
clearly appear. They take pleasure in representing Judah
crouching in the dust before Joseph the ruler, and owing
his life entirely to the will of the generous brother, towards
whom he had formerly borne such bitter ill-will. Joseph
is brought forward with satisfaction and pride as the
brother whom the aged father treated with the greatest
favour and distinction, and whose life alone was able to
1 Ewald, Ausfuhrl. Lehrb. d. hcbr. Sprache, 164.0; Grammar transl.

Nicholson, 343 end
revive his fainting spirits ; while Joseph s mother was the

only woman whom the Patriarch really loved, whereas the
Southerns were descended partly from the ugly Leah,
Judah s mother, who became Jacob s wife only by deceit
and craft, and partly from slaves.
National stories are created by the awaking conscious

ness of opposition ; and, as we have seen, they transfer to
primeval times the national spirit of opposition, which is
an affair of the present, and ascribe a reflex of it to the
respective ancestors. This is the spirit of the stories of
Joseph, worked out by the Northern in opposition to the
Southern Hebrews. The enmity of the two Hebrew
kingdoms is transferred to the earliest times, and pre
figured in the picture of the relation between Joseph and
his brethren. The chief portions of this mass of Northern
stories which were reduced to writing at a later time, and
thus fixed in a definite form, were contained in the
ancient document distinguished by most critics as the
6 Book of Uprightness (Sepher hay-Yashar). 1
I must here refer to a very ingenious theory concern

ing the matter in hand, which was propounded not long
ago by A. Bernstein. 2 He imagines the differentiation of
the mass of Hebrew stories to have been such that the
story of Abraham, the Patriarch of Hebron, belongs to the
Southern kingdom, whilst that of Jacob, the Patriarch of
Beth-el, was produced by the political tendencies of the
Northern realm. Before these more recent stories he
supposes the oldest of the Patriarchal stories, which was
connected with the worship at Beer-sheba, to have existed,
but to have been afterwards obscured by the later legend
about Abraham. Bernstein leaves these stories of polit
ical tendency to fight it out together, and entangles them
in the antagonism between North and South, until at
1 Aug. Knobel, Die Sucker Numeri, Deuteronomium und Josua, p. 544.
On the Northern origin of this book most candid Biblical critics are agreed.
2 Ursprung der Sagen von Abraham, Isak und JaJcob* Kritische Untersu-
chung von A. Bernstein. Berlin 1871.
NATIONAL LEGENDS PRESERVED IN THE NORTH. 287
last after the disappearance of the opposition they become

common property and are blended together. Although
from what has been said there appears to be no question
but that in the treatment of the legendary matter, the
political situation was no insignificant factor, yet it is
impossible to set up the three Patriarchs as products of
mere political tendencies. For we have proved that the
origin of their names goes back to the very earliest age
when myths were first created. No doubt this or that
feature in the tout ensemble of the story took a different
character according as it was handed down by the inhabit
ants of the Northern or of the Southern kingdom ; and
sensible interpreters have long paid particular attention
to these differences. But the names are not later inven
tions or fictions ; they are primeval, and among the oldest
elements of the Hebrew language ; and, similarly, the
most prominent features of the stories, derived from the
ancient myth, are free from all that national or political
tendency which attached itself in much later times to the
ancient material.
5. In general the Northern kingdom, in which no

theocratic tendency seized on and transformed the exist
ing mass of stories, held the legends, which were guided in
a national direction, firmer, and felt more affection for
them. Besides the Patriarchal stories, those which fill
up the age of the Judges (Shophetim) gave the most scope
to national pride. There the stories of the true Hebrew
national heroes and their heroic battles with the Philis
tines are found. In respect to theocracy this whole age
has little importance, and the stories were utterly incap
able of a theocratic transformation. For the very aim of
Hebrew theocracy was, first to prefigure the theocratic
destiny of the Hebrews in the history of the primeval age,
and then to show in as favourable a light as possible the
beneficent revolution brought on by the house of David.
But for this purpose it was essential that this period of
theocratic movement should contrast advantageously with

an untheocratic time, unfavourable to any such movement,
and that the spirit of David s rule should be the very
opposite of the preceding administrations. Consequently,
the stories of the Judges suffered no theocratic transfor
mation. But transformation and development constitute
the very life of Legend, which, if not accommodated
to the new current of feeling, is abandoned, and
ceases to live ; having in its old form no meaning to a
new age.
There are unequivocal testimonies which prove that to

the theocratic mind the stories of the Judges were utterly
dead, and were consequently neglected by it. Two of
these testimonies deserve especial mention. The Book of
Chronicles (dibhre haj -yamim), which we have been long
accustomed to regard as a history written in a strictly
sacerdotal spirit, enumerating by name all the priests,
Levites, singers and door-keepers of the central sanctuary
of Jerusalem, utters not a syllable respecting the entire
period of the Judges, but commences the history proper
at the death of Saul and accession of David. And another
part of the Canon, the Book of Euth, the object of which
is to connect David s genealogy with an idyl, and which
expresses the moderate theocratic ideas of the restoration,
while the matter of its narrative occupies no determinate
chronological position, indicates this very chronological
vagueness by the words wa-yehi bime shephot hash-
shophetim, it was in the days when the Judges ruled/ i.e.
it was once in the olden time (Ruth I. i). The Judges
time here denotes an indeterminate period, whose chro
nology is effaced. That period, in fact, does labour under
an indefiniteness which almost baffles the chronologist,
and the Biblical Canon itself could only be drawn up by
leaving an excessively lax connexion between the three
periods the occupation of Canaan by the Hebrews, the
monarchy after David, and the untheocratic period lying
between the two.
JUDGES^ LEGENDS PRESERVED IN THE NORTH. 289
But the Northern spirit was strongly attracted to the

period of the Judges and the stories belonging to it, since
it felt itself to be the continuator of the homogeneous
spirit of the history of the times before David ; and thus
literature is indebted to an author belonging to the
Northern kingdom for the ground- work of the Book of
Judges. 1 Thus then wa.s accomplished the division of the
mass of legends of the Hebrews.
1 As the drawing up of the Canon belongs to an age in which the anta

gonism between North and South had ceased to exist, the literary products of
the North which were still preserved from old times obtained a place in it,
though always brought into harmony with the all-pervading theocratic character
by occasional interpolated modifications of sentiment.
CHAPTER IX.
PROPHETISM AND THE JAHVEH-RELIGION.
I . THE most brilliant point in the history of Hebrew

Religion is distinguished by an ingenious original idea,
imported by the Hebrews into the development of religion
a single thought, yet in itself sufficient to secure for that
short history a permanent place on the pages of universal
history. The idea of JAHVEH is what I allude to. 1
To the question, when this idea was born, the sublimity

of which exerted so powerful and irresistible an influence
over the noblest minds, it can only be answered that we
labour in vain if we try to find the exact point of time of
its origin. As the Nile, to which those who have been
cradled on its banks ascribe a great magic force, cannot
be easily traced to its source, so with the idea of Jahveh :
we do not see it spring into life, we only see it after its
creation, and observe how it works and kindles new
spiritual life in the souls of those who acknowledge it.
The Mohammedan idea of Allah is the only one which
may perhaps vie with the sublimity of that of Jahveh ;
1 With respect to the originality and the specifically Hebrew character of

the notion of Jahveh, I consider the most correct assertion yet made to be
what Ewald declared in reference to the alleged Pheuician Divine name Jah ;
for when we examine the passages and the data on which Movers and Bunsen s
opposite view is based, their apocryphal nature strikes us at the first glance.
This is especially true (to mention one case only) of the passage of Lydus,
De mens. IV. 38. 14 : Of Xa\5aTot rbv Qebv IAH \tyovffiv . . . rfj QOIVIKUV
y\ii><Tffri Kal 2ABAH0 5e -rro\\axov Ae yerat KT\. (See Burden, Egypt
s Place
in Universal History, vol. IV. p. 193). As to the occurrence of the name
Jahveh in the Assyrian theology there is not yet sufficient certainty. Eberhard
Schrader, who refers to it, imagines the name to be borrowed from the Hebrew
(Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, p. 4).
THE CONCEPTION OF JAHVEH. 291
yet even that is far from occupying so lofty an eminence

of religious thought as the idea of Jahveh.
If, translating the word Jahveh into a modern Euro

pean language, we say that he is the one who Brings to be,
produces and works out Being, we do not in the most
distant manner indicate the fulness of meaning which is
embodied in that religious technical term. To appreciate
it, a sympathising soul must be absorbed in all that
the Prophets bring into connexion with the expression
Jahveh. Shall I translate all that these inspired men
declare of Jahveh ? I should have to interpret the entire
prophetic literature of the Hebrews, and yet should pro
duce only a pale reflex of all the splendour which envelops
Jahveh with glory in the speeches of the Prophets.
I have mentioned the Mohammedan idea of Allah.

Although etymologically identical with Elohim, that name
may afford a parallel to the Hebrew idea of Jahveh, not
only in its essence and meaning, but also in its history.
It was not unknown as a technical religious expression to
the Arabs before the time of Mohammed. To the Pre-
islamite or heathen system of Arabic theology, which had
its centre in the sanctuary at Mekka, the Divine name
Allah was familiar. But with what a new meaning did
the preaching of the epileptic huckster of Mekka inform
it ! Through the gospel of the Arabian Prophet Allah
became something quite new. Yet even in this respect
Jabveh appears still grander. For, while the Moham
medan idea of God clings close to the etymological signi
fication of the word Allah, insisting primarily on might
and unlimited omnipotence, in the Hebrew Prophets idea
of Jahveh the name becomes a mere accident and acces
sory, and the true meaning presses with its full weight in
a direction quite distinct from the signification and etymo
logy of the word, which was formed in an earlier age.
I have already declared my opinion as to the period in
which the Divine name Jahveh may have emerged into
notice among the people (p. 272), and the impulse which
TJ 2
produced it. We can also demonstrate the existence of

the name after that period from many proper names
which are compounded with the name Jahveh, either full
or abbreviated (into Jahu. or Ja), that name forming either
the first or the second member of the compound. From
the fact that such names occur in the Northern as well as
in the Southern kingdom, it is also evident that the name
Jahveh itself had been formed before the separation. 1 On
the other hand, we ought not to infer too much from the
early occurrence of such names in the canonical books.
For, in the first place, not every Jo- at the beginning of
proper names is an abbreviation of the Divine name ; if
our knowledge of the ancient forms of Hebrew speech
could be extended, this Jo- would probably in many cases
be degraded into the first syllable of a verb, as has been
shown by M. Levy to be probably the case in the name
Yo el (Joel) ; 2 secondly, it must be remembered that
there is a possibility that many of these names received
a Jahveistic colouring only from the theocratic writers.
The possibility of this is seen in the fact that even the name
Y6,jeph, in which the first syllable has nothing to do with
Yahveh, once occurs in the form Yehoseph (Ps. LXXXI.
6 [5]), 3 and still more clearly in the conversion of the
nameHosheV into Yehoshua (Joshua), which the Biblical
narrator certainly refers to a very high antiquity (Num.
XIII. i6), 4 But at all events, we must not seek the
1 To this may be added that the Moabite Stone speaks of the vessels of
Jahveh which king Mesha carried off as plunder from the Northern kingdom
(line 1 8). Kuenen goes too far in finding a connexion between the worship of
Jahveh in the Northern kingdom and the figures of bulls (Eeligion of Israel,
I. 74 et sec[).
2 In the article UeberdienabathdischenInscJiriftenvonPetra,Hauran u.s.w.,
in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1 860, XIV. 410.
3 This must not be placed in the same category with cases in which the
insertion of can be explained phonologically (Ewald, Ausfuhrliches Lehrb.
der hebr. Spr. 192. c ; Bottcher, I. 286). See the Agadic explanation of this,
which I have quoted in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G-., 1872, XXVI. 769.
4 The changes of name mentioned in 2 Kings XXIII. 34, XXIV. 17, should
also be considered here. It is not probable that these changes were ordered by
the Kings of Egypt and of Babylon ; for in that case the names received in
ORIGIN OF THE NAME JAHVEH. 293
origin of the name Jahveh outside the Hebrew circle, and

endeavour to explain it from foreign elements, as those
did who used to see in Jov-is a namesake of Jahveh, 1
and even went to China to find the origin ; 2 and as is
still done by some in the interest of Egyptian antiquity,
who find in the Egyptian nuk pu nuJc, ego qui ego/ the
prototype of the Hebrew Ehye asher ehye I am who I
am. But the identification of the Egyptian with the
Hebrew formula was recently justly attacked by Tiele, 3
who, however, at the same time, has a private hypothesis
of his own on the origin of this idea of God. After
proving it to be neither Egyptian, nor Canaanitish, nor
Aryan, he refers its origin to the Kenites ; supposing the
Hebrews to have borrowed the idea of Jahveh from that
desert tribe, then to have forgotten it in Canaan, and
subsequently to have made it their own again, when the
Prophets had revived its use.
exchange would have been quite different, Egyptian and Babylonian respectively
in form (compare Dan. I. 7). The change of Elyakim into Yehoyakim is
especially noticeable, for it is a direct alteration of an Elohistic into a
Jahveistic name. Such a change is usually the simple consequence of a
religious revolution, as is seen in other cases. Thus, e.g. King Amenophis IV.,
when he directs his fanaticism against the worship of Ammon, and places that
of Aten in the foreground, changes his Ammonic name into Shu en Aten, the
light of the solar orb. See Brugsch, L histoire d Egypte (ist ed.), I. 119, and
Lenormant, Premieres civilisations, I. 211. Of Mohammed also we are told
that he altered those portions of his followers names which savoured of
idolatry, substituting monotheistic terms ; thus one Abd Amr had his name
changed to Abd al-Kahman (Wiistenfeld, Register zu den gencalogischcn
Tabellen, p. 27). The pious philologian al-Asma i always calls the heathen
Arabic poet Imru-1-Keys, Imru Allah, changing the name of the heathen god
Keys into the monotheistic Allah (Guidi on Ibn Hishami s Commentary etc.,
Leipzig 1874, p. XXI.).
1 As Pope in the Universal Prayer : Father of all : ... Jehovah, Jove,

or Lord! TR.
- I m- instance Strauss, in tin- A-ltm-li. <l. I). M. G., 1869, XXIII. 473.
But not only Jaliveh, but even Elohini was brought from China. The glory
of publishing this ( event ri<- idea to the world belongs to M. Adolphe Sa
isset,
who wrote a whole book, cut it led Dieu et son ho,/im/,//,nc, Paris 1867, to prove
very thoroughly that the Elohim of Genesis was really the Emperor of
The book is ]i"j od.-i.vo |>;i;_r<>^ !on.
"* } <rcfcHjkcudc Geschiedcnis, pp. 555, 561.
But whatever be the origin of the word Jahveh as a

technical term of theology, the living and working idea of
Jahveh was first introduced into the circle of Hebrew
thought by the Prophets. For this reason I have not dis
cussed Jahveism till now ; which will be approved by all
who see that we cannot speak of ideas as existing and
living until they appear as factors in the history of
human thought. What means the existence of an idea (as
I would say to those who fancy the Jahveh-idea to have
been originally the property of a separate caste), if it lives
in the brain or the heart of a few individuals, without
exercising any force or influence on the world beyond ?
Could we say of electricity that it exists in nature, if we
did not see it interfere as a factor in the life of nature ?
So the Jahveistic idea must be held to commence its life
only when it begins to act upon the spiritual life of the
nation. To have caused this is one of the most perennial
leaves in the crown of glory won by the Prophets.
I cannot imagine that any of my readers are ignorant

of the nature of the labours of the Hebrew Prophets, and
therefore we need not here specially characterise their
work. By Prophets we do not of course mean those
soothsayers, or as they were called Seers (choze, ro e),
whom we meet with in the period preceding that of the
Prophets, and also later l to whom the young man could
apply in confident expectation of finding lost property,
when his father had sent him to look for his lost asses ;
nor do we mean those wonder-workers whose occupation
was to suspend and interrupt the regular order of nature
for special purposes and for a certain time ; nor those
who, before the priesthood had become a closed institution,
occasionally attended to the sacrifices offered to Elohirn.
We mean those men who, when the people had exhausted
all the inspiration which they could derive from the idea
1 To this group belongs, on Arabian ground (besides the well-known arraf

and kahin), the muhaddath the well-informed; on whom see De Sacy s
Commentary on Hariri, 2nd ed., p. 686.
PROPHETS OPPOSE PRIESTHOOD. 295
of Elohim, came forward as new representatives of the

idealism, the inspiration and the waning conception of
nationality, which they now announced in a still higher
degree, and as preachers of the ideal in a nation in which
from the sole of the foot up to the head there was no
soundness, but wounds, and stripes, and raw sores, which
were not pressed out nor bound up nor softened with
ointment, whose princes themselves rulers of Sodom
over a people of Gomorrah were dissolute, partners
of thieves, all loving bribes and running after rewards,
who judged not the orphan nor let the cause of widows
come unto them ; who built up Zion with blood and
Jerusalem with iniquity, in which the heads judged for
bribes, and the priests taught for hire, and the prophets
practised magic for silver, and which 6 drew down guilt
with cords of lies and sin as with the rope of a cart ;
and who f called evil good and good evil, made dark
ness light and light darkness, made the bitter sweet
and the sweet bitter (Is. I. 6, 10, 23, Mic. III. 10, u,
Is. Y. 1 8, 20).
Into such a depth of immorality and carelessness was

the Hebrew nation plunged by an institution which had
grown up out of the Hierarchy. Centralisation of worship,
formality, lip-service and a so-called piety quite mechan
ical, which are incapable of promoting either high idealism
or morality of thought, and indeed discourage both, but
which are well able to kill the most elevated soul, to cover
the warmest temperament with a thick crust of ice, and
to blunt the noblest heart, these grew up at the bidding
and after the pattern of the priests. A rude service of
sacrifices, which brought down the idea of God more and
more to the level of the senses, converted Mount Zion into
a shambles, while the shameless practices of sacerdotal
speculators turned the central sanctuary of Jerusalem, in
the words of Isaiah, the noblest hater of that corrupt
caste, into a den of robbers.
The Prophets knew their enemies, and perceived the
roots of all the prevailing evil which gave life to the

flourishing tree of immorality. They determined to dig
up the tree and to clear away its roots. In the very front
row stood the priesthood and the bloody service, upon
which they turned with all the inextinguishable fanaticism
of their noble passion. But the matter could not end
here. The national enthusiasm which had been aroused
in an earlier period, proved to be but a transient straw-
fire ; no noble element of that enthusiasm remained to
help a new elevation of sentiment. For, independently of
the corruptions of the priesthood, the political tendencies
of the nation were such as to aid in slowly but surely
undermining the idea of nationality. A tiny people,
jammed in between great powers on the north and south,
and itself nourishing vain desires of political power far
above its capabilities and sufficient to wear it out, torn
asunder as it was by internal dissensions, such a people
was constantly driven to seek alliance with those great
powers. But these alliances soon put out the national
fire which had blazed up for a short time in the temper of
the people. The consciousness of being thrown on the
protection of strangers kills the feeling of independent
individuality. Moreover foreign, and especially Canaan-
itish, manners, were more and more naturalised at the
courts of Hebrew kings ; the kings connected themselves
by marriage with adjacent courts, and the ladies obtained
increased liberty for foreign habits in the midst of the
Hebrews. The Canaanitish worships were again received
in the capital, and soon obliterated whatever power and
stimulus the Hebraised idea of Elohim still possessed in
the direction of national elevation. It is an historical
fact that the decline of nations begins when, instead of
developing the elements and powers inherent in them
selves, they carelessly throw up their own characteristics
and yield themselves up without resistance to possibly
more refined but foreign influences. What Cicero s
father said of the Hellenised Romans is verv instructive
THEY FORM A NATIONAL PARTY. 297
on this point, that the better a Roman knew Greek the

less he was worth. 1
The Prophets were not philosophers of culture ; they

did not start from great principles abstracted from the
study of experience, in pondering the course of the world ;
but conviction and enthusiasm lived in them. They were
bad politicians, but unsurpassable representatives of the
idea of Nationality. An experienced statesman of that
age would have refrained from censuring the alliance with
foreign powers ; that was the only chance left to the
Hebrew nation of adding a few hours of existence to those
already counted. But the Prophets lash this political
experiment at every step, and say that only the moral
awakening of the nation can bring about a possibility of
saving its political existence. Ephraim delights in wind
and pursues east- wind, while he daily perpetrates more
lies and oppression, and they make covenant with Assyria,
and oil is carried to Egypt, says Hosea (XII. 2 [i]), to
the Northern kingdom. At the very last hour Jeremiah
(II. 1 8) treats fraternisation with the foreigners as equiva
lent to abandoning Jahveh : 6 What hast thou to do with
the road to Egypt to drink of the water of the Shichor
[Nile] ? and what hast thou to do with the road to Assyria
to drink of the water of the Eiver [Euphrates] ? They
were the purest and most ideal representatives of national
individuality and independence. We are here especially
interested in one point relating to the history of Religion
the Prophets mode of dealing with the two Divine
names Elohini and Jahveh.
2. It is well known that the Hebrew idea of God

finds expression in the canonical Biblical literature in two
distinct ways : in the direction of Elohirn and in that of
Jahveh. Each grasps the idea of God, and tries to use it
for the instruction of the people, in its peculiar fashion.
The Jahveistic school, which is identical with Prophetism,
1 Mommsen, History of Rome, edition of 1868, III. 446 et scq.
is opposed to the Elohistic, and avoids the employment

of Elohiin as a proper name of God ; it treats Elohirn as
merely a universal generic name for Deity, but not as the
proper name of the One God. We can easily convince
ourselves of this by contemplating the collections of
speeches of the Prophets, and the fundamental part of
Deuteronomy, which stands nearer to the prophetic spirit
than any other part of the Pentateuch. Here we have pre
vailingly only e Jehovah my (thy, our, Israel s) Elohim, but
these expressions are often abandoned for the simple ha-
Elohim, which is regarded as a proper name completely
covering the name Jahveh. 1 But in prophetical books in
which the Elohistic appellations occur here and there as
proper names of the Deity, these cannot from their rare
occurrence serve as a counterpoise to the extensive use of
the name Jahveh. Their use can only be regarded as
a reference to the past, in presence of the then modern
view of the Deity. The immediate question, which still
remains open after the results gained by the critical
school, in establishing the mutual relation of the two
Divine names, may be formulated thus : Whence comes it
and what is the reason that the Prophets occupy a posi
tion of repulsion towards the theological validity of the
idea of Elohim ?
This antipathy is easily explicable and quite natural

from the religious and national position of the Prophets.
We have already seen that the idea of Elohim, if not
actually borrowed, was at least confirmed by outside in
fluences, and that the Hebrews held it in common with
the Canaanites. And the consequences of its not having
grown up in Hebrew soil were exhibited in its further
development, when, after the idea of nationality had
spent its short-lived flames, the Hebraised idea of God,
1 This is meant only as a general assertion, and is the general impression

left by the Prophetical books. There are, in this as in other respects, various
grades perceptible between the different Prophets. The prophetical Jahveistic
idea is not so powerful and exclusive in all as in the Babylonian Isaiah.
PROPHETS CREATORS OF JAHVEISM. 299
allied with the equally borrowed sacerdotal institution,

generated those immoral religious practices which are
characteristic of the Canaanitish decadence. Moreover,
the fact that this theological conception was originally
borrowed and not native, was the very thing calculated to
make it offensive to the Prophets ; and their antipathy to
it caused them to tie their religious view of the world,
their moral convictions, nay their whole God-loving soul,
to a name which had hitherto remained in the background,
but which was now brought forward by their genius to the
front rank, and became the bearer of all that they thought
and felt concerning God.
In this sense, the Prophets were creators of Jahveism.

The word Jahveh had previously been a meaningless
breath, & flatus oris, as I said before. Now first it became
an active power, as the expression of opposition to the
existing evil, the centre of the new aspiration preached
by the Prophets. Consequently, it is not the word and its
meaning that have the chief import here, but the civilising
power associated with the word, its force working on
minds. This is not the only instance in which a watch
word has had an influence far beyond that which was
natural to it as a mere word ; so that its original significa
tion has become a matter of indifference. In the word
Jahveh the National feature is the essential one.
3. In connexion with this we must not forget that

the Prophets have a very living conception of a Creator
when they speak of Jahveh, and that most of the words
existing in Hebrew for the idea of Creating, are employed
most frequently by the Prophets and especially by the
Babylonian Isaiah. Great stress is laid on the Creation
of Israel. Jahveh is the Creator of the Hebrew people.
It is also undeniable that the Prophets occupied them
selves with finding a metaphysical definition of the-idea.
of Jahveh, and discovered a precisely expressed definition

in the well-known Ehye ashcr ehye, I am he who I am,
They lay stress on the unchangeableness of Jahveh : he is

eternally unchangeable. But it must, on the other hand,
be borne in mind that the recognition of Jahveh cannot
have started from this sort of metaphysical speculation,
which does not, 011 this or on any other subject, naturally
spring up till a later stage of development of the original
idea. The metaphysical foundation of the idea of Jahveh
must be subject to this rule, and therefore the sentence
Ehye asher ehye I am who I am, must be assigned to a
later time, when Jahveism was already fully formed. Thus
then it is the Prophet Malachi, living late after the
Captivity, who expresses the sense of this formula in
more ordinary language by the words For I Jahveh
change not (III. 6). Another expression of the same
idea is used frequently by the Babylonian Prophet the
words ani hu f I am He/ where the pronoun hu does not
refer back to anything mentioned before (Is. XLIII. 10,
XLVL 4, XLVIII. 12). The second of these passages
especially shows that the formula ani hu expresses most
emphatically the eternal unchangeableness of Jahveh :
Hearken unto me, O house of Jacob,
And all the remnant of the house of Israel,
Ye that are carried from the belly,
Or lifted up from the womb,
Even to old age I am He.
And so the last passage has I am He, I am the first, I

am the last.
We have this ani hu in a fuller form in the Song of

Moses (Deut. XXXII. 39), as ani ani hu, and the former
is probably an abbreviation of the latter. But the latter
is itself grammatically only a mode of expressing by
pronouns what Ehye asher ehye expresses by verbs. 1 Now
the Song of Moses and the Blessing of Moses, which is
connected with it, are easily proved by an examination of
their contents to move in much the same prophetical circle
of ideas, except indeed that these ideas are already
mingled with views which prevailed later, at the time of
1 I am I (hfc being equivalent to the verb to be}= I am who I am. TR.
/ AM WHO i AM:
301
the compromise. To mention a few examples : the asser

tion that Jahveh made and established Israel (vv. 6, 15),
but that Israel forgot him that made him (v. 18), the
exhortation to the people to remember the days of old
(v. 7), and the reference to the Tora appointed by Moses
(XXXIII. 4), vividly recal the speeches of the second
Isaiah (XLIY. 2, LI. 13, XLVI. 9 etc.) and Malachi
(III. 22 [IV. 4]). Besides these passages, Deut. XXXII.
2 may be compared with Is. LV. 10 and Job XXIX. 22
et seq. ; v. 1 6 (where the idols are called zarini strangers )
with Jer. II. 25, III. 13, Is. XLIII. 12 ; v. 17 with Jer.
XXIII. 23 (in both which the strange gods are called
gods from near ). If the reading esh dath in the
Blessing of Moses v. 2 is correct, the word dath points to
a society accessible to Persian words ; and the passage in
Deut. XXXII. 39, where the doctrine of the resurrection
of the dead is mentioned as a recognised article of faith, 1
confirms this impression. Thus also the ani anihu 2 which
occurs in this passage, compared with ani hii which is
used by the second Isaiah, is a proof that metaphysical
speculation on the idea of Jahveh arose only in the latest
period of the development of Prophetism.
4. In the time of the earlier Prophets, however, the

chief weight of the Jahveistic confession was given to
national and moral ideas.
The assertion which it is usual to insist upon, that

Jahveh was the National God of the Hebrews, is therefore
true in a certain degree. It is not true that the Prophets
could conceive as the Familiar spirit of a handful of
Hebrews that infinite Idea towards which their deepest
desire and love was directed, which was to them the
1 See Kuenen, Religion of Israel, III. 41.
2 Bunsen must be named as the writer who lays the most stress on the
importance of this ani ani hu, bringing this formula into connexion with the
metaphysical definition of the idea of Jahveh (God in History, I. p. 74 et seq.).
Lesaing s Nur euer Er hoisst Er (only your He is called He, Nathan der Weise,
I. 4) is with justice adduced by Bunsen.
impersonation of that pure holiness which is the end of

the Prophets ethics, and which in their eyes represents
the infinite sublimity after which the prophetic spirit
nobly strove. But it is true that in the view of the
Prophets, the Hebrews were the first to understand
Jahveh, and that the extension of this understanding
over all mankind is the ideal of Prophetism as it affects
the world s history. If any one questions this cosmo
politan side of the Jahveistic theology, he will probably
be cured of his error by impartially reading the speeches
of the Prophets of all the various phases of prophecy ; e.g.
for the earlier time Is. II. 2-4, words which are almost
literally repeated by Micah IV a proof how deeply rooted
in the mind of the Prophets was the conviction there ex
pressed, and for a later age, Is. LXYI. 18, 19. This
great Prophet of the Captivity addresses mankind in
general : Hearken to me, ye islands, and attend, ye
nations from afar (Is. XLIX. i) ; and another Prophet
of Israel in Babylonia, who speaks of a common festival
of all mankind, knows of no Canaanites in the house of
Jahveh (Zech. XIY. 16, 17). This cosmopolitan cha
racter of Jahveism is most precisely defined by a some
what earlier Prophet, Zephaniah (III. 9, 10). No
doubt it is true that in recognition of Jahveh the
Prophets regard the Hebrew nation as the centre, and
Mount Zion as the source of the streams of water which
is henceforth to fill the whole earth as water covers the
bed of the sea * (Is. XI. 9) ; and also that they treat
Jahveh s love of mankind as if the lion s share of it would
accrue to his own people. But on the other side it is equally
true that, after the extension of the idea of Jahveh over
the world, which the Prophets lay down as the ultimate
and highest aim of spiritual effort, the prophetical view
regards all nations of the earth, even Egypt and Assyria,
as equal before Jahveh, the common God of them all.
6 In that day shall Israel be third in alliance with Egypt
and Assyria, a blessing in the middle of the earth, whom
JAHVEISM BECOMES COSMOPOLITAN. 303
Jahveh of hosts has blessed, saying Blessed be my people

Egypt, and the work of my hands Assyria, and mine
inheritance Israel (Is. XIX. 24, 25). It is, therefore,
especially in reference to the then present time, at which
ideals were only beginning to be framed by this free out
look to the future, that the distinctively National character
of the idea of Jahveh is emphasised. This is very natural,
since it was by national impulses that the Prophets were
roused into enthusiasm for Jahveh ; for that enthusiasm,
as I have previously urged, was produced by an intense
antipathy to the foreign elements which confronted them
chiefly in the idea of Elohim, common to Israel and
Canaan, and including all the abominations of the
Canaanitish worship, and all the laxity of manners intro
duced from foreign parts into the higher ranks of society.
With the Canaanites dissolute forms of worship were
results naturally developed out of the previous history of
their religion, and could be traced backwards to their
origin in Mythology. Being such, they could not have
so ruinous an influence on morals and character as among
the Hebrews, who seized on the immorality as such,
without having had any share in the previous historical
stages which led to it. If for unbelief we substitute
absence of historical preparation, the correct observation
made by Constant on Roman Polytheism is applicable to
this case also : that indecent rites may be practised by a
religious nation without detriment to purity of heart ; but
if unbelief takes hold of the nation, such rites are the
cause and the pretext for the most revolting corruption. 1
The idea of Jahveh, therefore, according to the inten

tion of the Prophets, was to stimulate a return to National
enthusiasm ; and the zeal against the spreading vice and
immorality is directed more against the foreign character
of the vice than against the immorality itself. O house
of Jacob, says Isaiah (II. 5-7), in close contact with the
1 B. Constant do Eebecque, Du Polytheisme Remain, II. 102, quoted by

Buckle, Civilisation, II. 303.
speech in which he anticipates the moral redemption of

mankind through beating their swords into scythes and
their spears into ploughshares, c come ye ! we will walk
in the light of Jahveh. For thou hast forsaken thine own
people, O house of Jacob, because they (i.e. the members
of that house) are full of divination 1 and soothsayers, like
the Philistines, and join hands (i.e. contract friendship)
with the children of strangers, and their land was filled
with silver and gold, and there was no end of their
treasures, and their land was filled with horses and there
was no end of their chariots. In these words we see
unequivocally how the light of Jahveh is contrasted
with foreign customs. It ought to be observed that in
Deuteronomy, the book which stands nearer than any
other part of the Pentateuch to the Prophets views
on the world and religion, the collecting of much silver
and gold and horses 2 is censured (XVII. 16 sq.) 9 in fear
lest the people should be denationalised thereby and in
clined towards the foreign/ which in Deuteronomy
always means Egypt.
Many scholars hold the utterly incorrect view that the

idea of Jahveh was, even from the Egyptian age before the
Exodus, the property of a few elites, either Levitical
priests or Prophets ; a sort of esoteric religion, into which
no uninitiated could pry, and from which Prophetism
grew up. If this view were as correct as it is impossible,
considering the circumstances of the development of
Hebrew religion, we should still have to consider the first
appearance of the idea of Jahveh quite independently of
any such secret society. And it must also be borne in
mind that Egypt was to the Hebrews a House of slaves
(beth e abhadim), as the Bible says (Ex. XIII. 3 etc.), not
a Theological College. In Egypt they appropriated very
1 It is best to read with Gesenius mikkesem for mikkedem.
2 Hosea XIV. 4 [3] must also be noted, where the alliance with Assyria
is condemned in the words Asshur will not save us ; we shall not ride on
horses. See also Zech. IX. 10, X. 5, Micah V. 9 [io].
NATIONAL ASPIRATIONS OF JAHVEISM. 305
few religious ideas. Were it otherwise, we should assuredly

not have to wait till after the Babylonian Captivity to find
the belief in immortality among them. It is also a special
characteristic of the Prophetic Jahveism, that it insists
that this idea was destined to be universally recognised in
the Hebrew nation itself; and this contributes to the sub
limity of the prophetic conception. In contrast to the
secret society cautiously locking up its mystic knowledge,
how grand looks a free corporation, whose hopes are con
centrated on the idea that at that time I [Jahveh] will pour
out my spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and daughters
will prophesy, and upon your slaves and handmaids I will
pour out my spirit in those days ; and all thy sons will
be disciples of Jahveh ; e and they shall all know me,
from the least to the greatest of them, etc. (Joel III. I
sq. [28 sq.], Is. LIY. 13, Jer. XXXI. 34).
It is almost self-evident that to the national enthusiasm

of the Prophets the political difference between the
Northern and the Southern Hebrews scarcely exists. The
Prophets extended their influence over the North as well
as over the South ; and Hosea especially addresses his
exhortation to both kingdoms, mentioning Judah in the
first division of his verses constructed in parallelism, and
Ephraim in the second. The Prophets even announce
the reunion of the two sections of the Hebrew state. 1
The Northern kingdom was naturally much farther re
moved from the religious ideas of the Prophets than the
Southern. The hierarchy of Jerusalem, which grew out
of a sort of theocratic system, might at least exhibit some
appreciation of the preaching of Jahveism ; some trace of
monotheistic Elohism still existed there, but was quite
foreign to the North. The persecution of the Prophets
was accordingly much more violent and indiscriminate in
the Ephraimite country than in the South, where however
it was not absent. The story of the Prophet Elijah
1 s, , Ez<>k. xxx vi r. 15-28.

x
(filiyahu < My God is Jahveh ), as given in the Book of

Kings, is intended to depict the furious persecution of the
preachers of Jahveh. Elijah is a typical Jahveisfc, placed by
the prophetical writer who conceived him at a time before
true Prophetism was in existence among the Hebrews.
As the Prophet painted the character of the ( Servant of
Jahveh ( c ebhed Yahve) for the future, as a type of human
perfection, so Elijah serves for a similar type in the past.
The representatives of Jahveism succeeded in making
the person of Elijah so popular as to attract to himself
various remnants of ancient myths, as we saw in a
previous chapter. But at bottom Elijah is nothing but a
type of the persecutions to which Jahveism was exposed
in the Northern kingdom on the part of the rulers and
priests. The prophetical historians, fond as they are of
painting historical personages of the Hebrew nation in
colours borrowed from the ideal of Jahveism, are also
no less addicted to drawing up descriptions of lives
which are typical of Prophetism. Such a life is that
of the prophet Samuel, who is regarded as founder of the
Schools of the Prophets, and consequently of Prophetism
itself. The portraiture of his character, as opponent of
an untheocratic monarchy, of the king who showed him
self deficient in national feeling by sparing the Amalekite
chief, and of a corrupt priesthood, is only a program of
Hebrew Prophetism, clothed in a biographical dress and
expressing the Prophets sentiments in speeches, When
the inevitable catastrophe came, and the Northern king
dom fell first, and the subsequent overthrow of the
Southern kingdom put an end to all Hebrew indepen
dence, the Jahveists, the most earnest representatives of
the idea of Hebrew nationality, accompanied the people
into captivity. Then first began the time when the
Jahveistic ideas bloomed most freely and were taken up
with greatest enthusiasm. In the Captivity prophetic
thoughts soared to their highest point in the speeches
of that immortal prophet whose name is unknown, the
COMPROMISE BETWEEN PRIESTS AND PROPHETS. 307
so-called Second Isaiah. But we find there also representa

tives of the sacerdotal formal religion not, indeed, of the
coarse sacerdotalism of Jerusalem, for that was impossible
without the central temple, bloody offerings, and political
independence but of a certain direction of religious
thought. For, at the very time when idealistic Jahveism
had worked itself up to the doctrine of the historical
vocation of the people, these were exciting the people s
hopes by visions, speaking of the architectural proportions
of the new temple that was to be built, and drawing up
arrangements for priests and sacrifices. Yet even this
school was considerably penetrated by Jahveism ; it tacitly
appropriated the positive teaching of the Prophets, with
out, however, entirely giving up the positive part of the
sacerdotal system. Thus, far from the Temple of Jeru
salem, on the banks of the Chaboras, a compromise was
effected between the Prophetic and the Sacerdotal schools.
This held sway over the hearts of the Hebrews in the
Captivity, and formed the mental and religious basis of
the Hebrew commonwealth at its restoration. It finds its
first expression in the Book of Ezekiel, which announces
itself, and probably correctly, as produced in the Capti
vity. 1 The first beginnings of this compromise appeared
before the destruction of the Kingdom of Judah, under a
king who had equal respect for Priests and Prophets, and
allowed himself to be influenced in religious matters by
both equally. The mark of this tendency to sink all
differences between Sacerdotalism and Prophetism is im
pressed on the Book of Deuteronomy, which appeared at
that time. This cannot be called a defeat of the prophet
ical tendencies. It is not the destiny of ideals to be
realised in their native form and natural regardlessness of
social and physical obstacles ; they are victorious if they
succeed in forcing an entrance into their former oppo-
1 See on the other side Zunz in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1873, p. 688,
thesis 14 cf scq.
\ _
3o8 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
nents sphere of view, and modifying that in their own

way. Now from the nature of the case, where a compro
mise is made, especially a compromise like the one before
us, not settled and concluded by regular negotiation, but
consisting of an unconsciously performed balancing of
opposing energies, such a settlement is very fluctuating,
and leaves open the possibility of a gradual leaning to
wards one or the other of the two opposite principles. We
discover this fluctuation in the self-effected compromise
when we contemplate two books of the Pentateuch, between
the composition of which lies the whole catastrophe of the
Captivity, the first throes and afterpains of which urged
the completion of the compromise by bringing home the
necessity of the cooperation of all the spiritual factors of
human life: Leviticus and Deuteronomy. Both these books
combine together sacerdotal worship and Jahveism; neither
of them gives a direct negative to either of these originally
contrary factors. In both books we find both elements
represented, only with the difference that Leviticus sounds
an eminently sacerdotal, and Deuteronomy a prevailing
prophetic and Jahveistic tone. Both stand on the level of
Jahveism, without however disdaining sacerdotal worship
and sacrifice. In the prophetical Books of Haggai, Zech-
ariah, and Malachi, and in the postexilian interpolations
occurring in that of the Babylonian Isaiah, the various
stages of the compromise may also be studied. Observe,
for instance, the endeavour of Haggai (II. 11-15) to
employ the sacerdotal Law (tora) in a Jahveistic sense
by a moral application ; Zechariah s address to the High
Priest (III. 3-7), in which he speaks of a purification of
the restored priesthood ; and especially the exhortation to
the priests contained in the Book of Malachi, which
enable us to form a picture of a priesthood formed on
Jahveistic principles as conceived by the Prophet of the
Restoration, in contrast to the priesthood of the age
before the Captivity, which was the object of the passionate
hatred of the Prophets.
PROPHETS IGNORE MYTHOLOGY. 309
5. We have lingered over the general description

of the Jahveisrn of the Prophets longer than the symmetry
of these investigations would justify. There is now some
thing to be said on the relation of Jahveism to the Mytho
logy of the Hebrews.
It is to be observed on this subject that pure Jahveism,

as preached by those Prophets who first formulated that
ideal, had a long struggle with the conservative leanings
of the people and their rulers, and that in the period
before the Captivity it could not become a religious
element fitted to penetrate all strata of society. Jahveism
could therefore exercise but little influence on the nar
ration of myths, i.e. on the mode in which myths were
propagated in the mouth of the people ; for only a new
conception which penetrates the whole people can possibly
determine and give a direction to the transformation of a
myth. Moreover, Mythology was not a subject with
which the Prophets felt much sympathy. Within the
frame of the Puritanical Monotheism which they taught
there was no suitable place for myths. Hence, also, the
Prophets take so little notice of the myths of their nation
(a very little is brought in by Hosea, chap. XII.) ; their
frequent allusions to the story of the destruction of Sodom
and Amora (Gomorrah), are accounted for by the obvious
parallel which they drew between those ancient cities,
proverbial for their vice, and Jerusalem and Shomeron
(Samaria), together with the respective fate of each. The
silence of the Prophets is no proof, although many wish
to use it as such, that in their times the stories of the
Patriarchs were not yet in existence ; sufficient answer is
afforded by the few cases in which reference is made to
those stories. Their silence is much rather a proof of the
power which the idea of Jahveh exerted over their souls,
so filling them, that by its side the forms of Patriarchs
and Heroes shrivel into insignificant persons, and the
narrated events are so dwarfed that no religious elevation
can be derived from them. This also explains tho tone of
3io MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
irony assumed by the Prophet when he has occasion to

allude to Patriarchs and their stories. Thus, for example,
Hosea in reference to Jacob, whom he describes as
deceiving his brother, as fighting against God, as subser
vient to women (XII. 4, 5, 13 [3, 4, 12]), and the Baby
lonian Isaiah in reference to Abraham, whose smallness
in comparison with Jahveh he expresses (LXIII. 16). I
pointed out above (pp. 229, 230), that this apparent
degradation of Abraham is only directed against the
remembrance of the Patriarch s divinity, and that in
another passage (LI. i sq.) Abraham and Sarah are
referred to as the ancestors of the Hebrew nation. To
keep alive the consciousness of derivation from special
ancestors was obviously not out of keeping with the
National tendency of Jahveism, but rather an essential
means of promoting it. In this sense the Babylonian
Prophet s address should be understood : c Hearken to me,
ye that follow after righteousness and seek Jahveh !
Look to the Eock, whence ye were hewn, and to the Well-
hole, from which ye were dug: look to Abraham your
father, and to Sarah that bore you ! (Is. LI. I sq.) In
the same sense Malachi also refers to the Patriarchal age,
saying, Is not Esau Jacob s brother ? and I love Jacob,
and I have hated Esau (I. 2 sq.). Therefore, also, there
are special forms by which the Prophets address the
nation, such as House of Jacob, which is excessively
frequent, and House of Isaac (Amos VII. 16). These
forms were intended to remind them of their proper
ancestry, and to keep alive the consciousness of their
national peculiarity, and thus it came about that the
names of ancestors were identified with the nation itself.
The words Jacob and Abraham are names of the Hebrew
people, in Micah VII. 20 and Is. XXIX. 22, among the
earlier representatives of Prophetism : f Thus saith
Jahveh, who redeemed Abraham, concerning the house of
JacoL ; Thou givest truth to Jacob and favour to
Abraham, i.e. to the Hebrew nation.
THEY REFER TO ANCESTORS. 311
The prevailing idea, therefore, emphasised by the

Prophet, is that of derivation from ancestors other than
those of heathen nations. The details of the Patriarchal
history are devoid of interest for him, and personages
without the character of ancestors still more so. Conse
quently even Moses remains in the background. Not
even Hosea gives his name, though he says, By a prophet
Jahveh brought Israel up from Egypt, and by a prophet
he was preserved (XII. 14 [13]). Only in very few
passages, in one early prophet, Micah (VI. 4), 1 and one of
the later period, the Babylonian Isaiah (LXIII. 1 1 sc[.\ is
the deliverance from Egypt mentioned coupled with the
name of Moses. To the Exodus itself frequent reference
is made, and the story of it does admirable service to the
view of the theocratical vocation of the nation. But it is
not till after the Captivity that the Legislator himself is
brought into the foreground, in consequence of the com
promise between Jahveism and the formal legality of the
priesthood (Mai. III. 22 [IV. 4]). 1 Whatever of the
truly mythical still lived in the memory of the people
received from Jahveism a complete monotheistic transfor
mation. Jahveh is made the conqueror of the Dragon of
the Storm and of the Monsters of Darkness (see p. 27).
Notice the numerous questions in the theodicy in the
Book of Job, which Jahveh puts in opposition to the ex
planation of physical phenomena given by mythology :
6 Hath the rain a father, or who begot the drops of dew ?
Out of whose womb came the ice, and the hoar-frost of
the sky, who bore it ? (Job XXXVIII. 28 8 q.). Such are
the questions asked by the Jahveistic monotheist. Re
moved to this new sphere, all the myths are at once beset
with denials; the monotheist s whole interpretation of
1 These two passages (Mic. VI. 4 and Mai. III. 22 [IV. 4]) appears not to
have been noticed by Michel Nicolas in his Etudes critiques stir la Bible,
Paris 1862, I. 351, where he says of Moses, Son nom no se trouve quo deux
fois dans les ecrits des prophetes qui sont parvenus jusqu a nous(Esaie,
LXIII. 12; Jcr. XV. i).
nature and idea of causality lead to One only to Jahveh ;

at this stage the myth is utterly overthrown. But the
fact that a nation which in its primeval age formed myths,
at a late period of its existence witnessed the growth of
the direct negation of mythical ideas in its midst, is no
reason for treating the former existence of myths as
questionable. 1
But Jahveism acknowledged the duty of reforming the

subject-matter of legends, whenever a religious practice
condemned by the Jahveists was supported by legendary
authority. Such a practice was Human Sacrifice, which
found support and justification in the story of the sacrifice
of Isaac. Here, therefore, Jahveism interfered, in the
manner which we had occasion to describe in the chapter
on the method of investigating myths (p. 45). In this
passage, even in the form in which we have it after the
last revision, the will of Jahveh was manifestly introduced
into the second half with a polemical purpose to oppose
that of Elohim who in the first half demanded the sacri
fice. But the case is quite different in what modern
Biblical critics call the Jahveistic portions of the Penta
teuch. As it is not the object of this book to wiite the
history of the composition of the Biblical Literature, I
cannot enter into an exposition of my views on the reduc
tion to writing and piecing together of those literary
fragments which compose the Pentateuch, including a full
justification of those views. I will only briefly remark,
that all the legendary literature which we now have in the
Pentateuch is already more or less penetrated by Jahveism,
and that only in the legal portion are a few remnants of
strictly Elohistic legislation preserved. The literary form
given to the mass of stories is itself the result of the com
promise between the older and the Jahveistic religious
tendency. Just as there are two books of law, Deu
teronomy and Leviticus (to the latter of which a few
1 I have given particular prominence to this on account of the opposite

view taken by Max Miiller in his Chips, I. 361 ct seq.
JAHVEISTS REWRITE LEGENDS. 313
passages of law in Exodus and Numbers must be added),

both of which represent the compromise between the
Sacerdotal and the Prophetical tendencies, the sacerdotal
view giving the fundamental tone to the one, and the pro
phetical to the other, so is it also with the mass of stories.
Even what are called Elohistic documents are strictly
speaking Jahveistic in character, only that the name
Elohim is admitted to be appropriate to the ancient
Patriarchal age, and Jahveism is introduced as an his
torical event, dating from Moses. In opposition to this,
another work represents the more thorough-going Jah
veism. Now when the Jahveistic school came to terms
with the popular religious views, and these were pene
trated by the fundamental truths taught by the Prophets,
the Jahveists did not disdain to get hold of the legendary
matter and work it up according to their own principles.
If the Patriarchs were really models of religious life, they
Inust also have been strict Jahveists ; and, therefore, these
so-called Jahveistic documents describe the Patriarchs as
living on completely Jahveistic ground, Eve, Lemech, and
Noah as calling the Deity Jahveh, and Cain and Abel as
offering sacrifices to Jahveh. As early as the time of
Seth commences the general adoration of Jahveh. The
historic Israel is of course to the Jahveistic writers more
than to any others a kehal Yahve, adath Yahve, congre
gation, community of Jahveh. With this principle accords
all else that the exegetical school has brought together to
characterise the Jahveistic narrator. 1 Moreover, in the
Jahveistic writings more than in any others particular at
tention is paid to what is popular and national ; 2 and, as
would be expected from the strictly national character of
Jahveism, they are distinguished by a greater and more
eager zeal. I will pick out and draw attention to some
terms belonging to the peculiar circle of ideas of the
1 His fondness for humanising God by anthropomorphic expressions is the

only feature, the reasons for which are not patent.
See Knobcl, Die Bih-lur Xitiiicri. Dcutcronomium and Josua, pp. 539, 554.
Prophets, in order to indicate the closer mutual relation

ship of the so-called Jahveistic documents : viz. debhar
Yahve c Word of Jahveh, and ne utn Yahve speech of
Jahveh. l To anyone acquainted with the Prophetic
literature it is needless to dwell on the specifically pro
phetic character of these two technical expressions. I
call them technical expressions with special reference to
debhar Yahve. For dabhar was used by the Prophets,
especially those of the later times, of the speech which
they proclaimed in the name of Jahveh (and in direct
polemical opposition to another technical expression, massa,
Jer. XXIII. 33 sq., which nevertheless occurs again in
later Prophets), just as the sacerdotal school which had
entered on good terms with Jahveism, when they laid
stress on accordance with the Law, called instruction in
the Law tora. Tora and Dabhar bear the same relation
to one another as Kohen and Nabhi (Priest and Prophet).
Jeremiah (XVIII. 1 8) says, ( They said, Come, we will
devise devices against Jeremiah ; for the Tora will not be
lost from the Priest, counsel from the wise, the Dabhar
(word) from the Prophet : come, we will wound him on
the tongue, and not attend to any of his words (debharav).
The same opposition of Tora and Dabhar is found also in
the words of a prophet of the Restoration, Zechariah VII.
12 : i They made their heart adamant, lest they should hear
the Tora and the Debharim which Jahveh of Hosts sent
with his spirit by the agency of the former prophets. 2
How deeply the prophetic spirit after this compromise

penetrated all other schools is observable in the profounder
piety which thenceforth characterises Elohistic writings.
We see this, for example, in the Elohistic Psalms, com
posed by religious singers not yet accustomed to the Pro
phets name Jahveh, but who now wrote to the glory and
honour of Elohim those sublime Songs which to this day
kindle the devotion of those who wish to raise their souls
1 See Knobel, Die Bucher etc., p. 529.

- The relative clause is dependent upon Debharim only.
TORA. 315
in prayer to God. In them a spirit taught by the Pro

phets has penetrated the representatives of Elohism. For
as regards its outward manifestation in the choice of
Divine names, Elohism continues to exist even in the age
of the Captivity : we meet with strictly Elohistic narra
tives in the accounts of the Creation and the Deluge
composed at Babylon.
But we must refer to a comparatively late period the

working-out of this tendency to a compromise, in which
the sacerdotal view had as much share as the prophetical
a tendency which joined together in a higher unity, as
Teaching (tora), the Statute (chukka) and the Prophetic
word of Jahveh (dabhar). Consequently, the writing down of
the traditions conceived in this spirit must also be assigned
to a much later age than is usually done. However, we
cannot speak here of any exact number of years, but only
indicate in general terms periods of various classes of
culture. Accurate dates can only be reached by more
advanced historical knowledge on the domain of Biblical
Antiquity. Perhaps this will be promoted by the con
stantly increasing certainty of the information to be
gathered from the historical texts of the Cuneiform In
scriptions with reference to the History of Civilisation.
But from the facts recognised in recent times it may with
confidence be inferred that the literary activity of the
Hebrews belongs in large part to the epoch of the Capti
vity. It should also be mentioned in this connexion that
Knobel insists that the affairs of the interior of Asia were
well known to his Jehovist. 1 Such knowledge- cannot be
the result of the contact established by the invasion. It
demands closer and more friendly relations, which would
make it possible to learn such facts.
All this takes us into the epoch of the Captivity.

That remarkable age enriched the Hebrews sphere of
thought with many things, to which we will give our
attention in the following chapter.
1 Sec KnoK l, Die Buchcr etc., p. 579.
CHAPTEE X.
THE HEBREW MYTH IN THE BABYLONIAN

CAPTIVITY.
IF we limit the term Myth to those old sentences which

the ancients used in speaking of physical changes and
phenomena, then the period with which we have to do in
this chapter lies outside the history of the Hebrew Myth ;
for the latter ceased to have any further growth to
chronicle as the influence of Prophetism extended. Now,
in place of the free life, organic development and gradual
transformation of the myth, we have it in a final and
canonical literary form, which we had to use as the only
accessible source for discovering the original, and as a
handle to guide us in the analytical treatment of its
development. But it is not to be supposed that the parts
of the Old Testament which we use as sources of know
ledge on the Hebrew Myth contain the entire stock of the
mythical treasures of the Hebrews, which these very
fragments prove to have been very various. It must
rather be assumed that in the period separating the
final elaboration of these myths from their ultimate re
duction to writing, a large portion of the stock was lost ;
which seems particularly likely, when it is considered how
little importance the new religious school attached to
this aspect of the Hebrew mind. Some remnants of un
written stories have been preserved in Tradition ; but the
Tradition, again, has come down to us in a form which
makes it difficult to discriminate the truly traditional
from what belongs only to individuals (see supra, pp. 32, 33).
NEW LEGENDS IN THE CAPTIVITY. 317
Thus the history of the Hebrew Myth after the rise of

the Prophets can only be treated as a portion of the
history of literature; i.e. it endeavours to discover the
influences to which the stories were subjected during
their reduction to writing. And at the outset we excluded
all such investigations from the circle of our present
studies.
But after the cessation of Hebrew independence the

cycle of Hebrew stories received from another quarter an
addition, which, though neither touching the domain of
Mythology proper, nor working with elements already
furnished by the Hebrew Myth, nevertheless is attached
so closely to those stories which were formed by transfor
mation of the old myths, that it ought not to be passed
over in silence when we are considering the cycle of
Hebrew stories.
We have already had occasion to observe the receptive

tendency of the Hebrew mind, which was manifested in
its contact with Oanaanitish civilisation. At the first
assault made by a mind superior to itself, it willingly
opened its gates, and even when struggling for its
national character and individuality it did not spurn the
intellectual property of its antagonists. In the formation
of the thought of Jahveh, and especially of the central
idea of that thought, we discovered a productive genius
for the first time aroused in the Hebrew people. But
Jahveism came upon a nation too far gone in political
impotence and dissension to .be kindled even by such a
spark to spiritual action. It found the nation at the
very threshold of that political division which not long
afterwards it had to lament beside the streams of Babylon.
There the prophetic idea lived on, and indeed reached its
zenith in the Babylonian Isaiah. But hieratic influences
also continued to operate; and the best that the people
could effect was the compromise between Jahveism and
the sacerdotal tendencies represented by Ezekiel. This
compromise found expression at the restoration of the
3i8 MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS.
State, and gave its tone and colour to the larger portion
of the Biblical literature.
The receptive tendency of the Hebrews manifested

itself again prominently during the Babylonian Captivity.
Here first they gained an opportunity of forming for them
selves a complete and harmonious conception of the world.
The influence of Canaanitish civilisation could not then
be particularly powerful on the Hebrews ; for that civili
sation, the highest point of which was attained by the
Phenicians, was quite dwarfed by the mental activity
exhibited in the monuments of the Babylonian and As
syrian Empire, which we are now able to admire in all
their grandeur. There the Hebrews found more to
receive than some few civil, political, and religious in
stitutions. The extensive and manifold literature which
they found there could not but act on a receptive mind as
a powerful stimulus; for it is not to be imagined that
the nation when dragged into captivity lived so long in
the Baby Ionian- Assyrian Empire without gaming any
knowledge of its intellectual treasures. Schrader s latest
publications on Assyrian poetry have enabled us to
establish a striking similarity between both the course
of ideas and the poetical form of a considerable portion
of the Old Testament, especially of the Psalms, and
those of this newly-discovered Assyrian poetry. 1 It
would be a great mistake to account for this similarity by
reference to a common Semitic origin in primeval times ;
for we can only resort to that in cases which do not go
beyond the most primitive elements of intellectual life
and ideas of the world, or designations of things of the
external world. Conceptions of a higher and more com
plicated kind, as well as esthetic points, can certainly
not be carried off into the mists of a prehistoric age. It
is much better to keep to more real and tangible ground,
and to suppose those points of contact between Hebrew
1 See Supplement to the Augsburg Allgcmeine Zeitwng of June 19, 1874.
THE DELUGE. 319
and Assyrian poetry which are revealed by Schrader s,

Lenormant s, and George Smith s publications, to form
part of the contributions made by the highly civilised
Babylonians and Assyrians to the Hebrews in the course
of the important period of the Captivity.
We see from this that the intellect of Babylon and

Assyria exerted a more than passing influence on that of
the Hebrews, not merely touching it, but entering deep
into it and leaving its own impress upon it. The
Assyrian poetry of the kind just mentioned stands in the
same relation to that of the Hebrews as does the plain
narrative of King Mesha s Inscription and of some
Phenician votive tablets to the narrative texts of the
Hebrews, and as does the sacrificial Tablet of Marseilles
to the Hebrews beginnings of a sacerdotal constitution.
The Babylonian and Assyrian influence is of course much
more extensive, pregnant and noteworthy.
The most prominent monument of this important in

fluence is presented to us in the Biblical story of the
Deluge. It was attempted long ago to discover points of
contact between the respective narratives of the universal
flood by the guidance of Berosus ; but the only possible
result of these endeavours was to encourage the old theory
of an idea common to all mankind, which expressed itself
in the story of a great general flood. To be sure, no
obvious reason appears why this idea should force itself
unbidden upon the reflexion of ancient humanity. For,
with all that we know of the oldest subjects of the thought
of mankind from the unquestioned results of Comparative
Mythology, we must ask why the idea of an all-destroying
flood, or even of a partial one confined to a limited terri
tory, should necessarily occupy the foreground in the
oldest picture of the world? In point of fact, a great
number of nations are found destitute of any story of a
flood. For instance, the oldest Greek mythology has no
such idea ; it cannot be proved to have been known to the
Gi eeks earlier than the sixth century B.C. Whether it is
indigenous and of high antiquity in India has also been

doubted by distinguished scholars. 1
On the other hand, the Cuneiform original of the

Assyrian story of the Deluge, discovered by George Smith,
has so much similarity, or we may rather say congruity,
with the form of the siory preserved in the Bible, even
with respect to the raven and the dove, 2 that we are
entitled to express an opinion a priori on these two narra
tives, to the effect that they point to a greater community
of formation than would be the case if the community
dated from the primeval Semitic age. For in that case,
supposing the elements of the Deluge-story to have been
so fully developed in the earliest Semitic age as we find
them in the Bible and the Cuneiform Inscriptions, we must
find something similar in all other Semitic nations also.
It would be almost unaccountable why nothing can be
traced among the Phenicians that could be placed side by
side with this Deluge-story, and would be the more ex
traordinary if the conception of such a story took place
in the age when the North- Semitic tribes were still living
together.
The conclusion is accordingly almost irresistible, that

the Hebrews borrowed this whole story of the Deluge from
the Babylonians, and propagated it in a form resembling
1 I will here cite a passage of Ibn Chaldun, although not decisive on

questions like the present : Know that the Persians and Indians know noth
ing of the Tufan (deluge) ; some Persians say that it took place only at
Babylon. (History, vol. II.) Edward Thomas, in the Academy, 1875, p. 401,
quotes a passage of al-Biruni, in which it is said that the Indians, Chinese and
Persians have no story of a Deluge, but that some say that the Persians know
of a partial deluge. Burnouf believed the idea of a Deluge to be originally
foreign to Indian mythology, and to have been borrowed, probably from
Chaldaic sources (Bhagavata Purdna, III. xxxi., LI.). A. Weber (in the
Indische Studien, Heft 2, and on occasion of a critique of Neve s writings on
the Indian story of the Deluge, in the Zeitsch. d. I). M. G., 1851, V. 526)
declares himself in favour of the indigenousness of the Indian story, in op
position to Lassen and Roth, who agree with Burnouf.
2 The similarities and differences of the respective stories of the Deluge

are lucidly placed side by side by George Smith in The Chaldean Account of
sis, p. 286 et seq.
BABYLONIAN DELUGE. 321
the Babylonian original, even in its details and mode of

expression. Moreover, Babylon is the district most of all
suited to the working-out of a story of Deluge ; for it is
certain from Von Bohlen s and Tuch s demonstrations,
that such fully developed stories of floods can only occur
in nations which have in their territory rivers liable to
great overflows. Consequently the region of the great
twin streams of Mesopotamia is the most likely cradle for
an elaborate Deluge -story. 1 A. H. Sayce, one of the most
eminent English Assyriologists, in the Theological Review
of July 1 87 3, propounds the view that the Biblical account
of the Deluge consists of two narratives : the older being
Elohistic and based on a Hebrew Deluge-story, the other
being placed by its side by a Jahveistic narrator in the
Babylonian Captivity, and being identical with the Baby
lonian story preserved in the document consulted by
George Smith. 2 Now, independently of the doubt as to
the existence of an exclusively Hebrew Deluge-story, and
of the fact that identity with the Babylonian stories has
been proved of the Elohistic account also, 3 even Sayce s
conception of the matter quite suffices to establish the
view that the Hebrews in Babylonia at least amplified,
if they did not actually construct, the Biblical story of the
Deluge. It cannot be true, as Max Duncker 4 lately wrote,
6 that these stories present to us an ancient and common
possession of the Semitic tribes of the Euphrates and
Tigris country. We cannot assume that in those
primeval, prehistoric times when the Semitic tribes, or
at least the Northern group of that race, lived all together
before the separation, it matters not where, they formed
in common stories which presuppose a high and advanced
view of the world, like the Cosmogonies and the story of
1 Tuch, Comment ar uber die Genesis, 1st ed. 1838, p. 149; 2nd ed. 1871,
p. 47.
- Academy, 1873, no. 77. col. 292.
8 See Westminster Review, April 1875, P- 4$6.
4 Gcsclrichtc dex Altert hunts, 4th ed. 1874, I- i 86.
the Deluge connected therewith. At that earliest stage

of human life, man labours with far simpler apperceptions
than those which are requisite to form such stories. The
myth in its very earliest mould, in which it is connected
with the formation of language, occupies him first. But
at all events, the Babylonian story received in its Hebrew
transformation a purification in a monotheistic sense ; or
as Duncker himself appropriately adds, the account of
the Deluge lies before us in a purer and more dignified
shape in the writings of the Hebrews.
I showed in a previous section that Noah is one of those

Solar figures of which the Biblical source has still preserved
some mythical features. There is BO intrinsic reason why
the story of the Deluge should be particularly tacked on
to the person of Noah ; the Assyrian tablets give Hasisadra
as the name of the man saved from the flood. If the
connexion of Noah with the Deluge were to be maintained
at all hazards, it would be best to argue that ancient
mythical traditions called him (as well as Adam) the
progenitor of the human race ; the other Solar figures
generally assume a position hostile to the nation. The
harmonising tendency, which I have already had occasion
to notice, might then easily make use of Noah as hero for
the story of the Deluge learned at Babylon, since here
was an excellent opportunity to establish his title as
ancestor of the human race. But it may be taken for
granted that this use was made of Noah s name, not only
at the later period when the Deluge-story was inserted
in the great mass of traditional stories, but as soon as
ever the Babylonian story was borrowed by the Hebrews.
This is guaranteed by the Prophet of the Captivity, who
calls the Deluge me Noach the water of Noah. For
like the water of Noah is this (thy distress) unto me, of
which (water) I swore against the water of Noah coming
again over the earth [Gen. VIII. 21 et seq.~\ : so do I
swear against being wroth with thee and rebuking thee
(Is. LIV. ^JlnBabylon, also, the~HeBrews appear to
have received an impulse to work out such a history of
HEBREW DELUGE LEARNED AT BABYLON. 323
"1
Creation, intricate and plastically jointed, as is contained

in the opening passages of Genesis. I do not mean that
the cosmogony of the Babylonians was the original from
which that of the Bible was copied, for in this particular
matter of cosmogonies the construction of the Biblical
account exhibits great individuality. But the tendency
of the mind to inquire after the first beginning of both
the physical and the moral order of the world was first
fully roused during the residence at Babylon, so far ad
vanced in speculations of this nature. JLa
iu -this assumption^y--theJ3abyimiia^
lately discovered_^jid edited by George Smith, which, as
presented by that learned pioneer, shows great accordance
with. th& corresponding account in Genesis. 1 It is at all
events an element of the subject in hand which cannot
be left unnoticed, that the notion of the bore and yoer
Creator (the terms used in the cosmogony in Genesis),
as an integral part of the idea of God, are first brought
into common usage by the Prophets of the Captivity,
especially the Babylonian Isaiah, who is particularly fond
of the expression bore. 2 The older Prophets also know
Jahveh as Creator of the world; but it is self-evident
that they do not so strongly emphasise the idea, or refer
to it so frequently, as for instance the Isaiah of the
Captivity. Arnos IV. 13, for example, says, For lo,
he that formeth mountains and createth wind, and de-
clareth to man what is his meditation, that maketh the
dawn winged and walketh on the high places of the
earth his name is Jahveh the God of Hosts. This
passage stands in no relation whatever to the cosmogony
of Genesis ; indeed, in speaking of the dawn as gifted with
wings (see supra, p. 116), it refers rather to the mythical
1 The Chaldean Account of Genesis, pp. 60-112.

2 Consult also Dr. Jacob Auerlmch s article Ueber den ersten Vers dcr
is in Goiger s Zeitsch. fur Wisscnschaft und Lcben, 1863, Bd. II. p. 253,
who, I now sco, comes very near to these ideas, but does not, express them fully
or clearly.
Y 2
324 MYTHOL OG Y AMONG_ THE JjEBREWS.
conceptions of antiquity, as also the older Isaiah frequently

does. The Prophet of the Captivity, on the other hand,
refers to the ideas of the cosmogony in Genesis, as is clear
in Is. XL. 26, XLY. 7 (where he speaks of the Creator of
light aLd darkness), XLII. 5, XLY. 18, especially this
last passage, which refers to the banishment of the tohii
through the act of creation. J3y the story of creatipnjthjt
celebration of the Sabbath was established 011 .jentirerj^,
new grounds. Whilst in the older conception (which
finds expression in the Decalogue in Deuteronomy Y. 1 5)
the Sabbath has a purely theocratic significance, and is
intended to remind the Hebrews of their miraculous
deliverance from Egyptian slavery after long servitude,
the later version -of the Decalogue (Ex. XX. n) justifies
it by referring to the history of the Creation, in which
after six days of work the Creator took rest.
We cannot here enter into the question of the geo

graphical position of the Eden of the Bible, nor even
inquire whether the original of the idea of Eden is found
in the corresponding feature of Iranian tradition ; but it
may be assumed that the Biblical account of Eden also
arose at Babylon. It mavînd^^Jia^finfil^bUyjgresumed.
that the TfeKjj.CP-1 acccuwfcfa- ^f^4w Câ-mngrnriy a.nrl f,lxp
origin of all things liad^ ôt, like the matter .. oX_ihe__oJ4

mythology, lived a long life of perhaps many thousand
years in the mouths of successive generations, before
first beginnings of literary record were reached. On th
contrary, we find in these parts of the Bible so artistic a
perfection of description, such a harmonious roundness of
narrative, that we are justified in presuming that they
were not preceded by the oral concatenations of a long
life of tradition, but are rather sublime, imaginationsjyjiich
were_written down soon aJtex--iêj_werje_,c^)nêivjed L in the
educated circles of the nation, so as to become the common
property of the whole people. There was in this a double
stimulus received from the Babylonians : first, to meditate
on the earliest things the origin of the world, man, and
GARDEN OF EDEN. 325

o ther thinffS-Qfâ-generaLaatfe
writings on these things. jrhe_jProphets of the JHabrews
at Baby leii unquestionably exercised" a. -great --infiuence
the production of these narratives, and gladly admitted

whatever tended to promote the deepening of the idea, of
Jahveh, as elements in their religious conception of the-
world. For the Prophet did not occupy a position towards
the masses like the member of a corporation which opposes
the people ; he grew up out of the people, and raised
himself above them by his individual power of thought.
Yet it is easily intelligible that the Prophet, while gladly
appropriating the idea of Jahveh as bore ( Creator, would
not set much store by the petty details of the cosmogonic
imagination. The second Isaiah, the Prophet of Babylon
par excellence, goes so far as to exhort his people, c Record,
ye not beginnings, and antiquities contemplate ye not
(Is. XLIII. 1 8) ; still he does not go into open opposition
to this mental tendency, and sees nothing dangerous in
it the less so, as he has himself unconsciously adopted
its conclusions and often employed them in his masterly
addresses.
Thus also the story of the Garden of Eden, as a supple

ment to the history of the Creation, was written down at
Babylon, and therefore not long after the previous stories,
A reference to the passage in Gen. II. 14, where the first
three of the four rivers of the garden of Eden have their
geographical position accurately defined, but the fourth is
only mentioned by the words, And the fourth river is
Perath (Euphrates), is of itself sufficient to show that
those for whom the story was written must have known
the Euphrates as their own river, requiring no further
designation, and consequently that this must have been
written on its banks. Now, although the expression
4 Garden of Eden occurs also before the Captivity (Joel
II. 3), yet the Prophets of the Captivity make the first
reference to that character and quality of Eden which is
conspicuous in Genesis. In Joel s words only the general
idea of a pleasure- garden appears to be connected with

the name Eden. But in Ezekiel (especially frequently in
Chap. XXXI.) we find the appellation Garden of God
used to designate Eden more fully ; and in the parallelism
of the members of the verse the Babylonian Isaiah (LI. 3)
puts the c Garden of Jahveh in the succeeding m member
to correspond to < Eden in the preceding :
He makes her desert like Eden,

And her dry land like the Garden of Jahveh.
It is also evident from the same Prophet s words (Is.

XLIII. 27), Thy first father sinned/ that he connected the
story of the Fall with Eden, or at least that he knew the
story. The mention of the doctrine of the Fall takes us
to a domain which has a close connexion with the subject
of this chapter. I refer to the ideas of dogmatic religion
pervading the stories formed during the Captivity, which
subsequently, while the canon of Scripture was being
drawn up, were admitted even into those parts of Scrip
ture whose matter dated from an earlier period, came
into full life in the second Hebrew commonwealth, and
continued to live in the later Jewish Synagogue. Through
the growth of Persian power and Persian influence in
Western Asia, where there existed many states in a
condition of vassalage to Babylon, the Iranian views of
religion could not but exert a great influence on the
o "
parent-state also, even before Babylon was quite over

whelmed by them through its conquest by Cyrus at the
end of the Captivity of the Hebrews. Opportunity was
therefore not wanting to the Hebrews to become well
acquainted with the main ideas of Iranian theology ; and
desire was also present, as their minds were then intent
upon obtaining clear views on the origin of the physical
and moral order of the world, and on the chief questions
concerning the Origins. 5 This influence of the Iranians
un the Hebrews was exhibited not only in relation to
matter, but also to forms. For there is great probability
in favour of the idea, that the first suggestion to codify the
RELATION OF THE HEBREWS TO IRAK. 327
sacerdotal laws of sacrifice, purification and others, came

to the Hebrews from the example of the Persians. 1 One
portion of these ideas has found a place in the Babylonian
sections of Genesis that which belonged to the cosmo
gony ; others were not expressed in the Canon at all, but
lived in tradition, until tradition itself was fixed in writing.
This question, which would at last shed light on the
details of Iranian influence on the narratives of the
Pentateuch, is perversely enough not grappled with at its
starting-point by many persons who labour with nervous
eagerness to discover in the Iranian writings every letter
of the Jewish Agada, even in cases in which such a pro
ceeding is utterly unjustifiable, and borrowing can only
be suggested through the wildest guesswork. Equally
perverse is the unhistorical assumption, which point-blank
denies the very possibility of the Hebrews having borrowed
anything from the Persians, among whom they never
lived. 2 Professor Spiegel, by referring to an acquaint
ance of Abraham with Zarathustra, has spirited the
question off into the atmosphere of so distant a time that
it is impossible with any regard for critical history to
build upon his foundation, 3 and preferable even to adopt
Volney s forgotten theory, 4 which makes the influence of
Magism on the Hebrews begin with the destruction of
the Northern kingdom. Others, by assuming an influence
exerted by the Semites on the Iranians, and by a mistaken
reverence for Hebrew antiquity, have cut away the ground
from any scientific investigation of the question. 5 It is a
1 This view is expounded by Kuenen in his Religion of Israel, II. 156.
2 This appears to be Bunsen s opinion: God in History, I. 101.
8 See Max Miiller s essay Genesis and the Zend-Avesta ( Chips, 1. 143 et seqq.\
The Dutch scholar Tiele occupies nearly the same position as Spiegel on this
question, which he discusses fully in his book De Godsdienst van Zarathustra,
Haarlem 1864, p. 302 et seq.
4 Les Ruincs, XX. 13. System.
5 I must mention a third view on the concurrence of the Hebrew with the
Aryan story of the primeval ago ; it is that which was first declared by Ewald
in his History of Israel, I. 224 et seqq., and is adopted by Lassen and "Weber
among the Germans, and by Burnouf and (with some hesitation) I\cnan among
mistaken, and anything but the right sort of reverence,

when we would rather leave unknown or misunderstood a
region of literature which we all love and venerate, and
to which we owe most of our moral and religious ideals,
than trace its elements and analyse their psychological
and literary history, so as to understand the object of our
love. Has Homer lost his attractiveness since we have
subjected him to critical analysis, or the divine Plato
forfeited any of his divinity since we have discovered some
of the sources of his ideas ? For the fact of Originality
is not the only criterion of the admirable. Not only that
which is cast in one piece from top to toe, is one whole :
an alien substance which becomes a civilising agent to
that in which it rests, and a patchwork which has turned
out a harmonious whole, are not less admirable or perfect.
Julius Braun says very justly, 1 c There is another and
indeed the highest kind of originality, which is not the
beginning but the result of historical growth the origi
nality of mature age. We have this, when an individual
or a nation has gathered up all existing means of culture,
and then still possesses power to pass on beyond them and
deal freely with all elements received from the past.
Thus, then, it was quite possible for many Iranian

elements to be received into the system of the literature
and cosmic conceptions of the Hebrews ; and we do
nothing towards saving the honour of the Hebrew
nationality by using force to make the Iranians pupils of
the Hebrews. Karl Twesten saw the truth as to their
mutual relation ; and I quote his words, to show the im
pression made by the coincidences of Iranian and Hebrew
antiquity on a sober-minded historian who considers the
question free from any previous pledges to either side.
the French. In this view the coincidences in the respective primitive stories
are to be accounted for by common prehistoric traditions which the Aryans
and the Semites formed in their original common dwelling-place concerning
primeval history. Eenan speaks shortly on the subject in his Histoire gen.
dcs Langues semitiqucs, pp. 480 et seq.
der Saye, I. 8.
INFLUENCE OF IRAN ON THE HEBREWS. 329
It cannot be pleaded that the Iranians may have bor

rowed from the Hebrews or drawn from the same source.
For, on the one hand, these things are there an essential
part of a system, whereas the Pentateuch makes no
further use of them ; and, on the other, they existed in
times and places where, even if the possibility of a very
early formation of these stories be conceded, the Hebrew
theology could not possibly have any influence. The
Israelites were so little known, and so rarely in contact
with other nations, and the priesthoods of antiquity so
exclusive, and oriental Iran so distant, that no early in
fluence of Mosaic doctrines on the theories of the Zend
books is even conceivable. But Iranian influences on the
nations of Western Asia are probable and inevitable, from
the time when the Medes and Persians became the domi
nant powers. 1
Such, in general terms, were the causes which yielded

an increase of matter to the Hebrew store of legends
during the Captivity. Through the revision and literary
elaboration of the old legends in the period of the Capti
vity also, many Babylonian features naturally entered
into the picture. I may mention Noldeke s plausible
idea (in his Untersuchungen), that the years and cycles of
years in the Patriarchal history point to Babylon and are
connected with astronomical systems. The last syste
matic revision of the Table of Nations (Gen. X.) may also
be referred to the same time and influence. The prepara
tion of such a survey of all known nations of the earth
seems to have been possible in that ancient time only in
an empire which through its wide-spread dominion had an
extensive circle of view open to it in relation to geography
and ethnology, and would be almost impossible within the
limits of the kingdom of Judah. Although we have at
the present day good reasons for treating as a mere fable
the more extravagant ideas that were long current, and
1 Die reli(/in*CH., inlitixcltcn und socialen Idcoi dcr Asia tisc fan
Culturvul/ccr,
etc., edited by M. Lazarus, Borliii 1872, p. 590.
gave rise to many lamentable prejudices, of the utter

seclusion of the Hebrews in Canaan, yet their view can
hardly have reached to such a distance, and, if it did,
cannot have taken in such special points, as are met with
in the Table of Nations. Bat we should exaggerate the
possible influence of the connexion with the Phenicians, if
with Tuch } we were to derive from it the ethnographical
information requisite to produce that Table. And we
should be applying the measure of modern expeditions
to David s and Solomon s navigation to which Mauch
attributes a colonisation of Africa by Jews in connexion
with the discovery of Ophir if we were to suppose that
navigation to have yielded this same geographical and
ethnographical knowledge as its scientific result.
The attention of the Hebrews could not be directed to

ethnographical problems on so large a scale before their
residence among the confusion of nationalities in the
empire of Babylon and Assyria. That period is also the
first at which interest could be felt in another problem
Biblical answer to which is avowedly given at Babylon.
I mean the story of the Confusion of Tongues at Babel
(Babylon) in Genesis XI. 4-9.
It is not difficult to understand that the Hebrews, who

in Canaan, a country of such linguistic uniformity, had
no occasion to pay attention to the fact of the variety
of tongues, on entering the Babylonian empire with its
varying languages were naturally led to ask the question
to which the eleventh chapter of Genesis offers a reply.
Why, even earlier than this the Northern empire was
a nation whose tongue they did not understand (Deut.
XXVIII. 49), 2 c a nation from afar, an ancient nation, a
1 Commentar zur Genesis, ist ed. 1838, p. 200; 2nd ed. 1871, p. 157.
2 It should be observed that in the postexilian imitation of this sermon of

castigations (now called in the Synagogue tokhacha) in Lev. XXVI. 14-43,
the circumstance that the people would be carried off by an enemy whose
language they understood not is omitted. Other points in the tokhacha of
Leviticus indicate that it was imagined by one who had a knowledge of the
CONFUSION OF TONGUES. 331
nation from of old, a nation whose language thou knowest

not, neither understandest what they say 9 (Jer. Y. 15).
Whilst even in Hesiod s time men were already called by
the Greeks fispoTrss speaking variously ( Works and Days,
109, 142), to the ancient Hebrew the whole earth was of
one language and of one speech. .Now, as the impulse to
ask this question arose in Babylon, the place where such a
problem must force itself most irresistibly on the attention,
so Babylon was found to be also the scene of the solution
of the problem. It is so natural to place the origin of
an event or a phenomenon at the place where it has first
occurred to us or we have first perceived it. But, in fact,
we find the story of the building of the Tower taking its
place among the latest Cuneiform discoveries. 1 That the
origin of the Table of Nations hangs together with the
story of the origin of the diversity of languages is evident,
not only from the inner connexion between the respective
problems, but also from the fact that the Table of Nations
always distinguishes the various races c after their fami
lies, after their tongues, in their countries, in their nations
(Gen. X. 5, 20, 31).
The attempted etymology of Babhel from balal to

mix, which is tacked on to the story, is quite secondary ;
it is impossible to approve the notion that this etymology
was itself the cause of the invention of the story that lan
guages had their origin at Babylon. On the contrary, the
essential part of the story is the origin at Babylon ; the
etymology is a secondary point, by which it was attempted
to leave no part unexplained. People in antiquity, and even
in modern times those who are more affected by a word
than a thought, were fond of finding in the word a sort of
reflexion of the corresponding thing. Indeed, many com
ponent parts of ancient stories owe their existence only to
such false etymologies. Dido s ox-hides and their con-
Captivity; so e.g. the especial accentuation of residence in the land of an
enemy, as in vv. 32, 36. 38, 39.
1 George Smith, The Chaldean Account of Genesis, pp. 158 ct scqq.
nexion with the founding of Carthage are only based on

the Greek byrsa, a misunderstood modified pronunciation
of the Semitic Mrethd fortress, citadel. The shining
Apollo, born of light, is said to be born in Delos or Lycia,
because the terms Apollon Delios and LyJcegenes were not
understood. The Phenician origin of the Irish, asserted
in clerical chronicles of the middle ages, only rests on a
false derivation of the Irish word fen a, pi. fion, beautiful,
agreeable. Even the savage tribes of America are misled
by a false etymology to call the Michabo, the Kadmos of
the Eed Indians (from michi great and wabos white ),
a White Hare. 1 Falsely interpreted names of towns most
frequently cause the invention of fables. How fanciful
the operation of popular etymology is in the case of local
names is observable in many such names when translated
into another language. By the lake of Gennesereth lies
Hippos, the district surrounding which was called Hippene.
This word in Phenician denoted a harbour, and is found
not only in Carthaginian territory as the name of the See
of St. Jerome, but also as the name of places in Spain.
The Hebrew choph 6 shore, and the local names Yapho
(Jaffa) and Haifa, are unquestionably related to it. But
the Greeks regarded it from a Grecian point of view, and
thought it meant Horse-town. Did not they call ships sea
horses, and attribute horses to the Sea-god ? Then, the
Arabs directly translated this LTTTTOS Hippos into kal at al-
Hujsaii : huan being horse in modern Arabic. 2 The Persian
town Rey was made the subject of a fable, which I mention
here partly because it exhibits some similarity with the
subject of the Tower of Babel. The Persian chroniclers
relate, 3 that the old kingKeykavus had a chariot construc
ted, by which, after various preparations, he intended to
1 Fiske, Myths and Myth makers, pp. 71, 154. See Tylor, Primitive
Culture, I. 357 et seq.
2 From Sepp s Jerusalem und das heilige Land, II. 157.
3 In Yakut, Geogr. Dictionary, II. 893. The explanation of the name

Thakif in Yakut, III. 498, quite reminds one of the Old Testament way of
giving etymologies of names.
ETYMOLOGISING IN LEGENDS. 333
ascend to heaven. But God commanded the wind to carry

the king into the clouds. Arrived there, he was dashed
down again, and fell into the sea of Gurgan. Keychosrau,
son of Shawush, coming to that coast, employed the same
chariot to convey him to Babylon. When he came to the
locality of the modern Key, people said, bireyy amed
Keychosrau, on a chariot came Keychosrau. He caused
a city to be built at this place, which was called Eey,
because a chariot is so called in Persian. 1
Granting all this, it is generally only accessory fea

tures added to the main stem of the story that owe their
origin to a mistaken attempt at etymologising. The
existence and first origin of an entire story can scarcely
be produced by an unsatisfactory etymology. With
regard to the Hebrew stories, in which etymologising
plays a considerable part, the same rule is, generally
speaking, to be observed. There also the story is en
riched in details by etymological attempts suggested later.
But it is not brought into life in the first instance by this
factor. On the contrary, as a connexion must be dis
covered between the name and the circumstances of its
bearer, and the original mythical relation between them
has been long lost to memory, features quite foreign to
the name itself, but characteristic of the story, are some
times brought into etymological connexion with the name
and fitted on to the story. From this source emanates
the striking insufficiency of many of these etymological
explanations, e.g. of the interpretation of Abhraham by
Abh harnon Father of a multitude, and Noach (Noah)
by nicham to comfort. In the Hebrew Myth of Civili
sation, Noah is the most prominent founder of agriculture
and inventor of agricultural implements ; consequently
it is he that procures comfort for men against the curse
imposed on the soil. This feature is not etymologically
1 See some useful quotations in L. Lovr sBcitrdgezurjud.AltcrthumsJcunde,

Szegcdin 1875, H- 3^8; and very interesting references in Pott s Wilhclm von
Humboldt und die Sprachwisscnftchaft, Berlin 1876, p. CIX. et seq.
expressed in the name Noah ; but the later formation of

the story about him invented a false etymology, in order
to connect it with the name. The case is the same with
the story of the Languages, in which Babhel is derived
from balal to mix. The etymology relates quite as fre
quently to a very subordinate feature in the story, as for
instance in the interpretation of most of the names of
Jacob s sons in Gen. XXIX, XXX, or in the derivation
of the name Kayin (Cain) from kana c to gain. Some
times, lastly, the etymon is given correctly, while its
original relation to the person bearing the name is lost
with the loss of the mythical consciousness. In such
cases there frequently arises a new feature of the story.
Thus, for instance, it is quite correctly affirmed that
Yischak (Isaac) comes from, sachak ( to laugh : but it
is no longer understood that the word designates the
* Laughing one (the Sun), and so the laughter of the
aged mother to whom the birth of a son is announced
beforehand, or the laughter of other people on hearing
the announcement, is introduced. In the etymology of
the name.Ya akobh (Jacob) both the etymon and that to
which it refers ( c akebh c heel ) are correctly preserved, not
however without the introduction of a foreign etymological
element (Ikkebh c to cheat ), which became prominent
in the subsequent development of the story. The .same
phenomenon also appears on the domain of the Arabian
stories, a region of Semitism which has still to be explored
for mythological questions. I have no doubt that the
genealogical tables of the Arabs contain names which
will be discovered by sound etymology to be Solar desig
nations. This seems to me, for example, to be the case
with Hashim. The story that he and his twin-brother
Abd Shams were born with their foreheads joined together,
or with the forehead of one joined to the hand of the
other, 1 resembles the myths of the birth of Jacob and
1 Zcitsch. d. D. M. G., 1853, VII. p. 28.
ETYMOLOGISING IN LEGENDS. 335
Esau, and of that of Perez and Zerah. 1 It was worked

out with an object during the later dynastic rivalry
between the Hashimites and Ummayads (descendants of
c Abd Sharns). But Hashim is the Breaker, thus an
swering perfectly to Peres (Perez) or Gide on. When
the mythical consciousness was lost, a story bearing an
obviously apocryphal character was fabricated to give it an
etymology. It is this. On occasion of a famine resulting
from a bad harvest, Hashim went to Syrja, where he had
a quantity of bread baked. This he put into large sacks,
loaded his camels with it, and took it to Mekka. There
hashama, i.e. he broke up the bread into bits, sent for
butchers, and distributed it among the people of Mekka.
Therefore, it is said, he was called Hashim, the Breaker. 2
We have here the very same process in the history of
etymology which we had occasion to observe in the
etymological explanation of Biblical names. Thus, as is
obvious in the above-quoted Hebrew examples, it must be
admitted that the later etymological conception frequently
forced itself into the foreground so much as to obtain
recognition as a portion of the narrative. 3 But no entire
story, such as that of the Confusion of Tongues at Babel,
can be proved to have been formed upon no other basis
than an indifferent etymology. So we may with confidence
hold to the above-suggested occasion for the origin of this
story of the variety of languages. There is good ground
for hoping that before very long the recently discovered
mythical texts of the Assyrian and Babylonian literature
will pour an increasing flood of light on the question dis
cussed in this chapter. The richness of the stores con
tained in the two latest works of the meritorious scholar
George Smith Assyrian Discoveries : an account of ex
ploration and discoveries (1876), and The Chaldean
Account of Genesis (1876) allow us to entertain the best
1 See supra, pp. 133, 183.
2 Ibn Dureyd, Kitub al-MHM^, ed. Wiistenfeld, Gottingeh 1853, p. 9.

8 See Ewald, History of Israel, I. 19 et seg.
hopes of this result. It is greatly to be desired that an

unprejudiced conception of the matter of Hebrew mythic
stories may be promoted by these discoveries. But to
attain to the result of true freedom from old errors, it is
essential to put away all fears, and to be guided solely and
simply by the interests of the Holiest of Holies, namely,
scientific truth, in forming a judgment on the priority or
simultaneous origin of such stories in different nations.
EXCURSUS.
A, (Page 30.)
Agadic Etymologies.
IN another direction also the Agada is wont to supply the omis

sions of the Scripture. In passages where the Bible itself gives no
reason for the choice or origin of a name, the Agada quite inde
pendently gives its own etymological reason : this peculiarity occurs
excessively often (e.g. in the etymology of the name Miriam in the
Midrash to the Song of Songs, II. 12, that of the names of the two
mid wives Shiphrah and Puah, who in addition are identified with
Jochebed and Miriam, in the Talmud Bab. tr. Sota, fol. n. b, etc.). 1
Here I will bring forward out of a great number of instances one
which affords an opportunity of exhibiting an interesting coincidence
between the Jewish and the Mohammedan Agada, and affords a
proof how extensive and how far-reaching into the smallest detail
are the loans taken by the Mohammedan from the Rabbinical
theologians, and on the other hand how independently and how
completely in an Arabian spirit these borrowed treasures were
worked up.
In Gen. XLYI. 21, Benjamin s sons are enumerated without

any etymological observations. The Agada supplies the deficiency,
and puts every one of the names of Joseph s nephews into
connexion with Benjamin s melancholy remembrance of his lost
brother. The interpretations in question are contained in the
Talmud and Midrash ; and they are found in a different, but pro
bably the most original form in the Targum Jerus. on the passage ;
and it is sufficient to refer to this. According to this, Benjamin named
his ten sons <al perishiithd de-Y6seph achohi for the separation
1 I hiivo referred to this in Zcitschr. d. D.M.G. 1870, XXIV. 207.
338 EXCURSUS A.
from Ms brother Joseph : * thus Bela , because Joseph was devoured-

away (i.e. torn away] from him, de-ithbela minneh : Bekher,
because Joseph was his mother s first-born/ bukhra de-immeh :
Ashbel, from the captivity into which Joseph fell, de-halakh be-
shibhyatha : Grera, because Joseph had to live as a stranger in a
foreign land/ de-ithgar be-ar a nukhra a : Na aman, because Joseph
was charming and dear to him/ da-hawa na im we-yakkir : Echi,
* because he was his brother (achohi) : Rosh, because he was the
most excellent in his father s house : Muppim, because he was sold
to the land Moph (Egypt) : Chuppim, because Benjamin had ex
actly reached the age of eighteen years, that of maturity for marriage
(chuppah) in men : l Ard, from yarad to go down/ because Joseph
had to go down to Egypt.
The Arabic pendant to this Agada I found in a book Zahr

al-kimam f i kissat Yusuf aleyhi al-salam, by the learned Malikite
Omar b. Ibrahim al-Ausi al-Ansari. It is the same book as
Haji Chalfa quotes (V. 381, no. 11386) by the name Majalis
kissat Yusuf, 2 although the commencement given by him does
not agree with the initial words of our Codex (No. 7 of the Supple
ment, in the Leipzig University Library). The book is divided
into seventeen majalis, or sessions an arrangement not un
common in Arabic works of a hortatory character or touching on
religious knowledge. Each mejlis contains a portion of the life of
Joseph, always introduced by a verse of the Koran, and abundantly
mixed with poems and other episodes and intermezzos. It is an in
structive source for the legend of Joseph among the Mohammedans.
It would take us too far from the subject if I were to give a full
characterisation of the book. I will therefore only mention that
it betrays a close relation to the Jewish legend, and that the
author generally gives frequent occasion for the conjecture that
the Bible and the Jewish tradition were not strange to him or to
the sources from which he drew. But everything appears here
curiously altered. For example, the cry of Isaac when deceived,
The voice is the voice of Jacob, but the hands are the hands of
Esau (Gen. XXYII. 22), is there given (fol. 5 recto) thus: al-
lams lams Aysau w-al-rih rih Ya kub the touch is the touch of
1 According to Rabbinical views, Abhoth V, Mishna 21.
2 The author refers on p. 127 recto to his earlier work, Bigyatal-muta allim
wa-fciidat al-muta/callim. Haji Chalfa does not know this book of the
author s.
EXCURSUS B. 339
Esau, but the smell is the smell of Jacob (see Gen. XXVII. 27).
The passage with which we have to do here occurs fol. 149 recto.
The scene is the brothers dinner in Joseph s house. Each

sits beside his full brother ; Benjamin alone has none, and begins
to weep bitterly. Then Joseph approaches him, and after a long
dialogue makes himself known to Benjamin as his full brother,
and talks with him. Afterwards Joseph asks him, Youth, hast
thou a wife ? Yes, replies Benjamin. And children ] I
have three sons. What name gavest thou to the eldest 1 Dib
(Wolf). And why didst thou choose this name? Because
my brothers were of opinion that a wolf had devoured my brother,
and I wished to have a memento of the catastrophe. l And what
didst thou call the second ? I named him Dam (Blood). * And
wherefore ? Because my brothers brought a coat dipped in
blood, and I wished to preserve the memory of it. And what
is thy third son s name 1 Yusuf, that my brother s name may
not be forgotten.
But even names whose etymology occurs in the Bible itself

are provided by the Agada with new etymological explanations :
so e.g. Yischak, is explained by yasa or yese chok A statute has
gone or will go forth. l
B. (Page 34.)
A Hermeneutical Law of the Agddd.
The hermeneutic principle to which we have referred in the

text, although not so well known to the Agadists as it was in other
circles (for they have nowhere expressly declared it), is to be traced
throughout their whole conception of Scripture. It is the principle
that the intensity of the sense of a word increases with the enlarge
ment of its form. This law was also set up by the Greek etymo
logists, and applied even to the point of pedantry by one of the
oldest grammarians, Tryphon. 2 With the Arabic grammarians
it controls the entire grammatical field : ziyadet al-lafz (al-bina)
tadullu ala ziyadet al-ma na the increase of the word (the form)
points to increase of the meaning. In Agadic exegesis also it is
1 Beresh. r. sect. 53 ; see Beer, Leben Abraham s, p. 168, note 506.
2 See Steint ha.1, Geschichte dcr SprachwissenxcluJ t ?>ci Gricckcu und

Romera,
P- 342-
7,2
340 EXCURSUS C.
often accepted as a valid rule of Scriptural interpretation. In the

case of reduplicated forms especially, the reduplicated indicates a
fuller concept than the unreduplicated : e.g. lebhabh compared
with lebh (both denoting heart ) is treated as signifying a double
heart, comprising the good and the evil impulse (yeser tobh and
yeser hara : Sifre on Deuter. VI. 5. 32). So also in shephiphon
compared with shephi, the doubled ph is supposed to point to an
enlargement of the signification.
But this word shephiphon contains besides the reduplication

of a radical letter an affix 6n. This affix is also generally brought
into connexion with an enlargement of the signification, exactly
as is done by the interpreters of the Koran with the corresponding
Arabic affix dn. 1 An example from the Agada is as follows : in
Bereshith rabba, sect. 97, Yose b. Chalaphta says, The labours of
bread-winning are double as laborious as the labours of child-birth,
for of these it is said " With pain (be esebh) thou shalt bear children "
(Gen. III. 16), while of those it is said, " With painfulness (be issa-
bhon) thou shalt enjoy it [its fruits] all the days of thy life " (ib. v.
17). Hence the on affixed to eseb is taken to indicate a doubling
of the pain ; just as the on added to shephi in shephiphon denoted
lameness in both feet.
C. (Page 100.)
Pools and Whips of the Sun.
There is no doubt that the ancient idea which associates Pools

with the rising and the setting sun was based on the conception
that the rising sun emerged from water and the setting sun sank
into water. In la.ter times, when the original mythical circum
stances had lost their clearness, the conception of the Sun s Pools
underwent a considerable modification. On this subject we must
notice two different conceptions, both of which sound quite mythi
cal, which are preserved in the Jewish and Arabic tradition. One
of these supposed that the Sun exhibited such an eagerness for
the performance of his work, that the whole world would be set
on fire if its consequences were not moderated by various means
for cooling down the heat ; and these means are the Pools of
the Sun. In the Midrash on Ecclesiastes, I. 6, it is said : It is
1 See on raliman and rahim al-Bf>y(lawi s Comm. in Coramim,ed. Fleischer,

5. ii.
EXCURSUS D. 341
reported in the name of Rabbi Nathan that the ball of the Sun
is fixed in a reservoir with a pool of water before him ; when he
is about to go forth he is full of fire, and God weakens his force by
that water, that he may not burn up the whole world. A similar
account is found in the Shocher tobh on Ps. XIX. 8, and in the
same Midrash on v. 8 the Talmudic theory of the upper waters
(mayim ha- elyonim, which are said to be above the heaven) is
brought into connexion with this idea. Another conception is
diametrically opposite to this. According to this view, the Sun
at first resists the performance of his business, and is only moved
to do it by force and violent measures. In the Midrash Ekha
rabba, Introduction, 25, the Sun himself complains that he
will not go out till he has been struck with sixty whips, and re
ceived the command Go out, and let thy light shine. Among
the Arabs the poet Uuiayya b. Abi-s-Salt discourses at length on
the compulsion which must be exerted on the Sun before he is will
ing to bestow the benefit of his light and warmth on mortals :
W-ash-shamsu tatla u kulla achiri leylatin * hamra a ma^la u launiha muta-
warridu.
Ta ba fala tabdu lana fi rasliha * ilia mu addabatan \va-illa tujladu.
1 The Sun rises at the close of every night * commencing red in colour, slowly
advancing.
He refuses, and appears not to us during his delay * until he is chastised,

until he is whipped. 1
According to the tradition of Ikrirna seven thousand angels

are daily occupied with keeping the Sun in order. 2 The first con
ception also is represented in Mohammedan tradition. A sentence
of tradition quoted by al-Suyuti (Tashnif al sarn bi-ta did al -sab ) 3
says that the Sun is pelted every day with snow and ice by seven
angels, that his heat may not destroy the earth. This mode of
cooling is the Mohammedan equivalent for the Pool of the Sun.
Mohammedan tradition speaks, moreover, also of a Pool of the
Moon. 4
D. (Page IOO.)
Solar Myth and Animal- Worship.
The Egyptian animal-worship, indeed animal-worship in

general, can only be traced back to mythical conceptions, which,
1 Ki/ab dl-di/ih t, IV. 191. My translation differs from Sprenger s.
2 Spivnjfi 1 . 1. -/"/I Mohammed s, I. 112.
8 MS. of tho Leipzig University Library, Cod. Ref. no. 357.

4 See Sprengor, ib ul. p. in.
342 EXCURSUS D.
when the myth passed into theology and the true understanding
of it became rare and then ceased altogether, gained a new mean
ing quite different from the original. Animal- worship is accord
ingly one of the sources for the discovery of mythological facts.
This is especially the case with the Egyptian animal-worship,
which, as Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride, c. VIII.) says of the religion
of the Egyptians, is founded par excellence on atria î/truc??, since
the same impulse which is reflected in the figurative portion of
the Hieroglyphic system of writing led the Egyptians to employ
animals in mythology with equal profuseness. Thus, e.g. the
often discussed Cat-worship of the Egyptians is traced back to
one point of their Solar myth. The old Egyptian myth unques
tionably called the Sun the Cat ; of which a clear trace is left in
the XVIIth chapter of the Book of the Dead. 1 Like the Sun, says
Horapollo, the pupil of the cat s eye grows larger with the advance
of day, till at noon it is quite round ; after which it gradually
decreases again. The Egyptian myth imagined a great cat behind
the Sun, which is the pupil of the cat s eye. In the later Edda
(I. 96, Gylf. 24) also Freya is said to drive out with two cats to
draw her car. In the above-quoted chapter of the Book of the Dead,
which Brugsch, who cites the passage of Horapollo, analyses in an
interesting essay, 2 it is frequently said that the cat is frightened by
a scorpion which approaches on the vault of heaven, intending to
block the way of the cat and cover its body with dirt. Brugsch
identifies the scorpion with Sin ; but to me it seems more probable
that we have here an echo of the old myth of the Cat, i.e. a Solar
myth, in which the Sun does battle against the Dragon or serpen
tine monster that obscures or devours him. Instead of the my
thical expression, that Darkness covers up the Sun, it is said here
that The Dragon of storms or night covers the Cat s body with dirt.
I mention here this important argument affecting the origin
of animal-worship, not on account of the Cat, but in order to
point to an element of the Egyptian animal- worship which hangs
together with the mythical mode of regarding the Sun which has
been more fully worked out in the text that he sinks into the
water in the evening, so as to come to land again in the morning.
It is well known that in many parts of Egypt the Crocodile en
joyed divine honours. Now this worship appears to be connected
1 See Lenormant, Premieres Civilisations, I. 359.
2 Acgyptische Studied, in the Zcitsch. dcr D. M. G., X. 683.
EXCURSUS D. 343
with the fact that in the above respect the Crocodile is, so to
speak, a mythological hieroglyph of the Sun, and doubtless figured
in the Solar myth as a designation of the Sun. The Crocodile
passes the greater part of the day on the dry land, and the night
in the water. Herodotus (II. 68) says, TO iroXXov TIJQ ///u^c
di(i-pif3ei ru) f?pw, ri]V fie VVKTU iraaav iv TV Trora/ua). Plutarch
shows admirable tact, especially in his sober intelligence in relation
to the mythical use made of living creatures that abide in the
water or grow up out of it, and consequently understands the
relation of the Lotus-flower to the Sun in this sense : ourwe arcmA}i
i]\iov ypafyovvt TI}V e vypwv >/X/ou yiv(îvr\v ara\l>iv alrirTu/JEi
Oi
(De Iside et Osiride, c. XI.). Yet in treating of the Crocodile he
strangely heaps hypothesis upon hypothesis (ibid. c. LXXV.), and
exhibits superior insight only in so far as he endeavours to find
in the nature of the Crocodile the origin of the worship paid to it,
whereas Diodorus is satisfied with the utilitarian explanation that
the Crocodile keeps robbers at a distance from the Nile (I. 89).
But on this point he does not, as on many others, hit the nail on
the head.
The reverse of the Crocodile- worship is that of the Ichneumon

in the country now called Fayum. According to the classical
reporters, this animal was sacred to Buto, who was identified
with the Leto of the Greeks. Now Max Miiller (Chips etc. II.
p. 80) has convincingly proved Leto or Latona to be one of the names
of the Night. The Ichneumon, accordingly, is likewise a mythical
designation of the Night in its relation to the Sun (Cat, Crocodile) ;
for the special characteristic of the Ichneumon, with which the
worship paid to it is connected, is its peculiar hostility to cats and
crocodiles.
The part played by the Cow also in animal- worship must be

traced back to the Solar myth as its primaiy origin. It is well
known that one of the very commonest appellations of the Sun
in mythology is this the Cow. The Sun s rays are described as
the Cow s milk ; especially in the Yedas this is one of the most
familiar conceptions. The worship of the Scarabeus among the
Egyptians must also be based on a close connexion with the Solar
myth, although the point of attachment to that mythological
group is not obvious in this case to us, who are so far removed
from the mythical mind. However, even Plutarch } endeavours
1 DC Iside et Osiride, c. LXXIV.
344 EXCURSUS D.
to discover some point of similarity which might serve as tertium

comparationis, and finds it in the Scarabeus mode of generation.
The animal-worship was not based upon any experience of the

usefulness or hurtfulness of the animals, but always stands in
close connexion with the Solar myth, of which it is only a theolo
gical and liturgical development. This is most conspicuously
evident from the fact that, besides real existing animals, there were
also imaginary ones that received divine honours, and played a
very prominent part, as, for example, the Phenix. But this word
also is only an ancient mythical designation of the Sun. The
Phenix is a winged animal with red and golden feathers ; l a de
scription of the Sun from the mythical point of view, as must be
sufficiently obvious from what was expounded on p. 116. The
Phenix comes every five hundred years at the end of each great
Solar period. When the myth-creating stage had been overpassed,
and the name Phenix disappeared from the inventory of names
of the Sun, the word, surviving the myth itself, and the remains
of a misunderstood mythical conception attached to the word,
might produce the superstition of the real existence of the bird
Phenix. And it is these very remains that permit and render
possible the reconstruction of the mythical significance. 2 Even
religious usages may have their source in the ancient mythical
circle of ideas. From Herodotus we learn that the Egyptians were
forbidden to sacrifice or eat the Cow, but that the Ox was not so
protected. 3 This is closely connected with mythical ideas. To the
Cow, whose milk and horns are the mythical representatives of the
rays, whether of the Sun or of the Moon, extensive divine venera
tion could more naturally be paid than to the Ox, who less perfectly
exhibits what the myth tells of the Sun, inasmuch as he has not the
milk ; and the veneration would naturally carry with it the idea,
that it was forbidden either to kill or to eat of the sacred animal.
1 Herod. II. 73 : TO. fj.fv avrov xpixro /coyita TUV irrtpwv, TO. 8e, epvOpd.
2 On other animals, rather fantastic than mythological, belonging to Egyp

tian antiquity, see Chabas, Etudes sur Vantiquite historique, Paris 1873, PP
399-403.
3 Herod. II. 41 : Tows p.4v vvv KaOapovs (Sovs TOVS eptrevas Kal TOVS
/j.6<rxovs ol
irdvTfS AlyviTTLOi Qvovffi ras 5e dyXeas oft (T<pi ee<TTt 6veiv }
a\\a Ipai fieri TTJS
"laws.
EXCURSUS E. 345
E, (Page 109.)
The Sun as a Well.
To the mythical conception discussed in the text, which re

gards the Sun as an Eye, must be added another parallel view,
that of the Sun as a Well. Language and myth here show re
markable uniformity, which helps the identification. Many lan
guages have the same name for Well and Eye, as if they followed
the mathematical law that when two things are each equal to a
third, they are equal to each other. So it is in Semitic ( ayin,
*ayn, etc.) ; in Persian tsheshm and tsheshmeh ; in Chinese ian,
which word denotes both ivell and eye. The thirty -four wells near
Bunarbashi, which was formerly believed to be the site of the
Homeric Ilion, are called by the people, using a round number,
the forty eyes For the Sun is not only a seeing eye, but also a
flowing well. It is possible that the weeping eye, which is actually
a flowing well (see Jer. VIII. 23 [IX. i] we- enay mekor dirn a
would that my eyes were a fountain of tears ), may serve to
mediate between the two senses. Heimich Heine, in his Nordsee-
cyclus ( Nachts in der Kajiite ) says :
From those heavenly eyes above me,
Light and trembling sparks are falling. . .
ye heavenly eyes above me !
Weep yourselves into my spirit,
That my spirit may run over

With those tears so sweet and starry. 1
Freya, an acknowledged solar figure, whose car is drawn by

cats, weeps golden tears for her lost husband. 2 Here the tears of
the Sun s eye are his golden rays.
The Sun being a Well, the light of his rays is the moisture that
flows from the well. In the Egyptian Book of the Dead the Sun
is called ra pu num. atef nuteru * the Sun, the primitive water, the
father of the gods. 3 Lucretius (De Rerum Natura, V. 282) calls
the Sun
Largus item liquid i funs luminis, aetherius, Sol,

Lvrigat assidue coelum cymdore recenti,
1 E. A. Bowring s translation of the Book of Songs, where the Nordsee is

rendered Baltic !
Later Edda, I. 90, Gylf. 35.
3 Lepsius, Acltcstc Tcxtc dcs Tt (/fciilim-/t. Berlin 1867, V- 42.
346 EXCURSUS E.
1 who fructifies the heaven with ever-new brilliancy. Tlu

same view prevails also on Semitic ground. In Hebrew and
Arabic the root nahar denotes equally to flow and to shine.
Nahar (Heb.), nahar (Ar.), is * a river/ nahar ( Ar.) the bright
ness of the sun by day. In Abd-al- Rahman al-Asadi s poem in
defence of the tribe of Asad against a satire of Ibn Mayyada of the
tribe of Murr, the setting of the Sun is called insibabuha l f his pour
ing himself out, his condition when he has poured forth all his rays :
If the Sun s rays belonged to one tribe, * then his shining-forth and his con
cealment would belong to us ;
But he belongs to God, who holds command over him; * to His power belong
both his rising and his effusion of himself.

Walau anna karna-sh-shamsi kana li-ma sharin * lakana lana ishrakuha
wa htijabuha ;
Walakinnaha lillahi yamliku amraha * li-kudratihi is aduha wansibabuha.
The poet Tarafa, to express the idea that the Sun lends or
spends his rays, uses the verb to give to drink (sakat-hu iyat
ush-shamsi, Mu allaka, v. 9.), and the same idiom is used of the
light of the stars. The word kaukab, which in Semitic generally
denotes star, also signifies a well-spring, e.g. and may no well-
spring (kaukab) irrigate the pasture (Agdni, XL 126. 15). Com
pare a passage in the introduction to the Commentary on the Koran
called al-Kashshaf by Zamachshari (de Sacy, Anthologie gramm. ar,
p. 120. 8, text), where the two significations of the word occur close
together. To this place ^belongs also a sentence delivered by Rabbi
Ami in the Babylonian Talmud, Ta anith, fol. 7 b. He explains the
words al-kappayim kissaor in Job XXXYI. 32, thus : * On account
of the sin of their hands he (God) holds back the rain, as by light
rain must be meant (en or ella matar), and gives the same inter
pretation of the word or light in another passage, Job XXXYII.
n, he also loads the cloud with moisture, spreads abroad the
cloud of his rain (y aphis anan oro). But of what fluid the rays
of the heavenly bodies are composed is not fixed and determined
by the myth. In the Yendidad, XXI. 26, 32, 34, the Sun, moon,
and stars are rich in Milk. No less frequent is the idea that the
heavenly bodies make water. 2 This latter view of the Sun s rays as
a liquid is remarkably reflected in the Hungarian language ; and I
will therefore note some facts relating to the subject, which will
1 Agdni II. 118. 7.
* See especially Schwartz, Sonne, Mond und Sterne, p. 30 sq.
EXCURSUS F. 347
be interesting to the investigators of Comparative Mythology. It

is especially noteworthy that in old Hungarian the word hugy,
which in the modern language means only urine/ was employed
for star. In the Legend of St. Francis, an ancient document of
the Hungarian language, the Latin stellarum cursus is translated
hugoknak folydsa * the flowing of the hugy ok. To the same root
belong probably some proper names also, collected by Rev. Aron
Szilady (Magyar Nyelvor,^. 223), e.g. Hugdi, Hugod, Hugus (which
should be read Hugydi, Hugyad, Hugyos), which must surely
signify * shining, fenyes. The same view of light as a fluid is also
preserved in the later language, in which with sugar ray the verb
b mlik * to pour itself out is employed, as in many other languages.
F. (Page 113.)
Cain in Arabic.
The names of the first brothers in the Biblical legend of the

Mohammedans are Habil and Kabil. Even D Herbelot (BiUiothe-
que Orientate, s.v. Cabil) explains : Kabil, Receiver/ as an Arabic
diversion of the etymon with which the Hebrew text supplies the
name, viz. kanithi, * I have gained or received a man for Jahveh.
Still we must doubt whether the name Kabil has any etymological
foot-hold in this group. Nor can it, as Chwolson supposes, be traced
to a transcriber s error which had been propagated so as to become
fixed. 1 It is founded on a peculiar fancy of the Arabs for putting
together pairs of names. This process may be observed to take
place in one of two modes. First, the Arabs are fond of employ
ing in groups of names various derivatives of the same root :
e.g. they call the two angels of the grave Munkar and Nekir j the
two armies in the story of Alexander Munsik and Nasik, a sort of
Yajuj and Majuj ; 2 and in the story of Joseph the two Midianites
who lifted Joseph out of the pit are Bashshar and Bushra. 3 To
the same category belong Shiddid and Shaddad, the two sons of
Ad ; Malik and Milkan, the sons of Kinana. 4 This fancy passed
from legend into actual life, where it often decided the names to be
1 See Gutschmid in Zcitschr. d. D.M.G. 1861, XV. 86.
2 See W. Bachor s Nizami s Leben und Werke, p. 21.
8 MS. of the Leipzig University Library, Suppl. 7. fol. 30 recto.

1 Yafcut, III. 92; Krehl, Voridam. Religion des Amber, p. 12 etc. See
also Ewald, History of Israel, I. 272. note 4.
348 EXCURSUS F.
given to children, e.g. IJasan and Huseyn the two sons of All,
and larger groups, as the three brothers Nabih, Munabbih, and
Nabahan (Aydm, VI. 101), Amin, Ma mun, and Musta min the
three sons of the Khalif Harun ar-Rashid. The practice is observ
able not only in the names of contemporaries, but also in genealogi
cal series of names both of prehistoric and of historic times : e.g.
Huzal b. Huzeyl b. Huzeyla, a man belonging to the Adites (Com-
mentaire historique sur le poeme d Ibn.Abdoun par Ibn Badroun,
ed. Dozy, Leyden 1848, p. 67. i text); the Thamudite Kudar b.
Kudeyra (Hariri, Mak. p. 201); Satirun b. Astirun al-Jarmaki,
builder of the fortress Hadr, the conquest of which is bound up
with a story full of terrific tragedy (Yakut, II. 284. 12), etc. An
interesting example of such grouping of nouns in modern popular
rhetoric occurs in Burton s Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to
Mecca and Medina (II. 146 of the ed. in two vols.). Secondly, in
pairing names, the Arabs are fond of allowing assonance to prevail.
So we have Raham and Rayam, Harut and Marut, Hawil and
Kawil, (see Bacher, ibid.), Yajuj and Majuj for the Biblical Gog
and Magog. From the last instance it is evident that the inclina
tion to form assonant pairs of names is not foreign to the Hebrews;
another Hebrew instance is Eldad and Medad, and from Talmu-
dical literature Chillek and Billek. The assonance occurs not
only at the end of the words, the initial syllable being indifferent,
but also inversely in the first syllable, the end of the word being
indifferent. An instance of the latter is found in the names of
the orthodox survivors of the Ad and Thamud peoples in the
Mohammedan legend, Jabalk and Jabars (or Jabars, see Yakut,
II. 2 ; but certainly not Jabulka and Jabulsa, as Justi writes in
the Ausland for 1875, p. 306). Moreover, this love of assonance
natural to Arabic writers extends beyond the proper sphere of
Arabic legends to foreign parts. An instance is found in the
Romance of Antar, XXIX. 72. 10, where two Franks, brothers,
slain by Aiitar, are called Saubert and Taubert. No doubt the
writer had heard of Frankish names ending in bert ; he had
already mentioned a king Jaubert. The tendency to form such
assonant names is so prevalent that the correct sounds of one
of the two are unhesitatingly corrupted for the sake of asson
ance. This was the case with Yajuj and Majuj; another well-
known instance is the pair of names Soliman and Doliman for
Suleyman and Danish mand. The Biblical Saul is called in the
Mohammedan legend Talut, for the sake of assonance with Jaliit
EXCURSUS F. 349
(Goliath). 1 It is also noteworthy that the first species of assonance

is to be observed not only in personal names, but also in geogra
phical proper names, e.g. Kada and Kudeyy, two hills near Mekka
(Yakut, IY. 245. 15), Achshan and Chusheyn, also hills (ibid.
I. 164. 12, and see the proverbs referring to them in al-Meydani,
I. 14. 2); Sharaf and Shureyf, localities in Nejd (Ibn Dureyd, 127.1 5.)
This phonological tendency produced also the name Kabil as
an assonant with Habil. The name Kayin Cain was origin
ally pronounced by the Arabs in its Hebrew form, which was
particularly easy, because Kayn is an old Arabic proper name. 2
Through the force of assonance Kayin was changed in the mouth
of the people into Kabil, and this form made its way at a later
time into literature and became general. Mas udi still knows the
name Kayin, and expressly condemns the form Kabil as incorrect
(Les Prairies d or, I. 62) ; and he quotes a verse from which it
appears that the Biblical etymology from kana, which is equally
applicable to the Arabic language, is known to him :
Waktanaya-1-ibna fa-summiya Kayina * wa- ayana nash ahu ma ayana

Fa-shabba Habilu fa-shabba Kayin * wa-lam yakun beynahuma tabayun.
They (Adam and Eve) gained the son ; so he was called Kayin, * and they
saw his growth as they saw it.

So Habil grew up, and Kayin grew up, * and there was no dispute between them.
The same is also evident from the fact that Mohammedan tradition
makes Kabil live at a place Kaneyna near Damascus (Yakut, II.
588. 1 1 ), which can only be explained from its phonetic resem
blance to Kayin. Moreover, the connexion in which Abulfaraj
(Historia JDynastiarum, p. 8) puts the invention of musical instru
ments with the daughters of Cain, 3 affords evidence for the former
employment of the Biblical form of the name by the Arabs, since
this tradition depends upon the Arabic word kayna female
singer.
In the Oriental Christian Book of Adam, which Dillmann

has translated, the word Kayin is interpreted * Hater ; for he
hated his sister in his mother s womb, and therefore Adam named
him Kayin. Dillmann justly conjectures that this idea is sug-
1 See Frankel s Monatsschrift fur jud. Gcschichtc, II. 273. See on assonance
of names, Zcitschr. d. D.M. G. XXI. 593.
2 E.g. Hamasu, p. 221 ; compare Zcitsch. d. D.M.G., 1849, HI- 177.

Si-o Gutschmid, I.e. p. 87.
350 EXCURSUS G.
gested by a derivation of the name from kinne to be jealous of

some one. l
G, (Page 116.)
Grammatical Note on Joel II. 2.
I reserved the justification of the use which I made of the

verse Joel II. 2 for a short excursus here. It is well known that
in the Semitic languages the passive participle is frequently used
instead of the active, similarly to the English possessed of instead
of possessing, and the German Bedienter for Bedienender. In
Arabic (in which the native grammarians call this usage maf ul
bima na-1-fa il) hijab mastur the concealed curtain/ is said for
the concealing satir (Koran, XVII. 47 ; compare al-Hariri,
2nd ed., p. 528. 17) etc., in Aramaic achid amarta the con
queror of the world/ for ached ; raphuka digger/ for raphek
(Talm. Babyl. Sota 9 b.) ; in Samaritan kethubha the writer/
(Le Long, Bibl. sacra, p. 117; de Sacy, Memoire sur la version
arabe des livres de Mo ise, in the Mem. de VAcad. des Inscriptions,
1808, p. 1 6); in later Hebrew lakuach buyer instead of 16kea,ch
kephuy tobha * one who conceals the good he has received/ hence
unthankful (see supra, p. 193), instead of kophe ; dobh chatuph
a tearing bear/ for choteph (Targ. II. Gen. XLIX. 27). So also
frequently in Biblical Hebrew, e.g. achuze cherebh holding
swords for ochaze, Song of Songs, III. 8); erukh milchama
arranging battle for orekh (Joel II. 5, compare Jer. VI. 23,
L. 42, where the verb -r-kh, when used of drawing up the lines
for battle, is followed by the preposition le ; this, however, can
be omitted, as in kohen meshuach milchama a priest anointed
for war/ in the Mishna). I put in the same category the shachar
parus in the verse now being considered, where in my opinion the
passive parus stands for the active pores.
But to understand my explanation of the verse it must also

be noticed that verbs which are regularly employed with a certain
noun as subject or object in Hebrew can dispense with the noun,
which then is implicitly included in the verb : a very natural
proceeding. If I say, for instance, he clapped/ the verb contains
in itself the notion his hands. It is an elliptic, or rather pregnant
construction where a noun is omitted, similar to that which is used
1 In Ewald s Jahrh.fur bihl. Wissenschaft, 1853, V. 139. note 53.
EXCURSUS H, I. 351
to express motion by a verb not in itself implying motion ; ! e.g.

Num. XX. 26, we-Aharon ye aseph umeth sham Aaron was
gathered [to his fathers or his people] and died there. The words
and died there/ render superfluous the complement el ammaw
* to his peoples/ which is added in v. 24. Similarly with s-ph-k
to clap the object kappayim the hands can be omitted (Job
XXXI Y. 37 ; perhaps also Is. II. 6), etc. In the same list I put
the parus or pores of our passage : keiiaphayim. the wings or
kenaphaw l its wings being omitted. The expression the spread
ing dawn is intelligible by itself, as the dawn that spreads out its
wings. But the fact that the complementary object after parus
could be omitted proves how general was the conception of the
Bird of the Dawn with outstretched wings, which found this mode
of expression.
H. (Page 153.)
Hajnal.
The Hungarian language shows how speech wavers in deter

mining the colour of the rising Sun. The Hungarian word for
Dawn, hajnal, is etymologically related to ho, which means snow.
Therefore, the former must have originally denoted the white ; 2
and hajnalpir, the morning Redness/ is literally the Redness of
the White. And the conception of the redness of the dawn has
overcome that which must have prevailed when the expression
hajnal came into use, but which is now only recognisable by the
help of grammatical analysis. This is evident also from the fact
that in the district of Ermellek people of red complexion are de
risively called hajnal (i.e. like the red dawn, but strictly the white
dawn). 3
I. (Page 155.)
The Sun growing Pale and the Moon Red.

Although, as we have seen, mythology ascribes a reddish as
well as a white colour to the Sun, yet it must be observed that
this is so only at the earliest stage of the myth. A later period
1 Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, edited by RSdiger, 141 ; Ewald, Ausflihrl.

Lehrb. der. Heb. Spr. 282. c.
2 Paul Hunfalvy in the monthly magazine Magyar Kydvor, 1874, HI. 202.
3 Ibid., i873,II. 179-
35 2 EXCURSUS I.
prefers to connect the Sun with the conception of a reddish or

yellow colour, leaving the white to the Moon, as more appropriate.
Labhan, the white/ has not fixed itself in the language as a name
of the Sun, whereas its feminine Lebhana has, as a name of the
Moon. The conception of colour which the myth attaches to Sun
and Moon is well illustrated by a passage in which it is said that
both Sun and Moon lose their natural colour through shame, viz.,
Is. XXIV. 23 wechaphera hal-lebhana u-bhosha ha-chamma,
The moon turns red and the sun pale, for Jahveh of hosts rules
on Mount Zion and in Jerusalem. The distribution of the ex
pressions for shame, bosh and chaphar, which elsewhere also stand
in parallelism, is here not arranged haphazard, since the Sun and
the Moon are spoken of objects which are imagined to be provided
with distinct colours of their own but must correspond to the
natural colours of each. Of men both verbs are employed without
distinction ; but making white is the prevalent expression for
putting to shame, so that in a later age, to make white the face
of a neighbour became a fixed formula in that sense (ham-malbin
pene chabhero or achwar appe, Babha Mesi a fol. 58 b ; compare
Levy, Chald. Worterb. I. 245 a; II. 173 a), and drove the caus
ing to blush red out of the field. The word bosh for * to be
ashamed is moreover even in the earlier times commoner than
ch-ph-r. The former denotes to grow, white/ and belongs etymolo-
gically to the same group as the Arabic bad, whence abyad white ;
the latter belongs to the group of the Arabic h-m-r (with a change
of the labials p and m), whence ahmar * red. Accordingly, the ex
pression that the Sun bosha turns white/ and the Moon chaphera
turns red presupposes the idea of a reddish sun (Edom) and a
white moon (lebhana).
The same relation between the colours of the Sun and the Moon
is also assumed by the old Persian poet Asadi in his Rivalry be
tween Day and Night/ a poem to which we had occasion to refer
on p. 95. In it Day says to Night : 2 Although the Sun walks
yellow, yet he is better than the Moon ; although a gold-piece is
yellow, yet it is better than a silver groat.
2 Kiickert, I.e., p. 62. v. 18.
EXCURSUS K. 353
K. (Page 1 5 5-)
Colour of the Sun.
The following is a literal translation of a passage in the

Talmud, which shows what speculations there were in a late age
on the colour of the Sun, and how, even when the technical terms
of language were far advanced towards settlement, people were by
no means clear what idea of colour was to be attached to the Sun.
The passage occurs in the tract Babha Bathra, fol. 84 a. of the
Babylonian Talmud. To enable the reader to understand it, I
need only premise that it is a discussion on a word expressing
colour, namely, shechamtith. In the Mishna to which this ex
tract of the Talmud refers, the following words occur :
Shechamtith we-nimsa ath lebhana, lebhana we-nimsa ath she

chamtith shenehem yekholin lachazor bahen, When the buyer
and the seller have come to terms about wheat, which is to have
the colour shechamtith, and the seller delivers white, or vice versa,
then they can both annul the sale. Now in the Talmud it is
taken for granted that this colour-word is derived from chamma
sun, and means sun-coloured.
Rabh Papa says, * As it is said [that the seller delivers] white

[as the opposite to what was required], it is manifest that the sun
is red (sumakti) ; and in fact it is red at rising and setting ; and
it is only the fault of our vision, which is not powerful enough,
that we do not see it the whole day long of this colour. Question :
It is said [of one species of leprosy], A colour deeper than that of
the skin (Lev. XIII. several times), that is the colour of the sun,
which appears deeper than that of the shade, whereas the passage
manifestly speaks of the white colour of leprosy ? [so that the colour
of the sun would be white.] Answer : Both is true of the colour
of leprosy : it resembles the sun-colour insofar as this is deeper
than the shade [and this passage speaks of a species of leprosy in
which the colour is deeper than that of the skin] ; but it fails to
resemble the sun-colour insofar as the latter is red while it is itself
white. But the putting of the question [which took for granted
the white colour of the sun] assumed the idea that the [originally
white] sun takes a red tint at rising and setting only because at
rising it passes by the roses of the Garden of Eden, and at setting
passes the gates of Gehinnom [Hell, and in each case the red tint
of the object passed is reflected on the sun itself]. Some assume the
A A
354 EXCURSUS L.
inverse condition [and suppose that the colours which lie at the
opposite side of the heaven at rising that of Hell, and at setting
that of the roses of Paradise are reflected on the sun].
I. (Page 189.)
Transformation of Foreign Stories in Mohammedan

Legends.
The Mohammedan legends and popular traditions present in

stances of borrowing stories which in some foreign cycle of legends
are connected with favourite heroes of that cycle, by substituting
for the foreign heroes those who are well known in Mohammedan
tradition. In this manner many Iranian local traditions and
stories were changed and interpreted in a Mohammedan sense
after the subjection of the mind of Iran to the dominion of Islam.
This phenomenon meets us at every step in the history of the
religions and stories of the East and West. I will here limit
myself to the quotation of a single instance. The mountain
Demawend in the region of Reyy plays an important part in the
old Iranian story of the war of the great king Feridun with
Zohak Buyurasp ; to this mountain the conqueror of the demons
chained the inhuman monster and made it powerless for evil.
Now the Mohammedan cycle of legends borrowed Suleyman
(Solomon) from the Jews, and invested him with the characteris
tics which the Agada narrates of the great king of the Hebrews ;
which characteristics, by the way, themselves point strongly to
the influence of the Iranian story of Feridun. Among these is
especially to be reckoned the subjection of the demons by the
mysterious ring, which passed from the Agada into the Koran
(Sur. XXI. v. 82) and into Islamite tradition. When Demawend
had become Mohammedan ground, it had to divest itself of
memories of the old fabled Iranian king. The common people
believe, it is said in Yakut, II. 607, that Suleyman son of
Da ud chained to this mountain one of the rebellious Satans
named Sachr, the Traitor; others believe that Feridun chained
Buyurasp to it, and that the smoke which is seen to issue from
a cavern in it is his breath. We learn, moreover, from this note
that the original story still possessed vitality alongside of the
transformation. The preservation of old national memories was
EXCURSUS L. 355
promoted partly by the intellectual movement excited in Iran by

the King s Book (Shah-nameh), partly by national historians of
a remarkable type, who were at the same time proficient in Arabic
philology and interested in the preservation of old memories of
their own nation. 1 Appropriation and transformation of Greek
myths are probably rarer. The case quoted in the text is
an instance of such appropriation, in which the place of the
less-known personages of the Greek myth is occupied by the
more familiar ones of Nimrod and his family. There are, how
ever, also cases in which the name is changed, although the
abandoned one is quite as familiar as that newly imported into
the legend. An instance of this, from Yakut s Geographical
Dictionary, IV. 351. 16 sq., is as follows. The writer is speaking
of a place called al-Lajun west of the Jordan, and says : In the
middle of the village of al-Lajun is a round rock with a dome
(kubba) over it, which is believed to have been a place of prayer
of Abraham. Beneath the rock is a well with abundant water.
It is narrated that on his journey to Egypt Abraham came with
his flocks to this place, where there was insufficient water, and the
villagers begged him to go on farther, as there was too little water
even for themselves ; but Abraham struck his staff against the rock,
and water flowed copiously from it. The rock exists to this day.
No further examination is needed to show that this Mohammedan
legend is only a transformation of the Biblical one of Moses strik
ing the rock and providing water for his thirsty people. Yet
Ibrahim has been substituted for Musa, a name equally familiar to
Mohammedan legends.
This miracle of making water gush out by striking a hard

substance with a staff is, moreover, a very favourite one in legends,
and is repeated on other occasions, notably in the legend of King
Solomon. It is said that the well at Lina, a watering station in
the land of Negd in Arabia, was dug by demons in the service
of Suleyman. For he once, having left Jerusalem on a journey
to Yemen, passed by Lina, when his company were seized with
terrible thirst, and could find no water. Then one of the demons
laughed. What makes you laugh so ? asked Suleyman. The
demon replied, I am laughing at your people being so thirsty,
1 Such as Ham/A al-Tzfahani ; compare Yakut, I. 292-3, 791. 20; 111.925,

629. 18 sq., IV. 683. 10. and my Bcitriige zur Gcst-Jiii-ltte tier Sp
Iceit bci den Arabcrn, Vienna 1871-3, no. I. p. 45 and no. III. p. 26.
A A 2
35 6 EXCURSUS M.
when they are standing over a whole sea of water. So Suleyman

ordered them to strike with their sticks, and water immediately
gushed out. (Yakut, ibid. p. 375. 22 sq.)
M. (Page 212.)
The Origins.
As an example of this, I may mention that, in opposition to

the Biblical Myth of Civilisation, which brings the planting of the
vine into connexion with Noah, the Rabbinical Agada makes
even Adam enjoy the fruit of the vine, which was the forbidden
fruit of Paradise. l The Mohammedan legend names the Canaanitish
king Daramshil, contemporary with Noah, as the first wine-drinker,
saying that he was the first who pressed and drank wine : auwal
man-i tasar-al-chamr washaribaha. 2 I also observe in passing that
a feature of the Noah-legend of the Arabs which is mentioned in
my article quoted below, viz. longevity, seems to have a connexion
with the old Solar myth. Long life distinguishes the posterity of
Adam in Genesis, and reaches its maxinmm in Methuselah. The
longevity which in the popular belief, especially in Italy, is ascribed
to the Cuckoo (A. de Gubernatis, p. 519) is accounted for by its
solar character in the myth. Noah s longevity passed into a by
word in Arabic : umr Nuh the length of life of Noah. In the
writings of the poet Ku ba we find
Fakultu lau ummirtu umra-1-liisli * au umra Nuhin zaman-al-fitalili,
1 1 said, If I were made to live the lifetime of the lizard or the

lifetime of Noah at the time of the flood. 3 Marzuk al-Mekki says,
in a poem to Mohammed al-Amin : Fa ish umra Nuhin f i sururin
wa-gibtatin, Live the lifetime of Noah in joy and comfort (Agaiii,
XV. 67. 4); and similarly Abu-l- Ala (Sakt al-zand, I. 65. v. 4.):
1 Leviticus rabba, sect. 12 : otho ha- es sheakhal mimmenim Adam ha-rishon

auabhim hayah.
2 Ibn lyyas, in the book Bada i al-zuhur f i waka i al-duhur, Cairo 1865,
p. 83: see my artitle Zur Geschichte der Etymologic des NamensRuk in Zeitsch.
d. D.M.G., 1870, XXIV. 209.
3 Ibn al-Sikkit, p. 19, al-Jauhari, s. v. fthl. On the proverbial longevity

of the lizard see Kamil, ed. W. Wright, p. 197. 18 ; al-Damiri, II. 34; al-
Jauhari, s. v. hsl ; Burckhardt s Rcisen in Syrien, note by Gesenius in the
German translation, p. 1077.
EXCURSUS N. 357
Fakun f i-1-mulki yd cheyra-1-baraya * Suleymanan fakun f i-l- umri Nuhft,
4 Then be in the government, best of created beings, a Solomon,

and be in length of life a Noah. And we also find in Hafiz : 1
Come, hand me here the gold-dust, victorious for ever ; be it poured,

That gives us Karun s treasures rich and Noah s age for our reward.
But a collateral reason for Noah being made a special example of

longevity may be found in the South-Semitic signification of the
verb noch. In Ethiopic Noah is called Noch, and the verb denotes
longusfuit. And in an Ethiopic poem (in Dillmann s Chrestomath.
Aethiop., in. no. 13. v. i) it is said of Methuselah s longevity,
ozawahabko ndch mawa el la-Matusala.
N. (Page 254.)
Influence of National Passion on Genealogical Statements.
The same tendency which among the Hebrews caused the

origin of the Ammonites and Moabites to be referred to the
incestuous intercourse of Lot s daughters with their father, pro
duced exactly the same result many centuries later in a different
yet related sphere. It is known to students of the history of the
civilisation of Islam that the best Persians, despite their subjection
to the sceptre of Islam, strove long and actively against Arabisa-
tion, which they regarded as quite unworthy of the Persian nation,
to them the more talented of the two. This reaction caused the
publication of many literary documents ; and produced especially
one very curious and not yet fully appreciated movement, which
originated in the circle of the Shu ubiyya. 2 In order to appear as a
member of the great family of Islam of equal birth with the Arabs,
the Persians took care to weave their own early history into the
legends of that religion. This was managed in two ways. First,
they were anxious to trace their genealogy to a son of Abraham, so
as to possess a counterpoise to the Arabs and their father Ishmael.
Thus it was managed to refer the non- Arabs to Isaac, with a col-
1 Rosenzweig, III. 465.
1 See A. von Kromcr. Oulturguchicktlicfa Strc ifc Hye auf dim Geîetc Jes
fxlttm*, Leipzig 1873.
358 EXCURSUS N.
lateral intention of representing tins descent as nobler than that

from Ishmael. 1 And we also meet with an allegation, in the Kitab
al- ayn, that Abraham had another son besides Isaac and Ishmael,
named Farruch, from whom the non- Arabs (al- ajam) descend. 2
Secondly, the genealogical sacred history is perverted in a sense
hostile to the Arabs. Thus, for instance, Ishmael is not allowed to
be the son whom Abraham is about to sacrifice to Allah, but
Isaac the ancestor of the non-Arabs, as the Hebrew tradition has
it 3 -j and the story of the well Zemzem is put into connexion
with Sabur the Persian king and with other reminiscences. 4 In
the Commentaire liistorique sur le poeme d Ibn Abdoun par Ibn
Badroun, published by Prof. Dozy, page 7 of the Arabic text, we
find various assertions relative to the derivation of the Persians.
The majority of these genealogies trace the Persians back by
various ways to Sam b. Nuh (Shem, son of Noah) ; one derives
them from Joseph, son of Jacob. The ethnological derivation of a
nation from Sam in the view of the Arabs certainly involves no
idea of special excellence in the nation concerned ; for even the
enigmatical Nasnas of the Arabic fables, a sort of monstrous half-
men, half-birds (apes are also called so in vulgar Arabic), are allowed
to have a Semitic genealogy. 5 But, at all events, no hostile intention
lurks in the pedigree from Sam. Thus the above genealogies, while
possessing no tendency directly hostile to the Persians, are far from
placing that nation in the foreground, and allow an unexpressed
idea of the eminence of the Arabian nation to shine through. The
case is very different with another derivation propounded in the
same passage. This makes the Persians to belong to the descen
dants of Lot, their ancestors being the fruit of his incest with
his two daughters. The Samaritans say the same of the Druses. 6 I
believe this genealogy is based on intention only like the identical
1 See Kitab al ikd, MSS. of the Imperial Hofbibliothek, Vienna,, A.F., no.
84, vol. I. pp. 1 88 sq. The data bearing on this subject I have collected and
published in a essay on the Nationality-question in Islam, written in Hungarian,
Buda-Pest 1873.
2 See al-Nawawi s Commentary on Muslim s Collection of Traditions, ed.
Cairo, I. 124.
3 Compare al-Damiri Hayat al-haywan, II. 316 sq.
* Al-Mas udi, Les Prairies d or, II. 148 sq; al-Kazwini, ed. Wiistenfeld, I.
199; Yakut, Mu jam, II. 941.
5 Al-Makrizi, History of the Copts, ed. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen 1847, p. 90.
6 Petermann, Reisen im Orient, I. 147.
EXCURSUS N. 359
story told by the ancient Hebrews of Ammon and Moab. A local

tradition, existing at Jeyrud, a village to the north of Damascus,
on the road to Palmyra, speaks of a tribe of the people of Lot as
having dwelt on the ground now covered by a salt lake (Memlaha or
Mellaha), whose city was destroyed by the wrath of God. * This story
perhaps originated in some war of the later Mohammedan population
against the older inhabitants or against Beduins who had taken
up an abode there. It must also be observed that Mohammedan
writers exhibit a prevailing tendency to remove far to the north,
to Hama and Haleb (Aleppo) in Syria, the mu tafika or makluba,
i.e. the Sodom of the Bible. This follows from Yakut, III. 59,
124. In the particular case just mentioned, no doubt the existence
of the salt lake cooperated in the creation of the local tradition
(in the language of the Talmud the notion of the Yam ham-melach
Sea of salt is greatly generalised and becomes almost a figure of
rhetoric ; see the passages in the Tosaphoth on Pesachim, fol. 28 a.
init. Abhodath) ; on the lake Yammune on the north of Lebanon,
see Seetzen s Eeisen, I. 229, 302, II. 338, referred to by Ewald,
History of Israel, I. 314. Similarly a later Arabic local tradition
localised an episode of the Sodom- story on the transjordanic shore
of the Dead Sea. For it is evident that the story of the conversion
of Lot s wife into a pillar of salt is the source of the following
popular tradition noted by Palmer (Desert of the Exodus, p. 483).
Not far from the Dead Sea, in the former country of Moab, at a
place called El-Yehudiyya * the Jewess, there is a great black
mass of basalt, said to have been originally a woman, who was
thus changed into stone as a punishment for having denied the
certainty of death a somewhat obscure expression.
1 Kremer, Mittelsyricn und Damaskns, p. 194.
APPENDIX.
TWO ESSAYS BY H. STEINTHAL,
PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BBltLIN :
THE ORIGINAL FORM OF THE LEGEND OF PROMETHEUS,
ii
THE LEGEND OF SAMSON.
THE ORIGINAL FORM OF THE LEGEND

OF PROMETHEUS:
A REVIEW OF AD. KTTHN s HERABKUNFT DBS FETTERS UND DBS GOTTERTRANKS.
By H. STEINTHAL.
THE soundness of a new discovery is attested in various

ways, but especially by the circumstance that the new
thought is no sooner uttered in speech than it is seized
upon and worked out by others besides its author ; for the
thought in question is thus proved to be really the subject
which the intellect of the time is best prepared to take up,
and which will lead on the Past to the Future. This is
found to be the case with Comparative Mythology, Kuhn s
new creation. When a large number of Yedic Hymns
text, translation, and commentary first appeared in
Europe through the instrumentality of a German, Rosen
(too early lost to science), Kuhn saw at once not only that
they were written in a more ancient language than the
classical Sanskrit, but, what was more important, that
they opened up a source of mythological views which
flowed from a more distant and primeval antiquity than
is known to us anywhere else, and that this was the com
mon source of the more important myths and figures of
gods of the Aryan nations. He then demonstrated this,
in successive essays on Erinnys, Despoiiia and Athene, the
Kentaurs, Minos, Orpheus, Hermes, and on Wuotan (Odin)
in the German mythology, by proving the identity of their
names and myths with corresponding ones in the Vedas.
Kuhn s acuteness and skilful combinations thus established
364 STEINTHAL: PROMETHEUS.
the fact, of the highest importance to primeval history,

that the heathen Aryan nations possessed a belief in
gods, the outlines of which dated from the age of their
original unity. But Kuhn saw also that two further facts
followed from the first, one more important, the other more
interesting. By the former I mean the fact, that the Vedic
myths still exist in so primitive a form as to point to the
ground of their own origin, and thus themselves to furnish
their own certain interpretation. The latter is the fact
that all Saga-poetry, whether epic or dramatic, artistic or
popular, stands in connexion with the oldest myths ; and
further, that the mythological faith and worship, so far
from being extinct even among the civilised Christian
nations of Europe, still lives on in the rural classes of the
population in spirit and practice, as superstition or some
times as jest, though of course not without frequent trans
formations and disfigurements. This last point, however,
had already been discovered by the genius of Jacob Grimm,
who only wanted the support of the Yedas to become the
founder of Comparative Mythology, as he was of Historical
Grammar. But this support was necessary to elevate
Comparative Mythology into a science based on method,
and to give sufficient certainty to the interpretation of
myths and gods. The greatest genius fully entering
into the spirit of the ancient Greeks and Germans, and
endowed with a lively sympathy with nature could, with
out the guarantee of the Yedas, never have produced any
thing higher than unproved conjectures. It would have
remained impossible to demonstrate the original identity of
different gods, had not the Vedas given us the connecting
terms. And the sense of the myths and gods could only
have been vaguely and uncertainly guessed at, had not
the language of the Vedas, with a happy transparency
both of grammar and of psychology, furnished the means
of tracing the development of ideas from the most primi
tive impressions received by the soul.
Starting from the same fundamental idea as Kuhn,
KUhN THE AUTHOR OF COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 365
Koth proved, about the same time, that the heroes of the
New-Persian epos are only old mythic figures of the reli
gion of Zoroaster, which are equivalent in names and
functions to certain Vedic gods. In the Oxford Essays of
1855, Max Miiller gave a sketch of Comparative Mytho
logy, drawn in a certain poetical spirit which is quite in
harmony with the subject. He endeavoured, very justly,
to exhibit the essential connexion between the poetical
and the mythic aspect, and to show that all formation of
myths was simply poetic invention. Kuhn s idea was
immediately and generally accepted and worked out by
all those who were engaged on the Yedas Benfey, Weber,
and others. Mannhardt has frequently elucidated German
myths with penetrating thoroughness from Yedic-Indian
ones.
Thus Kuhn s idea has with rare rapidity become a

secure common property of science. In the book, the
title of which is given at the head of this article, he now
gives an unsurpassable model of careful method in this
field of investigation. When the weight of every argu
ment is tested with such accuracy and the conscientious
ness of a judge, and exhibited so unvarnished and so
entirely free from special pleading, and the conclusion is
drawn with such cautiousness, as here, not only scientific
but also moral recognition is the writer s due.
We will first attempt to realise the result attained,

and then proceed to a psychological analysis of it. I
shall, however, here strictly confine myself to the one
mythical feature which forms the foundation of Prometheus.
Kuhn sbook contains, besides, an extraordinary multitude
of mythological facts, grouped together as belonging to the
subject mentioned in his title.
In the earliest times Fire must have been given to man

by nature : there was a burning here or there, and man
came to know fire and its effects by experience. At the
same time he learned also how to keep it in, and very
soon he may also have learned how to produce it. He
took certain kinds of wood, bored a stick of the one into

a stick or disk of the other, and turned the former round
and round in the latter till it produced flame. Kuhn has
shown elaborately that the Aryan nations oldest fire-
instrument was formed in this way, and that the rotation
of the boring-stick was effected by a thread or cord wound
round it and pulled to and fro. 1 But man knew also of
another sort of fire, that in the sky. Up there burned the
fire of the Sun s disk ; from thence the fire of the Light
ning darted down. The primitive man, in his simplicity,
believed the heavenly fire to be like the earthly; its effects
were the same, and it went out from time to time like the
earthly fire. Therefore, Must not its origin also have
been similar ? must it not after every extinction have been
kindled again in like manner ? There was no want of the
necessary wood in the sky. In the sky was seen the great
Ash-tree of the world, in a configuration of clouds which
is still in North Germany called the Wetterbaum, the
storm-tree. 2 It was supposed, before men believed in gods
of human form, that the lightning fell down from this Ash-
tree, against which a branch twined round it had rubbed
till the fire was produced, as had been observed in forests
on earth. The men thought that the earthly fire had its
origin in the sky, and was only heavenly fire that had
fallen down. They saw how it fell down in the lightning ;
they recognised in the lightning a divine eagle, hawk, or
woodpecker ; 3 and many a bird which now flies about in
the atmosphere of earth is a fallen flash of lightning,
proved to be such either by its colour or by some other
circumstance. The wood, too, which when rubbed turns
to fire, is similarly a transformed lightning-bird. This is
seen sometimes in the fiery-red colour of the fruit, e.g. of
the mountain-ash (rowan), 4 sometimes in the thorns or in
1 See "W. K. Kelly, Curiosities of Indo-European Tradition and Folk-lore,

London 1863, chap. II. TR.
2 See Kelly, ibid., p. 74. TR.
s See Kelly, ibid., p. 83. TR. " See Kelly, ibid., 163-5 TR.
FIRE. 367
the pinnate leaves of the plant, in which the claws and

feathers of the lightning-bird are still recognisable. The
rubbing merely revokes this transformation : the igneous
creature is enabled to take up again its original form.
Originally the bird was probably regarded as being

itself the lightning, because inversely the lightning was
treated as a bird. Afterwards it was thought that the
bird which was at first perched upon the heavenly Ash
that produced the fire brought the fire down from the tree
to the earth.
But further, Is not Life, too, a fire, burning in the

body ? and Death the extinction of the flame ? And as
fire is kindled by boring with a stick in the hole of a plate
of wood, so human life is produced in the womb. And
what happens now and always here on earth, happened
up there in the Ash-tree of the world at the original
creation of man. That Ash produced, first Fire, and then
Man, who is also fire. Indeed, strictly speaking, this is
still going on : the Soul is a lightning-bird that has come
down to earth, and the birds that bear down the fire
such as the Stork l still bring us children too, just as
they brought the first man down to earth : in short, the
Fire-god is also the Man-god,
Then, at a later stage of the development of ideas,

when the divine powers were imagined as personages in
human form, the wonderful element of Fire, which drew to
itself the attention of men no less by its mysteriousness
than by its usefulness, was undoubtedly one of the first
divine figures to be personified. Now one of the oldest
words for fire was agni-s, Lat. igni-s. According to
Benfey it comes from the root ag to shine, by means of
the suffix ni ; s is the sign of the nominative. Therefore
Agni is the Shining one, the Fire ; but in the earliest
times the word designated not the element Fire, but the
god Fire. He, the god Agni, had his abode in the wood,
and was allured forth by the turning.
1 See Kelly, Curiosities etc.. p, 89. TK.
Agni was fire and light in general, both the absolute

element in general and also every special and separate
manifestation of it : such as the brilliant sky, the shining
sun, the lightning, fire burning here for us, the first man
and progenitor of mankind. But alongside of this, the
peculiar conception of the Lightning-Bird still continued.
That also was converted into a personal divine or heroic
figure, which brought fire and man to the earth in the
lightning. Sometimes Agni himself was called a golden-
winged bird, even in the Yedic Hymns ; and sometimes
the bird was made into a special god or hero distinct from
Agni, bearing a name taken from one of Agni s various
epithets. Thus Picus, originally only the woodpecker,
was in the belief of the Latins the Fire-Bird. He was
Lightning and Man ; and it was said later that the first
king of Latium was Picus, for the first man and father of
mankind frequently appears in localised stories as the first
king of the locality. Picus is shown to be a Lightning-
Bird and Lightning-Man, not only by his name and story,
but also by the manner of his worship : since he was
regarded as the protecting deity of women in childbed
and of infants. 1
Less obviously, but not less certainly, a Lightning-

Bird was preserved at Argos in Phoroneus. He, and not
Prometheus, was said in the Peloponnesian story to have
given fire to men ; and in his honour a holy flame was
kept burning on an altar at Argos. He was at the same
time regarded as father of the human race. Having been
originally a bird sitting on the celestial Ash-tree, he was
made a hero, son of the nymph Melia, the Ash. Now
his name is Grecised from the Sanskrit bhuranyu-s, an
epithet of the Tire- god Agni, denoting rapid, darting,
flying, thus picturing Agni as a bird. The name Phoro
neus, bhuranyu-s, is in root (bharfap) and signification,
though not in grammatical form, equivalent to the word
1 See Kelly, Curiosities etc., p. 83-85, 151. Tu.
2 See Kelly, ibid., p. 83, 141-3. TR.
LIGHTNING: AGNI. 369
It was not possible to stop with the mere conversion

of the bird into a person. When the divine beings were
once thought of as persons, they were also allowed to
appear and act as such. So men no longer imagined the
fire in the sky to be self-originated on the World s Tree,
but regarded it as produced by gods, who acted similarly
to men on earth, and revived the extinct flame of the sun
hidden behind a mountain of clouds in the morning or
during a storm, by driving a bolt into the sun s disk or
into the cloud.
These are mythic conceptions of the very earliest age,

but they contain in themselves a motive to further develop
ment, to give completeness to the relations subsisting
among them, or binding them to the natural phenomenon
that they represent. Thus true myths arise.
Now, the most striking peculiarity of fire was obviously

the necessity of constantly kindling it again afresh, because
when lighted it must go out again sooner or later. This
aspect was exhibited in the following very simple myth.
Agni vanished from the earth ; he had hidden himself in
a cave. MatarisVan brings him back to men. This myth
is easily understood. The existence of the god Agni is
assumed to be absolute and uninterrupted : but Fire is
often not present; consequently the god must have hidden
himself. Where, then, can he be ? Afar off, it is some
times said, quite generally ; another time it is said, In the
sky which seems to be regarded as his proper home or
with the gods. But sometimes he is not there either,
as at night or in a storm. Where is he, then ? Why,
where he is found ; in the hollow of the cloud, from which
he soon shines forth : in the hole of the disk in which the
stick is turned round and round. Then, who finds him
there, and brings him back to men? He who makes the
fire appear, or flame up, and thereby restores to men the
god who had withdrawn from them : that is, the Borer,
or the Lightning which bores into the cloud as the stick
into the wooden disk ; it is Matarigvan, says the myth.
B B
This is a divine or semi-divine being, of whom but little

is known. He seems to be a figure which has never been
fully crystallised ; l regarded as a divine person, he fetches
back the Fire-God to men.
Then the following terminology was introduced. The

boring, by which man kindled fire and the sun when ex
tinguished was lighted up again, was called manthana,
from the root math (math-nd-mi or manth-d-mi, t 1 shake,
rub, or produce by rubbing ). In German, the corre
sponding word is m.angeln, to roll, 2 Mangelholz, used in
North Germany ; manth here becomes mang, as hinter is
pronounced hinger, and unter unger. The boring-stick
was probably originally called matha, from which matliin,
6 a twirl ing-stick, differs only in its suffix. Very soon,
however, matha appears to have been restricted to another
signification, 3 and then the fire-generating wooden stick
was designated by a term formed from the same root with
the preposition pra prefixed, which only gave a shade of
difference to the meaning, pramantha. But the fetching
of the god Agni by Mataris"van (the personified pra-
mantha) is also designated by the same verb mathndmi,
manthdmi, as the proper earthly boring. Now this verb,
especially when compounded with the preposition pra,
gained the signification to tear off, snatch to oneself,
rob. Thus the fetching of Agni became a robbery of the
fire, and the pramantha a fire-robber. The gods had in
tended, for some reason or other, to withhold fire from
men ; a benefactor of mankind stole it from the gods.
This robbery was called pramdtha ; pramdthyu-s is f he who
1 See Kelly, Curiosities etc., pp. 37, 43. TR. The literal meaning of his
name is qui in nwtre tumescit vel praevalet, i.e. a boring-stick like the
lightning.
2 In English mangle, substantive and verb. The verb mangle to tear is

probably the same, derived from the action of boring. To mantle to winnow
corn, to rave, to froth, may be from the same original root, represented by the
Sanskrit, mack, manth, in the sense to shake. See Halliwell, Diet, of Archaic
and Provincial Words . The Greek /j.66os tumult is connected with the same
root by (1. Curtius, Grundzuge der griech. Etymologie, No. 476. TR.
8 The penis. The Latin mentula, as Prof. Weber reminds me, is clearly
the same.
PRAMANTHA AND PROME7HEUS. 371
loves boring or robbery, a Borer or a Robber. From the

latter word, according to the peculiarities of Greek phono
logy, is formed YIpofMTjOsu-s, Prometheus. He is therefore
a Fire-God, very like Hephaestos, whose functions he
often assumes. Matarisvan, who is quite synonymous
with him in meaning, derives his name still more directly
from the Fire- God; for matarisvan is originally a mere
epithet of Agni; for the boring-stick itself bursts into
flame, and in so doing reveals itself as Agni. Originally
a mere epithet, matarisvan was subsequently separated
from Agni and made into a distinct person ; but, as
already observed, without clearly-defined characteristics.
Prometheus is the fire- generator, and as such the creator
of the human race. 1 This relation to men explains the
affection for them which prompts him to give them fire
against the will of Zeus. He hid the spark of fire in a
stem of Narthex, one of the kinds of wood which were
used for the production of fire, and were regarded as
transformed fire.
Fire on earth was the Fire- God descended from

heaven ; the first man was only the same god in another
form ; consequently the first men the representatives
and benefactors of the human race the first kings the
founders of the great sacerdotal families among the priest-
ridden Indians all were designated by attributes of the
Fire-God. The family of the Aiigiras-es acknowledges
its descent from Angiras. But Agni himself is often called
by this name ; and indeed these two names, Agni and
Angiras, come from the same root ag or ang, and have the
same meaning shining. Thus, in the mythical view
Fire existed in three forms : first, as actual fire, i.e. as
the Fire-God ; secondly, as generator, rubber, fetcher,
and robber, of fire, i.e. as Pramantha, Matarisvan, Pro
metheus ; and thirdly, as those for whom it exists, and to
whom it is given, i.e. as men. After the Fire-God has
1 The boring-stick and the penis.

B B 2
come down from heaven as man, he as man or as god

fetches himself as god or divine element to earth, and
presents himself as element to himself as man.
In the view of primitive man the mediating term
between heaven and earth lay in the Lightning. In the
lightning he saw the Fire the god, the man fall from
heaven. Bhrgu, 1 originally bhargu, from the root bharg,
from which the ~L&iiiLfulgeo,fulgur, and the Greek <^\sâ}
also come, signifies the Shining, the Lightning ;
German blitz, which latter word comes from the identical
German root (Old High German plih, Middle High
German blic). 2 Bhrgu was said to be the ancestor of the
Bhrgu-s, a sacerdotal family. To them, as representatives
of the human race born from the lightning, Matarisvan is
said to have given the fire. But as the Bhrgu-s are the
lightning, and consequently the Fire-God himself, the
myth could be so turned round as to make Matarisvan
fetch the god from the Bhrgu-s as divine beings, or to
make the Bhrgu-s go after the traces of Agni, find him in
the hole, take him among men, and cause him to display
his fire.
It is also told of the above-mentioned Angiras that

they found Agni hidden in the cave. They are, indeed,
only the same god broken into fragments : the fire sepa
rated into individual cases of burning, flame flashing at
various places.
Thus there is a mythical identity, on the one hand,

between Prometheus and Matarisvan as fire-god and fire-
fetcher, and on the other, between Prometheus and the
Bhrgu-s in the same capacities, except that the latter are
also representatives of mankind. And their relation to
Prometheus can be authenticated in Greek myths as well.
Bhrgu is Lightning in his very name. His son Cyavana
1 r in Sanskrit is pronounced as r with a very short vowel, e.g. like ri in

merrily. TR.
2 Halliwell, I.e., gives in provincial English bliken to shine/ UicJcent

shining, and blink a spark of fire. TR.
THE BHRGU-S, PHLEGYANS, ETC. 373
the Fallen (from cyu to fall ] ) is the Lightning again.

Hephaestos, also, is well known to have fallen down.
The name lapetos appears most likely to express the
notion of the Fallen J ; only he is not the son, but the
father, of Prometheus. Prometheus created men of clay,
and the earth which he used for the purpose was shown
near Panopeus in Phokis, the seat of the Phlegyans ; the
Phlegyans, therefore, considered themselves the first men:
they are the Bhrgu-s, Grecised regularly. The Indians
had, moreover, other ideas connected with the Bhrgu-s
which closely coincide with those held by the Greeks con
cerning the Phlegyans ; especially the conception that
Bhrgu, the ancestor of the Bhrgu-s, like Phlegyas that of
the Phlegyans, was hurled into Tartaros for pride and
insurrection against the gods. The same characteristics,
pride and opposition to Zeus, as well as the punishment,
are also found in Prometheus, who is identical with the
other two.
The identity of the Indian Matarisvan with the Greek

Prometheus, and the explanation of the latter thereby
gained, are accordingly based on such a coincidence of
several mythical features and so similar a combination of
these features, as cannot possibly be the work of chance ;
as well as on several interpretations of names, which are
intrinsically more or less certain. If we knew more of the
Indian Matarisvan, or if the word pramathyu-s, correspond
ing to the Greek Prometheus, could be authenticated in
the Yedas, then the certainty of all that has been said
above of the Greek Titan would force itself upon us. In
compensation for what has not yet been found, and is
perhaps lost for ever, it may be serviceable to learn about
a host of divine beings described in the epic poems of the
Indians, who have some connexion with the Fire-God and
are called Pramatha-s or Pramdtha-s ; they appear to be
only the one original Pramatha or Pramathyu-s broken up
into fragments.
1 d in Sanskrit is the English ck in church. Tit.
This is, in Kuhn s profound exposition, the simplest

and the pure form of the Story of Prometheus. Later, in
Greece, it was brought into relation to other stories in
Hesiod s poetry ; and again, with peculiar profundity, into
new combinations by Aeschylos. Prometheus received his
higher mental signification mainly through the fact that
the Greek verb âvOdv-a^ with which the name of the
Titan was correctly assumed to be connected, had taken
a more mental meaning than the Sanskrit mathnd-mi or
manthd-mi. The two verbs are obviously originally abso
lutely identical ; only the nasalisation of the root math is
effected differently in each language. We might suppose
that the meaning c to learn, which the root pad has in
Greek, had grown out of the fundamental sense to
shake ; for learning is a shaking up, a movement, of the
mind to and fro. Yet such a mode of conception might
be scarcely possible to the mind of the primeval age in
which that signification must have grown up ; the primi
tive act of learning was not such violent exertion as ours
in modern times, but rather a simple hearing, a mental
reception. Now as the Sanskrit word mathndmi grew into
the meaning ( to take (as has been observed), it is more
probable that the notion of learning was formed by the
Greeks from this ( snatching to oneself, taking *), as
Kuhn supposes. Then the physical sense of paO was lost
altogether to the Greeks ; it was, indeed, still known that
Prometheus was a fire-a&er, but not that the name indi
cated this. So they attempted to understand his name in
a strictly mental sense, and remodelled the nature of the
Titan accordingly.
Accordingly, the answer to the question of the nature

of the etymology of the name Prometheus must be this :
Prometheus comes from a root pra + math, which had the
same meaning as the simple verb /jLavOdvco. But the form-
1 This is supported by the analogy of the French apprendre. It should

also be noted that Plato, in defining the signification of fj.avQdveiv, says that
it
means irpd-yfji-arSs TWOS \a/j.&dvtiv T^V tiri<ni\pt\v (Euthyd. 277.
e.).
PSYCHOLOGICAL TERMINOLOGY. 375
ation of the name from the verb is older than the appear
ance of any specific Hellenism ; for Prometheus was not
formed by the Greeks. With the verb mathnd-mi the
name pramdthyu-s, without any verb pramathnd-mi, was
also delivered to them ; and so there were in Greek pav-
Odvco and Upo^dsvs, but not TTpopavOdvo). The knowledge
of the mutual connexion of the two former words con
tinued vivid in the language ; and when the sense of pav-
Odvto was spiritualised, the same change came over that of
Prometheus also. Besides this, the preposition irpo was
understood, according to the usual Greek analogy, as
* beforehand ; and the verb 7rpo/j,av6dvw was then formed
on Greek ground. Thus Prometheus came finally to
denote to the Greeks the Fore-learner, the Provident.
I shall have more to say presently on this development.
Let us pause for a while here, and attempt the psycho
logical analysis of the simpler form of the myth exhibited
above.
The following definitions must be given in advance :
Every simple act of the soul and every simple occur

rence in the soul shall be termed a Motion, that we may
have a general word to embrace all psychological data
and designate, so to speak, a psychical atom.
Simple Motions combine together for very various

reasons and in various ways, which I need not enumerate
here ; e.g. a colour, a form, and a matter. Thus they
form a Combination of motions, e.g. a black round disk.
Simple Motions, or single Combinations of them, in

case they are not distinct or distinguished from other
simple motions or single combinations on account of the
similarity or equality of their contents, coalesce with the
latter into one motion or combination of motions, as the
case may be. For instance, to one who has not a clear
sight, or has no sense of colour, or is looking at too great
a distance, two colours that are but little different will
appear one and the same. If one sees a ribbon today,
and tomorrow sees at the same place another scarcely
376 STETNTHAL: PROMETHEUS.
differing from it in colour, length, and breadth, one will

suppose it to be the same. Thus, Coalescence produces a
loss of contents (for in the place of two or more motions
only one remains, whereas distinction brings an enrich
ment of contents), but the loss is compensated by the
force of the motion.
Not simple motions, but certainly combinations, can be

interlaced (sicli verftechten) with one another. Interlacing
of combinations occurs when certain motions belonging to
two or more combinations coalesce, whilst the other motions
belonging to them remain apart. The interlacing of the
combinations approximates more or less to a coalescence
of them in proportion to the number and value of the
motions that coalesce. On this more accurate definitions
may be given presently. Here I will only allude to a fre
quently occurring instance : two words of similar sound
in a foreign language are easily interlaced, even to the
point of perfect coalescence, i.e. they are confounded with
each other. So also two persons closely resembling each
other. The coalescing members of the combinations here
so greatly exceed in number and force those that remain
separated, that there is no consciousness of the latter.
When something presents itself to the mind to be

perceived, estimated, or in the most general sense received,
a certain procedure or negotiation takes place between
this something on the one side, and certain older ideas,
through the instrumentality of which the reception is to
be effected, on the other. This procedure is Appercep
tion : it is obviously far from a primary occurrence in the
consciousness ; it depends upon Coalescences, Interfacings,
and Combinations of all sorts. 1
The primitive man saw fire on the earth and in the

sky ; or, to express it more precisely, he saw something
1 On all this see my Einleitung in die Tsychdogie und Sprachu-issenschaft,
PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FIRE-MYTH. 377
burning, shining. From the conception of burning things

the idea of Burning or Shining was extracted. The dif
ference between Conception (Anschauung) and Idea(Forse?-
lung) must now be carefully noted. 1 The former is an un
divided sum-total of many elements, corresponding to the
object or occurrence presented to the senses. The thought
of it is expressed in language by a plurality of ideas, every
one of which corresponds to one single element of the con
ception ; so that the ideas are equal in number to the
separate elements which are recognised and distinguished
in the conception. Thus, to a single conception corresponds
a combination of many separate ideas. The two combina
tions of ideas concerning the heavenly fire and concerning
the earthly, contained elements (ideas) which coalesced to
gether ; and thus they became interlaced with one another.
The conceptions of the two fires (as aggregate unities, in
opposition to the ideas, into which they are broken up by
the analysis of their elements) would not, indeed, easily
coalesce ; for as such aggregates they appear to the ob
server too different from each other. But when the con
ceptions are converted into combinations of ideas, which
conversion is effected by language, then the related
elements in the two combinations come into prominence
and coalesce, and thus produce an interlacing of the com
binations. But it must not be imagined that in this
interlacing only those elements are affected which coalesce,
and those which do not remain entirely unaffected by
them ; on the contrary, while the one set of elements press
on towards coalescence, they are held back by their con
nexion with the others. The coalescence is therefore not
quite perfect. Now, when on the one side even the not-
distinguished elements are protected against the coal
escence to which they incline, on the other the distinct
elements which keep the two combinations asunder are
1 It is explained by Lazarus, Leben der Seclc, II. p. 166, and by me in

Grammatik, Logik und Psychologic, pp. 319-340, and in Charaktcristik der
Ti/pcn dcs Sprachbaiics, pp. 78 ct scq.
themselves drawn in to the inclination towards coalescence.

Thus the mutual relations of the combinations as aggre
gates are disturbed by their interlacing ; they do not
become identical, and yet are not severed: they become
analogous.
The one is analogous to the other, the one gives the

measure by which the other is measured : the one is the
more powerful, the ruling, that which gives the means of
apperception ; the other the weaker, the ruled, the apper-
ceived. How is this relation divided between the com
binations of ideas of the earthly and the heavenly fire ?
No doubt the heavenly fire is by far the greater and

more effective, and therefore also the more penetrating
into the soul of man. Man soon recognises the Sun as the
source of the daylight and the origin of growth, and con
sequently as the giver of all wealth and all joy ; and
learning, on the one hand, what the sun procures him, he
also experiences, on the other, by night and in winter,
what it is to be deprived of it. At its rising and setting,
but most impressively in the thunderstorm, the sun sur
prises him by the grandest sights. Thus it might be
thought that the heavenly fire must give the measure for
the apprehension of the earthly, and therefore for that of
fire in general. But the matter demands more careful
con sideration.
Only the more powerful combination of ideas can give

the measure and be the organ of apperception. Now a
physical occurrence which works more powerfully, i.e.
with greater force, upon our senses, will indeed arouse
stronger feelings ; but we cannot speak of stronger sensa
tions. For instance, the vibrations of the air produce in
the organ of hearing both the sensation of a tone and a
feeling of pleasure or pain. Stronger commotions of air
produce stronger and more painful feelings in the ear, but
not stronger sensations, only sensations of louder, stronger
tones. In memory we distinguish louder and softer tones
merely in denning their contents, without meaning that
PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FIRE-MYTH. 379
the memory of the one is stronger than that of the other.

The sensation of a louder tone is not a louder sensation.
Therefore, from the mere fact that the sun is brighter and
speaks louder to men in the thunder than the earthly fire,
no greater power in human consciousness accrues to men s
ideas of the heavenly fire.
The more important and impressive idea, too, is not

necessarily also the more powerful ; for this quality also,
importance and force of impression, works in the first
instance only on the feeling, not on the course of ideas
also at the same time. A number or a name may be very
important to us, and yet we forget it very soon.
Therefore the power which an idea can exert on the

consciousness, e.g. in an apperception, essentially depends
on conditions which flow simply from the nature of our
consciousness. I hope that the following exposition will
meet with assent. Power, or influence on the conscious
ness, is obtained by a combination of ideas through the
number of its elements, through familiarity with it as an
aggregate, and yet more through accurate acquaintance
with its separate elements by themselves and in their
relations both to one another and to elements belonging
to other combinations, and through the number and
variety of such relations. Greater clearness in our con
sciousness of something is only another mode of expression
for more manifold distinction of the elements contained
in it ; and this implies increase of knowledge, but also
sharp definiteness and thoroughness.
There is a curious contrast between feeling and theory.

In the latter clearness, careful assortment, delicate dis
tinction, and reference, give preponderance ; whereas it is
the masses of unclearness that work most powerfully on
the former.
We will measure by this principle the force of the

ideas concerning the heavenly and of those concerning the
earthly fire. The latter must be much more numerous,
clear, definite, and certain, as man has the earthly fire
nearer, and works in company with it, and work is a

copious source of knowledge. The earthly fire is the only
one that he knows ; a heavenly fire he only infers. The
earthly fire enlightens the darkness of his night, which
surrounds him as soon as ever it goes out ; by it he learns
the operation of warmth : this first leads him to seek the
cause of the brightness and warmth of the day in the place
where he sees something similar to his fire in the sun;
especially as, when he sees no sun, darkness and cold pre
vail just as when there is no fire. It is then the know
ledge of the earthly fire that helps him to apprehend the
kosmic fire ; from the former he transfers his ideas to the
latter. He experiences the former only ; he constructs or
images to himself the latter. Therefore, in the theoretical
consciousness the ideas of the earthly fire are the more
powerful and creative, and they give the measure ; those
of the heavenly are formed in conformity to them. The
feeling, on the contrary, is more powerfully affected by
the heavenly than by the earthly fire, because that is
grander in its activity, mysterious in its appearance and
disappearance, and independent of man. It surprises,
stirs, and troubles the mind in a higher degree, and ex
cites a more lively attention.
Now the power exerted by ideas upon the feeling is

certainly not without influence even on their theoretical
connexion and distinction, on their prominence and
their formation. Further, much as man may have to do
with fire, often as he may kindle it and put it out,
variously as he may employ it, still he never fully under
stands it as to its appearance, mode of working, and
essence. Now it always seems that the great must be
the generator of the small, the strong the point of depar
ture for the weak, the worthy and impressive more
original than the mean and ineffective. If therefore, on
the one hand, the ideas of the celestial fire are formed by
analogy with those of the terrestrial, on the other hand, the
latter are complemented by being put into connexion with
EARTHLY AND HEAVENLY FIRE. 381
the former. First of all tlie question is asked, What is

there above? and the answer is, The same as here below.
But then comes the question, Whence comes this that is
here below, and what is it ? and the answer is, It comes
from above, and is the same as what is above. There
above is the great, the self-subsisting 1 , the adorable; it
has descended to earth to do us good. Thus the idea of
the heavenly is attained through the earthly; but the
origin of the latter removed to the upper regions.
Thus it conies to pass that, although the ideas of the
earthly fire are prior in psychological perception and give
rise to those of the heavenly, still man holds the heavenly
fire to be the original and creative one, from which the
other is derived. He is so overpowered by the grandeur,
wonder, and unapproachableness of the celestial element,
that he regards the fire which he kindles for himself as
fallen down from on high and given to him.
Man receives certain visual sensations of the Sun ;

and he converts these into a conception, or an object, by
apperceiving them with the ideas that he has of fire.
Thus he makes of them a fiery wheel. The ideas of this
wheel are partly the same as those of the earthly fire,
partly different ; for they are distinct in the elements of
place, size, effect, and dependence or independence. Thus
arises an interlacing of the two combinations of ideas, as
has been already observed. The disturbance produced
among the ideas by this relation impels to a double apper
ception of the two combinations, first on the part of what
is alike in them, and next on the part of what is different.
The first apperception results in the comprehension of the
two combinations as fire ; the other in the separate con
ceptions of a divine and an earthly fire. This latter sepa
ration contradicts the first comprehension ; and this con
tradiction is composed by a new process of apperception,
in which bo tli the likeness and the difference are regarded
as the consequence of the relation of originality or deri
vation, in which the earthly fire stands to the divine.
They are both really the same, namely, the god Agni, who
lives above and descends to men.
For the separation of the combination of ideas of the

celestial fire from that of the terrestrial, is not sufficiently
supported to offer an effectual opposition to the coales
cence to which the most essential elements tend. All the
difference that declares itself here resolves itself ultimately
into one point only ; for the differences of nearness and
distance, of greatness and smallness, and whatever else
may be added to these, all unite in the one point of the
independence of the celestial fire and the dependence of
the terrestrial. But this point is very weak. For even
the terrestrial fire is observed by man to be not dependent
on him, and seems to him to be even less so than it is in
fact. The primitive man does not think he actually
generates the fire by boring : he regards his action as
scarcely more than a petition to the fire to appear. And
if the fire then does appear, it does so as a free and kindly
being that has an independent existence. Where, then,
could it live in its own character, if not on high? Tt
lives there for itself and for ever ; here it comes down out
of kindness.
Having thus discovered the psychological foundation

for the fact that the primitive man regarded the fire as a
god, we will endeavour to make clear to ourselves also the
first forms of mythical conceptions.
We must imagine the primitive man placed as he was

freely in the midst of nature. He saw the sky, the sun,
clouds, and in the storm the lightning, and likewise heard
thunder. He saw, he heard : this means only he re
ceived sense-impressions. These may no doubt have
formed themselves into an image ; still the image was not
yet an object placed before his mind, not yet a concep
tion. When we see something strange to us, we ask,
What is it ? Yet we see clear, and have a definite image
of the thing ; then what more can we have to ask about
it ? We want to know also the purpose, origin, and regu-
ORIGINAL MYTHICAL CONCEPTIONS OF FIRE. 383
lation of what we have seen, so as to be able to find a

place for it in the series of things previously known, or,
if there is no suitable place, at least to find out its rela<-
tion to that series. Nothing less will satisfy us ; then it
is no longer an isolated image, but a conception, an ob
ject ; then we have apperceived it. It remains therefore
for the mind to convert the image into an object through
apperception. But certain means are demanded by the
mind for all its creations, i.e. for everything that it makes
its own by thought. The sensations all that is pre
sented by the senses : tones, colours, touch are merely
matter which the mind appropriates to itself. The means
whereby this appropriation is rendered possible are not
delivered to it by the organs, nor yet innate in it and
ready for use. On the contrary, as in trade and com
merce possession is multiplied by possession, so also the
mind enriches itself every time by means of that which
has been already gained; every acquisition is made a
means towards its own enlargement. Thus then the pri
mitive man apperceived the descent of the lightning and
the sun s rays by means of that which his mind already
possessed. But I must insist on the necessity of caution.
In speaking here of the descent of the lightning and the
sun s rays, I have presented and apperceived a certain
physical occurrence in the way in which we are now wont
to do in conversation. But that is not the way in which
the primitive man spoke ; and we have still to enquire
how he did speak. For him there was as yet no sun, no
lightning, no ray ; of all these he knew nothing. He saw
at first only something shining, in various forms and move
ments. But he had not set himself the task of working
further with his mind at this presentment of the senses :
his consciousness passively received motions, out of which
mythical ideas grew up. He apperceived unconsciously,
and of course with the ideas that he already had ; his
mind built with the materials that it possessed. What,
then, was likely to be the result of his building?
Which, of all the creatures known to man, passed

through the sky like the sun, darted down and cut through
the air like the lightning and the ray of light ? Only the
Bird. This comparison of the bird with the manifesta
tions of light, was made immediately and unconsciously.
Among the ideas about the bird, motion through the air
was the most prominent ; so when this motion was per
ceived, the aggregate of ideas about the bird was instantly
ready to operate as a means towards the apperception that
( What moves in the air is a bird. It comes down from the
heavenly tree. Thus then the Fire- god Agni, as god of
the lightning, is invoked as a fiery, golden- winged bird.
The bird in general is next individualised into an eagle or
falcon a strong, swift bird, that darts down with might
and majesty.
This apperception was one of the simplest, and was

made unconsciously, as has been said. The idea of
motion through the air presented by the lightning, and
the same idea derived from the combination of ideas of
the bird, coalesced and became one. The mere small-
ness of man s knowledge of the lightning caused the
entire combination of ideas of the lightning to be drawn
into that of the bird, whereby the latter combination was
enriched so far as to admit the existence of a most
wonderful divine bird beside the earthly ones. Thus no
conscious comparison between lightning and bird took,
place ; but immediate coalescence of the two was effected
by the single conception of the lightning-bird, in which
men were not conscious of any dualism. What we call
lightning, was to the primitive man a bird, not lightning
at all.
But also conversely, what we call a, bird of this or that

kind eagle, vulture, or woodpecker was to him light
ning. The original meaning of the name <J>\eyva$, given
by the Greeks to a kind of eagle or vulture which, as
has been noticed, has a connexion with Blitz 9 the Phle-
FIRE REPRESENTED BY A BIRD. 385
gyans and the Bhrgu-s was not a bird as swift as light

ning/ but c lightning itself.
Thus, then, a multitude of mythical conceptions exhibit

the lightning as some kind of bird, or a bird in general.
So Phoroneus, * the quickly descending (p. 368), is in
origin only an epithet of the powerful bird, and the Sabine
goddess Feronia presents the corresponding feminine form ;
and numerous superstitions are founded on the recognition
of lightning in a bird.
Still there is a difference between lightning and a bird

flying ; and this did not escape the notice of the primitive
man. Nevertheless, so far from this difference having
power to cancel, when once accomplished, the coalescence
of the ideas of lightning and bird, and the unconscious
apperception of the former through the latter ; the differ
ence itself was rather apperceived only in conformity with
this coalescence. The difference was without any reflexion
explained thus : when the bird has once descended flash
ing with lightning, it flashes no more ; it is now only a
lightning that has become weakened and earthly. Or it
may also be said : the bird is not itself the lightning, it
has brought the lightning down.
But where, then, has the lightning gone ? It has

shone for a moment, and vanished. It shone as if it
were fire (fulgeo=<t>\s<yw). Or perhaps it hit and fired
something then, whether it be bird or no, it is clearly
fire. We must figure it to ourselves thus. In the sky,
at the farthest limits of the space which the eye can
reach, the primitive man saw light, radiance, brightness,
in an overpowering degree ; there he saw the sun and
stars. He knew only the things on earth ; only ideas of
earthly things formed the possessions of his mind ; and
on the dark earth he knew nothing similar to those things
of the upper world, except fire; only by his idea of this
could he apperceive those. Now fire darts down from
above before his very eyes. Now all is explained : the
earthly fire comes from above, and the upper fire, having
c c
descended, conceals itself at once, by a transformation, in

the body from which he extracts fire in wood.
But now the relations are becoming more complicated;

and already they are so far complicated that the original
idea of the Lightning- Bird cannot be retained in its sim
plicity. Alongside of it the idea of the deity, or of the
divine essence, has been everywhere developed ; and the
fire, the lightning, the golden-winged bird, has become
the god Agni. Now the ideas of fire also take a new and
less simple form.
The flame breaks forth from the wood : consequently,

it must have been in it for a long time. The boring and
rubbing in a certain way move Agni to appear: such
action is therefore loved by the god, he allows himself to
be drawn forth by it. If he loves it, it cannot be indif
ferent to the man who yields himself to the god in fear
and thankfulness. It is a holy action. The pieces of
wood which he stirs hold the god concealed. All appears
divine to him, and his consciousness tarries in a world of
gods. For the slight separation which he can make
between the fire on high and that below, consists merely
in the distinction between essence and manifestation.
But wherever the god manifests himself, why there he is
for certain. Consequently, during the holy act of kindling
fire the two combinations of ideas of the God-Fire and of
the earthly fire coalesce completely; there only remain
ideas of one fire. But it was the ideas of the divine fire
that completely absorbed those of the earthly. Unresisted,
they exert an exclusive power over the consciousness and
entirely fill it. Man is removed in spirit from the earth
into the world of gods. He has forgotten everything
sensuous and earthly, and sees and touches only gods and
divine things. And every perception received from his
senses is directly laid hold of by the ideas respecting the
world of gods of which his consciousness is full, and has a
place and significance assigned to it among them. The
pieces of wood are no longer wood ; the borer, the really
FIRE AS AGNL 387
active piece that draws the god forth, is a divine being

that fetches the god. The god is concealed in the hole of
the disk, but this is transformed in conception into a
locality in the country of the gods a hollow, in which
the god is found. It is an occurrence that took place
among the gods : the divine Pramantha fetches Agni out
of the hollow.
The flaring of the flame, however, brings the conscious

ness back to the earth : Pramantha has brought the god
to earth. We must realise the revolution effected in the
consciousness by the fire breaking out. The combination
of ideas concerning the earthly fire, which had coalesced
with the other combination concerning the divine fire, is,
by the present perception, again introduced into the con
sciousness as a special power, and its coalescence with the
other conception is thereby cancelled. Against the sen
suous impression of the present actual fire the circle of
ideas of the divine one cannot maintain its supremacy.
It retires and leaves the foreground of the consciousness
to the circle of ideas of the earthly fire. But all this
appeared to the primitive man not a psychological, but a
real procedure ; not a shifting of ideas, but an actual
shifting of the imagined reality. When attention was
shifted from the one circle of ideas to the other, guided
by the idea of fire, which bound the two together, then it
appeared to the primitive man as if the actual fire had
removed from the one into the other, and had come from
heaven to earth ; and the already-begun fancy that the
god Pramantha had fetched Agni, is accordingly carried
on to the further point of saying that he put him among
men.
Man soon observed in the sky on an enlarged, divine

scale, the identical process which he had learned when
producing fire by rotation. Agni dwells in the bright,
clear, light sky. But the sky is overcast and darkened
by a thunder-cloud: Agni has concealed himself; he has
hidden himself in the hollow of the cloud. He breaks
e c 2
forth from it, being fetched by a divine Pramantha,

MatarisVan, the Lightning. The lightning bores into the
cloud as the earthly borer into the wooden disk : Prome
theus, or Bhrgu and his descendants the Bhrgu- s, fetch
the god from his hiding-place. They go down to the earth
with him and take him to men.
The primitive man does not ask, Where does the fire
come from ? what becomes of the fire that has fallen from
heaven ? Before he asks this, and without his asking,
he sees, and the lightning tells him, that the fire comes
from heaven, and the wood tells him that the lightning
(Agni) is concealed in the wood. Neither does the primi
tive man ask, Where does man come from ? He sees it,
and practises it. 1 The birth of man is a generating of
fire. When the primitive man sees a tree, he does not
ask, What is it? but by the sight of the tree present
before him the combination of ideas respecting trees
which is already formed in his mind is without his ob
servation recalled into his consciousness ; and this com
bination appropriates to itself the present sight, the per
ception coalescing with the combination of ideas through
the similarity of their contents : and thereby what is
seen is apperceived as a tree. Similarly, when the primi
tive man figures to himself the act of copulation, it is the
combination of ideas of producing fire by rubbing that
enters into his consciousness on account of the similarity
of the movement, and gives him an apperception of that
act. The similarity of the two acts seems to the primitive
man greater than to us. On the one hand, the production
of fire is to him a religion and a divine energy ; on the
other, man is already regarded by him as a fire- creature,
lightning-born quite as much as a bird. The two com
binations of ideas do not, indeed, coalesce ; but yet are
greatly interlaced with each other in some of their esseii-
1 The male is the Pramantha, the female the eVx^p (the lower piece of
wood and the female pudenda).
MAN AND FIRE IDENTIFIED. 389
tial elements. The opposition between the partial dif

ference which separates the combinations and the partial
similarity which unites them, leads to a solution in a
double and reciprocal apperception : first, that the divine
rubber, Pramantha or Prometheus, created man, or that
lightning, Bhrgu, Yania, or the lightning- bird Picus, was
the first man ; secondly and conversely, that the produc
tion of the flame by rubbing is the production of the Fire-
God Agni, and that the wood is the cradle of the new
born god. Thus Agni remains always the new-born
and the 6 youngest, as he is called in the Yedas ; and
Dionysos, also a fire-god, appears as \tKviTrjs, a god in a
cradle.
The primitive man was convinced that man was fire.

Indeed, his wonder at his own lightning-nature was
aroused every time that he produced the god ; and when
sacerdotal families had gained the exclusive privilege of
kindling fire, these families traced their origin to Bhrgu
or Agni, and called themselves Bhrgu-s, Angiras-es, etc.
For they continued to do just what their ancestor, the
Lightning, had done before them.
This is, as far as I can give it, the psychological

explanation of the original forms of the stories of the
Descent of the Fire. The superstition attached to these
stories, in ancient as well as in modern times, would be
more fittingly considered separately. The peculiar forma
tion of the character of Prometheus among the Greeks
however, may still engage our attention a little longer.
Prometheus is a god and yet a Titan also. He is the

greatest benefactor of the human race. Yet in all other
cases the mythical idea is that whoever does good to
man is also friendly to God, and that only those who do
harm to man rebel also against God. For the elucidation
of this most peculiar and contradictory position, the fol
lowing points seem to me worth pondering.
All the forces and occurrences of nature show two

sides ; one beneficial to man, and one hostile to him. So
also the myth almost always discovers in the one and the
same natural event, a good and a bad god. The bad god
is hostile at once to men and gods. The development of
a myth frequently takes the course of converting one
of the epithets of the god who represents some process of
nature, into a good god, and another into a bad god.
The course to be followed in such a case is frequently
determined by the nature or significance of the epithets
themselves. Now it is certain that Hephaestos and Pro
metheus are identical in their origin, as indeed is shown
in the story of the birth of Athene, in which the head of
Zeus is cleft by either one or the other of them. But
both Hephaestos and Prometheus are Agni in different
forms. We have seen what Prometheus signifies. Some
what of the physical signification must have still clung to
this name even when it came upon Greek ground. He
phaestos, on the other hand, possessed from its very origi n
the finest signification of Agni ; for it probably represents
Agni as a home-god, guardian of the family, as a god of
the hearth. And Hephaestos was still worshiped by the
Greeks as a hearth-god. It surely seems natural, then,
that the ideas of the beneficent action of fire should
fasten themselves to him. But, on the other side, to make
Prometheus, the Fire-stealer, an actual enemy of the gods,
was impossible, for the very reason that he had been a
benefactor of men by giving them fire, and was also the
creator of men. Thus, he, as a god, became the champion
of mankind against the injustice of the gods. It must be
added that, perhaps even in the age of the unity of the
Aryan race, the Fire -god, in his capacity as god (creator)
of mankind, was also a god of Thought, who among
primeval circumstances could scarcely be anything else
but a god of Prudence, or foreseeing caution an idea
which gave the Romans their Minerva, but which might
very naturally be attached to a god of fire, since prudence
is exhibited nowhere more plainly than in the use of fire.
At all events, even in the Yedas, Agni has the epithet
PROMETHEUS AND MOSES. 391
pramati, which would yield something like Trpo^-n-s in

Greek. Epic story made Pramati an independent person
age, a son of Cyavana (supra, p. 373), the ( Fallen, who is
a son of Bhrgu, the Lightning. Thus in sense, if not in
name, the Indian Pramati is equivalent to Prometheus.
Prometheus is Tire-god, Man-god, God of human

energy in thought. In this capacity he comes into col
lision with the supreme god. So he appears in Hesiod,
and also in Aeschylus, except that the latter was able to
give a far deeper meaning to the guilt of Prometheus, to
his entire relation to Zeus, and therefore also to his ulti
mate reconciliation.
Thus then in Prometheus is comprised the whole

essence of heathenism : deification of Man and Nature.
He was the most characteristic figure of that mode of
conception which created gods in the image of man. But
the opposite mode of conception, according to which man
was created like one single god, and was expected to
make himself like God in life, produced a figure opposed
to that of Prometheus Moses. I speak here not of the
historical, but of the mythical Moses ; and I hope that
the reader will be inclined to distinguish the two as
clearly as we distinguish the historical and the legendary
Charlemagne. Now the mythical Moses may be com
pared in meaning with Prometheus. Prometheus as
cended to heaven and fetched down fire from the altar of
Zeus for men. Moses also went up and brought back the
Tables of his God with the fundamental laws of all
common human moral life ; for this act Moses could not
come into conflict with God. But the original heathen
myth respecting Moses was different. Moses struck
water out of the rock with his staff : the staff is the light
ning, the rock the cloud, the water the rain. Kuhn has
shown at length what a close connexion subsists between
the procuring of water, wine, honey, mead, and sorna, and
the bringing down of fire, 1 (like the connexion between
1 See Kelly, Curiosities etc., pp. 35-38, 137-150, 158. TB.
392 STEINTHAL: SAMSON.
rain and lightning), and that they are so to speak, my

thical synonyms. And this water did cause a difference
between Moses and God. Now the reconciliation is
brought about by Aeschylus by making both Prometheus
and Zeus purify themselves and bind themselves by moral
elements. But the monotheistic spirit of the Prophet
transfigured the entire myth, and put in the place of the
water and the fire the Word of God ; and then no recon
ciliation was needed, for God spoke with Moses as his
servant and messenger. Yet alongside of this mono
theistic myth of Moses who brings down the Word of God,
there remained also the old heathen one, which said that
he brought water. It was a correct feeling, or a linger
ing consciousness which had been retained, that declared
that Moses had sinned in the matter of the water, al
though it was 110 longer known in what the sin consisted. l
Therefore I interpret and clear up the obscured remem
brance or suspicion of the author of the Book of Numbers,
by saying that, forasmuch as Moses strikes water out of
the rock with his staff, he is a heathen god, a Matarisvaii,
a Pramantha, and therefore in opposition to the one true
God, and must die ; but forasmuch as he gives the Word
of God to men, he is the Prophet without his equal.
THE LEGEND OF SAMSON.

By H. STEINTHAL.
WHEN an author can presume that his readers share his

views on things in general, and also accept like principles
respecting the special sphere to which his subject belongs,
it may be fitting to descend from the general to the par
ticular. But when, as is now more frequently the case,
no such assumption can be made, the opposite course,
from the particular to the general, is preferable for the
1 Num. XX. 12, XXVII. 13, 14. TK.
PRINCIPLES OF INVESTIGATION. 393
sake of both the matter and the manner of the investiga

tion itself. I shall therefore adopt it.
I shall, therefore, at the outset leave out of the question

what view it is possible to hold respecting the growth of
the people of Israel, and especially of their monotheism.
I shall not proceed on the assumption that any particular
view is proved true, but try whether, after the considera
tion of our subject in its details, any result affecting
general questions is reached. I also for the present leave
undetermined the value of the Biblical Books as sources
of history, the period of the composition of the separate
books, and even their relative age i.e. the earlier or later
compilation of one with reference to others. For all
these are still disputed points ; and I desire not to build
upon any unproved assumption, but to see how much can
be contributed to the solution of the questions that arise.
Even the question, whether, and how far, we are justified
in treating the history of Samson in the Bible as legend, 1
may be left to be answered only from the result of the
following enquiry. If, on comparing these stories with
other nations stories, similarities are discovered alongside
of much that is dissimilar, nothing shall, in the first in
stance, be decided about the cause and significance of such
similarities, but new investigation shall be made on the
subject.
I. THE ADVENTUKE WITH THE LION, AND THE EIDDLE.

THE FOXES.
I pass over the narrative of the birth of Samson for

the present, intending to come to it only after the con
templation of his actions. The reason for this arrange
ment will then become apparent. I therefore commence
with Samson s first action.
1 Sage, a saying or legendary story, which may have no historical

foundation, but be produced out of mythic matter. Where, as here, it is
sharply distinguished from history, I render it legend ; elsewhere story, which
is generally the best English equivalent, notwithstanding its derivation from
historia. TK.
It is narrated (Judges XI Y.) that Samson was attacked

by a lion when on the way to see his bride, and killed
him. When he went by the same road to his wedding,
he looked at the carcase of the lion, and found a swarm
of bees and honey in it. This occurrence suggested the
following riddle, which he put forth at the wedding-feast :
Out of the Eater came forth Meat, and out of the Strong
[Wild] came forth Sweetness. By his bride s treachery
the riddle was solved : What is sweeter than honey ? and
what stronger than a lion ?
Samson s riddle is still a riddle even to us now. It

has never yet been solved, as far as I know ; certainly not
in the Bible itself, for the answer there given is a still
greater riddle than the riddle itself , which seems not to
have been observed. Only look closely at the pretended
solution. It looks as if the question had been : What is
the sweetest, and what the strongest ? But the actual
problem was : * Out of the wild eater comes sweet food ;
how that came to pass, was the question and still is a
question. For even the story of the slain lion and the
honey found in his carcase cannot contain the solution,
because it involves a physical impossibility. Bees do not
build in dead flesh ; their wax and honey would be spoiled
by putrefaction. In no such wise can honey come out of
the lion. Besides, Samson would be very foolish to base
a riddle on a mere personal experience known to no one ; <
it would then be absolutely insoluble. We cannot credit
the original narrative with so gross an ineptitude. Then
what is the position of the affair ?
It is certain that a riddle like the one in question

was in circulation among the ancient Hebrews, and that
Samson was believed to have proposed it. It is equally
certain that its solution lay in the words transmitted from
antiquity : c What is sweeter than honey, what stronger
than a lion ? But it is not only to us at the present day
that this solution is as obscure as the riddle itself; it
was quite as unintelligible to the latest elaborator of the
RIDDLE OF THE LION AND HONEY. 395
Book of Judges. So he attempted a solution on his own

responsibility. He had two data in his possession: the
riddle, and the story of the lion-killing. Well, he con
cluded, Samson must have found honey in the carcase of
this lion. What he had wrongly inferred, he narrated as
a fact which ought to yield the solution of the riddle.
But we must guess better. If it is certain that Samson
cannot have found honey in the lion s carcase, yet, on the
other hand, the pretended solution at least proves that by
the strong eater the lion is to be understood, and by the
sweet food the honey. And if this was solution sufficient
for the legend, it follows that at the time when the riddle
arose some connexion between lion and honey was so defi
nitely and clearly present to the consciousness of every
individual, because held by the mind of the entire people,
that it came into prominence as soon as ever lion and
honey were named together : somewhat as among us when
we speak of bear and honey together, though with refer
ence to something else. 1 But there must have been some
known connexion which made it evident how honey came
out of the lion. It is our task now to discover this con
nexion if we are to attempt the solution of the riddle
one which is more than thirty centuries old, and the un
riddling of which has been forgotten for some twenty-five.
Can there be any other riddle of equal interest? In the
following remarks I endeavour to solve it.
When once we know that the Eater in the riddle is

the Lion, of course it is natural to think of the lion killed
by Samson ; and the compiler of the Book of Judges would
not have fancied that the honey was in its carcase, but for
an obscure memory that this particular lion had something
to do with it. Now to us this lion is not a real but a
mythological one, i.e. a symbol. And we know the mean
ing of the symbol. Herakles also, it is well known, begins
1 The allusion is to the story of Bruin the bear and the honey, in Reynard
the Fox : see Keinkart, v. 1533-1562, Reinaert, v. 601-706, in Jacob Grimm s
edition, Berlin 1834 ; and Goethe s modern German version, canto 2. TB.
396 STEINTPIAL: SAMSON.
his labours by killing a lion. The Assyrians and Lydians,

both of them Semitic nations, worshipped a Sun-god
named Sandan or Sandon; he also is imagined to be a
lion-killer, and frequently figured struggling with the lion
or standing upon the slain lion. The lion is found as the
animal of Apollon on the Lycian monuments as well as
at Patara. 1 Hence, it becomes clear that the lion was
accepted by the Semitic nations as a symbol of the summer
" . neat. The reason of the symbol was undoubtedly the light
colour, the colour of fire, the mane, which recalled Apollon s
golden locks, and also the power and rage of the wild
beast. The hair represents the burning rays. So we have
here to do with the sign of the Lion in the zodiac, in
which the sun is during the dog-days. At this season the
sky is occupied by Orion, the powerful huntsman of
whom I shall presently have a few words to say and
Sirius, who in Arabic is designated the Hairy in refer
ence to his rays.
* Samson, Herakles, or Sandon kills the lion, means

therefore, He is the beneficent saving power that protects
the earth against the burning heat of summer. Samson
is the kind Aristaeos who delivers the island of Keos from
the lion, 2 the protector of bees and hives of honey, which
is the most abundant when the sun is in the Lion. Thus
sweet food comes out of the strong eater.
Very possibly and probably, however, there was a

superstition to the effect that bees are generated out of
the lion s carcase, in the same way as they are believed by
some nations to spring from an ox s carcase. 3 But such
a superstition must have some basis, and no other basis is
easily conceivable but the mythological one which I have
mentioned. What was true in symbol, that the Lion pro
duced honey, was taken as true in fact. For I must
1 Welcker, Griechische Gotterlehre, I. 478.
2 Welcker, ibid., 490.
3 Studer, Buck der Richter, p. 320: Sachs, Bcitrage zur Sprach- und
AUerthumsfurschung, II. p. 92.
THE LION IS THE SUWS HEAT. 397
insist on the fact that, according to the literal meaning of

the Hebrew, no mere taking of the honey from outside a
lion s skeleton is meant, but its being actually produced
by the lion.
However, when we try to clear up to our own minds

what has been said, we stumble upon a difficulty. It is
after all the Sun that produces the summer-heat ; Apollon
sends the destructive shafts. Therefore, if the Sun-god
does battle against the summer-heat, he is fighting against
himself ; if he kills it, he kills himself. No doubt he does.
The Phenicians, Assyrians, and Lydians attributed suicide
to their Sun -god ; for they could only understand the sun s
mitigation of its own heat as suicide. If the Sun stands
highest in the summer, and its rays burn with their
devouring glow, then, they thought, the god must burn
himself ; yet does not die, but only gains a new youth in
the character of the Phenix, and appears as a gentler
autumn-sun. Herakles also burns himself, but rises out
of the flames to Olympos.
This is the contradiction usual in the heathen gods.

As physical forces they are both salutary and injurious to
man. To do good and to save, therefore, they must work
against themselves. The contradiction is blunted when
each side of the physical force is personified in a separate
god ; or when, though only one divine person is imagined,
the two modes of operation the beneficent and the per
nicious are distinguished by separate symbols. The
symbols then become more and more independent, and
are ultimately themselves regarded as gods ; and whereas
originally the god worked against himself, now the one
symbol fights against the other symbol, one god against
the other god, or the god with the symbol. So the Lion
represents as a symbol the hostile aspect of the Sun-god,
and the latter must kill him lest he should be burned
himself.
Samson also unites both aspects in himself. The

Hebrew story makes him operate even on the pernicious
side, but against the foe. To the foe lie is the scathing
Sun-god. This is the sense of the story of the Foxes,
which Samson caught and sent into the Philistines fields
with firebrands fastened to their tails, to burn the crops.
Like the lion, the fox is an animal that indicated the
solar heat; being well suited for this both by its colour
and by its long-haired tail. At the festival of Ceres at
Rome, a fox-hunt through the Circus was held, in which
burning torches were bound to the foxes tails : 6 a sym
bolical reminder of the damage done to the fields by
mildew, called the " red fox " (robigo), which was exorcised
in various ways at this momentous season (the last third
of April). It is the time of the Dog-star, at which the
mildew was most to be feared ; if at that time great solar
heat follows too close upon the hoar-frost or dew of the
cold nights, this mischief rages like a burning fox through
the corn-fields. On the twenty-fifth of April were cele
brated the Eobigalia, at which prayers were addressed to
Mars and Eobigo together, and to Robigus and Flora
together, for protection against devastation. In the grove
of Robigus young dogs of red colour were offered in ex
piation on the same day. l Ovid s story of the fox which
was rolled in straw and hay for punishment, and ran into
the corn with the straw burning and set it on fire, 2 is a
mere invention to account for the above-mentioned cere
monial fox-hunt ; still it has for its basis, though in the
disguise of a story, the original mythical conception of the
divine Fire-fox that burns up the corn.
The stories of Samson hitherto discussed seem to me

so similar to the Eastern and Western ones that I have
compared, their interpretation so certain, and their sense
so essential to the character of the Sun-god, that I am of
opinion that even the coincidence of collateral points can
not be treated as accidental. The Bible says that Samson
killed the lion with his bare hands : ( there was nothing
Preller, Rbmische Mythologie, p. 437-8.

Ovid, Fasti, IV. 679 ct seqq.
THE FOXES SYMBOLS OF THE SUN. 399
in his hand. 5 But Herakles also kills the Nemean lion

without his arrows, by strangling him with his arms.
This feature, too, is probably significant. The Greek
myth says that the reason why Herakles could not use any
weapons was because the lion s hide was invulnerable; but
this is pure invention. The truth seems to me to be, that
v.the weapons possessed by the Sun-god are actually his
f only in so far as his symbol is the lion ; for they consist

of the force and efficacy of the Sun. Now when the Sun
itself is to be killed, that cannot be done with the very
weapons which are its strength. The god is forced to
catch the burning rays in his own arms; he must ex
tinguish the Sun s heat by embracing the Sun, i.e. by
.strangling or rending the lion.
The following point is less clear, but surely not with

out significance. The Philistines avenge the destruction
of their cornfields, vineyards, and olives by Samson, by
burning his bride and her father. This causes Samson to
inflict a great defeat on his enemies ; but after the victory
he flies and hides in a cavern. 1 What means this be
haviour, for which no motive is assigned? What had
Samson to fear in any case, but especially after such a
victory? But let it be remembered that Apollon flies
after killing the dragon ; so also Indra after killing Vrtra,
according to the Indian legend in the Vedas ; and that
even El, the Semitic supreme god, has to fly. Thus
Samson s retreat, mentioned, but not very clearly ex
pressed because not understood, by the Biblical narrator,
appears to indicate this often-recurring flight of the
Sun-god after victory. In the tempestuous phenomena, in
which two powers of nature seemed to be contending
together, men felt the presence of the good god ; but after
his victory, when all was quiet again, he seemed to have I
withdrawn and gone to a distance.
But if on the last-mentioned point the story is seen to
1 Judges XV. 8.
be shrouded in much, obscurity, this is the case in even a

higher degree with the two next-following deeds of
Damson.
2. THE ASS S JAWBONE.
We come to Samson s heroism displayed with the ass s

jawbone. There is much difficulty here, and it will be
impossible to be certain as to the interpretation. But it
must be noticed at the outset that the story belongs
strictly to a certain locality. Its field of action is a dis
trict between the Philistine and the Israelite territories,
which was called c Jawbone, or perhaps in full, c Ass s
Jawbone, and doubtless received this name from the
peculiar conformation of the mountains. Pointed rocks
probably formed a curved line, and thus presented the
figure of a jawbone with teeth. Between these teeth of
rock there may have been a cauldron- shaped depression, *
which had the appearance of an empty place for a tooth ;
and just there a spring, no doubt a well-known and per
haps a particularly healing one, must have risen. 1 So,
although the story wishes to derive the name from Samson s
feats, the truth is rather that the name and the terri
torial conditions produced the transformation of the story.
Now I must first remind the reader of the tongue of

land in Lakonia close to the promontory of Maleae,
which stretches out into the Lakonian gulf opposite the
island Kythera : it bears the very same name as the place
where Samson performed his feat, Onugnathos ( Ass s
Jawbone ) . The name is certainly only the Greek trans- /
lation of an original Phenician name. From Strabo 2 we
learn, little or nothing of this peninsula. Pausanias 3 re
ports that there had been on it a temple of Athene with
out image and without roof. Now this Athene was pro
bably identical with a modification of the Astarte of Sidon,
Athene Onka, who was worshipped at Thebes also. And it
1 Judges XV. 15-19. 2 VIII. 5. i, p. 353.
8 III. 22. 8.
ASS S JA VVBONE : ONUGNA THOS. 401
may be significant, that there was in that temple a monu

ment to Menelaos steersman, who was called Kinados
( Fox ). At all events Onugnathos proves a myth, "known
also to the Phenicians, of which an ass s jawbone was an
i essential part.
But the ass, like the fox, was in many nations sacred
to the evil Sun-god, Moloch or Typhon, on account of his
red colour, from which his name in Hebrew is taken.
The Greeks say that in the country of the Hyperboreans,
hecatombs of asses were offered to Apollon. But he was
also ascribed to Silenos, the demon of springs, on account
of his wantonness ; and this may perhaps furnish the ex
planation of the celebrated spring at this place, which has
its rise in the Jawbone. Perhaps formerly there was at this
spring, which was called Spring of the Crier, l a sanc
tuary where the priests of the Sun-god gave out oracles,
as those of Sandon, the Lydian Sun-god, did at a spring
in the neighbourhood of Kolophon. And the ass is a
prophetic animal : I need only refer to Balaam s ass.
To ancient tradition must undoubtedly be ascribed the

exclamation which Samson is said to have uttered on this
occasion : With an ass s jawbone a heap, two heaps
with an ass s jawbone I slew a thousand men. 2 Now Ber-
theau conjectures 3 that this short verse had originally at
the place called Ass s Jaivbone I slew, and that the story
of Samson gaining a victory with an ass s jawbone arose
solely from false interpretation of it ; and no doubt the
Hebrew preposition be can denote in, at quite as well as
6 with. The same scholar observes further, that accord
ing to the story the rocks called c Jawbone Hill 4 are,
themselves, the very ass s jawbone that was thrown away
by Samson after his victory ; for only so is ifc intelligible
that a spring should gush out of the cast-away jawbone,
as the story goes on to relate. 5 To this I must add, that
1 Judges XV. 19 : En hakkniv. 2 Judges XV. 16.
3 Thick dcr Itic/iter, p. 185. Judges XV. 17: Rumath Lechi.
5 v. 19.
D D
the throwing of the jawbone seems to me the most

essential and original feature in the whole story, from
which the name and origin of the locality, and the victory
with the jawbone also, were developed. For surely the
jawbone cannot be anything but the Lightning, just as in
Aryan mythology the head of an ass, or still more that of
a horse, denotes a storm-cloud, and a tooth, especially the
tusk of a boar, signifies the lightning. 1 Here then we
have a thunder-bolt thrown down in the lightning the
instrument with which the Sun-god conquered, and at the
same time formed the locality.
I have two more observations to make here. We no

where find Samson armed with the weapons which, we see
almost everywhere else in the hands both of the Greek
and of the Oriental Herakles the mortar-club (pestle) or
the bow and arrows. The club had the appearance of a
mortar with the pestle in it, or of a tooth in its cavity ;
and in Hebrew one word 2 denoted both a mortar and the
cavity of a tooth. 3 The second remark relates to the Spring.
The Bible tells that Samson, wearied out by the murderous
contest, at length sank down, faint with thirst, and prayed
to God, saying 6 Thou hast given this great deliverance
into the hand of thy servant, and now I shall die for thirst
and fall into the hand of the uncircumcised ! upon which
God made the spring burst forth. This might be a fic
tion, in which Samson was depicted under human con
ditions; and the story of the spring given to relieve
Hagar and Ishmael might in that case serve as a model
for it. But perhaps the following combination will not
1 Schwartz, Ur sprung der Mythologie.
2 Makhtesh, v. 19.
3 I formerly saw in the Jawbone the representative of the Harpe (toothed

sickle), with which Herakles cuts off the heads of the Hydra, and which
Kronos and Perseus also employ the latter when he beheads Medusa. I have
changed my view in favour of that here propounded, through consideration of the
throwing, which undoubtedly is significant. But complete certainty is unat
tainable. What meaning can be attached to the circumstance that the jaw
bone is called a fresh (new) one (v. 15) ?
SAMSON CARRIES OFF THE GATES. 403
found too far-fetched. The Solar hero wages war

with the mischief done to nature by an excess of heat.
Thus the battle of Heraldes with Aiitaeos is only the form
localised in the deserts of Libya, of the story of the con
test against the stifling heat, against the simoom which
gains its strength from the sandy soil, as Movers, who
also sees in the Erymanthean boar only a variant of
Antaeos, has ingeniously explained. In Tingis, i.e.
Tangier, the grave of Antaeos was shown, with a spring
beside it. A similar legend among the Hebrews might
perhaps assume in time the above strictly Jahveistic
form. In that case the national instinct of Israel would
have retained only the spirit and sense of the old story,
while putting off all the heathen form and substituting a
Jahveistic one for it. This would require no reflexion
indeed, but undoubtedly much creative power of popular
imagination. The fact, that in the Hebrew story the
spring is put into combination with the jawbone, would
seem to me, connecting it with my conception of the
latter as Lightning, to indicate that the spring is the
Rain, which breaks forth from the cloud with the light-
s O
3. SAMSON AT GAZA.
It is related 1 that to escape out of the Philistine town

of Gaza by night, Samson pulled up the city-gates with
their posts and bars, and carried them to the top of the
hill opposite the city of Hebron ; which seems an utterly
senseless practical joke, though quite in keeping with
Samson s overweening jovial character. It will probably
be difficult to make out with any certainty what is the
foundation of this legend. It seems probable to me,
however, that we have to do here with a disfigured myth,
of the same import as that of the descent of Heraldes into
Judges XVI. 1-3.
I) D 2
404 STElNTff&L: SAMSON.
the netlier- world, 1 which originally declared that Samson

broke open the gates of the well-bolted (irvXap-rrfs) Hades.
As in the Greek story of Herakles the fight at the gate of
the nether-world, sv nrv\<p h vs/cvscrcn, was transformed
into a fight at Pylos, 2 by a mere play on words ; so in the
Hebrew story, instead of the gates of the nether-world or
of death (sha are maweth), those of the city called the
Strong (Gaza, or properly c Azza) might be named. The
cause for which Samson went down into the nether- world
was forgotten, and a new motive was invented by the
legend for his visit to Gaza, in keeping with the licen
tiousness of his character. The fact that he starts at
midnight, and does not sleep till morning, is certainly not
without significance, but contains a remembrance of the
circumstance that the deed took place in the darkness,
i.e. in the nether-world. And the feature of the story
which tells that Samson carries the gates to the top of a
hill, must have been suggested by some local peculiarity
in the form of the rock. But very probably the recollec
tion of a myth which made the Solar hero bring some
thing up from the nether-world had also some influence
on the story.
4. SAMSON S AMOURS.
The circumstance that Samson is so addicted to
sexual pleasure, has its origin in the remembrance that
the Solar god is the god of fruitfulness and procreation.
Thus in Lydia Herakles (Sandon) is associated with
Omphale the Birth-goddess, and in Assyria the effemi
nate Ninyas with Semiramis ; whilst among the Pheni-
, cians, Melkart pursues Dido-Anna.
The beloved of the god is the goddess of parturition

and of love. She is, in general terms, Nature, which is
fructified by the solar heat, conceives and bears ; or is
1 Welcker, Gricch. Gbtterlehre, II. 776; Preller, Gricch. Mythol, II. 154,
167 ; Movers, Phonizier, I. 442.
- Welcker, ibid., II. 761.
HIS AMOURS: DELILA. 405
specially identified with the Moon, or even with the

Earth, but more frequently with Water originally rain,
and subsequently the sea and rivers also, and finally (the
rain being regarded as mead or wine) the vine, caressed
by the sun. Thus Yenus rises out of the sea ; and Sem
itic goddesses have fish-ponds dedicated to them. lole,
whom Herakles woos, is the daughter of Eurytos, the
4 Copiously Flowing. Of the three Philistine women
whom Samson approaches, only one the one who brings
about his ruin is named. Her name, Delila, denotes,
according to Gesenius, infirma, desiderio confecta, i.e. the
c Longing, Languishing, and according to Bertheau the
c Tender ; at all events, it refers to love. She lives in the
6 Yine-Yalley, l and consequently appears to represent the
vine itself, which the Sun-god is so zealous in wooing ;
indeed, even the name Delila might denote a Branch,
a Yine-shoot. Deianeira, also, is the daughter of
Oeneus the Wine-man, or, as others say, of Dionysos.
Orion, who stands so near to the Sun-god, woos the
daughter of Oenipion the Yine. But even supposing
what is very possible that Delila originally denoted a
Palm-branch, we know that the palm was sacred to
Asherah.
But yet another combination appears admissible.

Delila may also signify the Relaxed, Yanishing, as a
Moon-goddess. This goddess is indeed originally a chaste
virgin ; but in Tyre and Assyria she also assumes the cha
racter of Birth-goddess, and is variously served by strict
chastity, by sacrifice of children, and by prostitution of
virginity.
The coalescence of the chaste and cruel goddess with

the luxurious one is exhibited in Semiramis, who is said
to have killed her husband and all her numerous lovers.
This might have given to the story of Samson its present
form, which represents his ruin as brought about by a
woman. But this leads to the following point.
1 Judges XVI. 4 : Nachal Sorek, i.e. Valley of the Vine.
5. SAMSON S END.
Looking back, we find that we may probably regard as

certain the proposed interpretation of the killing of the
lion, of the foxes carrying firebrands, and of Samson s
sexual passion : while the deeds with the jawbone and
the gates must be termed uncertain. Now Samson s end"]
brings us back into perfect clearness ; it refers again to
the Solar god. If the hair is the symbol of the growth of
nature in summer, then the cutting off of the hair must
be the disappearance of the productive power of Nature
in winter. Samson is blinded at the same time, like
Orion : this again has the same meaning, the cessation of
the power of the Sun. Again, Samson and the other Sun-
gods are forced to endure being bound : and this too
indicates the tied-up power of the Sun in winter.
The final act, Samson s death, reminds us clearly and
decisively of the Phenician Herakles, as Sun-god, who died
at the winter solstice in the furthest West, where his two
Pillars are set up to mark the end of his wanderings.
Samson also dies at the two Pillars, but in his case they
~"> are not the Pillars of the World, but are only set up in
the middle of a great banqueting-hall. A feast was being
held in honour of Dagon, the Fish-god ; the sun was in
, the sign of the Waterman ; Samson, the Sun-god, died. 1
1 I formerly took Delila, i.e. the Worn out, to be a personification of

Nature, worn out and no longer productive in the winter-season. Then the
name Delila might be compared with that of Aphrodite Morpho, supposing
Movers (p. 586) to give the right interpretation of the latter, in discovering
it to be the Syriac word for Fatigue, Flagging. Then Delila would be the
Winter-goddess, and might be a peculiar phase of Derketo, who was worshiped
in conjunction with the barren Sea-god Dagon (see Stark, Gaza, p. 285).
Pausanias (III. 15. 8) relates that there was at Sparta an old temple with an
image of Aphrodite to whom it belonged i.e. Astarte, Semiramis, etc. This
temple (alone of all the temples that Pausanias knew) had an upper story, in
which was an image of Aphrodite Morpho. She was represented sitting,
veiled, and with her feet bound. Pausanias himself interprets the fetters to
indicate women s attachment to their husbands ; but this reading is not bind
ing on us. I regard this Morpho as a picture of Nature fettered and mourning
HIS DEATH AS SUN- GOD. 407

6. SAMSON THE HEBEEW SOLAE HEEO = HEEAKLES,
MELKAET.
The above comparison and interpretation of all

Samson s deeds and the manner of his end has yielded so
clear and decided a result, that the answer to the question,
f Who or what was Samson originally ? has necessarily
in winter. Similarly, and also at Sparta (ibid. 5) the bound Enyalios signifies
the restrained solar heat of Mars. However, this interpretation of Delila as
Winter stands in no contradiction to what is said in the text. Moon-goddess,
Love-goddess, Chaste goddess, and Winter, are only different aspects of the
same mythological figure, to which a name capable of many interpretations is
very suitable. Stark (Gaza, p. 292) is right in asserting the hostility of
Herakles to the descendants of Poseidon, the gloomy sea-god, who according to
Semitic conceptions I believe to have been also the Winter-god (Dagon). But
Movers Cp. 441) appears to be also right in showing how, besides combating
the creatures of Typhon, Melkart-Herakles is also hostile to the evil Moon-
goddess. For she is only the female figure corresponding to the male Moloch,
Typhon and Mars. In the Greek myth the place of the Semitic Lunar Astarte
is occupied by Hera, the adversary of Herakles. She is confounded both with
Ashera the goddess of Love, and with Astarte. Thus there was in Sparta an
Aphrodite Hera (Pans. III. 13. 6). To her goats were sacrificed at Sparta,
and only there, as to the Semitic Birth-goddess ; and she was called Goat-
eater ( Hpa al-yoQayos, ib. 15. 7; Preller, Griech. Myth., p. Ill; but I am
of opinion that the goats have not the same meaning in her case as in that of
Zeus). In the character of Astarte, as an evil Moon-goddess, a female Moloch
or Mars, she appears when she sends the Nemean lion, the Solar heat, into the
land, and on other occasions when she is put into connexion with the powers
of evil (Preller, p. 109). The conception which unites opposite natural forces
in the same divine person, which then appears under a modified form, could not
be better expressed in architecture than it is in the above-mentioned temple of
Aphrodite. The lower story is a temple of the Armed Aphrodite ; the upper a
temple of Aphrodite Morpho : thus the whole is a temple of the strict goddess,
below of the Summer, above of the Winter. The fact that a deity of the Solar
heat and the Fire is regarded as also a deity of the Sea, may be explained not
only by the equal barrenness of the Desert a sea of sand, and the Sea a
desert of water, but perhaps also by the opinion, attributed by Plutarch (de Is.
et Os. c. 7) to the Egyptians, that the sea is not an independent element but
only a morbid emanation from fire. To Morpho or Winter corresponds Hera, as
one at variance with Zeus, or as a widow (Preller, p. 108). Thus then it will
be clear that Delila may be both the Birth-goddess (Ashera) and the evil
Moon-goddess (Astarte), or more accurately the Winter-goddess (Derketo). If
Semiramis exhibits a combination of Ashera with Astarte, then Delil& shows a
similar combination of Ashera with Derketo, who is only a modification of
Astarte.
been already anticipated. I therefore now only combine

together what has been discovered, and say : Samson was /
originally a Sun- god, or his vicegerent a Solar hero the
Sun being conceived as the representative of the force of
Heat in nature, whether vivifying and salutary, or scorch
ing and destructive.
To this result we are brought, finally, by the name of

our hero. For Samson, or more accurately Shimshon, is
an obvious derivative from the Hebrew word for Sun. 1
As from dag ( fish Dag-6n, 2 the name of the Fish-god of
the Philistines, is formed, so from shemesh ( sun we have
Shimsh-6n, the Sun-god.
Now, to recur to Samson s hair, our thoughts turn

most naturally to Apolloii s locks. But this comparison
appears to me not quite accurate. For Apollon s locks
are connected with his arrows, and are, like them, a
figure of his rays. But Samson is not the shining god,
but the warming and productive god. His hair, like the
hair and beard of Zeus, Kronos, Aristaeos, and Asklepios,
is a figure of increase and luxuriant fulness. In winter,
when nature appears to have lost all strength, the god of
growing young life has lost his hair. In the spring the
hair grows again, and nature returns to life again. Of
this original conception the Biblical story still preserves
1 The derivation from the root shmn is impossible, that from the root shmm
far-fetched. The simple derivation from shemes sun appears to be rejected
by Bertheau (Buck der Richter, p. 169) only because the long narrative con
cerning Samson presents no reference to a name of any such signification (as
the Sunny/ the Solar hero), and because, as he says, we do not expect to
find a name of this kind anywhere in Hebrew antiquity. But the matter
appears to us now in a very different light, and the connexion with the Sun
which Bertheau did not expect to find has now become clear.
2 That Dagon really had the form of a fish, which Movers denies, surely
appears certain from I Sam. V. 4 (see Stark, Gaza, p. 249). And it would be
an excess of diplomatic accuracy, such as we are not justified in ascribing to
the Hebrew writer, to suppose that his only reason for writing dagon was that
the Hebrew dagan corn was pronounced Dagon in Phenician. Moreover,
such a word as Corn (dagan) cannot well be a proper name. The formation
of proper names of men and places by tho termination on is excessively
common; and requires no citation of examples.
SAMSON A SUN- GOD. 49
a trace. Samson s hair, after being cut off, grows again,

and his strength comes back with it. 1
This Sun-god was, moreover, regarded as the beneficent

power that destroyed all powers and influences injurious
to man and to life in general, the chivalrous hero, who
wandered over the earth from the east to the furthest
west, everywhere ready to strike a blow to deliver the
earth from the creatures of Typhon, the Hydra, etc.,
the defender and king of cities, leader of emigrants and
protector of colonies in short, as Herakles.
This character of the Herakles-Melkart of the Pheni- \
cians appears in Samson in greatly shrunken proportions.
The Hebrews sent no colonies to Mount Atlas ; the super
natural monsters become a natural lion ; and Samson s
strength was required only against the Philistines. It is
also seen, moreover, from the above comparison, not only
that it is correct, but also how far it is correct, to call
Samson the Hebrew Herakles. The one as well as the
other is a martial Sun- god. And this makes it clear also
that we are equally justified in classing Samson with
Perseus and Bellerophon, with Indra and Siegfried, in
short, with all the mythological beings and legendary
heroes whose nature is related to sun, light, and especi
ally warmth, like Orion, Seirios, Aristaeos, and Kronos.
In mythology, as in language, there are synonyms ; e.g.
Apollon and Helios, Herakles and Perseus; indeed, the
two latter are both synonymous with Apollon. Now two
words belonging to different languages, though similar in
meaning, still scarcely ever call up absolutely the same
conception, but are a little different from one another as
synonyms. So also mythological beings and names in
two nations, especially where the difference is so great as
it is between the Hebrews and the Greeks, and between
the Semites and the Aryans in general, are probably
never perfectly identical, but never more than synonyms.
1 Judges XVI, 22.
Therefore we must not indulge the caprice of trying to

make Samson as similar as possible to Herakles : for
instance, there is not the slightest reason to assign to
Samson twelve labours, and the less so as that number
even in the case of Herakles is only derived from a late
y age and forms too contracted a sphere. And, on the other

hand, in finding analogies to Samson, we are nowise com
pelled to rest satisfied with Herakles. But now we must
look closer into Samson s birth and the position ascribed
, to him in the Biblical narrative.
7. SAMSON S BIRTH AND NAZIEITISM.
The birth of the hero of a legend is always the last

circumstance to be invented concerning him, when his
life and character are already settled ; just as an author
writes his preface only after the completion of his book.
This comparison is here particularly apposite, since the
narrative of the appearance of the angel who announces
to the parents of Samson after a long period of childless
ness, the birth of a son who is to be dedicated to God, 1 is
not invented by popular imagination, but produced by the
writer.
This introduction to the history of Samson is capable
of two comparisons. It may be put side by side with
the birth of Samuel, 2 or with the law of Naziritism. 3 In
either case several differences appear. Samuel is not de
scribed by the Biblical narrator as a Nazirite (nazir). But
from this it does not follow that at the time of the com
position of the Book of Samuel this word had not yet
come into use, but only that in the signification which it
then had, it did not seem appropriate to Samuel as he
was then fancied. Samuel was called one Lent to God. 4
In consequence of this, he lived in the Tabernacle, waiting
on the High Priest and Judge Eli; he wore a priest s
1 Judges XIII. * I Sam. I.
3 Num. VI. 1-21. * I Sam. I. 28.
NAZIRIT1SM. 411
dress, and, as is stated with great emphasis, no razor

came upon his head. 1 The latter is said of Samson also.
The expression Lent to God, seems not to have been a
technical word or fixed designation, but only an etymo
logical interpretation of the name Samuel. The life in
the Tabernacle and the priest s dress were certainly not
essential to the position of a Nazirite any more than to
that of a Prophet, and are also out of accord with the
narrative of Samuel s later life ; they must be only a later
invention.
The narrative of Samuel s dedication is perfectly

simple, concerned only with universal human conditions
and feelings, deeply and fervently religious. Deeply
troubled and vexed at her childlessness, the wife prays
God for a son, vowing, if only her prayer be answered, to
dedicate the child to God for all the days of his life.
With the impulse of true piety, after the fulfilment of her
prayer, she performs a voluntary vow, to which she is
compelled by no law. This story is older than that of
Samson, who becomes a Nazirite, not in fulfilment of a
vow, but by reason of a Divine command.
The term Nazirite is first found used by the prophet

Amos, 2 who couples together the Nazirite and the
Prophet ; but he makes no mention of the hair, only of
the prohibition of wine. But it does not follow from this
fact that in the time of Amos the Nazirite did employ the
razor on his head. Samson s parents received a command
to dedicate their son : he was to be a Nazirite from his
mother s womb to the day of his death. But to the pro
hibition to shave off the hair and to drink wine was added
a prohibition to eat anything unclean ; this was a later
addition. The written law on the subject was the latest
and also the severest and most fully developed; for it
adds to the previous prohibitions another against defile
ment by dead bodies. On the other side, however, the Law
1 i Sam. II. 11, 18, III. 3, I. u. - Amos II. u, 12.
412 STE1NTHAL: SAMSON.
knows nothing of any life-long Nazirites, who were to live

like Samuel all their days in the Temple before God ; for, in
the later view represented by the Law, only the Priest,
the son of Aaron, lived in the Temple ; he was then the
truly dedicated person, and wine was denied him not
absolutely, but at the time of his service in the Temple. 1
And the Law had no need expressly to forbid the Nazirite
to touch unclean food, since it was already forbidden .to
every Israelite. But to defile himself by the touch of a
corpse, even of that of his father or mother, brother or
sister, was forbidden to the Nazirite. 2
Thus we discover three or four stages in the develop

ment of Naziritism among the Israelites, exhibited, (i) by
the passage in the prophet Amos, (2) by the narrative of
the birth of Samuel, (3) by that of the birth of Samson,
and lastly, (4) by the Law. Before the time of Amos
there were Nazirites that is, as appears from their being
classed next to Prophets, people who by a voluntary
resolve consecrated their lives to God and the establish
ment of religion in the nation, and as a symbol of their
resolve denied themselves the use of wine and did not cut
their hair. There might be many prophets living as
Nazirites because such a mode of life seemed to them
appropriate to their intercourse with God. At the time of
the construction of the narrative of Samuel s birth the
.Nazirite s abstinence was regarded as something intrin
sically meritorious, rewarded by the special favour of
God. Hence arose the idea that Samuel, a man whom
tradition allowed to have possessed extraordinary great
ness, had been a Nazirite, not only at a mature age, but
from his very birth, although tradition did not call him
such, but represented him only as a Prophet and Judge.
It was supposed that Naziritism from birth had qualified
him for his subsequent greatness. At the time when the
narrator of the birth of Samson lived, this idea was pro-
1 Lev. X. 9. i Num. VI. 6, 7.
SAMUEL AND SAMSON NAZIRITES. 413
bably so firmly established, that God could be imagined to

bestow his special favour on an individual only by means
of Naziritism, which was demanded at his very birth as a
condition of that favour. Naziritism, which to Amos had
been only a peculiar mode of working for the cause of
the religion and morality of the nation, was degraded by
the above process into a personal mode of life which was
thought to be especially well-pleasing to God. And then
any one could adopt it at any moment, and keep it up
for a certain time only, longer or shorter ; and the Law
then prescribed the conduct of such as took a vow to live
as Nazirites for a certain period.
But how does the author of this narrative of Samson s

birth stand in relation to the subsequent popular legends ?
and what do these legends know of Samson s Naziritiem ?
Little, not to say Nothing. The contradiction cannot be
obliterated, and seems to have been observed by the nar
rator of the birth himself. He was the first who called
Samson a Nazirite. If even his mother was to observe
abstinence during her pregnancy, it seemed to follow as a
matter of course that Samson himself as a Nazirite ought
to pass his life in no less abstinence. But the legends re
ported the fact to be the reverse. The narrator observed
this. So when Samson s father prayed earnestly that the
angel who had appeared to his wife and given her a rule
of conduct, might appear to him also and say how they
should do unto the child, the angel gave no answer, but
only repeated the rule for the mother. Thus the narrator
did not venture to allow a degree of abstinence to be pre
scribed for Samson, which in the legends he never prac
tised.
There is, however, one feature of the Nazirite which is

known even to the legends : the uncut hair. The legend
knows for certain that Samson s hair is the seat of
his strength. But in the legend the hair is not repre
sented as a mere ideal sign of divine consecration, but as
the real source of strength. And therefore Samson, having
4H STEINTHAL: SAMSON.
trifled away his hair and thereby lost his strength, gets his
strength back as soon as his hair has begun to grow again.
( Thus the loss of the hair is not in the legend a symbol of

a falling away from God, nor the weakness that attends it
produced through being deserted by God ; but the hair
itself is the strength, and to cut it off is the same thing as
< to curtail the strength, as we have already seen.
There must, at all events, have been a time in Israel /

when hair and fulness of physical energy formed one
identical idea: it was the heathen time. When the
people had gained a knowledge of the true God, the old
legend had to be modified. Then the uncut hair was
treated as a consecration of its possessor to the service of
Jahveh. But the modification was not fully carried out :
one heathen feature remained unaltered the idea that
with the growth of Samson s hair his strength also grew
up again.
cJ
8. GENERAL CHARACTER OF SAMSON, THE HEBREW HERO.

The very distinctness and clearness with which it has "7
been found possible to invest the conception and interpre
tation of Samson as a hero of heathen mythology, proves
the justice and certainty of such an interpretation. And
the justice of the mythical conception of Samson s deeds may
be demonstrated also by another consideration. The differ
ence between Samson s position and that of the other Judges
makes it obvious enough that his history is mere legend
through and through. All the other Judges, Barak,
Gideon, Jephthah, fight at the head either of a large force
or of a small and picked company : Samson always appears
alone, and beats hundreds and thousands alone, and this
too without arms. If the other Judges receive Divine
apparitions by which they are impelled to action for the
deliverance of their people, yet they act with perfectly
human forces and means, in human fashion : Samson acts
with supernatural force, and is a miracle from beginning
to end. In spite of this, Samson s action is not only des-
SAMSON S CHARACTER NOT HISTORICAL. 415
titute of any proper result, but also what is more sig

nificant and far worse devoid of even the consciousness of
any aim, devoid of plan or idea. He Samson the Nazirite
consecrated to God! looks for wives and mistresses among
his own and his people s enemies. 1 He teases, irritates,
injures his enemies, and kills many of them. But there
appears nowhere the consciousness of any mission which
he had to fulfil for the good of his native land against his
enemies. He is inspired by no idea of Jahveh, driven
forward by no impatience of a shameful yoke. He is roused
only by pleasures of the senses and the caprice of insolence.
Samson is utterly immoral. He is exactly an old heathen
god, and therefore immoral, like all idols. Idols must be so,
for they are only personifications of the forces and occur
rences of nature ; now nature as such is indifferent towards
morality, and consequently, though not moral, still not
immoral either; but when the mechanical force of nature
is pictured as a person, and removed into the conditions
of ethical life, it cannot but appear absolutely immoral.
This is what all heathendom does, that of Greece not
excepted. 2
If, on the one hand, Samson wants all the qualities

necessary to an historical hero, he is on the other, viewed
from the esthetic point, a most admirable phenomenon,
quite unique in Hebrew literature. It is really wonderful
with what tact, and what firm and delicate esthetic feeling,
the gigantic, Herculean, Samson is delineated in the
Hebrew legend. His behaviour evinces nothing uncouth
or vulgar, a fault from which even the Greek Herakles is
1 The circumstance that this was of Jahveh (Judges XIV. 4) is a fiction

interpolated into the legend by the systematising author.
2 It will be seen from the above, that I am far from subscribing to the
judgment on the heathen religions which has in recent times been widely
diffused among philosophers and philologians. I agree essentially with the
judgment of the natural mind, which always sees delusion and superstition in
heathendom. But it does not follow from this that the heathens were abso
lutely immoral : they invested with their own morality gods who were intrin
sicnlly representations of nature only.
not free. Herakles, though adored as a god, has to put

up with being scorned and derided for his greediness ; he
is a standing character in the Greek comedy, and a butt
against which all jests are levelled. Samson, on the con
trary, is himself the jester and scoffer, who adds the jest
of insult to the injury he does his enemies. A native
merriness encircles him ; and in the very hour of death, at
his self -prepared destruction, he maintains his humour,
which here assumes a sarcastic tone.
We have now to take in hand two more considerations

of a general character, which will determine the true
import of the preceding detached ones and set them on a
firm basis. We must first enquire: What means the
above demonstrated accordance of the Hebrew legend with
the legends of other nations ? what is to be inferred from
it ? The answer to this will assign the cause of the ac
cordance. And then the field for the development of the
legend of Samson in the popular mind, and the connexion
of the legend with the progress of religious life in the
course of centuries, must be more fully discussed.
9. THE MUTUAL RELATIONSHIP OF THE COMPARED LEGENDS.
In the preceding comparisons, I have in the first in

stance proved Samson s relationship to the Semitic Sun-
gods. The Hebrews being Semites themselves, and living
in the midst of Semitic nations, there can be no doubt
that the similarit}^ of the Story of Samson to those of the
Semitic Sun-god is founded on original identity. But,
on the other hand, the Hebrew form of the story exhibits
sufficient peculiarity to negative the idea of its being
simply borrowed from other Semitic nations. Samson
is not exactly the Tyrian Melkart, nor the Assyrian and
Lydiaii Sandon, but a peculiar modification of the concep
tion which lies at the base of both of them. It is, more-
RELATION OF SAMSON TO OTHER SOLAR HEROES. 417
over, quite inconceivable that myths and stories heard

from strangers could yield materials for tales about a
national hero such as Samson. If we knew the Semitic
myths and stories more completely, there would probably
be not a single feature in the story of Samson left without
~^>some mythical conception of the Semites corresponding
to it ; yet every feature would have undergone a peculiar
Hebrew modification. In the absence of such knowledge,
we were obliged to proceed to a comparison with Greek
and Roman legends. Now how are we to understand the
^similarities discovered there ?
In the abstract, three cases may be assumed as pos

sible. First, there may have been borrowing ; and if so,
we should probably be inclined without hesitation to as
sume that the Greeks borrowed from the Phenicians and
the Semitic nations of Asia Minor. Secondly, there may
have existed an original similarity in certain mythical
conceptions between Semites and Aryans, whether by
reason of original historical unity, or because both races
had, independently of one another, hit upon the same con
ception. Then thirdly, a combination of borrowing and
unity is conceivable, by which the Greeks regained by
borrowing some element which had been lost out of their
memory, or obtained by borrowing from strangers an idea
synonymous with a preexisting native one. Which of
these possibilities is the reality, cannot be decided all at
once with reference to Herakles in general ; but even
after some result has been reached respecting that hero s
personality, the above enquiry must be instituted afresh
concerning every one of his acts.
Now as to the general aspect of Herakles, I think we

have at the present day advanced far enough to be able
summarily to reject as absurd the idea that the Gieeks
had borrowed him from the Phenicians. The hero ex
hibits so decidedly the character of the Aryan Sun- god
and Solar hero, and moreover appears in so specifically
Greek a form, that there can be no doubt but that in him
E E
418 STEINTHAL: SAMSON".
we see the peculiar Greek modification of a possession

held in common by all the Aryans.
The fact, however, of Herakles being originally Greek,

does not exclude the possibility that the Greeks, if they
heard of a Semitic god whom they believed to be their
Herakles, might claim the deeds of the foreign god as be
longing to their own hero. This was a perfectly natural
and simple process in the mind, such as may occur now
_^. to any one of us. Suppose that some one tells us news of
a certain person whom we think we know, because we
know a person of the same name and position living at
the same place ; then we shall immediately attribute what
is told us of the stranger to the one known to us. Thus
the Greeks could, and could not but, ascribe unconsciously
to their Herakles what were really Semitic stories of
< Solar heroes.
Accordingly, it seems to me beyond doubt, that the )
Greeks borrowed the killing of the lion from the Semitic
god. For the Lion is a mythical symbol that recurs
among all Semitic nations, whereas he is scarcely ever,
if ever, found in the original Aryan mythology. In the
original seats of the Aryan races there can scarcely have f
been any lions. Moreover, it is only after the seventh
century B.C. that Herakles was figured with the lion s
hide. His original arms were those of Apollon, the bow
and arrows.
We touch here on a characteristic distinction between

the Semitic and the Aryan Sun-god. The former kills a
lion, the latter a dragon. The Lion is a symbol of solar
heat ; the Dragon was originally a symbol of winter, rain,
mist, marshy vapours. The Semitic god has to combat
chiefly with the burning sun, the Aryan with clouds. In
India, no doubt, Indra does battle with the Scorcher/
f the Drought (ushna) ; but this is surely a later, pecu
liarly Indian, accretion. On the other side, however, as
we shall see further on, the Semites were not ignorant of
the Cloud-Dragon. The distinction just indicated, there-
SEMITIC AND ARYAN SUN-GODS. 419
fore, must be understood as meaning only that here the

one, there the other, of the two characteristics is the more
widely spread and important ; or that the one or the
other is the more fully developed.
With this may be combined another interesting fea

ture. The Semitic Sun-god represents chiefly the procrea-
tive warmth and the scorching heat ; the Aryan rather the
illuminating light and the fire, which latter however, in
connexion with the rain, is no doubt regarded as produc
tive of fertility. The two races also appear in general to
be similarly distinguished : the Semite has greater heat,
the Aryan more light ; the former is more passionate, the
latter more sanguine. But this is not a suitable place to
follow out this train of thought.
As to the foxes with fire-brands, that feature is pro

bably also borrowed. Among all the Aryan nations,, it is
only the Latins, as far as I know, with whom this feature
assumes any prominence ; and with them it appears only
in the form of sport, derived from a legend already en
feebled, and scarcely at all in religious rites ; for in the
latter we find the red dog with the same signification ;
and the dog also is Semitic. It is possible that the fox is
also preserved in the Fox of Teumessos ; l but the latter
belongs to Boeotia, where much Phenician influence is
visible.
If the adventure with the gates of Gaza is correctly

interpreted above, the corresponding descent of Herakles
into the nether-world can still scarcely be regarded as
borrowed. The interpretation of the adventure at Gaza,
however, is not certain enough to build any further
theories upon, any more than the story of the ass s jawbone,
which moreover is very different from the boar s tusks.
1 See Preller, Griech. Mythol. II. 97; Gerhard, Griech. Mythol. 711.
420 STE1N7HAL: SAMSON.
IO. THE DEVELOPMENT OF MYTHS AMONG THE ISRAEL

ITES IN CONNEXION WITH THAT OP MONOTHEISM.
We have convinced ourselves that the mythical mode

of looking at things indicates a distinct stage in the de
velopment of the intellectual life of nations. The sub
stance, which is looked at in the myth, is very various,
and by no means bound to a polytheistic system. With
out offending the dignity of Monotheism, it must be
affirmed that not only Genesis, but also the narrative por
tion of the other Books of Moses, of Joshua and Judges,
and isolated passages in all other books of the Old and
the New Testament, are mythical. The primeval history
comprised in the first ten chapters of Genesis, sublime
above the cosmogonies and theogonies of all other nations,
contains also sublimer myths.
But these Israelite myths, in the form in which we

have them now, are framed throughout on a monotheistic
principle. This form is for the most part not the original
one, but a conversion out of a polytheistic form. My ex
position of the legend of Samson might be considered to
have sufficed to prove the existence of a primeval heathen
ism among the Hebrews, which of course rested on a
Semitic foundation. But this conclusion may be further
confirmed by the following considerations.
I believe myself justified a priori, i.e. by reflections of

a general nature, in relying on the concession, that the
notion of Revelation, in the sense that at a definite point
of time and by a special Divine contrivance, Monotheism
was taught to a whole nation, and immediately handed
down by them in the sharpest, fullest, and most elaborated
antagonism to all heathen ideas, is philosophically unten
able, since it is in accordance neither with psychology
nor with history. This leads directly and necessarily to
the assumption, that the Israelites freed themselves gradu
ally from their inherited Semitic heathenism, and passed
ORIGINAL POLYTHEISM. 421
over to a Monotheism which increased in purity with

time.
In opposition to these ideas, some have very recently

renewed the attempt to establish Monotheism as the
belief of primeval mankind, from which the nations passed
into Polytheism, either, as some assume, through a grow
ing dulness of spirit (a Fall), or, as others think, through
the very opposite process, a higher development of mind ;
whilst the Israelites preserved the old original Mono
theism, which is reckoned to their credit by the first, and
to their blame by the latter, theorists. It suffices here to
remark that this primitive Monotheism is absolutely in
capable of proof from history, that at the outset it turns
history upside down, and especially that it is conjoined to
a very loose and mean notion of the nature of Monotheism.
Moreover, the Semitic race did not possess Monotheism as
an inheritance from its birth. 1
Now if history is unable to prove Monotheism to have

existed from the beginning in the Semitic race, even the
monotheistic literature of the Israelites contains evidence
1 For this assertion I must for the present refer to what I have said in
an article, Zur Charakteristik der semitischen Volker, in the Zeitschr. fur
Volkerpsychologie etc. Vol. I. p. 328 et scqq. In Liebner and others Jahrbilcher
fur dcutsche Theologie, V. p. 669 et seqq., there is a long article by Diestel, Der
Monotheismus des dltesten Heidenthnms, vorzuglich bei den Semiten. He also
declares himself averse to the assumption of a primitive Monotheism, because
it is destitute of all historical proof. He brings many points judiciously into
the light, especially the absence of an accurate conception of Monotheism
(p. 684). But when he objects to me, that in the above -quoted article (p. 330)!
am too hard on the expression Instinct used by Kenan, inasmuch as it is to be
understood as implying only an individual disposition of the religious mind,
not a momentum of half-animal physical life. I must observe in reply, that I
can scarcely imagine how else instinct can be understood but as a half-animal
momentum ; and even reason, taken as an instinct, is eo ipso degraded to a
momentum of ^(/-animal physical life. And if Diestel here means by instinct
a disposition of the mind, I can see in such dispositions scarcely anything
more than momenta of half-animal physical life. Moreover, I cannot admit
any such dispositions of the religious mind, which have the special object of
their belief determined beforehand. A disposition to reasonableness in general,
or to religiousness in general, does dwell in the human mind ; but not a dispo
sition so defined as to its object that a limited idea, such as Monotheism, could
be a priori inherent in it.
on the other side, exhibiting a mythical Polytheism that ex

tended from high antiquity down into those writings. For
this Polytheism, as was natural, impressed on the language
a stamp so distinct as to be still recognisable in various views
and phrases belonging to the Prophets and sacred poets.
I will begin with the Book of Job. We need not here

discuss the age of the composition of this wonderful poem.
No one will now think of placing it before Solomon s
time ; and Schlottmann s view, that it was produced at
the end of Solomon s reign or under his successor, has
probably but few adherents. Now in this poem occur
many personifications, which, although mainly based on
lively poetical views and forming simply the poet s lan
guage, often also betray the existence of decidedly
mythical persons. Although the author was undoubtedly
a monotheist and a Jahveist, yet in his ideas of the world
heathenism was still not far removed from him. This
appears precisely in the passages in which he tries to por
tray the omnipotence of Jahveh ; for there he sometimes
slips into expressions which look as if intended to picture
the power of Indra and Zeus or Apollon. So e.g. (XXVI.
11-13): The pillars of heaven tremble, and are frightened
at his rebuke ; by his strength he shakes the sea, and by
his wisdom he crushes Eahabh ; by his breath he brightens
the heaven, his hand pierces the flying Dragon. To
understand these words in the poet s own sense, I think
we must make very delicate distinctions. He appears to
nie to occupy a position in the middle between the pure
Heathenism of a Yedic bard, and Prophetism, and no
doubt nearer to the latter than to the former ; yet a posi
tion from which the myth still almost looked like a myth,
and was not a mere poetic figure. I must explain my
meaning more fully.
Ewald s view, that Eahabh was originally a name of

Egypt, and then became the mythological designation of
a sea-monster, is an exact inversion of the fact, and
requires no refutation especially as it has been already
ITS TRACES IN THE LANGUAGE. 423
answered. 1 RahabTi, etymologically denoting the Noisy,

Defiant, was originally the name and description of the
Storm-Dragon. In the storm it was believed that Jahveh
was fighting with a monster that threatened to devour the
sun and the light of the sky. I should claim this well-
known myth of Indra for the Semitic race, were it sup
ported only by the above verses, and should consequently
regard rb as a primeval feature of the mythical aspect of
nature, common to Semites and Aryans, even if we were
not so fortunate as we are, through Tuch s and Osiander s
investigations, in finding the same myth repeated among
the Arabs and Edomites, who have the divine person
Kuzah, a Cloud-god, who shoots arrows from his bow. 2
Here it is clear at the same time that the Bow is the Raiii-
bow, and the Arrow the Lightning. 3 I see no reason for
the supposition that the Storm-monster was fettered to the
sky. But I think we may gather from Is. XXVII. I, that
the Semitic Storm-Dragon 4 was imagined in three forms :
coiled up ( akallathon), i.e. the Cloud; flying (bariach),
i.e. the Lightning, or the dragon flying from the light
ning, and lastly stretching himself, extended (Tannin),
i.e. streaming Rain. By the downpour of the rain the
sea in heaven produced a sea on earth, and the tannin was
removed from the sky into the ocean. As a sea-serpent he
is called Rahabh, the Noisy.
Of this nothing was known even to Isaiah, and no

later Prophet or Psalmist understood this mythical view ;
these names of mythical beings had been imperceptibly
converted into names of hostile nations, having been pro
bably first used to designate great and notorious beasts
living in the territories of the nations. Thus in Ps.
LXXXVII. 4, Eahabh indisputably stands for Egypt;
and two passages in Ezekiel (XXIX. 3, and XXXII. 2),
1 By J. Olshausen in Hirzel s Hiob, p. 60 note. But Ewald says expressly

(Ijob, 1854, p. 126) that Rahab is everywhere a mythological name for a sea-
monster, even where it stands for Egypt. TR. 2 See pp. 73, 169.
3 See Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1849, HI. p. 200 et seq.
4 Hebrew livyAlliAn. nAoliAs : Sanskrit Vrtra. Ahi.
424 STEINTHAL: SAMSON,
exhibit clearly the supposed transition, since Pharaoh, that

is Egypt, is in the latter compared to the Tannin, that is
the Crocodile, and in the former actually addressed as
such. Thus the Tannin or Rahabh became first any kind
of sea-monster, then specially the crocodile, and finally
Egypt. Similarly it is said in Ps. LXYIII. 31 [30],
Rebuke the beast of the sedge, l i.e., the crocodile,
meaning Egypt.
But there is a general connexion between this drag

ging down of mythical beings into the life on earth and
the conversion of mythical actions in heaven into terrestrial
history. Passages are not wanting in which a wavering
between the mythic signification and that of legendary
history, or the absorption of the former in the latter, is
evident. Thus it is said in Ps. LXXXIX. 10-12 [9-11],
c Thou rulest the pride (elevation) of the sea ; when it
raises its waves, thou stillest them ; thou treadest under
loot Rahabh as one that is slain ; with the arm of thy
might thou scatterest thy enemies. Thine is the heaven,
thine also the earth, etc. Here the parallel to Rahabh in
the preceding member is ge uth elevation, pride, defiance,
and in the succeeding one thy enemies. The writer s
general attention is directed to physical phenomena, which
yielded to him the old heathen conception of Rahabh ;
but Rahabh had already gained a historical signification,
and consequently suggested in the following member an
historical reference.
This appears still more beautifully, and in a way which

lays open to us the origin of the legendary history, in the
following passage, Ps. LXXIV. 12-17: But God my
king, from the olden time working deliverances in the
middle of the earth. Thou cleavest with thy might the
sea, breakest the heads of the Tannins over the water.
1 The literal and only possible translation of the first three words of the
verse, ge ar chayyath kaneh, rendered correctly in the Septuagint and Vulgate ;
for which the English A.V. unaccountably substitutes Rebuke the company of
spearmen, while the Prayer-book version goes even further astray. TB.
HEBREW MYTHICAL LANGUAGE, 425
Thou crushest the heads of Livyathan, givest him for

food to beasts of the desert. Thou splittest open (i.e.
makest to burst forth) spring and stream ; thou driest
mighty rivers. Thine is the day, thine also the night,
thou hast appointed light and sun. Thou settest all the
borders of the earth ; summer and winter, thou formest
them. Here, again, we have a picture of the natural
world, and one taken from the mythical point of view.
God cleaves the cloud with the lightning, and by that act
kills the upper Dragon above the water, so that the rivers
of rain stream down out of cloud-rocks. But this mythi
cal act, which is repeated for ever in every thunderstorm,
had been converted first into a single act, performed once
in ancient time (mikkedem), and subsequently into a
cleaving of the sea at the Exodus out of Egypt. It is this
which the poet intends to depict in these six verses, which
he probably took from an ancient song. Thus he sings of
Israel s passage through the sea and the desert in words
which were intended to picture the Semitic Storm-myth ;
and thus we see how the latter was transformed into the
former. This transformation was facilitated on the part
of the language by the circumstances that in the verses
just quoted the verbs may be understood as well as in a
preterite as in a present sense ( ( thou cleavest or thou
cleavedst ), and that kedem denotes either past time,
antiquity, or the beginning of all time.
The case is exactly the same with the Prophet,

Is. LIX. 9, 10: c Awake, awake, put on strength, O arm
of Jahveh ; awake, as in the days of the beginning
(kedern), in the generations of olden times ( olamim) ! Is
it not thou that dost (or didst ) cut Eahabh, that
piercest (or ( piercedst ) Tannin ? is it not thou that didst
dry the sea, the water of the great abyss, that didst make
the depths of the sea a way for the ransomed to pass
over ? Here also it is clear how the Prophet s conscious
ness passed imperceptibly from the myth into the legend,
or, if you prefer to call it so, history.
From these passages it appears that the conversion

of the legend into history was already so firmly fixed in
the minds of men, tha,t, when they began with depicting
nature, and in so doing had recourse to the stereotyped
expressions that originally had a mythical meaning, they
were involuntarily drawn into historical contemplation.
This is not the case with the writer of Job : he remains
within the mythical contemplation of. nature. So full of
life are the mythical pictures in his writings that we must
suppose them to have been to him more than a mere
matter of constructive fancy. The Pillars of Heaven are
not to him mere mountains poetically described, but also
convey a full-toned echo of the Pillars of Hercules that
supported the heaven. 1 The stars and constellations are
to him still actually living beings. In his work Kahabh
cannot signify Egypt, but is still really the Sea-serpent.
It is true that in other passages of the Prophets and
Psalms Jahveh walks over the water of the clouds, which
is by Habakkuk (III. 15), in a chapter containing many
references to mythology, actually called 6 Sea (yam) : but
only the writer of Job still speaks of the heights of the
sea, 2 which in mythology are the clouds ; even Amos, one
of the earliest Prophets, substitutes for it the heights of
the earth (IV. 13). Isaiah mentions the heights of the
clouds, 3 a decidedly mythical phrase ; but the Prophet
appears in that passage to have intentionally adopted
heathen conceptions, as the words are put into a heathen
mouth. Amos (Y. 8) names the constellations Orion and
the Pleiades, but he knows only that Jahveh made them ;
whereas the writer of Job (XXXVIII. 31) speaks of their
fetters. From the speech which he puts into the mouth
of Jahveh it may probably be inferred that he regarded the
mythical acts as acts that took place at the Creation.
Thus, as I have already remarked, he takes a middle posi
tion between pure myth as such and myth transformed
1 Ba al kun, see Movers, I. 292. 2 Job IX. 8 ; bamothe yam. TR.
3 Is. XIV. 14 ; bamothe abh. TJB.
HEBREW MYTHICAL LANGUAGE. 427
into legendary history. Altogether, he never directs his

attention to History and the revelation of God in history :
to his mind God is only a wise creator and upholder of
Nature, and within this nature lies Man, i.e. the individual
whom God created thus, and whose destiny he determines
in wisdom and grace. The poet of Job does not possess
the world-embracing glance of the Prophet.
Still, though in his mythology he stands nearer to

heathenism than the Prophets, and his mind falls short of
the breadth and greatness of the prophetic soul, he may
yet be a contemporary of theirs, only one who lived in a
retired circle, and had, so to speak, a one-sided education.
And his whole phraseology possesses a somewhat sensuous
and materialistical character, which becomes strikingly
obvious on the comparison of certain expressions and
certain passages expressing the same thought. Orion is
in Job still really the fettered Giant (Kesil e the Strong/
not the Fool ); but Isaiah (XIII. 10) forms from this
word the plural kesilim, * the bright-shining stars. Then
the word had ceased to be a proper name, which it was
still in Job. Similarly Tannin is here a proper name ;
but later it denotes a great sea-animal in general (e.g. in
Ps. LXXIV. 13, quoted above), and therefore can have a
plural. See also Is. XIX. 13, 14: The princes of Zoan
are become fools, the princes of Noph are deceived ; the
heads of her tribes have led Egypt astray. Jahveh pours
into their midst a spirit of perverseness, and they lead
Egypt astray in all her action, like a drunken man tumb
ling into his vomit ; and compare with this Job XII. 24 :
f [God] taketh away the heart of the chief of the people of
the earth, and leads them astray in a pathless waste ; they
grope in darkness without light, and he leads them astray
like a drunken man. Here we have not, as in Isaiah, the
abstract Spirit (ruach) of perverseness, but the concrete
Heart lebh) ; and the Going astray also is depicted
more sensuously. 1
1 It will be inferred from th" above reasoning, that I should be inclined to
Now that we have thus learnt that the Storm-myth

existed among the Hebrews and the Semites in a form
similar to that which it had among the Aryans, to such an
extent that it indelibly permeated their views of nature
and their language, we have not only gained a greatly in
creased justification for regarding the story of Samson as
a myth, but we can now venture also on other mythological
combinations and interpretations, which taken singly
possess but little security and may pass for mere conjec
tures, but which almost certainly have a general mythic
character. Thus we may find in the Bible a copious source
of knowledge of Semitic Mythology. While only calling
to memory in general terms the numerous accordances
with Semitic mythology contained in the Bible, which
Movers has in many cases made quite certain, I will here
select a few narratives which seem to have a connexion
with the above discussed Storm-myth.
I have before 1 pointed to the fact that myths of a Sun-

god are embodied in the life of Moses. Now all of these
correspond to wide-spread Aryan myths of the Sun- god or
Solar hero. Immediately after his birth Moses is put into
a chest and placed on the water. A similar fate befalls
nearly all the Solar heroes : e.g. Perseus, and heroes of
the German legends. As Moses sees a burning bush
which does not barn away, so the grove of Feronia 2 is in
flames without burning away. I have already shown 3 that
the staff by which Moses performs his miracles is the
assign an early age to the writer of the Book of Job. But I can find no reason
for making him older than Amos ; indeed, he may have lived into the lifetime
of Isaiah. I must further remark that Schlottmann (Das Buck Hiob verdeutscht
und erldutert, pp. 69-105, especially 101 et seqq.) has expressed ideas similar to
those propounded by me, though starting from assumptions utterly different in
principle. To the passages of Job which he places side by side with correj-
spending ones of Amos (p. 109), the following may be added : Amos V. 8 and
IX. 6, who calleth to the water of the (Cloud-) Sea, and Job XXXVIII. 34,
wilt thou lift up thy voice to the Cloud ?
1 Prometheus, p. 391.
- Kuhn, Hcrabkunft des Fetters etc., p. 30. P. 392.
OTHER MYTHICAL STORIES IN THE BIBLE. 429
Pramantha. Like Moses, Dionysos strikes fountains of

wine and water out of the rock. 1 Moses, by throwing a
piece of wood into bitter water makes it sweet (Ex. XV.
25). This must be the same as the churning of the
Amrta, Soma, Nectar, the divine mead. Moses has no
dragon to kill, but he kills an Egyptian, and immediately
flies, like all Solar heroes ; 2 and like Apollon, Herakles
and Siegfried, he becomes a servant. And the sea, over
which Moses stretches out his hand with the staff, and
which he divides, so that the waters stand up on either
side like walls while he passes through, must surely have
been originally the Sea of Clouds ; 3 and I have conse
quently little inclination to look for the spot of the earth
where, and the conditions under which, the passage might
have taken place. A German story presents a perfectly
similar feature. 4 The conception of the Cloud as sea, rock
and wall, recurs very frequently in mythology. Moses
feeds the Israelites with quails. By means of a quail
lolaos wakes the dead Melkart from death. And the
quail appears to have had a close connexion with Apollon
and Diana ; for Oprwyia is an old name of Delos, the
island of Apollon ; and the nurse of Apollon and Diana,
and even Diana herself, are called by the same name.
Moses causes manna, sweet as honey, to be rained down
with the dew ; this again reminds us of the nectar and
the mead of the gods.
Thus we see that almost all the acts of Moses corre

spond to those of the Sun-gods. We have here not only
similar mythical features, but features which in both cases
unite to form one and the same cycle.
The Book of Judges, as well as the Books of Moses,

exhibits ancient elements preserved from the heathen
times, also in conformity with Aryan myths. So
Shamgar (Judges ITT. 31), who slew six hundred Philis-
1 Preller. ib. I. 438 ; Kuhn, ib. p. 24, 243.
2 See p. 399. 8 See p. 425.

4 Schwartz. Urtprmiff tier Mi/fhnfoqie. p. 251.
tines with an ox-goad, is only Samson in another form.

And his name points to the Sun-god ; for it seems to me
to denote He that circles about in the sky. We must
pay attention to the fact that Barak denotes Lightning,
even though Barcas is a Carthaginian name. With
Barak is associated Deborah, the Bee. Now if rain
and dew are treated as Honey, then the Bee must stand
for the rain-cloud. A third name occurs in this con
nexion Jael (Ya el), the Wild Goat, which is also a
symbol of the Cloud. The Melissae (bees) and the goat
Amalthea among the Greeks take each others places.
Lastly, the manner in which Sisera is killed, by a hammer
and nail, reminds one of the God of Lightning. The
mode in which David kills Goliath reminds us of Thor s
battle with Hrungnir, in which he throws his hammer
into Hrungnir s forehead.
The germ of these various agreements ought in fact

probably to be referred to an original identity in the
mythical views of the Semites and Aryans, who were not
separated till later. The Fire and (connected therewith)
the Sun, and then the Storm also, may well have led to
the formation of the same myths by the two races while
they still lived together. The separation of the races
then produced distinct developments out of the common
germ, which developments, however, naturally had many
points of agreement,
II. ANALOGY WITH OLD HEATHEN ELEMENTS IN THE

POPULAR IDEAS OF THE LATEE AGE.
It results from the preceding historical investigation

that the oldest Hebrews were heathens, and that elements
belonging to heathen mythology are even present in the
Bible. To gain a clearer idea of the nature of this fact, I
will refer to a precisely similar case the relation of our
age to the old German heathen times.
The Germans had originally gods, worship, myths and
SURVIVAL OF MYTHS IN MODERN TIMES. 431
legends in short, a heathen faith, of their own. But for

more than a thousand years all the German tribes have
been Christian. Nevertheless, heathen practices still sur
vive among them everywhere and in most various forms ;
and are so closely interwoven with Christian practices as
to be almost ineradicable. I will only select a few in
stances. The old German gods still live in the names of
the days of the week. 1 Churches and convents- were
founded at places which had been heathen sanctuaries ;
Christian feasts were fixed on days sacred to heathen
deities, and thus the heathen name ( Easter has main
tained its existence as a designation for the highest
Christian feast. Heathenism is preserved chiefly in the
popular legends both of the hills and of the lowlands,
in popular customs, usages, games and superstitions; all
which has been lately collected in special books and
periodicals. Kuhn s collections made in North Germany
and Westphalia are of especial scientific value. The
gods, however, have been converted into devils and
monsters, the goddesses into night-hags and witches.
But religious stories, Christian legends, are also often
utterly heathen ; there are deeds and occurrences belong
ing to gods and heroes, which are attributed to the Saints
and to Christ himself. Thus the killing of the Dragon,
which is known as a myth to all the Aryan nations, is as
cribed to Saint George. The ofiice of the god Thor, who
pursued and bound giants, is filled in Christian Norway
by Saint Olave. Christ and Saint Peter wander about
unrecognised in human form, to reward virtue and punish
vice, as the heathen gods did before them. Mary, espe
cially, had a multitude of lovely and charming features
ascribed to her, which under heathenism were attributes
of Freyja, Holda, and Bertha. A great number of flowers,
plants and insects, the older names of which referred to
Freyja and Venus, are called after Mary, e.g. Maiden-hair
1 In English Tues-day, Wednes-day, Thurs-day, Fri-day, Satur-day, from

Anglo-Saxon names of gods, Tiu or Teow, Woden, Thunor, Frige, Ssetern. TK.
(i.e. the Virgin Mary s hair), otherwise Capillus Veneris; 1

and Holda who sends snow becomes Mary : Notre Dame
aux neiges, Maria ad nives. In short, now Christian
substance appears disguised in a heathen form, now
heathen substance in Christian form, as Jacob Grimm
says, in whose Deutsche Mythologie the reader will find
much relating to this mixture of old heathen and Chris
tian ideas in the spirit of the c simple folk that have a
craving for myths.
With the Hebrews it must have been much the same

as with the Germans. We know that no less time than
the entire period from Moses to Ezra a thousand years
of all manner of struggles and of the exercise of the
greatest intellectual and moral forces was requisite to
develop the faith in One God, and make it a common and
permanent possession of the people, pervading the whole
spiritual consciousness.
But the fact that the Germans monotheism was

brought to them from outside, while that of the Israelites
sprang up among themselves, must surely have been
favourable to the preservation of heathen characteristics
among the latter. Whilst in Germany a systernatised
Christianity, fully conscious of the issues involved, con
tended against Heathendom; among the Hebrews, Mono
theism unfolded all its inevitable consequences only by
degrees, gradually gaining a knowledge both of itself and
of the antagonism in which it was implicated towards all
1 E.g. the Lady -bird, in German Marienkafer; its Danish name, Marihone,
was, according to Grimm, anciently Freyjuhona Freyja s hen. So Venus
Looking-glass (Speculum Veneris) is also called Lady s Glass ; Pecten Veneris
is Lady s Comb. There are very numerous plants named after Our Lady, which
were probably originally dedicated to Freyja or Venus, as Lady s Mantle ;
Lady s Thistle or Lady s Milk (Carduus Marianus : distinguished at once by
the white veins on its leaves. ... A drop of the Virgin Mary s milk was con
ceived to have produced these veins, as that of Juno was fabled to be the origin
of the Milky Way. Eooker and Arnott, British Flora, p. 231); Lady s Smock
(Cardamine) ; Lady s Bower or Virgin s Bower (Clematis) ; Lady s Fingers
(Anthyllis) ; Lady s Tresses (Spiranthes or Neottia) ; Lady s Slipper (Cypri-
pedium). TR,
HEATHEN AGE FORGOTTEN. 433
phases of the heathen faith, worship and life. The

Germans knew that their ancestors were heathens ; they
endeavoured as far as possible to break with their heathen
past ; and yet, knowingly or unknowingly, they retained
a great deal of heathenism; and the pride of the Old
German popular poetry, the Nibelungen, has a primeval
myth for its subject. But the contrast between the
heathen and the modern age was not at all firmly fixed in
the mind of the Israelites, precisely because the transition
was gradual. Only exceptionally do we find any reminis
cence of the old heathenism, which is put back into the
most ancient times. As far as the people were able to
trace their history backwards, that is, to their supposed
ancestor Abraham, they put back the faith in Jahveh ; or
indeed still farther, to Adam. The only true God Jahveh
was soon treated as the only one worshiped in the be
ginning, from whom mankind fell away, intentionally de
fying him. Abraham alone remained faithful, and there
fore Jahveh elected Abraham s descendants to be his
people. Thus the Israelite fancied the faith in Jahveh to
be the primitive and inalienable possession of his people,
which had been only temporarily weakened, but never
really lost. Even to other nations the knowledge of
Jahveh could never be wanting ; for they worshiped
false, non-existent, gods from folly and malice, and the
Israelite took for granted that they must know all that
he knew. Now if even the Christian of the middle ages,
although he knew that his ancestors were heathen, never
theless often described them as acting like Christians, be
cause he had no knowledge of heathendom, and no power
of imagining a past age, except in the likeness of his own ;
how much more would the monotheistic Israelite picture
his past ages, in which he acknowledged no heathenism
at all, in a Jahveistic light ? His whole history was
unconsciously transformed. The heathen myths, which
must have something in them, else they could not be told
at all, were converted into events of the earth, closely
F P
coalescing with historical facts , what the heathen gods

were said to have done was ascribed to Jahveh himself or
one of his human ministers. The old Semitic gods, if not^
utterly forgotten, were made by the Hebrew into men of
the primeval age, powerful heroes, or Patriarchs. I can
invoke the authority of Ewald and Bun sen, for the asser
tion that no Biblical name before Abraham has any his
torical significance, and that of Movers for saying that
Abraham is only the ancient national god of the Semites,
El, who was also their first king or their ancestor,
and that Israel, Abraham s grandson, was the Semitic
Herakles Palaemon. The Israelite knew no longer how
his forerunners had lived and thought in those ages, while
they were still heathen ; and he flooded his past history
with the light which shone for him, but was of recent
origin. He unconsciously falsified the facts of the
history, because he did not care particularly for facts.
Everything heathen received a Jahveistic sense, the hea
then form a Jahveistic significance, the heathen substance
a Jahveistic form. Only under these conditions could the
past history of Israel be made intelligible to the mind of
the people.
And then, when priests and prophets came to reduce

the popular stories to writing, they could certainly only
complete what the populace had already begun. They
also were not historians or investigators at all ; instead of
transporting themselves into a past age, they raised the
past age to the light of the present. No doubt they were
more consistent and more inventive than the populace ;
for they wrote with an intelligence which marks and at
tempts to explain inconsistencies ; and even in the interest
of a certain political or religious object. The heathenism,
which they could not understand, seemed to them impos
sible ; they discovered everywhere at least Jahveistic
motives.
Thus, 1 think, the Biblical narrative of Samson was

an old heathen story, transformed by a Jahveistic colour-
PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS. 435
ing, given to it first by the Israeli tish populace, and sub

sequently by the author of the narrative. I have endea-
. ^ voured, by the aid of parallel instances, to trace the mode
of this transformation and to recover the original form
and rn earning of the old story.
12. GENERAL PSYCHOLOGICAL REFLECTION.
We must now attempt to realise the psychological re

lations and processes upon which is based the preservation
and transformation of heathen ideas within the range of
Monotheism, the fact of which has been exhibited above.
We require here to see clearly, at least in broad out

line, what relations ideas of recent growth, especially on
religion and morals, bear to older representations. For
from this it will then be easy to make the application to
the special case before us, the relation of the monotheistic
Jahveistic ideas to the older heathen representations among
the Israelites. The story of Samson will then present only
a special instance of this relation.
Among the ideas and thoughts, either of a nation or of

an individual, a certain harmony prevails, which is in its
nature not logical but psychological, not based on the law
of Contradiction, but yielding that law as a specially
rigorous result ; in itself, however, much broader and more
delicate, and indeed through its very breadth losing in
stringency. The laws of logic have a double basis, a
metaphysical one on the objective side, and a psycho
logical on the subjective. That is, the logical law must
be observed, because, if it be not, there arises, on the
one hand, a disturbance of the metaphysical relation under
which things in their reality have to come into thought,
and on the other, an insoluble problem for our psycho
logical function of Consciousness. Of course, in logical
error or offence against logical law, so far as it actually
occurs, there is nothing psychologically impossible. For
example, a logically improper association of two ideas in
P F 2
the mind is possible but only through the absence from

the mind of the third factor, which logically makes it an
error : if it were present, it would infallibly have prevented
the improper association. That which is logically wrong
is thus incapable of being thought. No one can think that
7 + 4= 12. We may certainly make such a false reckon
ing, if we happen not completely to spread before us the
contents of the numbers in this succession : then such an
association of ideas, such a summation of the series, may
be formed. But as soon as the set of numbers is fully
counted out, our passage from 7 + 4 to 12 is stopped, and
no effort would avail to connect them as equals. That
which in the logical sphere is ( right or wrong takes,
in the psychological, the form of complete or * incom
plete. Accordingly, if without knowing logic men can
think right, and tell right thinking from wrong, it is
because, when once the elements of a case are all clearly
present to the mind, wrong thinking is psychologically im
possible. This impossibility in the first instance only forces
us to drop the wrong combination ; but this is the first in
ducement to search for the right one. But, supposing no
free movement of search and a total absence of reflection,
then we shall simply have such range of combination as
may be compatible with the psychological conditions; and,
provided the necessary factors are all clear in the mind,
this can be no other than the right one, viz., that which
accords with the aggregate view of things.
This congruity among the ideas of particular nations

or individuals is no doubt tantamount in the end to an
avoidance of logical contradiction ; and into this we might
in all cases resolve such concord, could we exactly trace
all the threads or intermediate members. But where the
most we can do is to feel such threads of connexion, the
congruity takes the shape of some Characteristic pervading
the circles of ideas some common stamp.
According to this, we ought to be able to discover in

the mind of every nation a system of ideas intrinsically
bound together and never self- contradictory. And this

will so far prove to be the fact, that a certain national
type will be everywhere present. But it is possible for
contradictions to occur in the national life ; for, if only they
do not clash against one another in the consciousness, the
contradictory ideas do not operate with their force of con
tradiction. Even every individual doubtless bears about
with him unconsciously many ideas in harshest contra
diction ; contradictions, however, they are, in virtue not
of any objective force proper to the ideas in themselves,
but of an act of judgment which sets them forth as
mutually contradictory. The contradictions are often
hidden very deep, and only brought to light by a metho
dical search. When, however, new ideas, proclaimed
everywhere in the streets, conflict with the old ones, the
contradiction is at once brought to the light of day. What
will be the result ?
A conflict will arise, without doubt : will it be one with

physical weapons ? Such a conflict, though it may be in
evitable, and though it has often given occasion for the
exhibition of high and noble virtue, is nevertheless of no
value to the real cause, the true victory, the victory of
truth ; and the chief point gained by the physical victory
has generally been only the conviction of its worthlessness.
The conflict within the mind, where Ideas en masse

confront Ideas in rank and file, this forms the substance
of the History of Mankind : a Conflict of Souls.
Mind rules and moulds, Matter is ruled and moulded :

this relation repeats itself within the consciousness.
Whatever consciousness owes to impressions of sense,
serves as material to be moulded by mental activity.
For the purpose of this moulding, the mind, impelled
partly by this material itself and partly by its own nature,
forms representations, notions, forms i.e. modes of appre
hension, and ideas, namely, the general conceptions of
genera and species, the metaphysical categories, and the
moral ideas. In accordance with the moral ideas are
438 STEINTHAL : SAMSON.

formed principles of action, judgments on the acts of
others, even of God, insofar as man believes himself ac
quainted with the acts of God. Conversely, acts are
declared to be or not to be God s, insofar as they do or
do not accord with the moral standard and the conception
of God. In accordance with the general class-conceptions
the world of things divides itself before the view: and
while by certain esthetic and moral ideas these things are
brought under a rule of valuation, in metaphysical aspects
they are put into a causal relation. Finally, religious
ideas form the foundation and the summit of all these
curious constructions of a world and judgments passed on
a world.
Accordingly, the conflict shows itself in two forms.

Sometimes a certain domain of materials, in which new
relations and connexions have become prominent, requires
a new form of thought to dominate it ; sometimes a new
form of thought strives to supplant the old one, and to re
shape, in accordance with its new laws, the matter which
had been shaped by the former one. An example will
make this clear. The thought God forms the apex of
the pyramid of ideas ; it possesses the highest and widest
dominion for this very reason unfortunately often the weak
est and therefore shapes every province of consciousness
in accordance with what it contains. Now, let an altered
character come over the contents of one of these domains,
say of the ideas concerning our relation to our fellow-men,
or concerning causality in nature ; then that domain can
no longer tolerate to be ruled and moulded by the thought
previously connoted in the word c God, standing as it now
does in contradiction to that thought. It sets up the sway
of a new form of thought, which fits its new contents,
because growing out of them ; there arises a new concep
tion of God, a new Theology. But the old Theology has
still its seat in all the other provinces of consciousness ;
so that, before any further advance, the new Idea has still
to bring all these other provinces under its sway, to dis-
solve the shape given them by the old principle, and re

place it by one which is congenial with itself. This may,
nay must, produce a long conflict, which demands much
labour. Of many a concept the intension will have to be
entirely cancelled, of all to be at least remodelled. Yet
with many ideas the association has through long habit
become quite fixed. Severed they must be, the new God
requires it ; but it can only be done very gradually. A
thousand forbidden combinations find lurking-places and
remain ; they maintain themselves in contradiction to the
new order of things, and perhaps half accommodate them
selves to it in order to avoid a shock.
Imperfectly as I have expounded the point in question,

I hope, nevertheless, that what I have said will suffice for
the present purpose. What it wants in transparency and
clearness may yet be added by the application of the
general remarks to the particular case.
There existed for a long time, as I have remarked,

monotheistic and heathen ideas in the national mind of
the Israelites side by side the former being the newer,
the latter the older. But yet the former were the ruling
ideas, and always gaining strength and clearness and
coming to the brightest foreground of the consciousness,
whereas the latter were constantly losing ground and
clearness. Thus the nation lost the true consciousness of
its heathen past history and the understanding of its
former condition and experiences. For no nation as such
possesses that true sense for history, by which it would
conceive of itself and its present existence in conscious
contrast to the past, and strive to gain an objective view
of the mind and nature of past ages. The consciousness
of a nation is only the active present age, and knows nothing
of history. Therefore, whenever a radical revolution, ex
tending over many important domains of ideas, has come
over the nation, it no longer understands its own past his
tory which lies on the other side of the revolution. Yet
the old words, sayings and stories are transmitted all the
same, and they contain accounts of bygone events and con

ditions, ancient ideas and ancient faith. But the stories
which refer to obsolete and forgotten states of things are
unintelligible ; the names and sayings of forgotten gods,
things and ideas are empty ; typical figures and phrases
based on those legends and gods, though still living on the
lips, have become senseless. The nation always thinks
that the word must have an idea behind it. So what it
does not understand, it converts into what it does ; it
transforms the word until it can understand it. Thus
words and names have their forms altered : e.g. the French
ecrevisse becomes in English crawfish, and the heathen god
Svantevit was changed by the Christian Slavs into Saint
Vitus, and the Parisians converted Mons Martis into Mont-
martre. And what was reported of persons or beings re
presented like persons, that are no longer known, is now
told of persons whose acquaintance has been newly made.
In Germany it was told of the god Wuotan, that he was
called Long-beard, and as such fell asleep inside a moun
tain ; now when Wuotan was utterly forgotten, a new
subject had to be found ; and the legend was transferred
to the heroic kings Charles [the Great] and Frederick
[Barbarossa] . Moreover, the myth that forms the ground
work of the poem of the Nibelungen, which was originally
told without mention of any definite time or place, was
assigned to a well-known locality, and its heroes received
the names of historical kings.
Every nation must of necessity act similarly ; for the

legends which it tells must be its own legends, and reflect
its own life and present circumstances ; if they have
ceased to do so because its life has changed, then they are
changed in accordance with the change in the life. Even
the future beyond the grave is to the popular mind only
the present life somewhat gilded ; then how is it likely
that the past shall be thought of as different from the
present ?
And precisely because these transformations and trans-
ILL USTRA TIONS. 44 1
ferences are necessary, they take place unconsciously and

unintentionally. The mind of the nation does not make
them ; they are an occurrence in that mind, which makes
itself by itself. The nation has subjects and predicates,
sounds and meanings, given to it in the legend. Now if
the stream of time carries off the subjects and meanings
into the ocean of oblivion, then by the psychological law
the unattached predicates and sounds must fasten them
selves on to any other subjects and meanings by which
they can be supported. This takes place without any one
intending it, and without any one observing it.
The words, names and phrases which a nation uses

have to be apperceived in the moment when they are em
ployed. This is true both of the hearer and of the speaker.
But the apperceptions are dependent on the previously
formed associations of ideas. Now if a German heard
* Sinfluth, or if, when speaking, this word known to him
by tradition presented itself to his consciousness in the
course of speech, then the second part of the word, Fluth
6 flood, found the idea with which it was associated, and
which was reproduced by being brought into consciousness
by the word ; but the first part, Sin, stood in no associa
tion and roused no idea. But by material relationship
and partial identity of sound, Sin is associated with Sunde
6 sin, and the latter idea (that of sin or guilt) was at the
same time associated with the word Sinfluth as a whole ;
thus then this idea of sinfulness was strongly lifted
into prominence on two sides, much more strongly and
quickly than the German Sin itself. This latter was
ultimately raised into prominence only through its tra
ditional combination with Fluth i flood, and this only as a
sound ; consequently in its advance it was overtaken by
Sunde sin, which was lifted into prominence partly
through it (Sin), and partly also through Fluth, and
therefore with double force. Consequently people spoke
and thought Siind, instead of saying without thinking
Sin ; and this was the direct result of a simple psycho-
442 STE1NTHAL: SAMSON.
logical process. 1 Similarly in all analogous cases. Among

the Ossetes of the Caucasus the Dies Marti s, Tuesday, is
unconsciously converted into George s Day ; and the Dies
Veneris, Friday, into Mary s Day. In many nations the
gods form a circle limited to twelve immortals ; the thir
teenth in a society was then a mortal, one destined to die.
Similarly, even at the present day, Christians fear that out
of thirteen one will die, referring it however to the com
pany of thirteen formed by Jesus and the twelve Apostles.
Again, there was a legend widely spread among Teutonic
nations, of an Archer, who shot an apple from his own
little boy s head, and answered the despot at whose com
mand he had done it, when asked about his other two
arrows, that they were intended for him, in case the first
had killed the child. Who was the Archer ? Who was
the Despot? where and what was the motive? All this
was forgotten ; there only remained a dim echo of the
legend of the shot. But when Switzerland, a nation of
archers, had shaken off the yoke of a despot, all the
features of the story recovered definite names, places,
time, and motive. As the stone flying through the air
falls to the earth by the law of attraction, so the old legend
fell into the Liberation-time.
1 As this German example will not be familiar to all English readers, it is

necessary to give a few words of explanation. The great Deluge (Gen. VI.-
VIII.) is called in modern German Siind-flutk, which seems to be Sin-flood =
Flood on account of sin. But in Old High German it is written Sin-vluot and
Sint-vluot, which cannot be identical with the assumed meaning of the modern
word, since sin (peccatum) is in Old High German sunta. Moreover, sin is a
pretix well known to most of the Teutonic languages, denoting (i) always, (2)
great. In the former sense we have it in the Old English singrene evergreen ;
in the latter in the Anglo-Saxon sinhere great army. Hence it is assumed
that the word in German altered its pronunciation when the prefix sin became
obsolete, being then supposed to be intended for Siind-fluth, as is shown in the
text. See Grimm, Deut. Gram. II. 554, Graff, Althochd. Sprachschatz, VI. 25,
Ettmiiller, Lex. Anglotax. p. 638, Vigfusson, Icelandic English Diet. s. v. Si.
Prof. Steinthal appears now (in a letter to the translator) to doubt whether
this history of the word is tenable ; but the assumption that it is so may at
least be allowed, in order to retain this excellent example of the psychological
progress. TB.
ILL USTRA TIONS. 443
Sometimes we forget something, but yet retain a small

part of it in the memory, as when we say, I have really
forgotten his name ; but I am sure it begins with B.
The same thing happens to nations. The name of Venus,
or Holda, was forgotten ; but people were sure that she
was a divine woman. Now to the Christians of the middle
ages Divine Woman and * Mary were one single idea ;
consequently, the name Mary, unobserved, took the place
of the heathen goddesses in the numerous appellations and
legends which are now connected with Mary. Of Mars it
was only remembered that he was a warrior ; so Tuesday,
which was sacred to him, could only become Saint
George s Day.
Similar was the history of the Israelites when they
became monotheistic. The heathen cosmogony, and the
heathen idea of the activity of the gods in physical occur
rences, contradicted the new idea of the One Almighty
God, before whom Nature is nothing. But even though
the idea that this God alone created the world, had been
long accepted and established, yet there were still, pre
served in stereotyped expressions of language, many ideas
which preserved from oblivion and ruin features of the
old modes of thought alongside of the new. They remain,
so long as attention is not drawn to the contradiction
in which these separate words stand to the new general
system. When the clouds were no longer regarded as a
sea, as they once were, people ceased to understand the
meaning of the heights of the sea ; this expression no
longer finds any organ of apperception, because Sea is
no longer associated with the idea of the clouds. There
fore, the expression is sustained only by its traditional
connexion with heights. But heights are very closely
associated with earth and with the idea of mountains ;
and thus with the Prophet Amos 1 this association sup
planted the older one the living took the place of the
dead. We will now, in conclusion, return to Samson.
1 See supra, p. 426.
444 S7E1NTHAL: SAMSON.
13. HISTORY OF THE MYTH OF THE SUN-GOD.
We will now review the entire history of the old

Semitic God of the Sun or of Heat, as he was present to
the national consciousness of Israel.
I wonder whether I am mistaken ? I flatter myself

that I know the particle by which was expressed the
greatest revolution ever experienced in the development of
the human mind, or rather by which the mind itself was
brought into existence. It is the particle as in the
verse 1 And he [the Sun] is as a bridegroom, coming out
of his chamber ; he rejoices as a hero to run his course.
Nature appears to us as a man, as mind, but is not man
or mind. This is the birth of Mind, the generation of
Poetry. This ( as is unknown not only to the Vedas, but
even to the Greeks. This does not mean that the Greeks
had no poetry at all, but only that there is an inherent
defect in their poetry, which is connected with the deepest
foundation of their national mind. Helios, driving along
the celestial road with fiery steeds, is not poetry, but only
becomes poetical when we tacitly insert the as of the
Psalmist. He to whom Helios is a conscious being is
childlike, if not childish : the Psalmist is poetical.
Now when such psalms were being spread abroad in

creasingly in Israel ; when Jahveh was acknowledged as
the being that brings up the sun, the stars and the rain-
clouds, that builds the house and guards the city ; then
the old Sun-god or Herakles was forgotten ; that is, his
divinity, and that onty, was forgotten. His deeds were
still recounted ; but deeds demand an agent. And thus
out of the god, who could exist no longer in the presence
of Jahveh, a man was made, who with Jahveh s force to
aid him performed superhuman things, but in other re
spects lived among men and within human conditions,
worked quite as a man, and even enjoyed his superhuman
Ps. XIX. 6 [5].
SAMSON CONVERTED INTO A HUMAN HERO. 445
_^ power only on human terms, namely the terms of Naziri-

tism.
Deeds were reported of some one who had long- hair.

But who wore his hair long, but the Nazirite consecrated
to Jahveh ? Deeds were told, which no one could accom
plish unless exceptionally endowed with strength by
Jahveh ; and Jahveh would give such privilege only to
the Nazirite consecrated to him. Consequently, when
Samson was no longer a god, he must be a Nazirite.
Nevertheless, he was distinguished beyond all other Nazi-
rites : he was so from his very birth, like Samuel, to whom
with Naziritism was granted Prophecy, a gift vouchsafed
to others only later in life and occasionally. The strictly
mythical character, the allusion to a religion of nature,
was entirely lost from the stories about Samson. What
ever happened to him took a purely human character.
There was also a dim memory of the same forgotten *~

god, that he was Melkart, i.e. 6 king or guardian of the
city. Samson, now reduced to humanity, could have been
such a guardian only in a human sense, though perhaps
in an extraordinary degree. Now Israel preserved from
the first half of its political existence the memory of no
other enemy so dangerous, so difficult to withstand, and
again in its subsequent weakness so hateful, as the Philis
tines : against them Samson must have fought. No
other foe had laid on Israel so hard a yoke or such bitter
degradation as the Philistines : but Samson must have
avenged this on them. He must not only have conquered
them, but likewise have given them a taste of his great
physical and intellectual superiority : the Nazirite con
secrated to Jahveh could scoff at the Philistines. Thus
Samson was in the end a Judge, Shophet ; for in the age
of the Judges, the wars with the Philistines had begun,
and after Eli and Samuel, Saul and David, or even beside
any of them, Samson could not have lived. These were
not deliberations, but unconscious impulses, which shaped
the legend of Samson in the national mind of Israel.

No feature of the Solar hero has suffered a more cha
racteristic conversion than his end, as is seen by a com
parison with the corresponding polytheistic legends.
Orion is blinded by the father of his lady-love, and
Samson had his eyes put out. But Orion kindled the
light of his eyes again at the rays of Helios, whereas
Samson remains blind, and only prays to be endowed with
strength to avenge the loss of one of his two eyes. 1 It is
true, his hair grows again and brings back his strength :
after the winter comes a new spring. But all in vain
Samson dies, notwithstanding. He dies like Herakles :
but there is no Tolaos to wake him to a new life, no
Athene and Apollon to lead him to Olympos, no Zeus
and Here to present to him Hebe, the personification
of the enjoyment of perpetual youth. Samson dies and
remains dead ; he dies, and tears down with him his own
pillars the pillars on which he had built the world to
find a grave beneath them. The heathen god is dead,
and draws his own world down with him into his own
nothingness ; his battles were a play of shadows. Jahveh
lives, 4 he hath established the world by his wisdom, he
giveth rain, the autumn and the spring showers, each in
its season, and keepeth to us the prescribed weeks of
harvest, ( cold and heat, summer and winter, day and
night ; 2 he lives, the Lord of the world, the King of the
earth, and his hero is Israel.
1 Judges XVI. 28 : Give me strength only this once, God, and I will
avenge myself with the vengeance of one of my two eyes on the Philistines.
This is the only possible meaning of the very simple Hebrew words nekam
achath mishshethe enay, which were misunderstood by the LXX and Vulg. ;
and the German and English versions have merely followed the latter. TK.
3 Jer. X. 12, V. 24; Gen. VIII. 22.
INDEX.
AAR
AARON, grave of, 280-282

Abd Duhman, 73
Abel a herdsman, no ; his grave (ac

cording to Mohammedan tradition)
at Salihiyya, suburb of Damascus,
280 ; figure of the Dark Sky, ill ;
Jabal another form of the same,
1 1 1-2
Abraham denotes the Heaven at

Night, 32 ; myth of his sacrifice of
Isaac, 45-47 ; his journey to Egypt
on account of a famine, when Jah-
veh plagued Pharaoh a type of
the later residence in Egypt, 275 ;
his grave at Hebron, 278-280; at
Berze near Damascus, 280
Abram ( High Father ) originally

denoted Heaven, 91 ; changed into
Abraham, 230
Abram and Jacob, mythical ideas

connected with these names not
quite obsolete, 229
Adam, grave of (according to Moham

medan tradition), on Mt. Abu ]u-
beys, 280
Agada contains mythology, 29-32 ;

but must be used with caution,
32-34 ; a hermeneutic law of the
A., that the intensity of a word s
sense increases with the enlarge
ment of its form, 339 ; etymologies
in A., 337 ; given even in oppo
sition to others in the Bible, 339
Agni, fire and God of fire, 367-8,

382, 386-9 ; hidden, and brought
back by Matarisvan, 369-70
Agricultural civilisation, speculation

on, 211-14
Agriculture, Fall of man connected

with, 87
Agriculturists love the Day and the

Sun, 58-60; refer the arts of civili
sation to the Sun, 202
ASS
Akra (Gold Coast), people of, identify
God with clouds, 224

All b. Ja far al-Razi wrote a book on
the graves of the Patriarchs at He

bron, 279
Allah, idea of, similar to that of
Jahveh, 290-!
Amnon s liaison with Tamar, its
mythical element, i8l-2

Ancestors, originally mythical figures,
229, 254, 257

Angiras, mythical family of, con
nected with Agni, 371-2
Anschauung (Conception), 377
Antar, the black hero, compared with
the Night, 147-8

Apperception, 376
Aptuchos, of Gyrene, identical with
Jephthah, 104
Arabian children educated in the
tents of Bedawi, 88
Arabs travel by night, 56 ; proud of
Nomadism, 79 et scqq. ; their poetry
always conveys the scenery of the
desert, 84-8
Archer who shot an apple from his
son s head, a Teutonic legend, 442

Aryan gods, their names date from
the original unity, proved by Kuhn,
363-4
Ascension to heaven, characteristic of
Solar heroes, 127

Ash-tree of the world, in the sky,
366
Asher is the Marching (the Sun),
120-2; his grave (according to
Mohammedan tradition), at Kafar-
manda, 280
Ashera, the Marching, consort of
Ashcr (and therefore the Moon),
122-3, 158
Ass, called from his red colour, 181

Ass s Jawbone, used as a weapon by
443
INDEX.
ASS
Samson ; originally name of a lo

cality, 400; similar to Omignathos
in Lakonia, 400-1 ; denotes the
Lightning, and is therefore thrown,
402
Assyria and Babylon exerted an intel

lectual influence on the Hebrews
during the Captivity, 319
Assyrian poetry, very similar to the

Hebrew Psalms, 318
Assyrians have gradations of authority

among gods as among men, 267
Aztecs adopted Toltec civilisation,

236
BABEL (Babylon), confusion of

tongues at, story of, arose at
Babylon, 330-1, 335

Babylon and Assyria exerted an in
tellectual influence on the Hebrews
during the Captivity, 319

Babylonian story of the Creation,
very similar to the Hebrew, 323

Baghirmi, people in Central Africa,
identify God with the Storm, 224

Balaam (Bil um) as interpreted in the
Agada, 33-4
Barak, Lightning, is made a national
hero, 256; the Judge (Lightning),
430 A
Bedawi, their Sun-worship, 72; they

are regarded as the true Arabs,
82-4 ; they regard God as a great
Chief or Sheykh, 266
Bedouins. See Bedawi
Bel, in the Louvre, with ox-horns on

his tiara, 179
Benjamin, Son of the right side, 1 76 ;

his sons names, their origin given
in the Agada on etymological
grounds, 337 ; a similar story in
Arabic, 339
Bernstein s theory on the differentia

tion of the legends between North
and South, 286
Bhrgu-s, same as Phlegyans, Light

ning, 372-3 ; the first man, 389
Bilhah, a Solar figure, loves or marries

Jacob and Eeuben, figures of Night,
.171-3
Bird, denotes Lightning, 384

Black, the colour of Night, 146-9
Bochica, Solar hero of the Muyscas,
author of civilisation, 204-5

Bunsen coiifoumls religion and mytho
logy, 12; does not admit any
Hebrew mythology, 12-13
CON
CAIN, with Abel, 110-2; the

Smith, 113, and so in the Myth
of Civilisation, 213-4, 217; Solar
hero, 113-4. 126-7; his descendants
Solar, 126 et seqq. ; progenitor of
the human race, 210; grave r.f (ac
cording to Mohammedan tradition),
at Salihiyya, suburb of Damascus,
280; called in Arabic Kabil in as
sonance to Habil, according to a
frequent practice, 347-9 > although
the name Kayin is also known,
349
Calabar legend of the first human

pair, 87
Canaan is cursed for Ham s fault,

255 ; his grave (according to Mo
hammedan tradition), near Hebron,
280
Cats draw Freyja s car, 342
Cat- worship of the Egyptians, Solar,

342 .
Caves in Canaan, traditions relating

to, 278
Cherub perhaps denotes the Covering

Cloud, and is of Hebrew origin,
196-7
Chiun. See Kiyyun
Chrysoros the Opener, hero of the

Myth of Civilisation, 216-7
Civilisation, Myth of, 198 et seqq.

refers the higher civilisation to the
Sun, 200-6
Clouds, forms and names of, 163-5 >

clouds groaning, 164, weeping,
165 ; worshiped by nomadic He
brews, 227 ; mythologically called
Heights of the Sea, 426, 443
Clouds and Serpents, Hebrew ob

servers of, 227-8
Coalescence of psychological Motions

or Combinations, 375
Colours only imperfectly distinguished

and expressed in the mythic age,
I4I-I55
Combination of psychological ele

ments, 375
Comparative Mythology not limited

by distinctions of race, 9
Conception (Anschauung] , 377
Concubines in mythology are of oppo

site natures to their men, 158
Confusion of tongues at, Babel (Baby

lon), story of, arose at Babylon,
330-1. 335
Conquered impose their superior

civilisation on their conquerors,
236-40
INDEX.
449
COW
Cow in mythology denotes the Sun,
343-4
Creation, Hebrew story of, conceived

at Babylon, 323-6 ; established the
Sabbath on a new basis, 324 ; Ba
bylonian story very similar, 323
Creator, idea of a, essential conception

of Jahveh, 299
Crocodile, mythologically identical

with the Sun, worshiped in Egypt,
, 342-3
Cyavana, son of Bhrgu, is Lightning,
372-3, 391
DAGON, Fish, Solar god of civili

sation, 215
Dan, the Moving, the Sun, 123-4
Darkness expressed by words meaning

to Cover, 190-4
Darkness and Blackness associated,

147-9
David s story has features belonging

to the Solar Myth : redness, beauti
ful eyes, throws stones, 109 ; he
kills Goliath as Thor kills Hrungnir,
43
Dawn and Sunset expressed by the

same words, 43
Dawn flies, or is a bird, 116; the

name denotes moving, 120; it is
in Aramaic safra (Arab, asfar),
golden, 150-1 ; its colour saffron,
152; changes from red to white,
152; or from white to red, 153
Dawn (or the Sun) is called the Un-

coverer, 194
Day called red, 146; white, 153-

4 ; loved by Agriculturists, 58, 60
Deborah, the Bee, i.e. the Kain-cloud,
430
Delila, loved by Samson, 405 ; mean

ing of her name, 405, 406 note
Deluge, Biblical story of the, 319;

Assyrian very similar, 320 ; Hebrews
must have borrowed it from Baby
lonians, 320-2 ; Greek, Indian, and
Persian stories of, not very ancient,
319-20
Deuteronomy, expresses a compromise

between Priests and Prophets with a
leaning towards the Prophets, 307-8
Differentiation of Hebrew national

legends after the political separa
tion, 275-87
Dinah, the Moving, i.e. the Sun,
123-5
Dionvsus strikes wine and water out
EUH
of the rock, as a Solar hero, 429 ;
called Liknites, in a cradle, 389

Divine names, Hebrew and Phenician,
246-7
Division of the kingdom, 275-7

Dragon (Serpent) denotes Rain, 224-6
Dragon of the Storm, Semitic, 423 ;
and see Bahabh

Dual deities, male and female, among
Semites, 16
Dualism in sexual connections, 182

Dualism, religious, occurs in savage
tribes as well as in Iran, 15

Dyu. nom. Dyaus, 67
EASTER, heathen goddess, 431

Eden, story of, arose at Babylon,
324-6 ; Garden of Eden denotes

a pleasure-garden in Joel before the
Captivity, 325, but has a fuller
meaning to the Prophets of the
Captivity, 325-6
Edom, the Red, solar epithet, 209 ;
subsequently called Esau, the
Worker, 214, 217

Elijah, Solar hero, produces drought,
167-8; a typical Jahveist, 305-6;
pre cursor of the great Day of Jahveh ,
271-2
Elohim, originally polytheistic, but
became monotheistic, 270-1 ; idea
of Elohim opposed by Jahveistic
Prophets, 297-8
Elohim or El, names compounded with,
and similar ones compounded with
Jahveh, 292-3
Elohistic documents Jahveistic in
character, only using Elohim for
the Patriarchal age, 313

Elohistic writings subsequent to the
compromise with Jahveism, their
piety, 314-5
Enoch, Solar hero, 127-8

Ephraim, a geographical name derived
from Ephrdth (Beth-lehem), 175,
283-5 .
Esau, hairy, signifies the Sun with his

rays, 136-8; red, 139-40
Etymologising in legends, secondary

and not original, 331-5; yet fables
are invented to account for names,
332 ; etymologies assigned which
are quite unsatisfactory, 333-4
Euhemerus, his system of mythology,

regarding gods as human promoters
of civilisation deified by posterity
out of gratitude, 201
G G
450
INDEX.
EVE
HEB
Eve, or the Circulating, an epithet

of the Sun, 210 ; grave of (accord
ing to Mohammedan tradition), at
Jedda, 280
Exodus, story of, contains mythic

elements, 23, 28
Eye, an image of the Sun, 106-10
Ezekiel, prophet of the compromise

between Priests and Prophets in the
Captivity, 307, 317
FALL of man connected with Agri

culture, 87
Feronia (like Phoroneus) originally a

Lightning-bird, 385, 428
Figurative language conceals myths,

26-7
Figures of speech, apparent, often

preserve something historical, 29
Fire, given by nature, 365, produced

by boring, 366, 380-1 ; observed in
the sky, which was believed to be
the origin of the earthly fire, 366
Fire-myth analysed, 376-82
Foxes, represent Solar heat, 398;

Samson tied firebrands to their
tails and sent them into the Philis
tines corn, 398 ; similar Roman
usages, 398
Fratricide accompanies mythical
founding of cities, 113

Freyja, her car drawn by Cats, 342 ;
converted in Christian times into
Virgin Mary, 431-2
GAD, like Jupiter, the star of

Fortune, 176
Gaza, gates of, carried off by Samson,
a disguised myth of a descent to
the nether- world, 403-4

Gazelle, designation of the rising sun,
178-9
Gazelles, golden, at Ka ba at Mekka,
178
Geiger, L., his researches on the faculty
of distinguishing colours, 141

Gender-distinctions in nouns, sup
posed by Bleek to encourage forma
tion of mythology, 2-3

Genealogies invented through national
hatred, 358-9; concocted by
national pride or for other reasons,
357-8
George, Saint, kills a dragon a
general Aryan Myth, 431
German gods names preserved in
names of days of the week, 431

German heathen practices in Christian
times, 430-2
Getube, in an Ojibwa legend, has
twelve children, 174

Gideon, the Smasher/ is made a
National hero, 256

Gold, called sulphur-coloured and
red, 142-4
Greeks love Agricultural life, 80;
preserve traces of Nomadism, 70-1

Gynaeocracy, 76
HAGAK, the Flying, i.e. the Sun,

119
Haggai expresses the compromise

between Priests and Prophets, 308
Hair in mythology denotes Rays of

sun or moon, 137-40
Hajnal, dawn, in Hungarian, denoted

originally white, 351
Ham is made ancestor of the

Canaanites, 255 ; his grave âc
in the district of Damascus, 280
Ham or, father of Shechem, called

Ass from the red colour, which is
Solar, 1 81
Heaven, called the High in the

Semitic languages, 91
Hebrew Mythology became Jah-

veistic, 433-4 ; its existence denied
by Bunsen, 12-3
Hebrew Myths did not grow into

religion, 248-9 ; but generally be
came history, 249, 255
Hebrew national consciousness, its
effect on the Myth, 251-4

Hebrew national individuality aroused,
259
Hebrew political centralisation con

firmed Monotheism, 268
Hebrews ( Ibhrim), the Wanderers,

53; show sympathy with Shepherds
as against Agriculturists, 86-7;
adored the Serpent in the Desert,
226 ; adopted the Solar religion of
Canaan, 227, 240-2; their history
begins with the conquest of Canaan,
232 ; remained Nomads some time
after leaving Egypt, 232 ; aban
doned Nomadism on passing the
Jordan, 233; took social and
political institutions from the
Phenicians. 242 ; forgot the fact of
their original polytheism and set
INDEX,
45
HEB
back the origin of Jahveism to

Abraham or even Adam, 433 ; com
pared but did not identify heroes
with the Sun, t \$
Hebron, legends of the Patriarchs

localised at, 278-80; therefore
chosen by David for his residence,
280
Heimdali (the Sun) has the point of

his horn in Niflheim, 179
Helios converted by Modern Greeks

into Ilias (Elijah), 128
Hephaestos originally identical with

Prometheus and Agni, 390
Herakles, original Aryan Sun-god,

417 ; he kills a lion, 395-6, 399, a
feature which appears to be bor
rowed from the Semites (the Aryan
Sun-god kills a Dragon), 418, as
also the story of Foxes with fire
brands attached to their tails, 419 ;
he dies,but lolaus wakes him to new
life on Olympos, 446
Heroic age, in Book of Judges, contains

mythology, 20- 1
Hind, a designation of the rising sun,

178-9
History, mythic features attach them

selves to, 22-3
Honey, in Samson s riddle, 394-7

Horns denote the Suns rays, 179
Horvath and Vorosmarty s Hungarian

Myths, 252
Hud, prophet, his grave (according to

Mohammedan tradition), 283
Huythaca, the Moon, wife of Bochica,

Solar hero of the Muyscas, whom
she opposes in his promotion of
civilisation, 204
Hyksos adopted Egyptian culture, 236
TCHNEUMON, mythologically re-
JL presenting the Night, worshiped

in Fayum, 343
Idea (Vorstellitnff), 377
Ife, a town of the gods of the Yorubas,

100
Immortality, belief in, characterised

the Jahveistic Prophets, 305
Indians, traces of Nomadic myths

among, 67-70
Interlacing of psychological Combina

tions, 376
lokaste, the Evening-glow, mother

and wife of Oedipus, 187
Iran, traces of Nomadism in, 68-9
Iranian (Persian) theologicnl i
JAH
influence the Hebrews in and &fter
the Captivity, 326-9

Irej, ancestor of the Iranians, his suf
ferings a type of the subjugation
of his race, 258

Isaac, the Laugher, originally the
Sun, 92-96 ; myth of the sacrifice

of, 45-7, 104-6 ; his grave at Hebron,
278-9
Isaf and Na ila, two Arabian idols
(Soil and Rain), 182-3

Isaiah, the second, the Prophet of the
Captivity, 307
Isis, the horned, 179
Islam not favourable to Nomadism,
86
Israel, i.e. the Hebrew nation, created
by Jahveh, 299
Issachar, called an Ass, a Solar figure,
177 note, 181

Istar, Babylonian goddess, is the Moon,
158-9
JACOB, the Follower, i.e. the Night,

the Dark Sky, 97 ; fights with a
man who cannot conquer him (the
Dawn), 140 ; struggles with Laban,
White, and Esau, Red (Solar
figures), 133-5, 140-1, 156; his
name changed to Israel, 230 ; iden
tified with Israel, 256; his grave
at Hebron, 278-9
Jacob s Blessing (Gen. XLIX.) con

tains remains of descriptions of
mythical figures, 177
Jacob s family, the Moon and Stars,

173 ; his twelve sons were not ori
ginally named, 174; some belong
to the original myth, 175 ; some
names are later, ethnographical or
geographical, 175
Jael, Wild Goat, i.e. Cloud, 430; is

made a national hero, 256
Jahveh, the specially Hebrew name

of God (Elohim being used by the
Canaanites), its origin in the idea
of Nationality, 272 ; idea of, 290 ;
Mohammedan idea of Allah similar,
290-1 ; name Jahveh known before
the Separation, 292 ; the idea first
introduced by the Prophets, 294-9;
indicates a Creator, 299-301; I
am who I am, 300-1 ; National
God of the Hebrews, 301 ; who
hated foreign vice, 303-4 ; but also
cosmopolitan, 302-3 ; not an esoteric
religion, 304-5 ; friendly to both
oo 2
INDEX.
JAH
North and South and favourable to
their reunion, 305-8

Jahveh, names compounded with, and
similar p nes compounded with
Elohim (El), 292-3

Jahveism reforms ancient legends for
moral ends, 312; adopted by the
sacerdotal party in the Captivity
through a compromise effected with
the Prophets, 307-8; came to be
supposed to be primitive, 433

Jahveistic documents show a very
thorough-going Jahveism, 313 ;
their peculiar prophetic phraseology,
314
Janus, connected with navigation, IO2 ;
has one bearded and one smooth
face, 137
Japanese Myths of Civilisation, 207

Japheth. See Jepheth
Jawbone, used by Samson. See Ass s
Jawbone
Jelal al-Din al-Suyuti, his Kitab al-
awa il, 212

Jemshid, Solar hero, author of Iranian
Civilisation, 202-3 ; establishes
castes, 203; is brought to ruin
by Zohak, 203
Jepheth, a Solar figure, 132
Jephthah, myth of his killing his
daughter, 96-7; his name mythical,
its meaning, 97, 104

Joktan, denotes the Sedentary people,
54
Jonah, features of the Solar myth at

tached to him, 102
Joseph (the Rain), born of Rachel

(the Cloud), 1 66, 175 ; his contest
with Zalichah, 168; with his
brothers the Possessors of arrows,
i.e. the Sun s rays, 168-9 ; his bow
is the Rainbow, 169-70; his story
was worked out by the Northerns
in his favour against the Southerns
with their Judah, 285-6 ; taken by
the Northerns as their hero and
ancestor at the separation, 278
Jubal, Solar hero, inventor of music,

130
Judah, his connexion with Tamar, a

Solar legend, of Sun and Fruit,
1 80-2 ; an ethnographical name,
175, 179-83
Judges (Shophetfm), Hebrew, legends

of, suffered no theocratic transfor
mation, 287-8; were preserved
mainly in the Northern kingdom,
280
LIG
Judges, Phenician magistrates (Suf-

fetes), 242-5
TZABIL and Habil, Arabic for Qain
JV and Abel, 347-9
Kafir, Infidel, its original meaning,

193
Kalypso and Kalyke, the Covering

Night, 192
Kenite origin of name Jahveh asserted

by Tiele, 293
Khitem dynasty adopted Chinese civi

lisation, 236
Kiyyun (Chiun), the star, worship of,

by the Hebrews, 220
Kuhn s Herabkunft des Fetters re

viewed by Steinthal, 363
Kulyatu, Solar hero of the Voguls and

author of Civilisation, 207
Kutub al-awa il, LibriPrincipiorum/
212
Kuzah, Semitic (Arabic) Cloud-god,

73-4, 423
LAMB, white (a Cloud), adored by

the Arabs, 223
Lamech. See Lemech
Laughter, words denoting, originally

meant to shine bright, 93 ; of the
morning or the sun and the stars,
94-6
Leah, the Weary, is the Night when

the sun is weary, 162
Legends, Hebrew, affected by the

political separation of North and
South, 277-89
Lemech (Lamech), Solar hero, kills

his son, 129
Lengthened forms of words have

greater intensity of meaning than
simple, according to the Agada, 340
Lenormant claims Mythology for the

Semites, n
Levi, Serpent, i.e. Rain, 183-7
Leviathan (livyathan), Serpent, either

Lightning or Rain, 184-6 ; Storm-
Dragon, 423, 425
Levites oppose the Solar worship of

the Golden Bull, 226
Leviticus, Book of, expresses the com

promise between Priests and Pro
phets, with a leaning towards the
Priests, 308
Life, treated in mythology as identical

with fire, 367, 371
Lightning, identified with a bird
INDEX.
453
LIG
eagle, hawk, or woodpecker, 366 ;
which again might be transformed
into a tree rowan, ash, 366-7

Lightning-Bird represents both Fire
and Man, 366, 368, 384-6, 389

Lion, Semitic symbol of Summer-heat,
396-7
Livyathan. See Leviathan
Localisation of myths, 278-85
Lokman, identified with Balaam, 33,

34 note I
Longevity, characteristic of Solar

heroes, 356 ; and therefore of Noah
to the Arabs and Ethiopians, 356-7
Lot, Night, and his daughters, a Solar

myth, 189-95
Lot s daughters denote the Glow of

morning or evening, 194 ; their
names, 194-5 ; they are made
mothers of Moab and Ammon, 254
Love, especially incest, common in
mythology, 187
MALACHI, expresses the compro

mise between Priests and Pro
phets, 308
Mama Oello and Manco Copac, sons

of the Sun, teachers of civilisation
in Peru, 208
Manchu dynasty adopted Chinese civi

lisation, 236
Manco Copac and Mama Oello, sons

of the Sun, teachers of civilisation
in Peru, 208
Manna reminds us of the Nectar and

Mead of the gods, 429
Mary, the Virgin, succeeds in Christian

times to the functions of Freyja,
Holda and Bertha, 431-2, 443
Matarisvan brings back Agni or fire

to men, 369 ; is identical with Pro
metheus, 370-3
Me onenim and menachashim, 227
Mexican Solar and Lunar Chronology,

65
Milcah is the Moon, 158
Milk and honey, characteristic of a

Solar land, 28-9
Mohammed approved the Nomadic life

of shepherds, 8 1
Mohammedans, how they transformed

foreign legends, 354-6
Monotheism favourable to the growth

of science, according to Lange and
Comte, against Renan, 6-7 ; ex
clusive, and prompted by the Hebrew
National spirit, 269 ; supposed to
MYT
be primeval and to have preceded

Polytheism an untenable proposi
tion, 261, 421 ; supposed to have
been given by Divine revelation
untenable, 420
Monotheistic Instinct, refuted by the

example of the Semites, 260
Moon, worship of, earlier than Sun-

worship, 71-6 ; three phases, 204-6 ;
turns red (chaphar) through shame,
35 1 - 2
Moon-goddess, her names, 158-60

Moorish architecture derived from life
in the Desert, 85
Mormons speak of God as the great
President, 266
Moses, in the myth, resembles Prome

theus, 23, 391-2; is like a Sun-
god in general, 428-9 ; has horns,
denoting a nimbus of rays, 179; is
put in the water in a chest when an
infant like Perseus, etc., 428 ; kills
an Egyptian and flies, like a Solar
hero, 429 ; stretches his hand with
the staff over the sea (originally
the sea of Clouds) and divides it,
429 ; his grave, 28 1-2
Motion, psychological term, 375
Miiller, J. G., of Basle, thinks the
Hebrews originally spoke a distinct
language, and afterwards adopted
that of Canaan, 239-40
Music invented by Solar heroes, 130
Muyscas of Bogota, their Myth of
Civilisation, 204-5
Myth, its beginning and its end, 50 ;
prior to Eeligion, 51
Mythical names not used as human
names, 229
Mythological faith and worship still
live as superstition etc., 364

Mythology, precursor of Religion, not
itself religion, 5 ; common to all
mankind, 10 ; begins with percep
tion and description of physical
phenomena, 39 ; is transformed into
allegory when the original meaning
of the names is forgotten, 39 ; turns
into Religion, 218 ct seqq. ; and
must produce Polytheism, 262 ; de
nied by Bunsen to the Hebrews,
12-3
Myths represent the daily phenomena

of nature, 14 ; outlive the stage of
Civilisation which produced them,
77 et seqq. ; are interpreted in a
theocratic sense, of pious servants
of God, 273 ; do not interest the
454
INDEX.
NAM
PHO
Prophets, 309-10; are converted

from a polytheistic to a monotheis
tic form, 420
"VTAMES of persons preserve myths,
iN 24-5
Naphtali, with plaited locks, denotes

the Dawn, 1 78-9 ; grave of (ac
at Kafarmanda, 280
National sentiment transforms Myths,
253
National spirit promoted an exclusive

monotheism among the Hebrews,
269-72
Nationalisation of Hebrew Myths, 257
Nations, table of (in Gen. X.), revised

at Babylon, 329-30
Naziritism, 410-14
Nehushtan, the (brazen ?) Serpent,

184 ; adored, 226
New Druids, 252
Night, loved by Nomads, 51-7 ; used

by them in reckoning time and
distances, 61-3 ; precedes Day in
the Nomad s chronology, 62 ; is
blind, or has lost an eye, no; has
wings to cover, 117; is called a
Coverer and has a black cover
ing, 190-4; is called Black, 146,
and compared to ink, 148, and to a
Sudus (a greenish garment), 149-
Night-sky and rain worshiped by

the Arabs, 219-21
Nimrod, the Hunter, i.e. the Sun,

31-2, 135-6
Nimrud, Arabic story of, identical

with that of Oedipus, 188-9
Ninka-Si, Accadian horned goddess,

Solar, 179
Noah, inventor of Agricultural imple

ments, a figure of the Sun at noon,
130-1 ; second progenitor of the
human race, 210 ; why he is made
the hero of the Deluge-story, 322 ;
noted among the Arabs and Ethio
pians for longevity, 356-7
Nomads love Night and Rain, 54-7,

60; reckon distances and time by
nights, 6 1 -3 ; have no history, 231
Normans adopted French language

and transplanted it to England,
236
North and South separated into two

kingdoms, 275-7 ; effect of separa
tion on national legends, 277-89
OANNES, the Sun, in the Assyrian

and Babylonian mythology, Hero
of Civilisation, 214-5, 224

Oedipus, Solar hero, his story, 187
Olave, Saint, succeeds to the office of
Thor in pursuing and destroying

giants, 431
Omar, Chalif, approves of the Be-
dawi, 82
Opener, frequent designation of the
Sun, 97-8
Origins, legends of, 2II-3

Orion, 4267, 446
Orpheus, son of the Sun, author of
Civilisation, 208
Osterhase (Easter Hare) indicates the
swiftness of the goddess Ostara,
the Sun, 118
"pARTICIPLE passive used for ac-
JL tive in Hebrew, 350-1
Patriarchal stories, sources for dif-

covery of Mythology, 19
Patriarchs, their names mythical, re

ferring to phenomena of Nature,
1 8 ; are made types of Elohi&tic
piety, 274; years and cycles of
years in their history, elaborated at
Babylon, 329
Perez and Zerah (Pharez and Zarah),

Solar figures, 183
Perizzites, their name denotes the

Wanderers, 53
Persian antagonism to the Arabs

gives a tone to legends in the
Shahnameh, 258
Persian (Iranian) theological ideas in

fluence the Hebrews in and after
the Captivity, 326-9
Persians, false genealogies invented

by or for them, 35 7-8
Pharez. See Perez
Phenicians, their civilisation pre

vailed for long in Africa, but
yielded to the Arabian, 237 ; their
influence on the tribes of Canaan
and the Hebrews, 235, 240
Phenix, mythical designation of the

Sun, 344
Philo Herennius, his report on

Sanchuniathon, 215-7
Phlegyans, identical with Bhrgu-s,
Phoroneus, at Argos, brought fire like

Prometheus, 368 ; was originally
epithet of the Lightning-bird, 385
INDEX.
455
PHU
Phut [Put] denotes the Kunners, 53
Picus, Woodpecker, a Lightning-

bird, 368 ; is the first man, 389
Pillar of Cloud, belongs to the wor

ship of the Night- star, 222-3
Pleiades, 426
Poetry of the Arabs always conveys

the Scenery of the Deseri 84-5
Polytheism and Monotheism, succes

sive stages of religious thought, 5
Polytheism results from Mythology

and necessarily precedes Mono
theism, 262 ; tends, through a uni
fying process, to Monotheism, 263 ;
shows a monotheistic tendency when
one god is supreme over others,
264; mythical, in Israel, exhibited
in the Prophets and Poets, 421-30
Pools of the Sun, in which his heat

is cooled, 340-1
Pramantha. the boring-stick to pro

duce fire, 370, 387; Moses staff
the same, 391, 428
Pramati, son of Cyavana, son of

Bhrgu, identical with Prometheus,
391
Prometheus, inventor of Navigation,

103 ; his name, corresponding to
Sans. Pramcithyu-s, from pramantha
1 boring- stick, 370 ; connexion of
the name with /j.av6dvu, 374-5 ;
identical in function with Mataris*-
van, 371 ; a Titan (enemy of the
gods) and yet benefactor of men,
389-91 ; created man, 389
Prometheus, legend of, Steinthal s

Essay on, 363-92
Proper names in Mythology originally

appellative, 37-8
Prophets introduced the real idea of

Jahveh, 294-308 ; do not care for
Myths, 309-10, nor the Patriarchal
history and Moses, 310-!
Psychological Terminology, 375-6
Psychology, a necessary factor of

Mythology, 35-7
Pyrrha, the Red, mother of man

kind, 210
QUAILS, connected with Apollon

and Diana, as well as with
Moses, 429
RACHEL, the Sheep," i.e. the Cloud,

162-5; weeps for her children,
i.e. pours down Rain, 165 ; bears
SAM
Joseph, the Rain, 166, 175; her

grave, 283
Rahabh, the Storm-Dragon, 422-6;

denotes Egypt, 423
Rain with the dark rainy sky loved

by Nomads, 54-7 ; the child of
the Cloud or the Sky, 166-7;
called a Serpent, 185-6; wor
shiped by the Nomadic Hebrews,
227 ; attributed by the Moham
medans to the Stars, 221
Rainbow is called Joseph s Bow, 169-

70
Red, for a light colour in general,

141 ; the colour of Day, 146
Reduplicated forms have, according

to the Agada, a greater intensity
of meaning than unreduplicated,
340
Religion, developed out of Mythology,

218 et seqq. ; takes its form partly
from political analogies, 264-8
Religion, founders of, born from

Virgins, 208-9
Renan says the Semites have no

Mythology, 4 ; is mistaken in as
serting that Arabic absorbs only
dialects related to itself, 237-9
Reuben, the Twilight, takes to him

self Bilhah, a Solar heroine, 171-3 ;
his grave (according to Mohamme
dan tradition), at Jahran, 280
Riddle proposed by Samson, 394-7
Roman Calendar, 65-6
Rowan, a Lightning- tree, 366-7
C ABBATH, established on a new

O basis by the story of Creation, 324
Sacrifice, human, condemned by
Jahveism in the rewritten story of
the sacrifice of Isaac, 312
Safra (in Aramaic), Dawn, its ety
mology, 150
Sage (German), 393 note

Samson, a Sun-god, 21-2, 407-10;
his name Shimshon from Shemesh,
Sun, 408 ; like other Sun-gods,
flies after victory, 399, and is per
nicious to the Philistines, destroying
their corn by foxes, 398, and is
given to sexual pleasure, 404; is
attacked by a lion, 394, and kills
him, 398 ; solution, 396-9 ; his
heroism with the ass s jawbone,
400 ; was said, in a myth now lost,
to have gone down to the nether
world, 404 ; his death, 406, 446 ;
45 6
INDEX.
SAM
is said in the narrative to be a

Nazirite, but this is a late addition
to the story, 413; motive for it,
445 ; compared with the other
Judges, is seen to be mythical,
414-5, but is admirably de
scribed, 415-6
Samson, legend of, Steinthal s Essay

on, 392-446
Samuel, a typical prophet, 306 ; a

Nazirite, 410-2
Sanchuniathon s account of Phenician

Mythology, 215-7
Sandan or Sandon, Assyrian and

Lydian Sun-god, kills a lion, 396-7
Sarah, the Princess of heaven, i.e.

the Moon, 158
Scarabeus, worship of the, 343
Seraph, mythical name of a dra

gon, 197
Serpent (livyathan and rahabh) de

notes Lightning and Bain, 27-8 ;
Rain, 224-6
Serpents crushed by Herakles, 184
Seth, grave of (according to Moham

medan tradition), in the valley of
Yahfufa in Antilibanus, 280
Shamgar, Solar hero, another form of

Samson, 429-30
Shechem, a name of the Morning,

25-6 ; converted into a prince of
the Hivvites, 254
Shem, the Lofty, denotes the
Heaven, 132
Shophetim (Judges), Phenician

magistrates, 242-5
Sinai, consecrated to Sin, the

Moon, 1 60
Sinflut became Siindflut psychologi

cal process, 441-2
Solar heroes found cities, 113, 127;

remarkable for longevity, 356
Space the earliest category understood

by man, 40-2
Stars worshiped by Nomadic

Hebrews, 219-30
Steinthal, H., Essay on the original
form of the legend of Prometheus,
363-92 ; on the legend of Samson,
392-446
Stork, brought fire and brings children
to earth, 367
Sudus (sundus), greenish, the colour of
Night, 149-50
Sukkoth (Tabernacles), Feast of, con

nected with worship of Stars and
Eain, 220-2
URI
Sulphur, red, Arabic phrase for

something impossible, 143
Sun, passes through the sea at night,

28, 99-104; loved by Agriculturists,
58, 60; called in Mythology the
Marching, Running, 1 14-22 ;
called the Uncoverer, 194; re
garded as an Eye, 106-10, as a
"Well, his light being the water,
345; as a Wheel, 381 ; represents
Fire in heaven, and is the source of
light and growth, 378 ; his rays
described as a moisture, whether
water, milk or wine, 345-7 ; his
three phases, 204-6 ; his colour,
353-4, saffron, 151, grey, 153,
white, 154-5 ; turns pale through
shame, 351-2; synonyms of, be
come obsolete, 218; pools and
whips for, 340 ; his sons are
authors of Civilisation, 208
Sunset and Dawn expressed by the

same words, 43
rTABERNACLES (Sukkoth), Feast

JL of, connected with the worship of
Stars and Rain, 22O-2

Taj al-Din b. Hammuya al-Sarachshi,
on Origins, 212
Tamar, the Fruit, her liaison with
Jud;ih, and with Amnon, 180-2

Tannin, Extended dragon, i.e. Rain,
423, 427 ; Crocodile, and Egypt,
424-5
Tent of heaven denotes the sky by
night, in
Theocracy, a league between Religious
and National ideas, 273

Thor, converted in Christian times
into St. Olave, 431

Thunder is a groaning or roaring of
the clouds, 164-5

Time, a category not understood till
after Space, and expressed in lan

guage by the same terms, 40-3
Tora, formed of chukka and dabhar
conjoined, 315
Tribes, Hebrew, named earlier than
Jacob s sons, 176

Tubal-cain and Jabal, duplicates of
Cain and Abel, 111-3, 130
TTNION, sexual, its significance in

U Mythology, 171-3
Uriah, grave of (according to Moham
medan tradition), 280
INDEX.
457
usu
Usurpers, other Gods besides Jahveh,

according to Hartmann, 269-70
T7AIVASUTA, son of the Sun,

V Indian legislator, 208
Varuna and Otipavos the Coverer,

190
Vedic myths so primitive as to ex

plain themselves, 364
Virgins made to conceive by the Sun s

rays are the mothers of founders
of legislation and religion, 208-9
Voguls, their Myth of Civilisation,

207
Vorosmarty and Horvath s Hunga

rian Myths, 252
Vorstellung (Idea], 377
WA-JEEG-E-WA-KON-AY.in an
Ojibwa legend, repels evil
spirits, 174
Wamasai people in East Africa

identify God and Rain, 224
Warak (in Ethiopic), gold, and con

nected words, 144-6
Week, 65 ; of five days among the

Chinese, Mongols, Azteks, and
Mexicans, 66 ; of eight days in
Old Calabar, 66
Well, an image of the Sun, its water

being the rays, 345
Wheel, epithet of the Sun s chariot,
2IO
Whips of the Sun, to drive him along

his course, 341
zuz
White, light- coloured in general, 141 ;
the colour of Day, 152-3

Wings assigned to the Sun and Dawn,
."5-7
Wives, legitimate, in Mythology are
homogeneous with their husbands,
158
Woodpecker (Picus), personification
of Lightning, i.e. Fire, 366, and of
Man, 368, 389
YEARS and cycles of years in

Patriarchal history, elaborated
at Babylon, 329
Yerek (in Hebrew), Grass, its ety

mology, 145
ZALlCHA, the Swift-marching,

Solar heroine, her contest with
Joseph (Rain), 168

Zarah. See Zerah
Zebulun, the Round/ the Setting
Sun, 177-8
Zechariah expresses the compromise
between Priests and Prophets, 308

Zerah and Perez (Zarah and Pharez),
Solar figures, 183

Zeus has ram s horns, 1 79
Zillah, the Night, mother of Tubal-
cain, 130
Zilpah, Marching, 125-6

Zipporah, grave of (according to Mo
hammedan tradition), 280

Zuzim, a nomadic tribe, 53
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INDEX
Ac ton s Modern Cookery ,
Aird s Blackstone Economised..,
Airy s Hebrew Scriptures
Alpine Club Map of Switzerland

Alpine Guide (The)
40
39
29
34
34
Amos s Jurisprudence 10
Primer of the Constitution 10
Anderson s Strength of Materials 20
A nnstrong s Organic Chemistry 20
Arnold s (Dr.) Christian Life 29
Lectures on Modern History 2
Miscellaneous Works 13
School Sermons 29
Sermons 29
(T. ) Manual of English Literature 1 2
Atherstone Priory 36
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 14
Ayre s Treasury of Bible Knowledge 39
Bacons Essays, by Whatcly n
Life and Letters, by Spedding ... 1 1
Works 10
Bain s Mental and Moral Science 12
on the Senses and Intellect 12
Emotions and Will 12
Baker s Two Works on Ceylon 34
Ball s Guide to the Central Alps 34
Guide to the Western Alps 35
Guide to the Eastern Alps 34
Bancroft s Native Races of the Pacific 23
Barry on Railway Appliances 20
Becker s Charicles and Gallus 35
Black s Treatise on Brewing 40
B lack ley s German- English Dictionary 16
Blaiiie s Rural Sports 37
Bloxam s Metals 20
Bouitbee on 39 Articles 29
Bourne s Catechism of the Steam Engine . 27
Handbook of Steam Engine 27
Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 27
Improvements in the same 27
Bawdier s Family Shakspearc 37
B ram ley-Moore s Six Sisters of the Valley . 36

Brandt s Dictionary of Science, Literature,
and Art 23
Brinkley s Astronomy 12
Browne s Exposition of the 39 Articles 29
Buckle s History of Civilisation 3
Posthumous Remains 12
Buckton s Health in the House 24
Bull s Hints to Mothers 40
Maternal Management of Children . 40

Burgomaster s Family (The) 34
Burke s Rise of Great Families 8
A G
Burkes Vicissitudes of Families ,
Busk s Folk-lore of Rome
Valleys of Tirol ,
33
abinet Lawyer 4
Campbell s Norway 35
Cates s Biographical Dictionary S
and Woodward s Encyclopaedia ... 5
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 14
Chesney s Indian Polity 3
Modern Military Biography 4
Waterloo Campaign 3
Codrington s Life and Letters 7
Cole/iso on Moabite Stone &c 32
s Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 32
Collier s Demosthenes on the Crown 13
Commonplace Philosopher in Town and
Country, by A. K. H. B 14
Comte s Positive Polity 8
Congreve s Essays 9
Politics of Aristotle ir
Coningtous Translation of Virgil s /Eneid 57

Miscellaneous Writings...
Contansea.it s Two French Dictionaries ... 15
Conybeare and How son s Life and Epistles
of St. Paul 3
Corneille s Le Cid 36
Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 14
Cox s (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 4
Crusades 6
History of Greece 4
General History of Greece 4
School ditto 4
Tale of the Great Persian
War 4
. Tales of Ancient Greece ... 36
Crawley s Thucy dides 4
CreightoHs Age of Elizabeth 6
Crests Encyclopedia of Civil Engineering 27
Critical Essays of a Country Parson 14
Crookcs s Chemical Analysis -5
Dyeing and Calico-printing 28
Cuf ley s Handbook of Telegraphy 27
Davidsons Introduction to the New Tes

tament 3 1
D A itbignt s Reformation 31
De Caisne and Lc Maoufs Botany 24.
De Morgans Paradoxes 13
DC Tocqnevillc s Democracy in America... 9
Disraeli s Lord George Bcntinck 8

42
Disraeli s Novels and Tales 35
Dobson on the Ox 38
Dove s Law of Storms 18
Doyle s (R.) Fairyland 25
Eastlakes Hints on Household Taste 26
Edwards s Rambles among the Dolomites 34
Nile 32
Elements of Botany 23
Ellicott s Commentary on Ephesians 30
Galatians 30
Pastoral Epist.
Philippians,&c.
Thessalonians .
Lectures on Life of Christ .,
Elsa : a Tale of the Tyrolean Alps
Evans (J.) Ancient Stone Implements
(A. J.) Bosnia 33
Ewald s History of Israel 30
Antiquities of Israel 31
Fairbairns Application of Cast and

Wrought Iron to Building...
Information for Engineers
_ Life
Treatise on Mills and Millwork
27
27
7
27
Farrars Chapters on Language 13
Families of Speech 13
Fi/zwygram on Horses and Stables 38
Forbes s Two Years in Fiji 33
Francis s Fishing Book 37
Freeman s Historical Geography of Europe 6
Frcshficld s Italian Alps 33
Froudes English in Ireland 2
History of England 2
Short Studies 12
Gairdners Houses of Lancaster and York 6
Ganot s Elementary Physics 20
Natural Philosophy 19
Gardiner s Buckingham and Charles 3
Thirty Years War 6
Gcffcken s Church and State 10
German Home Life 13
Gibson s Religion and Science 29
Gilbert & Churchill s Dolomites 34
Girdlcstone s Bible Synonyms 29
Goodeve s Mechanics 20
Mechanism 20
Grant s Ethics of Aristotle n

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 14
Greville s Journal 2
Griffin s Algebra and Trigonometry 20
Grohmans Tyrol and the Tyrolese 32
Grove (Sir W. R. ) on Correlation of Phy

sical Forces 19
(F. C.) The Frosty Caucasus 32
Gwilt s Encyclopaedia of Architecture 26
Harrison s Order and Progress 9
Hartley on the Air 19
hartwig s Aerial World 22
Polar World 22
Hartwig s Sea and its Living Wonders
Subterranean World
Tropical World
Haughtons Animal Mechanics 20
Hay-ward s Biographical and Critical Essays 7
Heathcote s Fen and Mere 28
Heine s Life and Works, by Stigand 7
Hclmholtz on Tone 23
Helmholtz s Scientific Lectures 19
Helmsleys Trees, Shrubs, and Herbaceous
Plants 24
Hcrschel s Outlines of Astronomy 18
Hinchliff s Over the Sea and Far Away ... 33
Holland s Fragmentary Papers 21
Holms on the Army : 4

Hullah s History of Modern Music 23
Transition Period 23
Hume s "Essays 12
Treatise on Human Nature..., 12
Ihne s History of Rome 5
Indian Alps 32
Ingelow s Poems 37
Jameson s Legends of Saints and Martyrs . 26
Legends of the Madonna 26
Legends of the Monastic Orders 26
Legends of the Saviour 26
on Confession 30
Electricity and Magnetism 20
terrain s Lycidas of Milton 35
Yerrold s Life of Napoleon 2
Johnston s Geographical Dictionary 17
fukes s Types of Genesis 31
on Second Death 31
KaliscK s Commentary on the Bible 30
Keith s Evidence of Prophecy 30
Kerl s Metallurgy, by Crookes and Rohrig. 27
Kingslcy s American Lectures 13
Kirby and Spences Entomology 21
Kirkmans Philosophy II
Knatchbull- Hngessen s Whispers from
Fairy-Land ... 35
Higgledy-Piggledy 35
Lamartine sToussamt Louverture 36
Landscapes, Churches, &c. by A. K. H. B. 14
Lang s Ballads and Lyrics 36
Lathams English Dictionary 15
Handbook of the English Lan

guage 15
Laughton s Nautical Surveying 19
Lawrence on Rocks 22
Lecky s History of European Morals 5
Rationalism .. <
Leaders of Public Opinion.
Lee s Kesslerloch 22
Lefroy s Bermudas 33
Leisure Hours in Town, by A. K. H. B.... 14
Lessons of Middle Age, by A. K. H. B.... 14
Lewes s Biographical History of Philosophy 6
-n
Lewis on Authority
Liddell and Scott s Greek-English Lexicons 16
Lindley and Moore s Treasury of Botany... 23
Lloyd s Magnetism 21
Wave-Theory of Light 21
Longman s (F. W.) Chess Openings 40

German Dictionary ... 15
(W.) Edward the Third 2
Lectures on History of
England 2
Old and New St. Paul s 26
London s Encyclopaedia of Agriculture ... 28
. Gardening 28
. Plants 24
LuobocKs Origin of Civilisation 22
Lyra Germanica 3 2
Macaitlays (Lord) Essays
History of England -
. Lays of Ancient Rome 25,
Life and Letters
. Miscellaneous Writings
, . Speeches
Works
McCullocKs Dictionary of Commerce ......
Maclcod s Principles of Economical Philo

sophy
, Theory and Practice of Banking
Elements of Banking
Mademoiselle Mori
Ma let s Annals of the Road
Malhsons Genoese Studies
. Native States of India
Mi ://* Physiology
Mars/L...aiis History of India
Life of Havelock
Martin eau s Christian Life
Hymns
Maunders Biographical Treasury
Geographical Treasury
. Historical Treasury
. Scientific and Literary Treasury
Treasury of Knowledge
Treasury of Natural History ...
Maxwell s Theory of Heat
Mays History of Democracy
History of England
Melville s Digby Grand
General Bounce
Gladiators
Good for Nothing
Holmby House
Interpreter
Kate Coventry
Queens Maries
Mcnzies Forest Trees and Woodland
Scenery
Mcri vale s Fall of the Roman Republic ...

General History of Rome
Romans under the Empire
Mcrri field s Arithmetic and Mensuration...

Miles on Horse s Foot and Horse Shoeing
on Horse s Teeth and Stables
Mill (J.) on the Mind
(J. S.) on Liberty
on Representative Government
Utilitarianism
Autobiography
39
39
36
37
3
25
3 2
3 1
39
39
39
39
39
39
20
2
2
3^
3
3^
3 6
3 6
3^
3 6
Milts Dissertations and Discussions
Essays on Religion &c.
Hamilton s Philosophy ..
System of Logic
Political Economy
Unsettled Questions
Miller s Elements of Chemistry

Inorganic Chemistry.
9
29
9
9
9
9
24
20
Mintds (Lord) Life and Letters 7
Mitchell s Manual of Assaying 28
Modern Novelist s Library 3 6
Mon sell s Spiritual Songs
Moore s Irish Melodies, illustrated
Morant s Game Preservers
Morells Elements of Psychology
Mental Philosophy
Mailer s Chips from a German Workshop.
Science of Language
Science of Religion
26
22
II
II
13
13
Nelson on the Moon l8
New Reformation, by Theodoras 4
New Testament, Illustrated Edition 25
Northcott s Lathes and Turning 26
O Conor s Commentary on Hebrews 31
-Romans 31
-St. John 31
Owen s Comparative Anatomy and Physio

logy of Vertebrate Animals 21
Packes Guide to the Pyrenees 35
Pagct s Naval Powers 28
Pattison s Casaubon 7
Payens Industrial Chemistry 26
Pcwtncrs Comprehensive Specifier 40
Pierces Chess Problems 4
Pluuket s Travels in the Alps 33
Pole s Game of Whist 4
Prcece & Sivcwright s Telegraphy 20
Prcndergast s Mastery of Languages 16
Present-Day Thoughts, by A. K. H. B. ... 14
Proctors Astronomical Essays 17
Moon 17
Orbs around Us 18
Other Worlds than Ours 18
Saturn 17
Scientific Essays (New Series) ... 21
Sun 17
Transits of Venus 17
Two Star Atlases 18
Universe 17
Public Schools Atlas of Ancient Geography 17
Atlas of Modern Geography r7
Manual of Modern Geo

graphy 17
Raiulinsons Parthia 5
Sassanians 5
Recreations of a Country Parson 14
Redgrave s Dictionary of Artists 25
Rei lly s Map of Mont Blanc 34
Monte Rosa 34
Rcrcsby s Memoirs 8
.44
JReynardson s Down the Road 37
.Rich s Dictionary of Antiquities 15
.River s Rose Amateur s Guide 23
.Rogers s Eclipse of Faith 30
Defence of Eclipse of Faith 30
Essays 9
.Jtogefs Thesaurus of English Words and
Phrases 15
.Ronald s Fly- Fisher s Entomology 38
.Roscoe s Outlines of Civil Procedure 10
Rothschild s Israelites 30
JRussell s Recollections and Suggestions ... 2
Sandars s Justinian s Institutes 10
Savile on Apparitions 13
on Primitive Faith 30
Schellen s Spectrum Analysis 19

.Scott s Lectures on the Fine Arts 25
Poems 25
Papers on Civil Engineering 28
^Seaside Musing, by A. K. H. B 14
-Seebohms Oxford Reformers of 1498 4
Protestant Revolution 6
-Sewell s Questions of the Day 31
Preparation for Communion 31
Stories and Tales 36
Thoughts for the Age 31
History of France
20
6
34
12
Shelley s Workshop Appliances
.Short s Church History ,
-Simpson s Meeting the Sun
.Smith s (Sydney) Essays ,
Wit and Wisdom 13
(Dr. R. A.) Air and Rain 19
.Southey s Doctor 13
Poetical Works 37
.Stanley s History of British Birds 22
.Stephen s Ecclesiastical Biography 8
Stockmar s Memoirs 7
Stonchenge on the Dog 38
on the Greyhound 38
.Stouey on Strains 28
Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of
a University City, by A. K. H. B 14
Supernatural Religion 32
-Swinbourne s Picture Logic ii
Taylor s History of India 3
Manual of Ancient History 6
Manual of Modern History 6
(Jeremy] Works, edited by Eden. 31
Text-Books of Science 20
Thomson s Laws of Thought n
Thorpe s Quantitative Analysis 20
Thorpe and Muir s Qualitative Analysis ...

Todd (A.) on Parliamentary Government...
Trench s Realities of Irish Life
Tro Hope s Barchester Towers
Warden
Twiss s Law of Nations
Tyndall s American Lectures on Light ...
Diamagnetism
Fragments of Science
Lectures on Electricity
Lectures on Light
Lectures on Sound
Heat a Mode of Motion
Molecular Physics
Ueberwtgs System of Logic
Ure s Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures,

and Mines
20
3!
36
10
2O
20
2O
21
21
2O
20
20
Voltaire s Zaire 36
Walker on Whist
Warburtoris Edward the Third
Watson s Geometry
Watts s Dictionary of Chemistry
Webb s Objects for Common Telescopes
Weinhold s Experimental Physics
Wellingtons Life, by Gleig
Whately s English Synonymes ,
Rhetoric ..
White and Riddle s Latin Dictionaries
Wilcocks s Sea-Fisherman
Williams s Aristotle s Ethics
Wood s (T. G.) Bible Animals

Homes without Hands
Insects at Home
Insects Abroad
Out of Doors
Strange Dwellings
(J. T.) Ephesus
Wyatt s History of Prussia
Yonge s English-Greek Lexicons

Horace
Youatt on the Dog ..

on the Horse
Zeller s Plato
Socrates
Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics.
Zimmem s Life of Schopenhauer
ii
ii
1 6
38
j i
22
21
21
21
22
33
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57
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<title>Full text of "Mythology among the Hebrews and its historical

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SPOTTTRWOODR AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE

MYTHOLOGY AMONG THE HEBREWS

ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

IGNAZ GOLDZIHEK, PH.D.

MEMBER OF THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OP SCIENCES

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, WITH ADDITIONS BY THE AUTHOR

RUSSELL MARTINEAU, M.A.

OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM

All riufifs reserved

FEIEDEICH MAX MULLEE

THE PIONEERS OF SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND TURCO-TATARIC PHILOLOGY

BY THE AUTPTOR AND THE TRANSLATOR

CONSCIOUS THAT COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY is not

very generally studied even in England, where some of

1 Especially Max Muller s essay on Comparative Mythology (Chips

steps of others, and how far he has struck out a new

to the full understanding of the book than a knowledge

The translation has received so many additions and

I have added a few notes, where they seemed to

Keferences to the Old Testament are made to the

ing of the Greek word programme, alongside of ana

In the Hebrew and Arabic quotations the Latin

^H = S&amp;gt; K&amp;gt; &amp;lt;&amp;gt; = sh. t*., == th. j = d.

LONDON: January 1877.

TRANSLATOR S PREFACE . vii

INTRODUCTION ........ . xiii

SOURCES OF HEBREW MYTHOLOGY

THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATING HEBREW MYTHS 35

NOMADISM AND AGRICULTURE . . . . .... 49

THE MOST PROMINENT FIGURES IN HEBREW MYTHOLOGY . . 90

THE MYTH OF CIVILISATION AND THE FIRST SHAPING OF

HEBREW RELIGION. . . , . . . . 198

INFLUENCE OF THE AWAKING NATIONAL IDEA ON THE TRANS-

FOEMATION OF THE HEBREW MYTH 23 [

COMMENCEMENT OF MONOTHEISM AND THE DIFFERENTIATION OF

THE MYTHS . . .- 259

Two Essays ly H. Steinthal

1. THE ORIGINAL FORM OF THE LEGEND OF PROMETHEUS . . 363

2. THE LEGEND OF SAMSON , . . . .392

INDEX . ...... 447

THE FOLLOWING SHEETS make no claim to present a

By blindly tracing out copious matters of detail, the

growths were produced, and to leave the analysis of the

of educated readers who will be interested in learning

In adducing Aryan parallels, I am very far from

Hebrews themselves were originally Aryans, who after

1 This psychological uniformity of all races of men is independent of the

le meme sens dans plusieurs systemes d origine tout-a-

The uniformity of the Hebrew myths with those of

1 Frai^ois Lenormant, Essai sur la Propagation de V Alphabet phenicien

2 Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. 6.

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