Cultural Impact

Cultural Impact Assessment
of 179 Acres for the Proposed Nnkuli B Composting and

Solid Waste Landfill Facility, Lualualei Ahupuaa, Waianae
District, Island of Oahu, Hawaii
TMK: [1] 8-7-009: por. 7
Prepared for
URS Corporation
615 Piikoi St., Suite 900
Honolulu, HI 96814-3141
Prepared by
Khaulani E. Souza, B.A.
and
Hallett H. Hammatt, Ph.D.
Cultural Surveys Hawaii, Inc.
Kailua, Hawaii
(LUALU 1)
October 2007
Oahu Office
P.O. Box 1114
Kailua, Hawaii 96734
Ph.: (808) 262-9972
Fax: (808) 262-4950
www.culturalsurveys.com
Maui Office
16 S. Market Street, Suite
2N
Wailuku, Hawaii 96793
Ph: (808) 242-9882
Fax: (808) 244-1994
Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1
Management Summary
Section 1 Management Summary

Reference
Date
Project Number
Location
Project Acreage
Land Jurisdiction
Project Description
Cultural Impact Assessment of 179 Acres for the Proposed Nnkuli B

Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility, Lualualei Ahupuaa,
Waianae District, Island of Oahu, Hawaii (Souza and Hammatt
2007)
October 2007
Cultural Surveys Hawaii Inc. (CSH) Job Code: LUAL 1 B
Oahu, Waianae, Lualualei, TMK 8-7-09 por. 7, 1998 Schofield
Barracks USGS 7.5-minute topographic quadrangle
179 acres. The original project area was 200 acres, see the
Archaeological Inventory Survey of 200 Acres for the Proposed
Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Facility, Lualualei Ahupuaa,
Waianae District, Island of Oahu, Hawaii (OLeary & McDermott
2006).
Leeward Land LLC owns the property and is the project proponent.
URS Corporation is the consulting firm assisting Leeward Land LLC
with its proposed project.
According to information provided by URS Corporation:
The owner/operator proposes to construct and operate the
Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill
Facility. This facility will be a flexible in-vessel
municipal solid waste composting facility (using the
GORE Cover System) near Nnkuli and the
proposed landfill will meet and/or exceed Federal and
State (Chapter 11) regulations. The GORE Cover
System will allow for the effective composting of organic
materials, while continuously controlling odors, leachate
generation, litter, and vectors (e.g., rodents, birds, insects,
etc.), as further described in Section 2.4.3, below. It is
proposed that approximately 530 tons per day of
incoming non-recyclable wastes will be composted at the
proposed facility, thereby minimizing the amount of
waste that will ultimately need to be directly disposed of
in the proposed landfill. The proposed Nnkuli B
Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility will accept
municipal solid waste (MSW) composed of nonhazardous solid waste generated on the island of Oahu.
The proposed facility will also receive certain other
wastes managed under special permit requirements, by
implementing specific operating procedures, including
wastewater treatment sludge, non-friable asbestos
material, and treated medical wastes. The proposed
landfill will receive non-recyclable MSW collected by
Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

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Management Summary
Honolulu Disposal Service Inc. and Honolulu Recovery

Systems. The primary service area for these two
companies is the island of Oahu, which had a population
of approximately 880,000 in 2000. These companies
primarily service commercial and industrial customers
with a limited amount of residential customers. The City
and County of Honolulu provides MSW collection
service to the vast majority of residential customers on
Oahu and operates its own facilities to handle and dispose
of residential MSW.
The total site capacity of the landfill will be
approximately 11.0 million cubic yards, sufficient for
disposal of approximately 7.7 million tons of solid waste.
Based on current disposal rates, the proposed landfill
would be permitted for a disposal rate of up to 1,500 tons
per day of MSW. The proposed landfill will ensure the
availability of disposal capacity for non-hazardous MSW
generated for a minimum of 15 years and possibly up to
20 years, depending on the volume collected by Honolulu
Disposal Service and recycled by Honolulu Recovery
Systems. The proposed facility will consist of: a landfill
entrance and scalehouse, a MSW receiving and
processing building, a composting area with GORE
Cover System windrows, and a series of Subtitle D (40
CFR 258) lined landfill cells (see Figure 2-2, Site Plan).
The proposed project will also include roadway
improvements and access controls, a stormwater
management system, a landfill liner and leachate
management system, a groundwater monitoring program,
a landfill gas monitoring program, an emergency plan,
and a series of operational control measures to minimize
visual impacts, as well as odor, dust, noise, litter, and
vectors. The proposed project will also provide for the
ultimate closure of the facility, which includes 30 years of
post-closure monitoring per Federal and State
requirements.
Document Purpose
Article IX and XII of the state constitution, other state laws, and the
courts of the state require government agencies to promote and
preserve cultural beliefs, practices and resources of native Hawaiians
and other ethnic groups pursuant to this legal mandate, Cultural
Surveys Hawaii Inc. (CSH) conducted an analysis of the proposed
project impacts on cultural practices and features identified within the
project area. CSH prepared this report in accordance with the
requirement set forth under Hawaii revised status as amended (HRS),

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ii
Methodology
Cultural Impact
Recommendations
Management Summary
Chapter 343 and the OEQCs guidelines for assessing cultural impacts
As partial fulfillment for the Scope of Work (SOW), consultations with
organizations and individuals in the community were conducted to
identify kpuna (elders) and other individuals with knowledge of the
history of the project area and its surroundings. The organizations
consulted included the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, the Oahu Island
Burial Council, Waianae Neighborhood Board, The Cultural Learning
Center at Kaala, Waianae Elders and Nnikapono Hawaiian Civic
Club. Two site visits were conducted with Alice Greenwood, Lucy Gay
and Eric Enos.
Based on the information gathered during the course of this study and
presented in this report, the evidence indicates that the proposed
Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility will have a
significant adverse impact on Native Hawaiian cultural practices,
beliefs and resources. Study participants stated their objection to a
landfill being placed on, adjacent, or in proximity, to culturally
significant sites (Puu Heleakal, Hinas Cave and landforms associated
with Mui, as well as the Huakai P Kne, pathway of the night
marchers). Most notably, the Cave of Hina is considered sacred to
Native Hawaiians. The archival and archaeological research for this
project has documented and confirmed the legends, landmarks, historic
and cultural properties that correspond to the statements made by
community members. To the community members, cultural experts
and practitioners consulted for this assessment, the proposed action is
unmitigable.
In the event that the proposed undertaking is approved and moves
forward, it is recommended tha the development of working
relationships with Native Hawaiian groups be actively pursued. The
following mitigation measures are offered as a way to reduce the
negative impact of the proposed action on Hawaiian cultural beliefs,
practices and resources, and, more specifically, the community issues
and concerns raised for the proposed Nnkuli B Composting and Solid
Waste Landfill Facility during the course of this assessment:
Hinas Cave be preserved and the community be allowed
access to the cave upon request. It is recommended that the
cave have a buffer zone to minimize any secondary impacts
to the cave, as well as a trail or pathway to facilitate access
to Hinas Cave (subject to safety and liability issues).
Hinas Cave be registered as an historic property. Hinas

Cave may be eligible for the Hawaiì and National Register
of Historic Places according to the Hawaii state historic
preservation review legislation, historic properties under
criterion E.

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iii
Management Summary
The view plane from the Cave of Hina to Mui Rock and
from mauka to makai is preserved.
The community be notified about the procedures that will be

undertaken to create the landfill, and that no explosives will
be used.
The pathway of the Huakai P Kne (procession of the

night marchers) should be taken into account in the design
plans.
As a precautionary measure, personnel involved in future

development activities in the project area should be informed
of the possibility of inadvertent cultural finds, including
human remains, and should be made aware of the
appropriate notification procedures to follow.
A cultural learning center be established, or other means by

which to educate youth and the public about this wahi pana
(storied or sacred place).
The establishment of a cultural advisory group made up of

community members knowledgeable about cultural resources
to interface with landfill planners and operators to address
the cultural concerns that arise during the design,
construction, and operation of the landfill.

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iv
Table of Contents
Management Summary ............................................................................................................ i
Section 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1
1.1 PROJECT BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................. 1
1.2 MANDATE ...................................................................................................................................... 1
1.3 PROJECT DESCRIPTION ................................................................................................................... 2
1.4 SCOPE OF WORK ............................................................................................................................ 7
1.5 ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING ............................................................................................................ 7
1.5.1 Natural Summary.................................................................................................................... 7
1.5.2 Built Environment .................................................................................................................. 8
1.6 METHODS ..................................................................................................................................... 11
Section 2 Traditional and Historic Background ................................................................. 12

2.1 THE GREATER REGION OF WAIANAE ......................................................................................... 12
2.2 LUALUALEI AHUPUAA ................................................................................................................ 12
2.2.1 Mui Legend (Oahu) ........................................................................................................... 13
2.3 EARLY HISTORIC PERIOD ............................................................................................................. 18
2.4 MID-1800'S: LAND COMMISSION AWARDS (LCAS) .................................................................... 20
2.5 1850 - 1900................................................................................................................................... 21
2.6 EARLY 1900'S TO PRESENT .......................................................................................................... 22
2.6.1 Homesteading ....................................................................................................................... 23
2.6.2 Military ................................................................................................................................. 23
Section 3 Archaeological Research ....................................................................................... 27

3.1 ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN LUALUALEI ................................................................................ 27
3.2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN MILI ........................................................................................ 34
Section 4 Traditional Land Use in the Lualualei Ahupuaa .............................................. 44

Section 5 Community Consultations .................................................................................... 46
Section 6 Traditional Cultural Practices and Beliefs in Lualualei Ahupuaa .................. 51
6.1 LEGENDS ...................................................................................................................................... 51
6.1.1 Mui (Demi God) ................................................................................................................. 51
6.1.2 Twin Sister Legend............................................................................................................... 58
6.2 CULTURAL AND HISTORIC SITES ................................................................................................. 62
6.3 TRAILS.......................................................................................................................................... 62
6.3.1 Kahalaopuna at Phkea Pass (Many accounts)................................................................... 63
6.4 HUAKAI P OR OIO, P KNE (PROCESSION OF THE NIGHT MARCHERS)............................... 66
6.5 GATHERING OF PLANTS ................................................................................................................ 70
6.6 OCEAN RESOURCES...................................................................................................................... 70
6.7 WAHI PANA (STORIED OR SACRED PLACE) ................................................................................. 71
6.7.1 Place Names in Lualualei and Nnkuli ............................................................................... 83
Section 7 Summary and Recommendations ........................................................................ 89

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Section 8 References Cited .................................................................................................... 93

Section 9 Appendices ........................................................................................................... 100

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vi
List of Figures
Figure 1. 1998 USGS 7.5 minute topographic map, Schofield Barracks Quadrangle, showing the
location of the project area and SIHP No. 50-80-08-669.................................................4
Figure 2. Tax Map Key (1) 8-7-09 showing project area location ..................................................5
Figure 3. Aerial photograph, showing the location of the project area and SIHP No. 50-80-086699 (source: USGS Orthoimagery 2005) .......................................................................6
Figure 4. Photograph taken looking north showing the northern end of the project area................9
Figure 5. Photograph taken looking west showing the middle portion of the project area and the
PVT Land Company Ltd. Landfill across Lualualei Naval Rd........................................9
Figure 6. Photograph taken looking southwest to show the southern end of the project area.......10
Figure 7. Photograph showing SIHP #50-80-08-6699 obscured by numerous rock outcrops along
the slope..........................................................................................................................10
Figure 8. Mui Rock with Puu Hulu Kai in the background (2006) ............................................15
Figure 9. United States Military Fire Control Map from 1918 with the extent of sugar cane
cultivation and the current project area overlain ............................................................25
Figure 10. 1943 USGS map showing the previous area of sugarcane cultivation and current
project area. ....................................................................................................................26
Figure 11. Archaeological Work in the Ahupuaa of Lualualei, Waianae, Oahu .......................31
Figure 12. Archaeological sites in Lualualei Ahupuaa, Waianae District, showing McAllisters
sites 147-153 and 162 (after Sterling and Summers 1978); note the proximity of site
147 to the project area. ...................................................................................................32
Figure 13. Location of Archaeological Sites in the Vicinity of the Proposed Nnkuli B
Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility Project Area. ........................................43
Figure 14. A Mural of Hinas Cave with Puu Heleakal and Ulehawa stream located at the
Lualualei Community Center by Joseph Momoa...........................................................56
Figure 15. A Mural of the Twin Sister Legend at Mili Elementary by Joseph Momoa .............61
Figure 16. Trails of Leeward Oahu as Described by . Map by Paul Rockwood. (,
1959:96) .........................................................................................................................65
Figure 17. Mauka view of Puu Heleakal and Hinas Cave from Farrington Highway; yellow
line indicates where the proposed Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility would
be located (photograph provided by URS).....................................................................79

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vii
List of Tables
Table 1: Archaeological Investigations in Lualualei Ahupuaa. ...................................................28
Table 2: Archaeological Investigations in Mili, Lualualei Ahupuaa. .......................................30
Table 3: Identified Sites Within One Mile of the Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste
Landfill Facility Project Area.........................................................................................39
Table 4. Community Contact Table...............................................................................................46

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viii
Introduction
Section 2 Introduction
2.1 Project Background
This Cultural Impact Assessment was prepared by Cultural Surveys Hawaii Inc. (CSH) at the
request of URS Corporation, which represents Leeward Land LLC, the landowner and project
developer for the proposed Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility within 179
acres of undeveloped land in Lualualei, Waianae, Oahu. The project area is located adjacent to
the southwestern slopes of Puu Heleakal, as depicted on the 1998 Schofield Barracks USGS
7.5-minute topographic quadrangle (Figure 1) and the aerial photograph (Figure 3). The property
is located within Tax Map Key: 8-7-9: por. 7 (Figure 2).
2.2 Mandate
The purpose of this Cultural Impact Assessment is to consider the effects of the proposed
Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility Project may have on traditional
cultural practices. The Hawaii State Constitution, Article XII, Section 7 protects all rights of
native Hawaiians that are customarily and traditionally exercised for subsistence, cultural and
religious purposes.
In 1997, the Office of Environmental Quality Control issued Guidelines for Assessing
Cultural Impacts. The Guidelines discuss the types of cultural practices and beliefs that might be
assessed including subsistence, commercial, residential, agricultural, access-related, recreational,
and religious and spiritual customs. The types of cultural resources subject to assessment may
include traditional cultural properties or other types of historic sites, both man-made and natural,
including submerged cultural resources, which support such cultural practices and beliefs.
Most recently, H. B. No. 2895 was passed by the 20th Legislature, and approved by Governor
Cayetano as Act 50 on April 26, 2000. The bill acknowledges that,
. . . the past failure to require native Hawaiian Cultural Impact Assessments has
resulted in the loss and destruction of many important cultural resources and has
interfered with the exercise of native Hawaiian culture. The legislature further
finds that due consideration of the effects of human activities on native Hawaiian
culture and the exercise thereof is necessary to ensure the continued existence,
development, and exercise of native Hawaiian culture.
This bill issues a directive that environmental assessments or environmental impact
statements should identify and address effects on Hawaiis culture, and traditional and
customary rights.
The process for evaluating cultural impacts is constantly evolving. There continue to be gray
areas and unresolved issues pertaining to traditional access and gathering rights. Act 50 is an
attempt to balance the scales between traditional lifestyles and development and economic
growth.
This assessment is meant to be informational. The Scope of Work (SOW) was designed to
meet the cultural impact concerns of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA), the Office of
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Introduction
Environmental and Quality Control (OEQC) and any other state and county agencies involved in
the review process for the proposed project.
2.3 Project Description

The owner/operator proposes to construct and operate the Nnkuli B Composting and Solid
Waste Landfill Facility. The URS Corporation provided the following project description:
This facility will be a flexible in-vessel municipal solid waste composting and
landfill facility (using the GORE Cover System) near Nnkuli the proposed
landfill will meet and/or exceed Federal and State (Chapter 11) regulations. The
GORE Cover System will allow for the effective composting of organic
materials, while continuously controlling odors, leachate generation, litter, and
vectors (e.g., rodents, birds, insects, etc.), as further described in Section 2.4.3,
below. It is proposed that approximately 530 tons per day of incoming nonrecyclable wastes will be composted at the proposed facility, thereby minimizing
the amount of waste that will ultimately need to be directly disposed of in the
proposed landfill. The proposed Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill
Facility will accept municipal solid waste (MSW) composed of non-hazardous solid
waste generated on the island of Oahu. The proposed facility will also receive
certain other wastes managed under special permit requirements, by implementing
specific operating procedures, including wastewater treatment sludge, non-friable
asbestos material, and treated medical wastes. The proposed landfill will receive
non-recyclable MSW collected by Honolulu Disposal Service Inc. and Honolulu
Recovery Systems. The primary service area for these two companies is the island
of Oahu, which had a population of approximately 880,000 in 2000. These
companies primarily service commercial and industrial customers with a limited
amount of residential customers. The City and County of Honolulu provides MSW
collection service to the vast majority of residential customers on Oahu and
operates its own facilities to handle and dispose of residential MSW.
The total site capacity of the landfill will be approximately 11.0 million cubic
yards, sufficient for disposal of approximately 7.7 million tons of solid waste. The
proposed landfill would be permitted for a disposal rate of up to 1,500 tons per day
of MSW. The proposed landfill will ensure the availability of disposal capacity for
non-hazardous MSW generated for a minimum of 15 years and possibly up to 20
years, depending on the volume collected by Honolulu Disposal Service and
recycled by Honolulu Recovery Systems.

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Introduction
The proposed facility will consist of: a landfill entrance and scalehouse, a MSW
receiving and processing building, a composting area with GORE Cover System
windrows, and a series of Subtitle D (40 CFR 258) lined landfill cells (see Figure 22, Site Plan). The proposed project will also include roadway improvements and
access controls, a stormwater management system, a landfill liner and leachate
management system, a groundwater monitoring program, a landfill gas monitoring
program, an emergency plan, and a series of operational control measures to
minimize visual impacts, as well as odor, dust, noise, litter, and vectors. The
proposed project will also provide for the ultimate closure of the facility, which
includes 30 years of post-closure monitoring per Federal and State requirements.

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Introduction
Figure 1. 1998 USGS 7.5 minute topographic map, Schofield Barracks Quadrangle, showing the
location of the project area and SIHP No. 50-80-08-669

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Introduction
Figure 2. Tax Map Key (1) 8-7-09 showing project area location
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Introduction
Figure 3. Aerial photograph, showing the location of the project area and SIHP No. 50-80-086699 (source: USGS Orthoimagery 2005)

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Introduction
2.4 Scope of Work

The scope for the Cultural Impact Assessment includes:
1. Examination of historical documents, Land Commission Awards, and historic maps with
the specific purpose of identifying traditional Hawaiian activities including gathering of
plant, animal and other resources or agricultural pursuits as may be indicated in the
historic record.
2. A review of the existing archaeological information pertaining to the sites on the property
as they may allow us to reconstruct traditional land use activities and identify and
describe the cultural resources, practices and beliefs associated with the parcel and
identify present uses, if appropriate.
3. Interviews with persons knowledgeable about the historic and traditional practices in the
project area and region.
4. Preparation of a report on items 1-3 summarizing the information gathered related to
traditional practices and land use. The report will assess the impact of the proposed action
on the cultural practices and features identified.
2.5 Environmental Setting

2.5.1 Natural Summary
Lualualei is the largest leeward valley on Oahu. Comprised of approximately 15,000 acres,
Lualualei extends from the Waianae Range to the ocean. To the south is the ahupuaa of
Nnkuli and to the north is the ahupuaa of Waianae. Its southern border includes a portion of
Puu Heleakal, and its northern boundary includes a portion of Puu Pheehee. Lualualei
Valley, like the other valleys in the Waianae District is noted for its dry, leeward climate. The
prevailing winds in the area are the northeast trades that blow over the Koolau mountains, then
continue over the Waianae range and head out over the southwest portion of the island (Juvik
and Juvik 1998: 55). This wind pattern is responsible for the relatively low rainfall averages on
the leeward side of the island. The winds cause the rain to hit the Koolau Range, first releasing
most of their moisture there, and then continuing on over the Waianae Range, releasing what
moisture may be left (Abbott et al. 1983: 224). Based on data from the Rainfall Atlas of Hawaii,
the mean annual rainfall around the project area is less than 20 inches (Giambelluca et al. 1986:
138). The majority of precipitation occurs during the rainy season, October-April, and less
precipitation occurs May-September. Temperatures in the area range from 43-88 Fahrenheit in
January to 58-95 Fahrenheit in July (Armstrong 1973: 58).
Accoding to Juvik and Juvik (1998: 90) perennial streams are not found in leeward Oahu.
Examination of the Schofield Barracks and Waianae USGS Quadrangle maps shows that
Ulehawa Stream is the closest intermittent stream to northwest of the project area and Nnkuli
Stream is the closest intermittent stream to the southeast.
Vegetation along this arid coast is sparse. With 20 inches or less of rain annually, only the
hardiest plants adapted to the coastal environments can thrive in these zones. The vegetation is
typical of dry seashore environments in Hawaii and is dominated by alien species. Indigenous
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Introduction
species include hau (Hibiscus tiliaceous), koa (Cordia subcordata), kamani (Calophyllum
inophyllum), naupaka or naupaka kahakai (Scaevola sericea), pau o Hiiaka (Jacquemontia
ovalifolia sandwicensis), the native beach morning glory or phuehue (Ipomea pes-caprae) and
the coconut niu (Cocos nucifera). Introduced species found bordering Farrington Highway
include sea grape (Coccoloba uvifera), kiawe trees (Prosopis pallida), Madagascar olive trees
(Noronhia emarginata), and koa haole (Leucaena leucocephala) (Foote et al. 1972: 93).
The project area lies along the lower slopes of the western slopes of Puu Heleakal. The
southern end and southwest corner of the project are comprised of upraised limestone. This is
overlain by erosional sediements from the foothills of Puu Heleakal. The majority of the
sediments are Lualualei extremely stony clay 3 to 35 percent slopes (LPE). The southwestern
corner of the project area is Mamala stony silty clay loam, 0-12 percent slope with some
Lualualei clay 2 to 6 percent slopes (LuB) in the vey north corner of the project area along
Lualualei Naval Road.
2.5.2 Built Environment
The project area is bounded to the north, northeast, and southeast by the ridges of Puu
Heleakal. The southwest end of the project area is bordered by Lualualei Homesteads where
there are presently small apartment buildings within approximately 50 meters of the edge of the
project area boundary. Lualualei Naval Road makes up the entire west side of project area.
Across Lualualei Naval Road is a landfill managed by PVT Land Company Ltd. that accepts
construction debris, asbestos, and soil for bioremediation. The landfill is located on top of an old
quarry which can been seen in both Figure 1 and 3. On the west side of Lualualei Naval Road on
the north end of the project there is a cement plant, which can also be seen in Figure 1 and 3.
There has been substantial ground disturbance within the project area some time in the past.
Evidence of past bulldozer activity observed by field personnel within the project area included
pushed up mounds of dirt and raised berms and banks. Several of these appear to have been cut
into the hill in order to channel water run off, or possibly they are the eroded remnants of
unimproved road segments. It is not possible to tell when the bulldozing took place, but almost
all of the moved earth has extensive grass growth. Numerous basalt boulders throughout the
property have bulldozer scars on them, indicating that their current location is due to modern
activities.
The only other non-natural objects on the landscape are a few scattered rusty barrels, two
stripped and rusted out cars and numerous abandoned rusting appliances that have been dumped
into the tall koa haole along Lualualei Naval Road in the southern end of the project area.
The state of the project area at the time of the 2006 inventory survey can be seen in Figure 4
through 7.

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Introduction
Figure 4. Photograph taken looking north showing the northern end of the project area.
Figure 5. Photograph taken looking west showing the middle portion of the project area and the
PVT Land Company Ltd. Landfill across Lualualei Naval Rd.

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Introduction
Figure 6. Photograph taken looking southwest to show the southern end of the project area.
Figure 7. Photograph showing SIHP #50-80-08-6699 obscured by numerous rock outcrops along
the slope

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10
Introduction
2.6 Methods
Historical documents, maps and existing archaeological information pertaining to the sites in
the vicinity of this project were researched at the State Historic Preservation Division library,
Cultural Surveys Hawaii Library, and the University of Hawaiis Hamilton Library. The Office
of Hawaiian Affairs, Oahu Island Burial Council, and members of other community
organizations were contacted in order to identify potentially knowledgeable individuals with
cultural expertise and/or knowledge of the study area and the surrounding vicinity. The names of
potential community contacts were also provided by colleagues at CSH and from the
researchers familiarity of the families who live in the area. Some of the prospective community
contacts were not available to be interviewed as part of this project. A discussion of the
consultation process can be found in the section on Community Consultations. Please refer to
Table 4 in Section 5 below for a complete list of individuals and organizations contacted.

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11
Traditional and Historic Background
Section 3 Traditional and Historic Background

3.1 The Greater Region of Waianae
Lualualei is part of the District of Waianae on the leeward coast of Oahu. In ancient times,
the District of Waianae was renowned for its ocean resources especially for deep sea fishing off
Kaena where the ocean currents meet. The meaning of Waianae (mullet water) also implies an
abundance of fish anae, which is the full-grown mullet (Pukuì et al., 1976). Handy and
Handy (1972) attribute the naming of Waianae to a large fresh water pond for mullet called
Pueha [sic] (Puehu). Today, Waianae is still considered one of the best fishing grounds on
Oahu.
Waianae was also known for the independent lifestyle and attitudes of its inhabitants, another
trend that continues into the modern day. This independence was a factor in many of the
political struggles of the pre-contact and early historic period when the district was the scene of
battles and rebellions and often the refuge of dissident and/or contentious factions. This
independent spirit is often attributed to the conditioning of generations having to cope with
marginal environments. In Waianae, the lack of water for cultivation and consumption was
precariously balanced by the productivity of the marine resources available off-shore.
3.2 Lualualei Ahupuaa

Lualualei comprises approximately 15,000 acres and is the largest valley in the Waianae
District. There are two traditional meanings given to the name Lualualei. One meaning,
flexible wreath, is attributed to a battle formation used by Mìlikkahi against four invading
armies in the battle of Kpapa in the early 15th century (Sterling and Summers 1978:68). A
second, and perhaps more recent, meaning offered by John Papa is beloved one spared.
This meaning relates to a story of a relative who was suspected of wearing the kings malo
(loincloth). The punishment was death by fire. writes:
The company, somewhat in the nature of prisoners, spent a night at Lualualei.
There was a fish pond there on the plain and that was where the night was spent .
. .After several days had passed, the proclamation from the king was given by
Kulaìnamoku, that there was no death and that Kalakua did not wear the kings
loin cloth. Thus was the family of Luluku spared a cruel death. For that reason, a
child born in the family later was named Lualualei ( 1959:23).
Mary Pukui believed the first meaning, flexible wreath to be the more appropriate one for
Lualualei (Sterling & Summers 1978:63). According to Marion Kelly, the fish pond on the plain
is Puehu fish pond which is actually located just over the border in Waianae (in Haun
1991:317). The fish pond no longer exists today and was probably destroyed during the sugar
plantation era. Perhaps, a third association to the name Lualualei is an older reference to one of
Muis sisters who went by the same name.

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3.2.1 Mui Legend (Oahu)

Numerous traditional accounts of Lualualei focus on mythology of the demi-god Mui.
Before the Mui legends of Oahu are brought to light one must go back to the origin of the
demi-God Mui to fully understand his important roll in history, not only in Hawaiian history but
Polynesian history. The legends of Mui span Polynesia, as well as Micronesia and Melanesia
(Luomala 1949:3). But Mui is best known throughout Polynesia for his mischievous tricks and
supernatural powers. W. D. Westervelt (1910:vii) writes that The Mui legends form one of the
strongest links in the mythological chain of evidence which binds the scattered inhabitants of the
Pacific into one nation. While in Tahiti in 1769, Captain Cook was the first European to record
anything in writing about Mui (Luomala 1949:13). Throughout Polynesia, there are many
similarities with only slight variations of a theme when discussing Muis adventures. Westervelt
explains the origin of the meaning of the word Mui:
The meaning of the word is by no means clear. It may mean to live, to
subsist. It may refer to beauty and strength, or it may have the idea of the left
hand or turning aside. The word is recognized as belonging to remote
Polynesian antiquity.
MacDonald, a writer of the New Hebrides Islands, gives the derivation of the
name Maui primarily from the Arabic word Mohyi, which means causing to
live or life, applied sometimes to the gods and sometimes to chiefs as
preservers and sustainers of their followers.
The Maui story probably contains a larger number of unique and ancient myths
than that of any other legendary character in the mythology of any nation.
(Westervelt 1910:vi).
Numerous Hawaiian legends, reveal that the Waianae coast and uplands interior to have
been an important center of Hawaiian history. It is in Waianae, that the famous exploits of
Muiakalana (Mui) are said to have originated. Ulehawa was the birthplace of Mui and the
origin of the Mui legends (Pukuì, Elbert & Moòkini 1974:215). It was in Lualualei that Mui
learned the secret of making fire for mankind and perfected his fishing skills. Other famous
accounts tell of the place where Muis adzes were made, and of the magic fishhook,
Manaiakalani (with which Mui attempted to unite the Hawaiian Islands) and the snare for
catching the sun, and his kite-flying expedition. Puù Heleakal is the ridge that separates
Nnkuli from Lualualei. It was at Puù Heleakal where Hina (moon goddess), Muis mother,
lived in a cave and made her kapa (Sterling and Summers, 1978:62). The exploits of Mui are
recorded in one of the oldest genealogical chants, the Kumulipo. In the fifteenth epoch of the
Kumulipo, Mui, the youngest of four sons, is born to Akalana (k) and Hinaakeahi (w). In the
sequence of Hawaiian genealogies, Mui is associated with the line of Ulu and the sons of Kiì
(Westervelt 1910:4).
Samuel Kamakau tells us that Muis genealogy can be traced from the Ùlu line through
Nanaìe:
. . . Wawena lived with Hina-mahuia, and Akalana, a male, was born;
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Akalana lived with Hina-kawea, and Mui-mua, Maui-waena, Mui-kiìkiì, and

Mui-akalana, all males, were born.
Ulehawa and Kalae, on the south side of Waianae, Oahu, was their birthplace.
There may be seen the things left by Mui-akalana and other famous things: the
tapa-beating cave of Hina, the fishhook called Mnai-a-kalani, the snare for
catching the sun, and the places where Muis adzes were made and where he did
his deeds. However, Mui-akalana went to Kahiki after the birth of his children
in Hawaiì. The last of his children with Hina-a-kealoha was Hina-a-ke-k. His
children became ancestors for the oceanic islands as far as the islands called New
Zealand by the haole. In the islands of the ocean, Mui performed his famous
deeds, which will never be forgotten by this race. (Kamakau 1991:135)
The Mui rock, (See Figure 8) Site 148 in J. Gilbert McAllisters Archaeology of Oahu, is
located within the Garden Grove (west of the project area) complex at 87-1550 Farrington
Highway in Lualualei. In the 1930s when McAllister conducted his fieldwork he noted:
Northeast of the road from the property of E.P. Fogarty is a rock said to be named
after the Hawaiian hero, Maui, who is said to have landed here when he first came
to the Hawaiian Islands from the south. This stone at the time was surrounded by
water, and it was here that Mui reposed and sunned himself. In the bluff just
northeast of the rock is a shelter in which he lived, and in the vicinity was a spring
where he obtained water. The large rock is now split in half and adorned with
many small, oddly shaped rocks. It is said to be bad fortune to build ones house
across a line drawn directly from the rock to the shore. (McAllister 1933: 110)
The small, oddly shaped rocks McAllister speaks of are no longer present. The Mui rock
is currently overgrown with young Chinese banyan saplings (Ficus retusa), grasses, and weeds.

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Figure 8. Mui Rock with Puu Hulu Kai in the background (2006)
In an interview with Fred Cachola he offers another explanation of the Mui rock as told to
him by a Hawaiian kupuna (elder). At sunrise, from the location of this rock, one can see the
profile of Mui reposing in the mountain range behind. As Mr Cachola tells it, Its a
composition of different mountain ranges. But when the sun is coming up in the back of that, it
looks like one silhouette. And its just beautiful. But when the sun rises, then it disappears.
You only see it early in the morning when you see that silhouette. (See Section 6 Traditional
Cultural Practices below.)
Mui and Fire
Many stories are told about how people of old obtained fire. . . . According to
another story familiar to all, fire was obtained by Mui, son of Kalana from the
Mud-hen-of-Hina. People at first had fire; it was a continuous fire from the god.
The gods took away the fire from men; Mui-a-Kalana therefore sought the
source of fire and found it in the mapele. The owner of the fire was a woman.
She was Àlae-huapipi and she had the fire in the mapele and this was the fire
called the fire of Pele (ahi Pele). Two women, Àlaeniuahina and Àlae-huapipi,
had the fire in the mapele and from them fire was obtained. From that time men
had fire. The source of fire was in the possession of these two double-bodied
women who could take bird form, hence Mui kept watch of them in order to find
out the source of fire.
Mui-a-Kalana was once living seaward of Ulehawa at Waianae and saw these
two women toasting bananas in the valley of Poho-a-àlae. One woman was
saying, Hinas cock of a son is swift! when, just as they were speaking, Mui
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stood before them. The two women transformed themselves into their èèpa
bodies. Mui caught the head of Àlaehuapipi, but her companion was quick
enough to save herself, and the selfish woman called out, O, Àlaehuapipi, hide
the fire! Mui said, Show me how fire is obtained. If you conceal the matter I
will kill you!, and he held her body dangling by the head with the wings crossed
at the back. Fearing that she was about to die, she told him that the mapele fire
was hidden in the hollow of a rock. It was called the mapele because of the two,
three, and four women who were rubbing sticks for fire; and after Mui had found
that the fire was in the wood, he found a spark within two sticks of wood rubbed
together. (Sterling & Summers 1978:64-5, citing to S. M. Kamakau, Moòlele
Hawaii, vol. I, Chapter 5, page 45.)
Muis Flying Expedition
(Synopsis) One day Mui and his brothers went fishing again in the sea of
Ulehawa. They each let down their hooks but caught only sharks. Mui then let
down his famous hook, Mnaiakalani and caught a moi and ulua. Mui then gave
the order to paddle to shore where he took the fishing tackle gourd and hokeo (his
paddle) to his mother Hina. The fish he took to the heiau Luaèhu because he had
to eat it there.
He began to eat the fish from the head and had reached almost the tail when he
looked towards Pohakea and saw the chief Peapeamakawalu (eight eyed Pea-pea)
carrying off his wife Kumu-lama. He left the tail of the fish and pursued Pea-pea.
Unable to overtake Pea-pea who had disappeared into the sky beyond the sea he
returned to mourning to the heiau, where he had left the fish tail, but it had
disappeared.
Weeping he returned to his mother Hina who told him to rest first and then to go
to the land of Keàhumoa where he would find Kuòlokele his grandfather who
would further instruct him as to how to recover his wife.
Mui went as directed, not finding his grandfather in the hut he looked in the
potato field on the other side of Pohakea but saw no one. Then from a hill he saw
coming toward Waipahu a man with a load of potato leaves, one pack of which,
it is said would cover the whole land of Keàhumoa. When this man,
Kuòlokele, reached the stream he layed down his bundle and Mui seeing he was
hunched backed, picked up a stone and threw it at him. The stone hit the old man
on the back and immediately his back was straightened. He then picked up the
stone and threw it on Waipahu where it is to this day.
Kuòlokele picked up his bundle and went to meet Mui. When they arrived at
the hut he asked Mui his errand and on being told he directed Mui to go and
catch birds for feathers and gather ki leaves and ìeìe vine and fill the house
which was near by.

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After doing this Kuòlokele then told Mui to go home but to return in three days.
While Mui was gone Kuòlokele fashioned a bird out of the materials gathered
by Mui. When Mui returned his grandfather bid him enter this mokumanu
(bird ship) and gave him the following instructions. Mui must go to the land of
Moanaliha which was Pea-peas land. There he would find a village and the
inhabitants would be down on the beach. Among them would be Pea-pea and
Muis wife.
Mui was to attract their attention and then fly away out over the ocean. As he
returned towards the group Pea-pea would say, Perhaps that is my bird and if so
he will fly to and rest on the sacred box.
Mui listened to his instructions and then flew for two days and two nights until
he reached the land of Moanaliha. He did as he was told and when Pea-pea
exclaimed about the bird Mui flew to the sacred box and rested there. The chief
then returned to the village and commanded the bird to be brought to his sleeping
house and fed. This was done and then all retired. But Mui had to wait for Peapeas eyes to close one by one. Since it was almost dawn he called on Hina to
hold back the night for a little while. This done Pea-peas 8 eyes were finally all
closed in sleep. Mui was then able to kill Pea-pea. He cut off Pea-peas head
and taking this and his wife flew back to his grandfather where they all feasted
and rejoiced. (Sterling & Summers 1978:65, citing T.G. Thrum, More Hawaiian
Folk Tales: Further Exploits of Mui, pg 252)
Mui and Mnaiakalani
(Synopsis) Muikupua lived with his grandmother Hina. He often wondered why
the islands were separated and decided to join them. He consulted his mother
who sent him to kaàlaenuiahina (k). Kaàlae told him the power to do so
belonged to Unihokahi who is found at Ponaha keone (a fishing station at
Ulehawa).
Mui returned home and next day told his mother he was going fishing. Mui
asked his brothers to go with him and they made ready their fishing gear. Mui
got ready his famous hook Mnaiakalani. Mui told his brothers to watch for a
kaliu (bailer) floating at the bow of the canoe and to catch it. They sailed to the
middle of the sea of Ulehawa and Mui took bearings from Hinas place of drying
her kapas. There they saw the kaliu and Mui told his brother Mui-mua to catch
it. His brother thinking there was no need for one did not do so, so Mui caught it
as it floated by him. The name of this bailer is Hinaakeka.
Maui then commanded his brothers to paddle hard but not to look back. Finally
becoming exhausted and thinking that it was not a fish they had hooked, they
gave up and looked back. They saw the chain of islands following and were
surprised. Maui was angry because they didnt reach the shore and the islands
were never joined. The hook was loosened from Unihokahis mouth and the
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islands separated and drifted back to their original positions. (Sterling & Summers
1978:65-6, citing T.G. Thrum, More Hawaiian Folk Tales: Further Exploits of
Maui, pg. 248).
3.3 Early Historic Period

In January of 1778, Captain James Cook sighted Waianae from a distance, but chose to
continue his journey and landed off Waimea, Kauai instead. Fifteen years later, Captain George
Vancouver approached the coast of Waianae from Puuloa and wrote in his log:
The few inhabitants who visited us [in canoes] from the village earnestly
entreated our anchoring . . . And [they] told us that, if we would stay until
morning, their chief would be on board with a number of hogs and a great
quantity of vegetables; but that he would not visit us then because the day was
taboo poory [a kapu day]. The face of the country did not however, promise an
abundant supply [of water]; the situation was exposed. (Vancouver quoted in
McGrath et al. 1973:17)
Vancouver was not impressed with what he saw of the Waianae coastline, stating in his log
that the entire coast was one barren, rocky, waste nearly destitute of verdure, cultivation or
inhabitants.
Vancouver did not anchor at Waianae. But had he done so, he would have been pleasantly
surprised, at least by portions of the coastline. Even though the dry, arid coast presented a dismal
aspect, the ocean provided an abundant supply of fish, the lowlands provided uala (Ipomoea
batatas) and niu (Cocos nucifera), and the inland valley areas were planted in kalo (Colocasia
esculenta) and wauke (Broussonetia papyrifera). The upland forest regions provided various
woods needed for weapons and canoes. By the 1790s, there was probably a good variety of
introduced vegetables being planted in the valley, as well
By 1811, sandalwood merchants began actively exploiting the Hawaii market and huge
amounts of sandalwood were exported to China. Traditionally, Hawaiians used sandalwood for
medicinal purposes and as a scent to perfume their kapa. Kamehameha I and a few other chiefs
controlled the bulk of the sandalwood trade. Kamakau (1992: 204) writes, The chiefs also were
ordered to send out their men to cut sandalwood. The chief immediately declared all sandalwood
to be the property of the government.
The sandalwood trade greatly impacted Hawaiian culture, and the traditional lifestyle
Hawaiians had always pursued was altered drastically. In an effort to acquire western goods,
ships, guns and ammunition, the chiefs had acquired massive debts to the American merchants
( 1983:155). These debts were paid off in shiploads of sandalwood. When Kamehameha
found out how valuable the sandalwood trees were, he ordered the people not to let the felled
trees fall on the young saplings, to ensure their protection for future trade (Kamakau 1992:209210). According to Samuel Kamakau:
The debts were met by the sale of sandalwood. The chiefs, old and young, went
into the mountains with their retainers, accompanied by the king and his officials,
to take charge of the cutting, and some of the commoners cut while others carried
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the wood to the ships at the various landings; none was allowed to remain behind.
Many of them suffered for food . . . and many died and were buried there. The
land was denuded of sandalwood by this means. (Kamakau 1992:252)
Kamakau comments about the plight of the common people and the general state of the land
during this time:
This rush of labor to the mountains brought about a scarcity of cultivated food
throughout the whole group. The people were forced to eat herbs and tree ferns,
hence the famine called Hlaulele, Hhpilau, Laulele, Pualele, Amau, or
Hpuu, from the wild plants resorted to. (Kamakau 1992:204)
In 1816, Boki Kamauleule was made governor of Oahu (and chief of the Waianae district)
and served in that capacity until 1829, when he sailed to New Hebrides in search of sandalwood.
writes:
It was Bokis privilege to assign work, for he had been governor of the island of
Oahu from the time Kamehameha I ordered all the chiefs to Oahu in 1816 to
expel the Russians. ( 1983: 145)
The sandalwood era was short-lived and by 1829, the majority of the sandalwood trees had
been harvested, and the bottom fell out of the trade business. It is unclear how extensive
Lualauleis sandalwood resources were; however, the effects of the sandalwood gathering, the
population shifts and disruption of traditional lifestyles and subsistence patterns, would
undoubtedly have affected the population of Lualualei.
The Reverend William Ellis visited the Hawaiian Islands in 1823. At that time, he estimated
the population on the island of Oahu to be about 20,000 (Ellis 1974:19). The missionaries were
the first to gather systematic figures regarding population statistics throughout the various
districts on each island. The first census figures were gathered from 1831-1832 and 1835-1836.
Population figures for Lualualei were not given, however population numbers given for all of
Waianae were 1,868 and 1,654 respectively (Schmitt 1973:9).
Following the western encroachment into the Waianae Coast, a swift decline in population
occurred due to disease and a "tendency to move to the city where there was more excitement"
(McGrath et al. 1973:25). The kuu epidemic of 1804 (thought to be cholera) undoubtedly had
a major effect on the native population, not only in Waianae, but throughout the rest of the
islands as well. John Papa (1983: 16) relates that the kuu broke out, decimating the
armies of Kamehameha I [on Oahu]. Other diseases also took their toll. The population of the
Waianae Coast was decimated by a smallpox epidemic in late 1853. In 1855, the Waianae tax
collector recorded 183 taxpayers on the leeward coast, which is thought to represent a total
population of about 800 people. This catastrophic depopulation facilitated the passing of large
tracts of land into the hands of a few landholders, and led to the decline of the traditional
economy that once supported the region (Hammatt et al. 1993:10-11).

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3.4 Mid-1800's: Land Commission Awards (LCAs)

The Organic Acts of 1845 and 1846 initiated the process of the Mhele - the division of
Hawaiian lands - that introduced private property into Hawaiian society. In 1848, the crown and
the alii (royalty) received their land titles. Kuleana awards to commoners for individual parcels
within the ahupuaa were subsequently granted in 1850. At the time of the Mhele, the ahupuaa
of Waianae, which included Lualualei, was listed as Crown lands and was claimed by King
Kamehameha III as his personal property (Board of Commissioners 1929: 28). As such, the land
was under the direct control of the King. Many of the chiefs had run up huge debts to American
merchants throughout the early historic period and continuing up into the mid 1800's. A common
practice at the time was to lease (or mortgage) large portions of unused land to other high chiefs
and foreigners to generate income and pay off these earlier debts.
Until the passage of the Act of January 3, 1865, which made Crown Lands inalienable,
Kamehameha III and his successors did as they pleased with the Crown Lands, selling, leasing,
and mortgaging them at will (Chinen 1958:27).
In 1850, the Privy Council passed resolutions that would affirm the rights of the commoners
or native tenants. To apply for fee-simple title to their lands, native tenants were required to file
their claim with the Land Commission within the specified time period of February 1846 and
February 14, 1848. The Kuleana Act of 1850 confirmed and protected the rights of native
tenants. Under this act, the claimant was required to have two witnesses who could testify they
knew the claimant and the boundaries of the land, knew that the claimant had lived on the land
for a minimum of two years, and knew that no one had challenged the claim. The kuleana
parcel(s) also had to be surveyed.
Not everyone who was eligible to apply for kuleana lands did so and, likewise, not all claims
were awarded. Some claimants failed to follow through and come before the Land Commission,
some did not produce two witnesses, and some did not get their land surveyed. For many reason,
out of the potential 2,500,000 acres of Crown and Government lands less than 30,000 acres of
land were awarded to the native tenants (Chinen 1958:31).
A total of twelve land claims were made in Lualualei; however only six were actually
awarded. All six awards were located upland in the ili of Phwai, mauka of the current project
area. No quiet land titles were claimed near the coast. From the claims, it can be determined that
at least eight families were living in Phwai at the time of the Mhele in 1848. Together, they
cultivated a minimum of 163 loi (wetland agriculture). The numerous loi mentioned in the
claims indicate the land was ideal for growing wetland taro and that this livelihood was actively
pursued by the awardees. In addition, dryland crops were grown on the kula (plains), wauke was
being cultivated, and one claimant was making salt.
Information on the occupation at Lualualei at the time of the Mahele, aside from the historical
accounts of scattered coastal hamlets, is from archival records indicating there were nine
taxpayers at Mili near the coast and 11 taxpayers at Phwai in the upper valley (Cordy et al.
1998: 36). Mili is located along the eastern edge of the ahupuaa and Phwai is well mauka.
Based on these numbers, Cordy estimates a population of 90 people for coastal Lualualei and 55
people for the upper valley in 1855 (Cordy et al.1998: 36). Regardless of the population estimate,
the existence of 20 taxpaying adults in Lualualei indicates that the area was being inhabited and
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worked. In this case, the Mhele documents are only a partial reflection of the population and
actual land use during the time.
3.5 1850 - 1900

With strong financial backing from King Kalkaua, Hermann A. Widemann, a German
immigrant, was able to initiate the Waianae Sugar Plantation in 1879. The plantation controlled
lands would eventually extend into Lualualei. Although it was never a large-scale plantation by
modern standards, it was one of the first and last to be served by a plantation railroad. Some 15
miles of 30-inch narrow-gauge railroad delivered harvested cane to the mill. All the sugar was
shipped by inter-island vessels to Honolulu departing from Waianae Landing, until the Oahu
Railway and Land Company (OR&L) railroad was extended to Waianae and beyond in 1889.
The OR&L railroad ran along the makai side of Farrington Highway. The J. M. Dowsett Estate
sold the plantation to American Factors (now Amfac/JMB-Hawaii) in 1931.
The first longhorn cattle were brought to Oahu from Hawaii Island in 1809 by John Young
and Kamehameha I (Kamakau 1992:268). One of the first areas to be utilized for ranching on the
Waianae coast was Lualualei. Hawaii Bureau of Land Conveyances records (1845-1869) show
that William Jarrett leased approximately 17,000 acres of land from Kamehameha III in 1851.
This was the beginning of Lualualei Ranch. The lease was written for 30 years with a lease fee of
$700 per year (DLNR, B.C. Liber 4:616-618.). It seems that Jarrett sold Paul F. Marin, son of
Don Francisco de Paula Marin, one-half of his interest in the ranch. Marin lived on the ranch and
managed it until 1864, when a dispute arose over the profits of the ranch. Apparently, Marin had
never turned over any ranch profits to Jarrett during the time he managed it. After the dispute
was settled, Jarrett took on George Galbraith as a new partner (B.C. Liber 18:31).
In 1869, Jarrett sold the remaining years of his sons interest in Lualualei Ranch to James
Dowsett (B. C. Liber 29:16-18). James Dowsett was a descendant of a British sea captain and is
noted for being the first Anglo-Saxon child born in Honolulu (Nakamura and Pantaleo 1994: 21).
Dowsett was an entrepreneur of sorts and dabbled in many different business ventures, such as:
a whaling fleet, a dairy, a salt works, an extensive trade in awa (a Hawaiian
narcotic drink) and numerous land holdings . . . He also ran cattle at different
times in Nnkuli, Mikilua and Lualualei. (McGrath et al. 1973:32)
In 1880, George Bowser traveled through Waianae and wrote about Lualualei in his journal:
Leaving Waianae, a ride of about two miles brought me to the Lualualei Valley,
another romantic place opening to the sea and surrounded in every direction by
high mountains. This valley is occupied as a grazing farm by Messrs. Dowsett &
Galbraith, who lease some sixteen thousand acres from the Crown. Its dimensions
do not differ materially from those of the Waianae Valley, except that it is
broader say, two miles in width by a length of six or seven miles. The hills
which enclose it, however, are not so precipitous as those at Waianae, and have,
therefore, more grazing land on their lower slopes, a circumstance which adds
greatly to the value of the property as a stock farm. Although only occupied for
grazing purposes at present, there is nothing in the nature of the soil to prevent the
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cultivation of the sugar cane, Indian corn, etc. Arrangements for irrigation,
however, will be a necessary preliminary to cultivation. (Bowser 1880:493-494)
Bowsers comments imply that though water was still a problem, Lualualei seemed to have
some potential for development.
In 1894, Link McCandless entered the ranching scene:
he and a man named Tom King chartered the brigantine Oakland in Seattle,
filled her hole with cattle and the cabins with feed, and sailed for Hawaii. By the
turn of the century, McCandless ranching empire covered much of the Waianae
Coast, including land at Nanakuli, 4,000 acres at Lualualei, Sam Andrews
property in Makua and pastures toward Kaena Point. (McGrath et al. 1973:68)
An 1894 description of Lualualei by the Commissioner of Crown Lands described the land as
one of the best and most valuable of the Crown lands on the Island of Oahusurpassing any of
the other lands for richness and great fertility of the soil (Commissioner of Crown Lands
1894:36).
The sugar industry came to the Waianae coast in 1878 when the first sugar cane was planted
in upper Waianae Valley. By 1892, at least 300 acres of cane were planted in Lualualei. In
addition to the cultivated lands, a railroad, irrigation ditches, and flumes, reservoirs and
plantation housing were constructed to support the sugar industry. The cane from the mauka
areas of Lualualei was loaded onto a railroad and transported to the mill at Waianae.
The Oahu Railway and Land Company (OR&L) signed its charter on February 4, 1889. The
Railway was the brainchild of Benjamin Franklin Dillingham. Along with James Castle and
others, he had invested in large tracts of land for speculation and resale, but the idea was slow to
catch on because the land lay too far from Honolulu, at least 12 miles (McGrath et al.1973:54).
He foresaw an economic opportunity. The railway was a means to provide transportation to the
country and promote development of unoccupied lands, as well as connect with the sugar
plantations in Ewa, Waianae, Waialua, and Kahuku. Construction on the railway began in
March of 1889. The first length of the railway was completed and opened to the public by
January 1, 1890. Five years later, on July 4, 1895 the railway finally reached Waianae. The
Railway served the Waianae coast until 1946 when the Waianae Sugar Plantation closed down.
3.6 Early 1900's to Present

By 1901, the Waianae Sugar Company had obtained a five-year lease on 3,332 acres of land
at Lualualei to be used for raising cane as well as for ranching (Commissioner of Crown Lands
1902). Sugar and ranching continued to dominate the Lualualei landscape during the early years
of the 20th century. The determining factor in the success of Lualualei for sugar production was
always the water.
Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, the Waianae Sugar Company continued
cultivating their sugar lands in Lualualei. By the 1940s, Waianae Sugar Company could no
longer compete against foreign companies with cheaper labor. This, in addition to drought
problems, labor unions and land battles, caused the undermining of Waianae Sugar Company. In
1946, the Company was liquidated, and the land was sold.
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Examination of older maps shows that sugar cultivation did not take place within the area
currently encompassed by the project area. This is displayed in Figure 9 and Figure 10.
3.6.1 Homesteading
After the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893, the Crown Lands and the
Government Lands were combined to become Public Lands. The Crown Lands were no longer
indistinguishable and inalienable. In 1895, the Republic of Hawaii decided to open up lands for
homesteading in the hopes of attracting a desirable class of immigrants Americans and
those of Caucasian decent (Kuykendall and Day 1961:204). In anticipation of the DowsettGalbraith lease expiring in 1901, the Government intended to auction off these lands to the
highest bidder.
There were two waves of homesteading on the Waianae Coast (McDermott and Hammatt
2000). The first impacted Lualualei and coincided with homesteading occurring at Waianae Kai.
In 1902, the government ran advertisements in the local newspapers stating their intent to open
up land in Lualualei for homesteads (Kelly 1991:328). Due to the lack of water, the lots were
classified as second-class pastoral land, rather than agricultural land. The homesteads were sold
in three series between the years 1903 and 1912. In Lualualei, the first series was for mauka lots
purchased by McCandless, who ranched most of his land until 1929, subletting use rights to the
Sandwich Island Honey Company. The second and third series were for lots in the lower valley
and along the coast, mauka of the government road. By the early 1920s, about forty families had
settled on homestead lots in Lualualei (Kelly 1991:331-332). The well-known families that
obtained homestead lots at this time were Von Holt, McCandless, and Dowsett.
Despite promises by the government to supply water, there was none, and what little there
was, was not enough to go around. Competition between the Waianae plantation and the
homesteaders for water caused friction within the community. The lack of water placed a
hardship on the homesteaders. Water had to be carried in, and many lost their crops. The
Waianae Sugar Company had a lease with the government to take 2.5 million gallons of water
daily from government lands, but even after their lease had expired, the plantation continued to
take the water. In 1924, the government made an agreement with the plantation to release
112,000 gallons of water daily for the homesteaders.
3.6.2 Military
Another major presence in Lualualei, during the first half of the 20th century, was the U.S.
military. By 1929, over 8,184 acres of the McCandless Cattle Ranch had been condemned and
purchased by the U.S. Navy for the construction of a Naval Ammunition Depot for the ships
based at Pearl Harbor Naval Base.
The construction of Naval Magazine LLL and Radio Transmission Facility (RTF) took place
in Lualualei between 1930 and 1935 (Kelly 1991:339-341). The number of troops stationed and
trained on the Waianae Coast during World War II at times reached 15, 000 to 20,000 (McGrath
et al.1973:136). The beaches were fortified with barbed wire and concrete bunkers--many of
which are still visible today. Martial law severely curtailed the movements of the local
population. In 1971, the Navy began sub-leasing some of their lands for agricultural uses, mainly
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
23
for grazing and bee keeping. The lower portions of Lualualei Valley were developed into
residential lots after WWII. The project area lies outside of military lands.

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24
Figure 9. United States Military Fire Control Map from 1918 with the extent of sugar cane
cultivation and the current project area overlain

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
25
.
Figure 10. 1943 USGS map showing the previous area of sugarcane cultivation and current
project area.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
26
Archaeological Research
Section 4 Archaeological Research

4.1 Archaeological Studies in Lualualei
Table 1 summarizes the archaeological studies conducted in Lualualei (illustrated in Figure
11). The earliest attempt to record archaeological sites in the regions of Lualualei was in the
1930s by J. Gilbert McAllister. McAllister recorded four sites in Lualualei, one site on the
border between Lualualei and Nnkuli Ahupuaa, and three sites on the border of Lualualei and
Waianae Ahupuaa (Figure 12). The site on the border with Nnkuli, south of the present
project area was Ilihune Heiau.
Ilihune Heiau is destroyed today and its location will not be impacted by activities within the
proposed project area. McAllister, however, does provide a small amount of information. The
locations of both Ilihune Heiau and the Mui Rock one of the four Lualualei sites recorded by
McAllister can be seen in relation to the project area in Figure 12 and Figure 13.
Site 147. Approximate site of Ilihune Heiau, Nanakuli, of which nothing
remains. Thrum notes: A small walled heiau of pokanaka class; used about
1860 by Frank Manini as a cattle pen, for which natives prophesized his poverty
and death. (McAllister 1933: 110)
Site 148. Large rock said to be named Mui, about 1.1 mile from Nanakuli station
toward Puu o Hulu
McAllister recorded three sites in the mauka portion of Lualualei. Site 149 was Nioiula Heiau,
on Hlona Ridge, said to be of the pokanaka class. Some of the stones were used for a cattle
pen on the McCandless property. Site 150 consisted of house sites or heiau at the foot of the
cliffs in Phoa. Cattle destroyed much of the walls and terraces. Site 151 was Kakaio Heiau,
located at Phwai. It had a sacred spring where the sound of drums and conches could be heard
on the nights of Kne (McAllister 1933: 110).
McAllister recorded three sites near the boundary of Lualualei and Waianae, far north of the
project area. Site 152, Puu Pheehee Heiau, consisted of a walled heiau on the slopes of
Pheehee Ridge. In ancient times, the slopes were covered with slippery grass for the purpose
of staging sledding contests (McAllister 1933: 112). This site was completely destroyed with the
enlargement of the adjacent Oriental Cemetery. At the tip of Knelio Point was Site 153,
Klioloa Heiau. This heiau was surrounded by water on three sides and consisted of three
platforms with evidence of terracing (McAllister 1933: 112). Site 162 was a burial cave at
Mauna Kwale. It contained fragments of skeletal material (McAllister 1933: 116).

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Table 1: Archaeological Investigations in Lualualei Ahupuaa.

Reference
McAllister
1933
Location
Lualualei Ahupuaa
Bordner 1977
Lualualei Ahupuaa
TMK 8-7-9 (current
project area)
Naval Magazine and
Naval
Communications
Area Transmission
Facility TMK 8-6; 87; 8-8-01
Haun 1991
Chiogioji,
Hammatt
1993
Lualualei Ahupuaa
TMK 8-7-21:17
Hammatt et
al. 1993
Lualualei Ahupuaa
Lualualei Golf
Course TMK 8-79:2; 8-7-10:6&10; 87-19:1
Description and Results

Island-wide Survey; McAllister recorded eight sites in or near Lualualei: Site 147. Ilihune
Heiau; Site 148, rock called Mui; Site 149, Nioiula Heiau on Hlona ridge; Site 150,
House sites or heiau at Pahoa cliffs; Site 151, Kakioe Heiau at Phwai; Site 152 Puu
Pheehee Heiau; Site 153, Klioloa Heiau; and, Site 162, Mauna Kwale burial cave.
Reconnaissance Survey: Performed on the proposed site for the Nnkuli landfill. The area
included land on both sides of Lualualei Naval Road, continuing up the slope to Puu
Heleakal. No archaeological sites were found.
Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey: Included a 8,184-acre parcel, and a 700-acre parcel
encompassing the entire inland portion of Lualualei Valley. A total of 131 sites and 1,004
features were identified. The features included alignments, C-shapes, L-shapes, U-shapes,
walls, terraces, enclosures, mounds, platforms, walled terraces and paved terraces (Haun
1991; vii). The features are related to habitation, rituals, ceremonies, agriculture, the
procurement of lithic material, and the manufacture of stone tools. Historical and recent
structures associated with cattle ranching and military use were also identified.
Archaeological Survey and Testing: (Revised from the 1992 Archaeological
Investigations report). This five acre parcel, formerly a basil farm, was situated between
Puu o Hulu to the northwest and Ulehawa Stream to the southeast. The results of the
survey found an absence of intact archaeological remains.
Archaeological Inventory Survey: Identified eight sites within the project area, two
traditional Hawaiian sites that included one habitation complex and the remnants of one
wall, and six historic sites that included a cattle wall, a furnace, wells, a house lot, and
cement foundation structure. (These findings have also been included in the Final
Environmental Impact Statement produced by Hida, Okamoto, & Associates, April 1991)

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
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Reference
Ogden
Environmental and
Energy
Services Co.,
Inc. 1997
Location
Lualualei Ahupuaa
Lualualei Navel
Magazine
Ogden
Environmental and
Energy
Services 1998
Lualualei Ahupuaa
Radio Transmission
Facility
Tulchin et al.
2003
Lualualei Ahupuaa,
Puu Miliili
OLeary et al.
2006
Lualualei Ahupuaa
Nnkuli B Site
Materials Recovery
Facility and Landfill
(current Project
area)TMK: 8-7-09 por.
7

Cultural Resource Review Survey: This survey reviewed existing information on sites in
the previously listed locations. Sites reviewed within NAVMAG-LLL included 197 sites
with 1020 recorded features and also an additional 400 sites that had been reported but not
recorded; in NAVMAG-Waikele five sites with 11 features; in NAVMAG-West Loch two
sites; and Kolekole Rock was located near NAVMAG-LLL. Three sites listed in the
National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) were located in the project area. They include
the Nioiula Heiau, NAVMAG-LLL; Okiokiolepe Fishpond, NAVMAG-West Loch; and
the Pearl Harbor National Historic Landmark, NRHP site 50-80-13-9992
Phase I Archaeology Reconnaissance Survey: This survey was conducted to locate
archaeological sites and incorporate them into a Cultural Resource Management Plan.
Three sites were located on a 260-acre parcel. Site 5591 is composed of features associated
with the sugarcane industry of the 19th and 20th centuries. Sites 1886 and 5592 are
considered traditional Hawaiian sites; they include a permanent habitation site and a rock
mound.
Archaeological Inventory Survey: Cultural Surveys Hawaii recently conducted an
inventory survey of the proposed Waianae 242 Reservoir and Access Road project area, on
the northeast ridge of Puu Miliili. Two possible field shelters and a cave were
investigated, but there was little evidence that these were traditional Hawaiian sites.
Archaeological Inventory Survey of 200 Acres for the Proposed Nnkuli B Site Materials
Recovery Facility and Landfill. This survey documented two sites State Inventory of Historic
Properties (SIHP) 50-80-08-6699, small prehistoric basalt rock shelter, criterion D and
SIHP 50-80-08-6681, World War II concrete bunker, criteria A and D

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Table 2: Archaeological Investigations in Mili, Lualualei Ahupuaa.

Reference
Barrera 1975
Cordy 1975
Kennedy
1983
Hammatt
Shideler 1990
Jimenez 1994
Location
Mili, Kaiser Pacific
Prop. Corp. Land
Mili, Kaiser Pacific
Prop. Corp. land
Mili, TMK 8-706:32
Mili, Liopolo
Street Burial (Site
50-8008-4244)
Mili Kai TMK 8-710:2
Mayberry,
Rosendahl
1994
Mili, TMK 8-710:2, 14
McDermott
Hammatt
2000
Mili, Ulehawa
Beach Park, TMK 87-05:01, 03 and 05;
8-7-06:03; 8-7-08:01,
8-7-08:26; 8-7-08:26

Archaeological Site Survey: Six sites were found; a religious structure; C-shaped feature;
two house site features; a possible site; and a midden scatter.
Excavation of Site CH-0A-1: The religious structure in Barreras (1975) report was
excavated. This report found no evidence to confirm the site as being a religious structure,
instead it was found to be a modern structure built no earlier than 1930 or 1940.
Reconnaissance Survey: No archaeological sites were found on or within 50 feet of the
proposed Waianae Corporation Yard site.
Archaeological Monitoring and Osteological Analysis: Seven burials were discovered
during the installation of a Board of Water Supply 8-inch water main. The burials were
found in calcareous beach sand. Five burials were removed, and two were left in situ.
Additional Inventory Survey: Conducted at four previously inventoried sites in the Mili
Kai project area. This inventory identified intact prehistoric and historic cultural deposits at
two of the sites. Twenty-five of 26 sites had been considered significant for scientific
information content and required no additional data collection, while the remaining site was
considered significant and recommended for additional data collection.
Reconnaissance Survey: Twenty-six sites were located. Twenty-four of these sites dated to
the 20th century. Two of the 24 sites dated to the early to late 20th century, and the other 22
sites dated from 1930 to the present. The remaining two sites presented rock features,
possibly pre-dating the 20th century.
Archaeological Inventory Survey: Two subsurface cultural layers, designated sites -5762
and 5763, were found during test excavations. Deposits consisted of midden (marine shell,
fish bone, etc.) and both indigenous (fish hooks, volcanic and basalt flakes) and historic
(glass, metal and concrete fragments) artifacts. Of particular interest was a nearly complete,
barb-less pearl shell fish hook with an unusually deep v-bend reminiscent of Marquesan or
Tahitian hooks and is atypical for Hawaiian hooks. Both layers appear to date to late preContact or very early post-Contact times.

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Figure 11. Archaeological Work in the Ahupuaa of Lualualei, Waianae, Oahu

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31
Figure 12. Archaeological sites in Lualualei Ahupuaa, Waianae District, showing McAllisters
sites 147-153 and 162 (after Sterling and Summers 1978); note the proximity of site
147 to the project area.
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
32
A 1977 reconnaissance survey for the proposed Nnkuli landfill recorded no archaeological
sites (Bordner 1977). The survey area included land on both sides of Lualualei Naval Road,
continuing up the slope to Puu Heleakal. This inventory survey reinvestigates the ground
originally inspected by Bordner south of Lualualei Naval Road (Figure 11).
An archaeological reconnaissance survey of the Naval Magazine, Lualualei (NAVMAG
LLL) and Naval Communications Area Master Station Eastern Pacific Radio Transmitting
Facility, Lualualei (RTF LLL) was accomplished during the mid-1980s. The survey
encompassed more than 9,000 acres, the entire half of the large amphitheater-shaped valley, and
approximately one-third of the coastal half (Haun 1991:4). A total of 131 sites, consisting of
1,004 features, was identified during the survey. Indigenous Hawaiian feature types recorded
include alignments, C-shapes, L-shapes, U-shapes, walls, terraces, enclosures, mounds,
platforms, walled terraces and paved terraces. The features recorded relate to activities including
habitation, rituals, ceremonies, agriculture, the procurement of lithic raw material, and the
manufacture of stone tools. Historical and recent structures associated with cattle ranching and
military use of the area were also identified. Fourteen shovel probes provided datable materials
(charcoal and volcanic glass), as well as cultural materials (artifacts and midden). Radiocarbon
dates range from A.D. 1420 to 1950. It is suggested that the interior of Lualualei Valley was
initially occupied on a temporary basis by people cultivating the area. This may have begun as
early as the mid 1400's, continuing up to the mid to late 1700's to early 1800's. Permanent
habitation sites were occupied, and population of the valley evidently increased quite rapidly,
based on the dense distribution of habitation and agricultural features (Haun 1991:vii).
During an archaeological study conducted on a five-acre parcel, formerly a basil farm, no
archaeological remains were documented (Chiogioji and Hammatt 1993, see Figure 11). The
parcel was situated between Puu o Hulu and Ulehawa, north of the current study area.
An archaeological inventory survey of an approximately 170-acre parcel located southeast of
the Naval Magazine was conducted by Cultural Surveys Hawaii, Inc. (Hammatt et al. 1993).
The parcel is described as comprising "vacant, unused lands. It is undeveloped and contains
several remnant and abandoned historic structures" (Hammatt et al. 1993:7). Eight
archaeological sites were identified, including "two traditional Hawaiian sites and six historic
sites related to ranching and military activities" (Hammatt et al. 1993:i). The two traditional
Hawaiian sites, 50-80-08-4366 (a site complex) and 50-80-08-4367 (a wall remnant), were
interpreted as being attributable to traditional Hawaiian activity, with one site (50-80-08-4366)
probably representing prehistoric, recurrent habitation at the foothills of Puu Heleakal. This is
primarily evidenced by the presence of a probable hearth feature within the site complex. Site
50-80-08-4367 - a remnant wall section running adjacent to an intermittent streambed - suggests
an agricultural usage, possibly constructed to retain or divert water. Given the weathered
condition of the structure, this site may be prehistoric (Hammatt et al. 1993:28).
The paucity of Hawaiian sites within the study parcel - in comparison to the number located
within the large Naval Magazine study area, located to the north and mauka, suggests that the
parcel may represent the makai-most fringe of the inland settlement. The survey report
concludes:

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The few traditional Hawaiian sites identified during the present study suggest that
most of the project area was sparsely inhabited during prehistory and early
history. This would be due primarily to the lack of fresh water resources in the
vicinity...Although surface run-off and intermittent drainage present in the project
area would allow some potential for seasonal agriculture, the attraction for settling
in the wetter upland valleys would surely have been greater. (Hammatt et al.
1993:31)
A cultural resource review survey was conducted by Ogden Environmental and Energy
Service Co., Inc. (1997). This survey reviewed existing information on sites in the previously
listed locations. Sites reviewed within NAVMAG-LLL included 197 sites with 1020 recorded
features and also an additional 400 sites that had been reported but not recorded; in NAVMAGWaikele five sites with 11 features; in NAVMAG-West Loch two sites; and Kolekole Rock was
located near NAVMAG-LLL. Three sites listed in the National Register of Historic Places
(NRHP) were located in the project area. They include the Nioiula Heiau, NAVMAG-LLL;
Okiokiolepe Fishpond, NAVMAG-West Loch; and the Pearl Harbor National Historic
Landmark, NRHP site 50-80-13-9992
An archaeological survey of 260 acres of the Lualualei Ahupuaa Radio Transmission Facility
was carried out to locate archaeological sites and incorporate them into a Cultural Resource
Management Plan (Ogden Environmental and Energy Services Co., Inc. 1998). Three sites were
located, 50-80-08-5591, 50-80-08-5592 and 50-80-08-1886. Site 50-80-08-5591 is composed of
features that are associated with the sugarcane industry of the 19th and 20th centuries. Site 5080-08-5592, a permanent habitation site and Site 50-80-08-1886, a rock mound are considered
traditional Hawaiian sites. The report suggests that areas inland from the coast may once have
been more heavily settled.
Cultural Surveys Hawaii recently (Tulchin et al. 2003) conducted an inventory survey of the
proposed Waianae 242 Reservoir and Access Road project area, on the northeast ridge of Puu
Miliili. Two possible field shelters and a cave were investigated, but there was little evidence
that these were traditional Hawaiian sites.
Jones and Hammatt (2004) completed a monitoring report for sections of Laik, Waiolu and
Princess Kahanu Streets four a water main installation and found no historic or prehistoric
cultural materials.
4.2 Archaeological Studies in Mili

During the 1970s and 1980s, a series of studies was undertaken at Mili on the northeast
side of Puu o Hulu, north of the present project area. The area encompassed by these studies
would ultimately comprise 415 acres. In 1975, William Barrera conducted an archaeological site
survey of approximately 80 acres at Mili. The eighty acres were divided into two survey areas.
Barrera recorded six sites: five stone configurations and a single midden scatter. Four of the
stone structures were deemed by Barrera to be either of modern origin or too amorphous to
assess. However, one site, Ch-Oa-1, was judged quite probably an ancient religious structure
(Barrera 1975:9). In October of 1975, Ross Cordy conducted an archaeological excavation of
Site Ch-Oa-1. Cordys report on the excavation noted no underlying cultural deposits were
found and Cordy concluded that the results of the excavation indicated the structure was not an
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
34
ancient religious structure, but was rather a quite recent structure (probably built no earlier than
1930-1940) of unknown function (Cordy 1975).
Also in 1975, Cordy conducted an archaeological survey of an additional 130 acres at Mili.
Cordy identified nineteen sites including stone walls, mounds, enclosures, platforms, C-shapes, a
trench with bridge, and a trail. Two rock platforms were recorded in what is now the proposed
Puu o Hulu Community Park, Ch-Oa-28 (State Site No. -3757) and Ch-Oa-29 (State Site No. 3758). Site No. -3757 was described as a vertical-sided platform with a flat surface with
dimensions of 6.2 m long by 4.9 m wide. Site No. -3758 was described as a rock platform with a
C-shaped enclosure with dimensions of 6.0 m long, 5.5 m (meters) wide and 0.8-1.0 m high. In
interpreting the platforms, Cordy suggests that the vertical, high well-made walls are almost
always characteristic of recent era sites (Cordy 1976: 23). Cordy notes that much of the
surveyed land had been recently impacted by bulldozing activity for quarrying purposes and
concludes: Most of the sites found in this survey are either walls, highly disturbed sites, or
seemingly recent (ca. AD 1890-1970) sites (Cordy 1976:21). His conclusions are largely based
on associated historic or modern surface artifacts. He recommended archaeological test
excavations of a C-shape enclosure, five platforms and a rock enclosure.
An archaeological reconnaissance survey for the proposed Waianae Corporation Yard was
completed in 1983 (Kennedy 1983). No archaeological sites were found in the project area,
which was on the coast along Mili Point, north of the present study area.
The areas surveyed by Barrera and Cordy in the 1970s were subsumed in a 415-acre Mili
Kai Property project area (TMK 8-7-10:2,14) that was the subject of an archaeological
reconnaissance survey conducted by Paul H. Rosendahl, Inc. in December of 1987. The survey
report (Mayberry and Rosendahl 1988) noted that large scale ranching, land clearing, and
quarrying from 1851 to the present have extensively altered the project area (Mayberry and
Rosendahl 1988:ii). The report also documented 12 new sites and the reinvestigation of 14 sites
previously recorded by Barrera and Cordy. The report summarizes:
Land clearing and quarrying in particular have been destructive to the natural and
cultural environments. One result of the destruction is that 24 of the 26 sites in the
project area date to the 20th century. Two of the 24 sites date to the early to late
20th century and the other 22 sites date from 1930 to the present. Only two small
sites, rock features without associated artifacts, may predate the 20th century.
(Mayberry and Rosendahl 1988:ii)
Five sites were recommended for subsurface testing including site 50-80-08-3344, a platform
located approximately 2500 ft north of Puu o Hulu Community Park, site 50-80-08-3750, a Cshape enclosure located approximately 2500 ft north of the Puu o Hulu Park, site 50-80-083755, a rock mound/platform located approximately 2000 ft north of Puu o Hulu Park, site 5080-08-3335, a sinkwell and wall located approximately 2000 ft makai of the Puu o Hulu Park,
site 50-80-08-3339, a stone enclosure and wall located on the northern base of Puu o Hulu
Mauka. The two platforms (sites 50-80-08-3757 and 50-80-08-3758) recorded earlier by Cordy
were relocated during the Rosendahl survey and were interpreted as sites related to land clearing
and ranching of the early twentieth century. Mayberry and Rosendahl (1994: 22) conclude:

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
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None of the ovoid or rectangular rock mounds and platforms in this group exhibit
indications of internal structuring in the form of walls or raised platforms. They
are thought to be the result of land clearing and rock-gathering operations... The
research potential and cultural significance of this second group of sites is
minimal. No further work was recommended for the rock platforms in the study
area and these sites are thought to have been destroyed during the initial grading
of the development.
Subsurface testing of the sites recommended for further testing during the Rosendahl study
was carried out at the end of 1993 (Jimenez 1994). The sinkwell and wall (site 50-80-08-3335)
had been destroyed during Phase I of the development, so no further archaeological testing could
be done on that site. Of the remaining sites tested, only one produced evidence of pre-contact
use, site 50-80-08-3750. This C-shaped enclosure yielded small amounts of lithics, midden, and
charcoal. Radiocarbon dates suggest the site was used as a temporary habitation during the late
prehistoric period. Further data collection was recommended for this site.
In 1990, several burials were inadvertently discovered during excavation work associated
with improvements to the Mili water system (Hammatt and Shideler 1990). In total, the water
main work uncovered seven burials found in calcareous beach sand. Five of the burials were
removed and two were left in situ. The five sets of removed human remains were examined to
determine ethnicity and all were found to be Polynesian. The report concludes that the
concentration of burials suggests a specific burial ground for one or more Hawaiian families of
the Mili area during prehistoric or early historic times (Hammatt and Shideler 1990:23).
In 1999, PBR Hawaii completed a Final Environmental Assessment for the recent
improvement of Ulehawa Beach Park. An extensive cultural horizon, 8 to 10 centimeters thick
was recorded within a sand dune cut. The deposit included charcoal flecking and contained bird
and fish bones (PBR Hawaii 1999).
In 1999, McDermott and Hammatt (2000) conducted an inventory survey on a 57.65 acre
parcel of Ulehawa Beach Park. Two subsurface cultural layers, designated sites 50-80-08-5762
and 50-80-08-5763, were found during test excavations that covered approximately 2% of the
project area. The deposits consisted of midden (marine shell, fish bone, etc.) and both indigenous
artifacts (fish hooks, volcanic and basalt flakes) and historic artifacts (glass, metal, and concrete
fragments). Of particular interest was a nearly complete, barb-less pearl shell fishhook with an
unusually deep v-bend reminiscent of Marquesan or Tahitian hooks. This type of fishhook is
considered atypical for Hawaiian fishhooks. Both cultural layers appeared to date to late precontact or very early post-contact times. The scant midden and artifact assemblages found
suggest little evidence of permanent or recurrent habitation along the coastal area and further
enforces the consensus that traditional Hawaiian settlement was concentrated inland. Also during
1999, two extensive cultural deposits were identified during an archaeological inventory survey
of Ulehawa Beach Park (McDermott and Hammatt 2000: 147-149), as State sites 50-80-085762 and 50-80-08-5763. Located adjacent to Lualualei Naval Road, south of the current project
area, site 50-80-08-5762 contains charcoal enriched sediments, pit features, and a midden
associated with prehistoric occupation. Site 50-80-08-5763 is located adjacent to Princess
Kahanu Avenue, between the comfort station and Ulehawa Stream, and contains charcoal
enriched sediments, pit features, artifacts and midden associated with prehistoric occupation.
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
36
This deposit is makai of the present project area, on the other side of Farrington Highway.
According to a local informant, Walter Kaman, a fishing koa (shrine) used to stand in this area,
but was destroyed by the 1946 tidal wave. Mr. Kaman also said that this general area was part
of a pre-contact/early historic habitation site.
Also noted in this report is an area identified by a local informant to contain burials and
cultural deposits (McDermott and Hammatt 2000: 43). This area extends approximately from
Ulehawa Stream northwest. Mr. Walter Kamans comments pertaining to the present project
area follow:
The land from the bathrooms, just north of Ulehawa drainage, on around Mili
point is all kapu (taboo) ground. The night marchers are active at this place. There
have been problems associated with that area, including violence and tragedy,
including car wrecks. There were lost souls at that place in Hawaiian times. It is
likely that you will find Hawaiian remains in the area. There are burials there on
the makai side of Farrington Highway. A testing crew went in there to test the
area, but Mr. Kaman did not know what for. Bones were found, but the public
was not informed.
Just beyond Hakimo Road, on the makai side of Farrington Highway, is a place
called by the Japanese Takamina, where the Japanese shrine stands today. [a
fishing marker approximately 500 m north of Hakimo Road]. The Japanese
shrine is not only important because of the Japanese culture and beliefs, but
because of Hawaiian culture and beliefs as well. It was formerly a shrine area for
the Hawaiians, but the shrine area has been largely forgotten by local Hawaiian
residents. The shrine area should be respected at all times. Mr. Kaman mentions
it as a Point to Point (?) burial ground. That place must be respected.
(McDermott and Hammatt 2000: 43).
The presence of coastal cultural deposits to the south suggest that the area was significant in
traditional times, and that the sandy shoreline seaward of Farrington Highway may contain
additional, heretofore unidentified burials and cultural deposits (Dega 1998:3, McDermott and
Hammatt 2000). A number of historic-era structures, such as concrete World War II bunkers,
were also noted in the Ulehawa Beach Park studies (Dega, 1998: 5; McDermott and Hammatt
2000:143-147). Two WWII concrete foundations were observed seaward of Farrington Highway.
A recent archaeological study (Hammatt et al. 2001) has evaluated the available data on
burials in the vicinity of the present project area. This study notes a document in SHPD Burials
Program files entitled Burial Sites and Grave Sites Graveyards and Cemeteries Case Inventory
(page 19) has a line item:
* Maili - Cave Burials / ID (#584)
* human remains re-interred.
It is less than clear whether there are known remains in Mili Cave or where this cave may
be. This 2001 study also notes that a few sites in Lualualei Ahupuaa are traditionally associated
with human deaths. Nioiula Heiau on Hlona Ridge in Lualualei (Site 149; also known as Hlona
Heiau) was said to have been of the pookanaka class (McAllister 1933:110, Westervelt
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
37
1915a:122, Westervelt 1915b:178, Thrum 1908:47), which suggests associations with human
sacrifice, but this site was located at the south base of the Phoa Cliffs of the Waianae Range.
There are numerous accounts associating Kolekole Pass and vicinity with battles and mortal
combat (Sterling and Summers 1978:67), but the area referred to is Phkea Pass. Ilihune Heiau
(site 147, reported as destroyed by 1930), also said to be of pookanaka class (McAllister
1933:110; Thrum 1906:47) lay closer at the tip of the Heleakal Ridge, southeast of the present
project area. This 2001 study also notes that a Lualualei, Waianae, Oahu map by Emerson,
dated October 1901 (Registered Map Number 2040), shows an annotation of Maili Grave on
the seaward side of present day Farrington Highway.
Based upon the survey of the archaeological work conducted in Lualualei discussed above
Table 3 and Figure 13 display archaeological sites that are within one mile of the project area.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
38
Table 3: Identified Sites Within One Mile of the Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste
Landfill Facility Project Area.
SIHP #
Distance and
General Location
Relative to the
Project Area
100 yds SE
Nature of Site
Status/
Comments
Source
Ilihune Heiau
Destroyed
Mui' Rock
Large boulder
Wall
Boundary
50-8008-3338
Between 0.5 and 1.0

miles to the NW
Between 0.25 and
0.5 mile, to the
WNW
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile, to the WNW
Rock Mounds
Two mounds
50-8008-3339
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile, to the WNW
Enclosure & wall
Temporary
Habitation
50-8008-3340
1.0 mile, to the west
C-shape & wall
Possibly Military
50-8008-4053
50-8008-4054
Between 0.5 and 1.0

miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Ag. Complex
Agriculture
Hab./Ag.
Complex
50-8008-4055
50-8008-4056
Between 0.5 and 1.0

miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Enclosure
Permanent
Habitation &
Agriculture
Agriculture?
McAllister
1933:110
McAllister
1933:110
Mayberry &
Rosendahl
1994:28
Mayberry &
Rosendahl
1994:28
Mayberry &
Rosendahl
1994:28
Mayberry &
Rosendahl
1994:28
Cordy et al.
1990:13
Cordy et al.
1990:13
50-8008-4159
50-8008-4161
50-8008-4163
50-8008-4165
50-8008-4166
50-8008-4168
Between 0.5 and 1.0

miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Hab. Complex
50-8008-147
50-8008-148
50-8008-3337
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Hab. Complex
Enclosure
Hab. Complex
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Hab. Complex

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
Permanent
Habitation &
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation
Temporary
Habitation
Agriculture?
Temporary
Habitation
Perm.Hab. & Ag.
Temporary
Habitation.
Cordy et al.
1990:14
Cordy et al.
1990:14
Cordy et al.
1990:14
Cordy et al.
1990:15
Cordy et al.
1990:15
Cordy et al.
1990:15
Cordy et al.
1990:15
Cordy et al.
1990:16
39
SIHP #
50-8008-4171
50-8008-4172
50-8008-4173
50-8008-4175
50-8008-4177
50-8008-4178
50-8008-4179
50-8008-4180
50-8008-4182
50-8008-4183
50-8008-4210
50-8008-4211
50-8008-4212
50-8008-4213
50-8008-4214
50-8008-4364
50-8008-4365
50-8008-4366
50-8008-4367
50-8008-4370
Distance and
General Location
Relative to the
Project Area
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
miles to the NE
200 yards to north
Nature of Site
Status/
Comments
Source
Wall
Boundary
Platform
Unknown
function
Perm.Habitation
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation
Unknown
function
Temporary
Habitation
Boundary
Cordy et al.
1990:16
Cordy et al.
1990:16
Cordy et al.
1990:16
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:17
Cordy et al.
1990:18
Cordy et al.
1990:18
Cordy et al.
1990:18
Cordy et al.
1990:18
Cordy et al.
1990:18
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Hab. Complex
Rock Shelter
Hab. Complex
Wall
Hab. Complex
Ag. Complex
Hab. Complex
Temporary
Habitation
Permanent
Habitation
Perm. Hab.
Hab. Complex
Perm. Hab.
Enclosure
Wall
Permanent
Habitation
Temporary
Habitation
Ranching
200 yards to north
Shelter
Military
Between 0.25 and

0.5 mile, to the NNE
0.5 mile, to the north
Hab. Complex
Habitation
Wall
Agriculture
House Lot
Ranching
Between 0.25 and

Hab. Complex
Permanent
Habitation
Agriculture
Hab. Complex
Hab. Complex

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
40
SIHP #
Nature of Site
Status/
Comments
Source
50-8008-4371
50-8008-4372
50-80084373
50-8008-4398
Distance and
General Location
Relative to the
Project Area
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile, to the north
Between 0.25 and
Between 0.25 and
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Wells
Ranching
Foundation
Ranching
Incinerator
50-8008-4403
50-8008-4404
50-8008-4405
50-8008-4408
50-8008-4408
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Hab. Complex
Military/Ranchin
g
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Perm. Hab.
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Hammatt et
al. 1993:25
Cordy 1993:7
50-8008-4415
50-8008-4419
50-8008-4420
50-8008-4421
50-8008-4803
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Poss. Heiau
50-8008-4804
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Hab./Ag.
Complex
50-8008-4806
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Hab./Ag.
Complex
50-8008-4808
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Hab. Complex
Hab. Complex
Hab. Complex
Complex
Hab. Complex
Enclosure
Hab. Complex
Hab./Ag.
Complex

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
Temporary
Habitation
Permanent
Habitation
Temporary
Habitation
Permanent
Habitation &
Agriculture
Ceremonial
Permanent
Habitation
Ranching
Temporary
Habitation
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:8
Cordy 1993:8
Cordy 1993:8
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
41
SIHP #
Nature of Site
Status/
Comments
Source
50-8008-4808
Distance and
General Location
Relative to the
Project Area
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Hab./Ag.
Complex
Cordy 1993:7
50-8008-4809
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Hab./Ag.
Complex
50-8008-4810
50-8008-5761
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Between 0.5 and 1.0
mile to the NE
Hab. Complex
Bunkers & Slabs
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Temporary
Habitation &
Agriculture
Permanent
Habitation
WWII Military
50-8008-5762
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Subsurface Layer
Pre-contact
50-8008-5763
Between 0.5 and 1.0

mile to the NE
Subsurface Layer
Pre-contact
50-8008-5946
Between 0.25 and

0.5 mile, to the south
Camp Andrews
WWII Military
50-8008-5947
Between 0.25 and

0.5 mile, to the south
17 sinkholes
one sinkhole has

a burial
50-8012-9714
Between 0.25 and

0.5 mile, to the SW
along the coast
O.R.&L. Railroad
Railroad Bed

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
Cordy 1993:7
Cordy 1993:7
McDermott &
Hammatt
2000:144-147
McDermott &
Hammatt
2000:147
McDermott &
Hammatt
2000:147-149
McDermott et
al. 2001:4062
McDermott et
al. 2001:62128
McDermott &
Hammatt
2000:149
42
Figure 13. Location of Archaeological Sites in the Vicinity of the Proposed Nnkuli B
Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility Project Area.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
43
Traditional Land Use
Section 5 Traditional Land Use in the Lualualei Ahupuaa

Cordy (1998) has provided a synthesis of the settlement patterns and prehistory of the
Waianae District, of which Lualualei is a portion. This study places the settlement of Waianae
into the wider context of Oahu settlement as a whole. The proximity of expansive forest
resources and well-watered agricultural lands to abundant marine resources made the windward
side of Oahu most appealing to the early Oahu settlers and their descendants. Foraging trips to
the dryer areas of the island would have occurred and were most likely associated with recurrent,
temporary habitation used during resource procurement. The rich marine resources of the
Waianae District, particularly the fishing grounds off-shore, would have been a strong draw for
early Oahu inhabitants. As population in the windward areas increased, permanent settlement
began to spill over into the well-watered regions of the leeward side. Eventually, with further
population expansion, permanent settlement spread to the less watered regions of the leeward
side, which included much of the Waianae District and all of the current project area (Cordy
1998:1-6). Settlement would most likely begin as temporary habitation along the coast in
association with marine resource procurement. Later, permanent settlement would have
developed in response to expanding populations in previously settled, better watered areas.
Prehistorically, land use in Lualualei was greatest near the coastline, where marine resources
were plentiful, and in the mountainous interior, where there was sufficient rainfall for agriculture
and forest resources. The intervening lands between the sea and the mountains were a dry
scrubland. Although potentially useful for dryland agriculture in the wet winter months, it is
unlikely that this area would have been largely utilized by Native Hawaiians. The settlement
pattern prior to Western Contact for this region was likely dispersed residences concentrated at
the sea and the mountains. Based on the season and the available resources, the resident
population most likely used multiple residences, perhaps one at the seaside and another mauka,
to reduce resource transport time. It is also possible, as is suggested by the account provided by
Pukui (cited in McGrath et al. 1973:10), that there existed an informal exchange network where
by coastal dwellers traded marine resources for the agricultural and forest resources of the inland
dwellers.
Archaeological surveys of the upper portion of Lualualei Valley have located the remains of
traditional-Hawaiian habitation, ceremonial, and agricultural structures. The extensive
archaeological survey of the mauka portion of the valley is offset by a paucity of archaeological
investigation in their coastal portions. However, based on context, information from long time
residents of the area, and traditional accounts, it is likely that the coastal areas of Lualualei
contain cultural deposits related to habitation, including human burials.
Available radiocarbon dates indicate that by at least A.D. 600-800, there was at least
temporary coastal habitation on the Waianae coast. This dated sample comes from the area
fronting Pka Bay, one of the only areas along the Waianae Coast to have a perennial stream
that reaches the coast, and undoubtedly one of the more attractive areas for early temporary and,
later, permanent settlement (Cordy 1998:6). Radiocarbon dates from inland, apparently
permanent habitation contexts, within neighboring Nnkuli indicate permanent settlement began
by A.D. 1200-1400 (Cordy 1997:9). Extensive archaeological survey of inland Lualualei has
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
44
Traditional Land Use
yielded radiocarbon dates from permanent habitation contexts dating to A.D. 1620, with earlier
dates (mid 1400s) for apparently temporary habitation structures (Haun 1991:237).
The only coastal dates for Lualualei are those reported by McDermott and Hammatt (2000)
from the two coastal habitation deposits (Sites 50-80-08-5762 and -5763) found during the
inventory survey of the Ulehawa Beach Park parcel. The three available dates from this project
area span a broad temporal period, from 1460 to 1950. However, considering the early coastal
date from Pka Bay and the mauka dates from Lualualei, it is certainly plausible that at least
temporary coastal settlement took place within the first half of the 1460-1950 age range.
However, if there is inland settlement and resource procurement by circa A.D. 1200-1400, it is
likely that initial coastal temporary habitation, associated with marine resource procurement,
predated this inland settlement.
By the mid-1800s the traditional Native Hawaiian lifestyle in the valley of Lualualei was in
decline. The sandalwood trade, which ended circa 1829, undoubtedly had a negative effect on
the Native Hawaiian population. Beginning at this time, Lualualei began its cattle ranching
period. The introduction of sugar plantations brought more foreigners and the OR&L railroad,
which was linked to Waianae in 1895. Based on the paucity of LCAs claimed within the area
and the early population figures, it appears that the Native Hawaiian population was quite low in
the latter half of the 19th century.
Population numbers slowly increased when homesteading was instituted in the early 1900's.
Military use of the land began in 1917. WWII greatly affected the landscape of the Waianae
coast by placing bunkers, gun emplacements, and barbed wire along the waterfront. As noted by
the local informants, tsunamis have also altered the landscape.
In summary, in contrast to the abundance of traditional Hawaiian sites and features
encountered during the Bishop Museum survey of the mauka half of Lualualei, the surface sites
recorded during the studies at Mili were either post-contact or of equivocal origin. In the one
instance where excavation was attempted at a structure originally judged "quite possibly a heiau"
(Site Ch-Oa-1), the site was established as modern and no subsurface deposits were encountered.
Population and activity in Lualualei may have been primarily focused in a narrow band along the
coast and farther inland in the mauka reaches of this large valley. The land in between the coastal
and mauka zones is likely to be characterized by an ephemeral archaeological record pointing to
the intermittent use of locations such as lithic scatters and temporary habitation sites.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
45
Community Consultations
Section 6 Community Consultations

Throughout the course of this study, an effort was made to contact and consult with Hawaiian
cultural organizations, government agencies, and individuals who might have knowledge of
and/or concerns about traditional cultural practices specifically related to the project area. CSH
made this effort by, letter, e-mail, telephone, and personal contact. In the majority of cases, a
letter along with a TMK map and a USGS topographical map of the project area were mailed
out. Two site visits were made: the first visit was with Alice Greenwood and Lucy Gay; the
second was with Eric Enos. A group meeting was also conducted with The Waianae Elders.
Please note that the letter and figures sent to the community consultants for this assessment
contained a typographical error. The TMK portion 7 was incorrectly labled as por. 1. The
figures did accurately depict the correct project area, TMK [1] 8-7-09: por. 7. For this reason,
the letter from Eric Enos in Section 7 and Appendix D, and other community consultation
responses, includes the original TMK provided, por. 1.
Table 4. Community Contact Table
Name
Affiliation
Comments
Ail ,
William
Hui Malama I Na Kupuna
Aldeguer,
Walterbea
Kamaina of Mili
Mr. Ail is very concerned regarding the

view plane from the Cave of Hina to the
ocean. He feels it is vital that this view
plane be uninterrupted.
See Section 6 for interview excerpts.
Awo, Alvin
Waianae Neighborhood Board

No.24
BarosoKaman, Lei
Waianae Elders
Batowgbmn,
Clara
Waianae Elders
No response.
Cachola,
Fred
Former Principal of Nnikapono

Elementary School and started
the Nnikapono Museum
Mr. Cachola stated if you were to put a

landfill right there, you putting it into the
bosom of the most sensitive of Muis
legendary areas. It is unconscionable for us
to think that were desecrating the
legendary area associated with one of the
greatest demi-gods of Hawaii and Pacific
history with a rubbish dump. Cannot do
that. That documentation now exist. See
Section 6 for interview excerpts.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
Mr. Awo is strongly against the landfill. He

suggested contacting Albert Silva and
Johnny Mea Perry.
Mrs. Baroso is strongly against the
proposed landfill.
46
Name
Affiliation
Comments
Cope, Aggie
Hale O Naauao Society
Mrs. Cope mentioned that that area is

connected to the Mui legends.
Desoto,
Frenchy
Enos, Eric
Waianae Coast Archaeological

Preservation Representative
Cultural practitioner and
Executive Director of Kaala
Farms, Inc.
Waianae Elders
Made referral William Ail and Aggie

Cope.
See Section 6 for comments.
Gay, Lucy
Greenwood,
Alice
Hoohuli,
Josiah
Black
Jordan,
Georgette
"Jo"
Josephides,
Analu
Kalili,
Kathleen
Kalili, Tina
Mrs. Gay is culturally concerned about the

preservation of the Cave of Hina. She
also shared many Mui stories during a site
visit with Aunty Alice Greenwood and
CSH.
Oahu Island Burial CouncilMrs. Greenwood pointed out Hinas Cave
Waianae District and member of and shared Many Mui stories during a site
Waianae Elders
visit with Aunty Lucy Gay. She is
concerned about the preservation of the
Cave of Hina and the silhouette of Mui.
Also aided in coordinating a group meeting
with Waianae Elders and CSH. See Section
6 for interview inserts. She also feels it is
important to keep the view plane clear from
the Cave of Hina to Mui Rock and the
ocean.
Interviewed- see below for interview
No.24
inserts. Mr. Hoohuli feels that cultural
impacts have already occurred, including
the site of the Mui Rock. Mr. Hoohuli
commented that, This landfill project will
further impact the importance of our
cultures oral histories, and the ability to
perpetuate our moolelo without additional
visual disturbance.
Waianae Neighborhood Board No response.
No.24
Oahu Island Burial Council- Mr. Josephides suggested calling Eric Enos,
Waianae District
William Ail, Aggie Cope and Mrs. Baroso
Nnkuli Homestead
Made referral-Aunty Lei Baroso
Nnkuli Homestead
Made referral-Black Hoohuli

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
47
Name
Affiliation
Kapaku,
Lehua
Lindsey,
Doreen K.
Member of the Mlama Nnkuli Interviewed see Section 6 for interview

Ahupuaa, Inc. and former curator insert. Mrs. Kapaku stated: From the
of the Nnikapono Museum
flatlands of Puu Heleakal to the top of the
Puu it is all sacred and kapu and should not
be desecrated.
Member of the N~n~ikapono Made referral-Hoaliku Drake
Hawaiian Civic Club
Markel, Kai
Office of Hawaiian Affairs
Mole, John
Kupuna, Kamaina to the area
Momoa,
Joseph
Kamaina, member of N Keiki

O Kamoi Canoe Club and Local
Artist
Naone,
Phillip
Kupuna, Cultural practitioner,

Kamaina to the area
NunuhaWaiamau,
Neddie

No.24
Patterson,
Patrica
Waianae Elders

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
Comments
CSH sent a letter requesting consultation

dated July 7, 2006 and postmarked July 11,
2007. No response received. CSH made
several follow-up phone calls and sent
emails in May and June 2007 requesting a
status report on the CSH letter. OHA
responsded with an email sent on June 4,
2007 (see below table).
Participated in group interview with
Waianae Elders. I remember had a moss
rock company come in and move a lot of
rock. You can see the trail that goes back
and forth to the mountain. (Looking on the
map-See figure10) you can see trails to go
back and forth for the tractors
Mr. Momoa studied the Mui legends and
its relationship to Ulehawa and Lualualei
and feels it is very important to preserve
this special place of Heleakal.
Mr. Naone suggested calling his brother
Charles Naone and Mrs Cash. Mrs. Cash
had no comment.
Mrs. Nunuha feels that this area should be
left alone. She also suggested that if there is
a night marcher trail in the vicinity of the
project area that the view plane from mauka
to makai should be kept clear of visual
disturbance.
Ms. Patterson commented that the whole
area below Puu Heleakal is sacred to the
Hawaiians and needs to be preserved so that
they can worship.
48
Name
Affiliation
Comments
Rezentes,
Cynthia

No.24
Silva, Albert

No.24
No.24
Mrs. Rezentes is aware of the significance

of the Mui legends and how important it is
to preserve this area not only because of its
relationship to Ulehawa but the rest of
Polynesia. The view plane should not be
disturbed as well as the silhouette of Mui.
No response.
Teruya, Patty
Villarin,
Phyllis
Kamaina to Lualualei
Mrs. Teruya stated that she had no comment

See Section 6 for Walterbea Aldeguers
interview regarding Mrs. Villarins
experiences.
Mr. Jesse Yorck, Policy Advocate for the Native Rights, Land and Culture division of the
Office of Hawaiian Affaris (OHA) sent the following response in an email sent to CSH on
June 4, 2007:
Consulting Party
OHA, on behalf of our native Hawaiian and Hawaiian beneficiaries, formally
requests to be a consulted party with regard to this action as the area in question
maintains a high Hawaiian population.
Historic and Cultural Sites
In accordance with Act 50 in 2000, potential cultural impacts of your proposed
project need to be identified and assessed as part of the environmental impact
process.
We would encourage your chosen consultant to interact extensively with
knowledgeable individuals in the Waianae area regarding potential cultural
impacts due to your proposed project and known historic and cultural sites in the
area. An example of known cultural areas include the puu Heleakala, Ulehawa and
Uelehawa Stream, both associated with the Hawaiian akua Maui, and other
significant places in and around the project area.
Health Concerns
OHA would encourage an extensive study of the potential adverse health impacts to
the citizens of the area, especially our native Hawaiian populace.
Environmental Justice
TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
49
OHA is anticipating that the proposed project will create concerns relating to
Environmental Justice as found in the amended National Environmental Policy Act
of 1969, and reflected in legislation put forward by Hawaiis OEQC. Native
Hawaiians and families below the Hawaii State poverty level are
disproportionately at risk of environmental hazards in the Waianae coastal region.
This matter should be at the forefront of issues addressed in the upcoming
Environmental Impact Statement.

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
50
Traditional Cultural Practices and Beliefs
Section 7 Traditional Cultural Practices and Beliefs in

Lualualei Ahupuaa
Discussions of specific aspects of traditional Hawaiian culture during information gathering
interviews and talk story sessions are incorporated throughout this section as they may relate to
the proposed project area. Some of the interviews provided below are excerpted from past
Cultural Impact Assessments conducted by CSH. Interviewees for the current project gave their
permission for past interviews to be included in this report.
7.1 Legends
7.1.1 Mui (Demi God)
Throughout the course of this consultation process many people spoke about the famous Mui
Legends and how the Waianae district, specifically, Puu Heleakal and Ulehawa, was the birth
place of the demi-God Mui. In 1933, J. Gilbert McAllister noted the significance of Mui Rock.
Following is an excerpt from an interview with Fred Cachola, conducted on June 3, 1999 and
again in December 28, 2006, in which he shares his knowledge and experiences of the Mui
rock.
CSH: Tell me your interest in Mui and Muis connection to Nnkuli and
Lualualei.
FC: As part of my research down there, of course, I got to the Sites of Oahu
and McAllister and, in there, I think its site number 148 for the Waianae
District, he sited this Mui rock. An unusually big boulder or rock said to be
where Mui landed. And I was really intrigued because I didnt realize that in
other citations McAllister talked about that whole Mui tradition. Thats where
his brothers were born, and thats where they made fire, thats where his famous
hook was made, and thats where they used it at Ulehawa. And I said, Where is
this stone? There was the little x on the map which nobody could [locate]
because McAllisters map is notorious. Its just a scratch on the map. You
wouldnt know where its at. So I went to my friend Black. It was early in the
evening [and] I was coming back from work at Kamehameha. I stopped by his
house and said, Hey Black, you know this place? Have you ever seen a huge
rock that looks so unusual that it looks like it doesnt belong there? And he
thought for a while and says, Oh, yeah, down by the old haunted house. And I
said, Where? He said, Well, come, come, lets go take a look. And so we
drove down there, I knew what house he was talking about because there was this
old mansion and this big banyan tree and it was choke with weeds and you
couldnt even see the stone. Now I know why nobody could see the stone,
because it was sort of like on the side of the house and there was all this
underbrush covering it. So, it was early in the evening when we got there and we
parked the car. By then it was nightfall already and we started walking to the
stone. There was construction going on. They were building these condos down
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there. And all this construction equipment and materials, lumber, supplies all
over the place, and all of a sudden we heard this guy, Hey, what are you guys
doing? It was the night watchman. So we said, Oh, we just want to look for
this stone, this big rock. And he said, Oh, you mean Mui Rock? And [I
thought,] eh, how did this guy [know]? He read McAllister or what? And,
obviously, this was an elderly kupuna, Hawaiian man. And, he said, Come,
come. I show you guys. So he took out his flashlight and we walked maybe
about another 20 or 30 yards from where he was parked. And he shone it, and we
saw it. He put his light on it. I said, Oh my God. Cause it was huge. It was
bigger than a car, and it was really big. You seen it. And there were, on the top
of the boulder, were all these tiny, tiny rocks. Small little uprights. There were
many there. They were kind of like scattered around the place, on the top [and]
which are now gone. I dont know what happened to them. And so, we started
talking about it and he said, Yeah, you know, over here all the night watchmen
quit from the company because nobody like work over here. I said, So, whats
the problem? And he just said one word, p kne. I said, Yeah, p kne!
Wow, you mean the night walkers? He said, Yeah, they come from right over
here. And he pointed to this small little sapling, this little banyan tree. He said,
They come from over here, then they walk straight down to the beach. And
sometimes I park my truck and, whoa, they move em up, they move so much I
spill my coffee. So I just said, Okay, okay, I not scared of them! I swear at them,
but I gotta move my truck. Because hes in the way. So, he said, Yeah, they
come from over here, they go down to the beach. But, he said he was hired in
the middle of the night, because the watchman there was the sixth person to quit
and they were desperate. I dont know how they got hold of him or if somebody
called him, because he wasnt afraid. But all the other night watchmen said in
that area strange things happen. Things start flying around, and things start
moving. All these unusual events going on and they see things too, so nobody
wanted to work there. And then he said, Eh, you folks wanna see Mui? You
like see Mui? And I said, You cannot see Mui from here. I thought he
meant the island Mui. How can you see Maui from here? By then I didnt
want to question him. And he said, Come early tomorrow morning, come just
before sunrise when the sun is coming up. Ill show you guys Mui. And I
looked at Black, Black look at me and said OK. So, the next morning, sunrise,
I was down at Blacks house and we went right back to that site where we met
him the night before and he took us to the rock. There were no buildings there
then. You could see the whole mountain range very clearly. As the sun was
coming up he says, Theres Mui. And I looked up and I was stunned! It was
one of those moments. I said, Wow! It was this magnificent silhouette of a
sleeping man. Huge! I was telling your group, people brag about the sleeping
giant on Kauaì. That sleeping giant is like a menehune compared to this one.
This is a giant. This is worthy of Mui. And its Mui sleeping there. And thats
why if you look at McAllister, he said Mui is reposing, the rock that he reposed
on, yeah? He rested on this rock. And then I said, Maybe not, maybe from that
rock you can see Mui reposing. From that rock, that rock marks the spot where
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early in the morning you can see that whole [silhouette of] Mui sleeping. So,
who knows whether or not the Mui rock is called Mui because of that or that
rock was the place from which you could see most clearly. Because if you go too
far to the left or too far to the right, the silhouette changes. You cannot see it. Its
right from that rock that you can see it most clearly. Its just outstanding. Its a
silhouette of a huge sleeping person, Mui. And, all these mountain ranges are
there, but its a composition of different mountain ranges. But when the sun is
coming up, in the back of them, it looks like one silhouette. And its just
beautiful! But when the sun rises, then it disappears. You only see it early in the
morning when you see that silhouette. So, we never got that mans name, by the
way. And Black never met him. We just said, Who was this guy? We dont
know. It was one of those things where, darn it! Why didnt I get his name?
CSH
Did you go back and try to find him?
FC:
No, we didnt. I guess we were were not professional historians and
archaeologists we just nele [curious]. We just wanted to know. He wanted to
know, too. He had lived there all his life and he didnt know about that. Black
didnt know about that, which told me that the whole Mui thing as annotated and
as documented in McAllister is relatively unknown, even to the people who were
born and raised there. Now why is that? There might be many reasons. Maybe
the person who owned that property there just didnt want anybody to know about
this [and] just let the whole thing die. But, that silhouette is still there. It will be
there for eternity, unless somebody levels that whole mountain range.
CSH: Can you still get a good view of it from the rock today or are there
buildings in the way?
FC:
No. Theres buildings in the way, theres trees in the way. And so to get
kind of a glimpse at it you have to either go in front of those buildings or go way
across the road to the beach and then you can still see it. You can see over the
buildings.
CSH: How many mountain ranges or ridges do you think its comprised of?
FC:
Its comprised of Puù Heleakal, Hlona Ridge its about four or five
mountain ridges there. Its composed of Puù Heleakal, which is the body. And
then the foot is down here by Kahe. The chest, the abdomen is up in here at Puù
Heleakal, and over here is the Phoa Cliffs, Hlona Ridge, all this is part of it.
And maybe even some of this over here Pali Kea. No, I doubt it. No, because
thats on the back side. So its mostly Puù Heleakal, Hlona Ridge and the
Phoa Cliffs. These three, especially those. Theyre the ones that make up the
silhouette. And from that Mui rock, boy, Im telling you, I wish sometimes I had
taken a picture before those buildings went up, because you cannot do it now, not
from the rock. But, maybe you can go from behind those buildings. I dont know
whats behind those condos. Maybe you can still see it. But from the rock, you
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cannot see it. But, boy, it was really awesome! When I saw that I said, Oh,
wow! And then I said, this is the whole Mui legend and then you dig into
McAllister and you find out Ulehawa Stream is the stream where [Mui was born]
and the cave, the famous cave up at Puù Heleakal where she [Muis mother]
made kapa overlooking the stream down there. And thats where all his brothers
were born and the hook, and thats where they tried they rowed out in their
canoes out at Ulehawa to join up the islands. All these legends come from down
there and I said, Jeez, you know, Mui, the Hawaiian Superman is from
Ulehawa. Hes from Nnkuli. Hes from Waianae . And Puù Heleakal,
according to Kawena Pukui, Heleakal means the snaring of the sun. But it could
also mean the scattering of the sun rays hele (to go, move, cause motion).
Hele-a-ka-l. Hele means to snare, snare the sun. And so, I think people on
Mui made up their myths about [Mui] because the island is called Mui, and
Haleakal, house of the sun and about Mui capturing the sun over there. And I
said, Well, I dont know. Maybe he captured the sun down here at Ulehawa, not
at Haleakal. Maybe he captured the sun from the top of that Puù, Heleakal.
Thats where he did it. So, we might have to challenge some myth making up on
the island of Mui. But, I would encourage you to write up as much as you can
about that, because Ulehawa was where he was born. Thats where he came
[from]. That was his home. That was his place. So, its really interesting that
very few people know about that. So every time I drive by every once in a while,
early in the morning, I say, Yeah, theres Mui. Hes still there. Ive taken
some Waianae students [there to see Mui], and I think they took some
photographs of it, too. But, to me, the more people that know about it, the better
it is. Those traditions will go on forever. But if we dont share them, it wont.
The following excerpts are from the supplemental interview conducted on December 28,
2006:
So if you were to put a landfill right there, you putting it into the bosom of the
most sensitive of Muis legendary areas. It is unconscionable for us to think that
were desecrating the legendary area associated with one of the greatest demigods of Hawaii and Pacific history with a rubbish dump. Cannot do that. That
documentation now exist.
look at the map, the proposed project area is right in the bosom of Mui, right
in the bosom of Mui. And I would testify long and hard for not putting that
landfill over there. In fact, I would even propose that the landowner consider that
may be in the long run more economically viable which is a Leeward
Community/Nnkuli Community Cultural Site that would, that would know all
the legends, that would be a visitor attraction area, that would be housed by,
staffed by Nnkuli people telling their story about Mui and telling it in the place
where it occurred. I think that would be the highest and best use of that area.
Theres no place along the Leeward Coast devoted to Hawaiian cultural activity
like this. Not one. And this would be the perfect place. If the State would acquire
this and dedicate it that whole site, the whole 200 acres [note that the original
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acreage was 200, and then later changed to 179 acres (see OLeary & McDermott
2006)] as a focal point for this story, the cultural integrity of that area, it would be
a good for the whole community because they would now be able to recognize it,
the historical importance of that area that recognizes the people who know the
stories, who can translate the stories and who can restore the cultural pride with
the economic actions. It would be a terrific use for that area. You live across the
road, there is a landfill there right now and it looks terrible, it smells terrible, it
looks terrible and its changing the landscape over there, right? Now, if you look
at the proposed landfill is right across the road from where the current landfill is
right now and what you would do is---the most viable thing you would see in
Nnkuli is two huge landfills. One is bad enough. Having two right now would
be worse. So in terms of your question, the general history of the present and past
life within the project area, it was never used as a opala dumping ground, never,
never. The cultural sites which may be impacted by the future development
project for example historic sites, archaeological sites, burials---well, you know,
burials. Thats part of my concerns is that, I believe there are burials up there in
the caves. I believe there are. The fact that you cannot say that there is not is
because we havent gone. And those burials as you know would be very difficult
to get to deliberately. Itd be hidden deliberately so that the iwi was so important.
But that doesnt mean they dont exist. In fact, if I was born and raised in this area
and I knew I had, I would have the privilege of leaving my iwi in the bosom of
Mui, thats where I choose to be. I would say, put my iwi up high, close to
Mui, in the body of Mui, inside of him. And I would be protected, I would be
part of Mui. That would be a choice burial place and so I would say, yes, there
may be burials. I cannot say there is because we havent looked. Nobody has.
And so, one area that really needs further investigation, theres a possibility of
burial caves, Puu Heleakal. Archaeological sites, that whole entire mountain
range is an archaeological site. The legends, the whole archaeological---mountain
is an archaeological site. And according to McAllister, the oral histories that he
collected, thats where Hinas Cave was up there, where she made kapa.
Joseph Momoa in his teenage years at Nnkuli High School studied the Mui legends and
painted a mural of the Hinas Cave which is located at the Lualualei Community Center (See
Figure 14).

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Figure 14. A Mural of Hinas Cave with Puu Heleakal and Ulehawa stream located at the
Lualualei Community Center by Joseph Momoa.
The following is an excerpt from an interview with Walterbea Aldeguer who was raised in
Mili with the view of Puu Heleakal as she calls The Pyramid. Below she adds to the story
of Muis famous silhouette that embraces Puu Heleakal as well as the other Puu of the
Waianae mountain range:
If you came on a full moon night or early morning while the shadow of the
mountain range was still on our side [Wai'anae], Puu Heleakal and Piliokahi
would look like one continuous lava flow. Its this continuous flow that forms
Muis silhouette. Once the sun is high enough the giants shadow disappear
revealing peaks, hills, and valleys. Thats when we say that Mui went go
holoholo. Lucy Gay and I were up by Schofield overlooking Lualualei from
Kolekole with a geology professor from UH Mnoa. From the top I could see
why our ancestors named it Lualualei. Instead of calling it a chain of craters, our
Waianae ancestors named it lei of craters or lua which makes sense. Our
ancestors name things after what they saw.
Lehua Kapaku also elaborated on the legends of the demi-god Mui and how his home was
here in the district of Waianae. She emphasizes the importance of legends which are filled with
an immense amount of knowledge about the past, such as cultural landscape and wahi pana (a
place with a story or legend attached to it). The following is an excerpt from an interview with
Aunty Lehua Kapaku, conducted on June 28, 1999 and again in 2007 (for complete transcript see
Appendix C):

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LK: So, if the sun set at the west, which is in the direction of Nnkuli, and we
have a hill, or puù, named Heleakal, which means path of the sun, then, we
began to go in there and look at the Mui legends. Ulehawa, Puù Heleakal, and
as you know where Princess Kahanu is at now, seems to be the area where the
Mui legends seem to concentrate on. For example, the Mui Rock at Garden
Grove, coming straight out into where they have a park area, there seems to be
sort of a lagoon. And in the lagoon there should be a stone formation where they
anchored their canoe, or whatever, on. Theres signs of the lpoa [Dictyopteris
plagiogramma and D. australis] seaweed growing in that area. Seems like
whoever told the story of the Mui legend seemed to have all these clues, or
evidence within the area. To Muis mother, Hinas, home in the cliffs of Palikea.
So, thats the Mui legends connection to Nnkuli. Basing on the fact that the
migration came to Kauaì, and from Kauaì to Kaèna, Kaèna to Mkua, Mkaha,
and right along this part of the island. We came to agree that the legend begins
here. So, thats how far we got to the Mui legends. Okay, second Mui legend,
the naming of the place. Scientifically, we learned that the Waianae Volcano
was the first on Oahu. Remnants of the Waianae Volcano shield is Mìli
Point. So called Puù o Hulu is a remnant of the Waianae shield. So, anyway,
Mui legends tell us, scientifically, Waianae Volcano is the beginnings of the
island of Oahu, right? And the Mui legend names off the various places this
side of Oahu. Mui had so many brothers and he had two sisters. One was
Lualualei and [the other was] his baby sister whom he treasured. The baby
sisters name was Nnikuùlei [which means] look to my pretty lei.
Scientifically, when we did our research, from Waianae Volcano comes
Lualualei and the last cauldron, or the last puka, of the Waianae Volcano was
Nnkuli. Nnkuli overflows and there joins Koòlau with Waianae through
the Nnkuli flow.
Black Hoohuli also expressed his manao about the Mui Legend. The following is an
excerpt from an interview with Black Hoohuli, conducted on June 28, 1999 and again in 2007
(for complete transcript see Appendix B).
CSH: Have you heard any stories about Ulehawa area?
BH: just that thats where Mui was born, and the Mui rock that is there,
which is connected to Puù Haleakala [Heleakal]. Thats why one side of Puù
Haleakala [Heleakal] is barren. Because of the sun. Well, actually, the sunset,
yeah. But they say that when Muis mom felt that the sun was going too fast to
dry her kapa, he held the sun. Held it enough to burn that whole side of Puù
Haleakala [Heleakal]. Thats why its barren. But when you look at it, thats
how the sun sets. Like right now, thats the only way the sun is hitting, right
there.
CSH: Cause Palikea is the other side, yeah?

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BH: Yeah, Palikea is on this side. Palikea, Palikapu, then I think we get I
know we get one more in there. Plehua.
CSH: Now, how did you know about the Mui rock? When did you first hear
about it?
BH:
I didnt know that was Muis rock until they tried to develop.
CSH: Garden Grove?

BH: Uh huh. But I knew about the rock. The only thing that I knew about the
rock was the rock had a lot of mana [energy], you know. In what way? We
didnt know. I didnt know. And, the old people that was staying there it was
very that whole area was always dry, grassy. You couldnt go in there without
the old mans permission. My parents used to go in there so I used to ride on the
car. I used to see the rock, you know. But I didnt know anything about it. But,
after they tried to start developing it, the first owners, and then after that they
started to tell the history about that rock. Thats about all I know about it. But I
always made it a point that whenever I get guests from any place on the Pacific, I
always take them there because every Pacific Islander has Mui. I make sure that
they understand where I coming from. Some of them claim Mui is theirs.
Maybe this must be the brother or the cousin or something. With these guys
[referring to a Maori group he is hosting], Ive taken them. Ive taken all the
Maori there.
During his island-wide survey in the 1930s, J. Gilbert McAllister mentions three sites in
Nnkuli associated with Mui: Mui Rock, a shelter in which Mui lived, and a spring from
which Mui collected water. Samuel Kamakau writes of Ulehawa and Kalae, two places in
Waianae where Mui lived. He also mentions Hinas kapa beating cave, Muis fishhook
Mnaiakalani, the snare used in catching the sun, and the places in which Mui fabricated his
adzes. Many decades after the last accounts of these places had been recorded, there are still
kpuna living in the Waianae area today who can relate the exploits of Mui as written on the
landscape. Muis rock is still identified, though today hidden by a housing development. Hinas
cave on Puu Heleakal is still a prominent site pointed out by several kpuna. Muis silhouette
embodies the entire valley, illuminated only as the sun begins to rise and on nights of a full
moon.
7.1.2 Twin Sister Legend
Northwest of Puu Heleakal is Puu o Hulu Kai, the hill nearest the ocean which rises to 860
feet in elevation is connected to Puu o Hulu Uka (715 feet) by a saddle which drops down to
284 feet in elevation and Puu Miliili and Puu Pheèheè are northwest of Puu Hulu.
According to legend:
Puu o Hulu was said to be a chief who was in love with Mailiilii, one of twin
sisters, but he could never tell, whenever he saw them, which of the two was his
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beloved. A moo changed them all into mountains so he is still there watching and
trying to distinguish his loved one (V. Holt in Sterling and Summers 1978:67).
Joseph Momoa (interviewed in Souza 2003) painted another mural while at Nnkuli High
School of the Twin Sister Legend which is located at Mili Elementary.The mural depicts the
twin sisters changing from human form into Puus or hill form along side Chief Hulu who was
also changed into a Puu by a Moo (Figure 14). Moo is another name for Puu o Hulu,
described by one kupuna. According to this kupuna, every puu or hill along the Waianae Coast
has an animal name starting with the one at Kaena which is named honu or turtle. Puu Miliili
was know as iliIli ili and later changed to Miiliili. Iliili means rocks also known for a
rock dance because the rocks makes a certain noise (Personal communication from Walter
Kaman in Bushnell and Hammatt 2001).
Fred Cachola mentions the twin sister legend, he is making a point that the surrounding
stories and wahi pana are all related within the ahupua a.
I think, I think this whole place needs to be really, really explored very carefully
and I think, not only in the project area, but every association around it. I mean
theres the legend of Puu o Hulu, the twins yeah, the twin sisters. Sameand
then Puu Mili looking over here. So, you see, our ancestors didnt limit
themselves to justand you look at this whole side and all the places are
associated with each other. So you cannot isolate one site and say thats
significant; anything outside of it is not significant. I think you gotta say, you
gotta look at the historical significance of the entire area, because from the
cultural context, thats what makes sense, not well, we can only look within the
red boundaries [shown on a map].
As with Puu Heleakal, the demigod Mui is also connected to Puù o Hulu. There is a cave
on Puù o Hulu Kai which belonged to Muiakamalu (also known as Muiakalana).
Muiakamalu is also known to have frequented the Mìlikai area for fishing. He would
spearfish on the extensive reef that once fringed Ka Lae o Mìli or what is now known as Mìli
Point (Personal communication from Keone Nunes in Bushnell and Hammatt 2001).
Puù o Hulu was once used as a sign of wind direction. There used to be a rock with a hole in
it on Puù o Hulu Kai. When the wind blew through the hole a certain way, a noise like a horn
was heard. Apparently, a no good chief put the horn there and when the Lualualei mountain
people were mad at the ocean people, they would make the horn blow. The way this happened
was the wind would blow over Kumaip, then hit Kolekole and head towards the side of
Nnkuli then back around Puù o Hulu and through the hole where it would produce this horn
sound. According to Mr. Walter Kaman, depending on the direction of the makani or wind, the
sound produced by the horn would change pitch or tone. Mr. Kaman said there were three
winds, although he described four:
Kaàimakani: the eating wind; name of a wind that blows from Kauaì. So called
because it eats up the coast.
Kaimakani: This was a cold, north wind that came from the directions of Mìliìli and
Waianae Ùka.
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Kumaip: Wind that comes from the Waianae Valley.

Npilikia: the no troubles wind; one name for the northeast tradewinds which were
accompanied by calm and fair weather.
When Mr. Kaman was growing up, the old people would mistaken the horn at Puù o Hulu
Kai for the train whistle (Personal communication from Walter Kaman in Bushnell and
Hammatt 2001).
A third legend pertaining to Puù o Hulu was also mentioned. There was once a kaneman
(sharkman) who married a wahine from Waianae . The family of the wahine would often go
fishing at Pka` and would always catch plenty of fish. The people of Mìli became very
jealous. One day, the people of Mìli noticed the kane had gills and was actually a kaneman.
They killed him and the dark marks left on Puù o Hulu are vestiges of kanemans thrashing
and struggling (Personal communication from F. De Soto in Bushnell and Hammatt 2001).
The man or shark also appears in the documented fishing traditions of Mìli. The
demigod Mui was known to spend much of his time fishing in the waters of Lualualei. He and
his brothers were known to catch sharks in these waters (Sterling and Summers, 1978: 65).
During an archaeological inventory survey for Ulehawa Beach Park, Walter Kaman shared
knowledge of several fishing grounds and their associated shrines or koà. He mentions one for
Mìli.
Mìli had one koà, the one of the shark, the worst one. There was a shrine there
as well, but it did not survive the World War II use of the area (Interview with W.
Kaman in McDermott and Hammatt, 2000:45).
Mr. Kaman pointed out the location of the shark koà as on the beach fronting Hoòkele
Street near the mouth of what is now known as Mìli Stream (W. Kaman in McDermott and
Hammatt 2000:Appendix D:7). This location is approximately 1 km makai of the Puù o Hulu
Community Park. Another community member, Mr. Nunes, who grew up on Hakimo Road near
Ùlehawa in Lualualei remembers seeing koà at the beach at Mìlikai in the early sixties
(Personal communication, K. Nunes, Bushnell and Hammatt 2001). He also recalls seeing what
he believed to be koà made of upright coral stone situated mauka of what used to be the swamp
(present day Mìli Stream). Mr. Nunes felt that the coral koà in back of the swamp were related
to the koà situated on the beach.

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Figure 15. A Mural of the Twin Sister Legend at Mili Elementary by Joseph Momoa
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7.2 Cultural and Historic Sites

In 2006, CSH completed an archaeological inventory survey of the 200-acre project area for
the Proposed Nnkuli B Site Materials Recovery Facility and Landfill (OLeary & McDermott
2006). Two historic properties were identified: SIHP No. 50-80-08-6699 (pre-Contact
rockshelter) (Figure 7) and SIHP No. 50-80-08-6681 (WWII concrete bunker).
CSH conducted another site visit for this Cultural Impact Assessment and found a cave which
is located just north of the project area. Based on numerous Mui and Hina legends, as well as
interviews conducted for this assessment, this site has been identified as the Cave of Hina and
may be eligible for the Hawaiì and National Register of Historic Places according to the
Hawaii state historic preservation review legislation, historic properties under criteria E. The
State Historic Preservation Division is the official keeper of the Hawaiì Register of Historic
Places. The list formally recognizes sites and structures and their significance in Hawaiì's
history, architecture, archaeology, engineering and culture (for information on registration
procedures see, http://www.hawaii.gov/dlnr/hpd/hpregistr.htm).
7.3 Trails
Trails served to connect the various settlements throughout Oahu. John Papa described
three trails accessing the Waianae District during the early post contact period (, 1959: 9799) (Figure 15). The most popular was the coastal route which circled Oahu. The other two
trails traversed the Waianae Mountains into Lualualei. The northeast route traversed Kolekole
Pass, followed the Phwai Stream Valley down crossing into Waianae Kai through the gap and
finally to Pka Bay (Green in Robins, 1994:22). According to , the second trail traverses the
Waianae Mountains at Phkea Pass and descends the stream valley below Phkea. On maps,
this valley is shown as Halona. There is no indication where the Phkea trail continues after
Halona. However, Robins (1994: 22) suggests the path continued west to the Lualualei coast or
intersected other makai-bound trails. This trail may have passed along side the northern
boundary of the current project. , goes on to describe the trails:
From Kunia the trail . . . met with the trails from Wahiawa and Waialua. The trail
continued to the west of Mahu, to Mlamanui, and up to Kolekole, from where
one can look down to Pka` and Waianae Uka. There was a long cliff trail
called Elou from Kalena and Haleàuàu on the east side of Kaàla coming down
to Waianae . There was also a trail called Kmaip which went up and then
down Mkaha Uka.
Below Kmaip trail in the olden days was a stronghold named Kaww ... [and
it] was part of a mountain ridge lying between Waianae and Mkaha and
overlooking Kamaile. The trail Kmaip, went down to the farms of Mkaha and
the homes of that land. A branch trail which led up Mount Kaàla and looked
down on Waialua and Mokulìa could be used to go down to those level lands. It
was customary to have dwelling places along the mountain trails that led
downward from here into Kamaile, as well as along the beach trail of Mkaha.
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. . . Puù o Kapolei [trail] . . . joined the beach trail from Puùloa and from
Waimnalo. (Ibid.) (See Fig. 15 for a map of Leeward Oahu trails.)
Phkea Pass is understood as one of the resting places of Peles sister Hiiaka as she was
returning from Kauai with Peles lover Lohiau (Fornander 1919 Vol. V:188 note 6). A
considerable number of mele (songs) and pule (prayers) are ascribed to Hiiaka as she stood at
the summit of Phkea (Aluna au a Phkea, K au, nn ia Puna...) (Emerson 1915:162-168).
From this vantage point Hiiaka could see, through her powers of vision, that her beloved lehua
groves and friend Hopoe at Puna, Hawaii Island had been blasted by her jealous sister Pele. She
could also see that in her canoe, off the coast of Waianae, Lohiau was seducing her traveling
companion Wahinemao! A spring located at Kualakai near Barbers Point was named Hoakalei (lei reflection) because Hiiaka picked lehua flowers here to make a lei and saw her reflection
in the water.
7.3.1 Kahalaopuna at Phkea Pass (Many accounts)
One of the most popular legends of Oahu is that of Kahalaopuna (or Kaha) a young woman
of Mnoa who is slandered by others and is then killed by her betrothed, Kauhi, a chief from
Koolau, Oahu. While the numerous accounts (Day 1906:1-11, Fornander 1919 Vol. V :188193, Kalkaua 1888:511-522, Nakuina 1904:41-45, Patton 1932:41-49, Skinner 1971:220-223,
Thrum 1907:118-132, Westervelt 1907a 127-137, Westervelt 1907b 84-93) vary in details they
typically have Kahalaopuna slain and then revived repeatedly with the aid of a protective owl
spirit. Kauhi forces her to hike west from Mnoa through the uplands until they get to Phkea
Pass (just northeast of the project area) through the southern Waianae Range in north
Honouliuli. At Phkea Pass, Kauhi beats her with a stick until she is very dead (Ia hahau ana a
Kauhi i ka lau, make loa o Kahalaopuna). Her spirit (uhane) flies up into a lehua tree and
chants for someone to go notify her parents of her fate:
E hai aku oukou ua make o Kahalaopuna, (Go tell them Kahalaopuna is dead)
Aia la i ka uka o Phkea, (There in the uplands of Phkea) i ke kumu lehua la o
lalo iho, (Beneath a lehua tree)
Upon hearing the news her parents fetch Kahalaopuna back to Mnoa and she is restored
to life.
Two trails were recorded during the Milikai Community Park Archaeological Survey
(Cordy, 1976: 16-17; Jimenez, 1994:13). In 1976, Cordy recorded an east-west trail which
encompassed the northern base of Puu o Hulu (The site was destroyed before the second
archaeological survey was conducted). The trail was described as 1 meter wide with small,
hand-sized stones bound on each side by larger stones with a wooden post set in the middle of
the trail (Cordy 1976:17). Although Cordy interprets this east-west running trail as a historic trail
based on the associated historic wooden post, the trail may have been a pre-contact trail. Given
its location along the northern base of Puu o Hulu, which is just west of Puu Heleakal this trail
may have served as a mauka-makai pre-contact trail that many kpuna refer to.
One of the few archaeological sites tested which produced evidence of pre-historic occupation
was Site -3750, a C-shape enclosure (Jimenez, 1994). During the test excavations of the site, a
plan view was drawn which depicts a trail running north-south. However, no physical description
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of the trail was given in the site description and no mention of the trail was made when the site
was originally identified in 1975. There is no documentation that this trail served as a pre-contact
trail, however, its proximity to a known habitation site (6 meters) and to potential sources of
water (Site -3336, two sinkwells situated approximately 400 m to the north) suggest the trail may
be associated with the site. Continuing in a southerly direction on this trail may have led to the
east-west trail running along the northern base of Puu o Hulu which is west of the project area.

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Figure 16. Trails of Leeward Oahu as Described by . Map by Paul Rockwood. (,

1959:96)

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7.4 Huakai P or Oio, P Kne (Procession of the Night Marchers)

Typically, the belief is that following the lunar calendar, on certain nights (the nights of the
gods K, Akua, Lono, Kne and Knaloa) a procession of ghosts known as night marchers,
huakai p or p kne, can be seen and heard as they travel to familiar places they once
frequented while here on this Earth. According to Hawaiian tradition, the night marchers are the
souls of those who have passed on. An `lelo noèau (proverb) makes reference to this tradition:
He p Kne kia, he màu nei n èèpa o ka p. (This is the night of Kne, for supernatural
beings are wandering about in the night) (Pukui 1983:98; O.N. #908).
Family ties in the afterworld remain unbroken, and all Hawaiians believe in the
power of sprits to return to the scenes they know on earth in the form in which
they appeared while they were alive. Especially is this true of the processions of
gods and spirits who come on certain sacred nights to visit the sacred places, or to
welcome a dying relative and conduct him to the aumakua world. Marchers of
the night (Hauakaipo) or Spirit ranks (Oio) they are called. Many Hawaiians
and even some persons of foreign blood have seen this spirit march or heard the
chanting voices, the high notes of the flute, and drumming so loud as to seem
beaten upon the side of the house. Always, if seen, the marchers are dressed
according to ancient usage in the costume of chiefs or of gods. If the procession
is one of gods, the marchers move five abreast, with five torches burning red
between the ranks, and without music save that of the voice raised in chant.
Processions of chiefs are accompanied by aumakua and march in silence, or to the
accompaniment of drum, nose-flute, and chanting. They are seen on the sacred
nights of Ku, Lono, Kane, or Kanaloa, or they may be seen by day if it is a
procession to welcome the soul of a dying relative. To meet such a procession is
very dangerous. O-ia (Let him be pierced) is the cry of the leader and if no
relative among the dead or none of his aumakua is present to protect him, a
ghostly spearsman will strike him dead. The wise thing to do is to remove all
clotting and turn face up and feign sleep. (Beckwith 1970:164)
Through out this consultation process several people in the community talked about P Kne
(night marchers). Fred Cachola and Black Hoohuli talk about the same pathway. They both
were at the Mui Rock site at Garden Grove and met the security guard on duty. Mr. Hoohuli
mentioned: The only thing I know is the night marchers, the night walkers, this is their area
coming up this way. All down this way. This is the area of the night walkers. Was over here
[near Hakimo Road]. And another one is up here, when you coming inside Nnkuli. Lehua
Kupaku also mentioned this trail from Puu Heleakal to the Mui Rock then on to the ocean.
See below for Mr. Cacholas story (for complete transcript see Appendix A):
FC: .as you read in my testimony (above), thats a pathway of the P Kne. The P Kne,
thats where they was. Thats why that night watchman had his truck parked somewhere
else. Yeah, they shaked so much, my coffee spilled. Im like, how can it spill? So, I
said, I swear at them, I said, okay, okay, I going move my truck. So, he moved his
truck.
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CSH: Okay, did he tell you, because Im trying to figure out if [looking at a map], okay heres
the stream, so the rock is somewhere down here then.
FC: This is Hakimo Road, see Hakimo?
CSH: Okay, I see it. Right here.
FC: So its right about, I would say right about here. Its right about here is where this Mui
Rock is. But its outside of your map right now, but I would estimate it to be right about
here.
CSH: Didthey came down from here too? So the trail must have came from here [Puù
Heleakal and went down here [kahakai].
FC: Oh yeah, they had P Kne, probably emanating from Puu Heleakal and going down
towards this direction [makai] and so you know, thats why this whole area needs to be
really explored carefully.
CSH: So the huakai p kne, the night marchers, they walked from the puu to the Mui Rock to
the ocean?
FC: Exactly. They came from the puu all the way down to here and all this, you know all these
caves will likely be restless spirits, right? They all the iwi, all these restless spirits in there
right? They go right down through there.
And as you know P Kne are spirits that havent quite rested yet. They still going,
they still active right? And so, you cannot put a landfill and cover up their sacred
pathway of the night marchers. And if there are restless spirits, they would emanate
from Puu Heleakal because thats a cave, I think burial caves that are in this area.
And so I would highly recommend to the State to acquire this place, not for landfill,
but as a place for historical, cultural resource center for the Leeward area, the
Leeward Area. And then, you know, Ulehawa, I mean Lualualei and then you
would have all these heiau that you can still visit. Therere a lot of heiaus out there.
I restored, I did the restoration on the one at Pka Bay and I feel very proud.
The excerpt below is taken from an interview with the late Uncle Walter Kaman who shares
his manao on the P Kne (Souza and Hammatt 2003). Mr. Kaman said the path usually
follows a particular route, sometimes connected to a heiau, a fishpond, or other specific cultural
site. In this case the path is to the Mui Rock. Most often, the path or route of the night marchers
travels mauka to makai after the sun sets and returns from makai to mauka before dawn:
WK:
Okay there is no such thing that menehune and night marchers are different people. They
are the same. Some people use the menehune to tell old stories. The menehune get power
like they translate the word from Kona you know! On that side that they when build the
big stones to put in the water outside. But through the menehune lazy work before they
never complete that loko the pond. So here when they say night marchers the menehune
coming down go holoholo down the beach.
CSH: You said get one from here to there (looking on map).

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WK:
Yeah thats a trail way but now get houses. But now today many of the sacred path are
gone. So the night walkers they come out certain times, like P Kne night or certain
Hawaiian nights, they going march through. The night walkers got to come down to the
ocean. There is something between the ocean and them and the mountain, you know!
Thats why when you see long trail like over here over here (Lualualei), Waimanalo,
Puko, (Koòlina).
CSH: Yeah. I heard there is one over there too!

WK:
Yeah goes from Koolina, goes to Nanikono come out. I the only guy who knows the
trail. Before certain time yeah use to come down you know where the red trial come over
into Nnkuli, before they improve that road it come right from there come down. Where
the guy call it Kahe or Kihei because it is house of the wind. Same like here they name it
Ilimapapa the name of this place was called Hualilili house of the wind, same like here
they name um Ilimapapa because of all the flat land. The twin sisters start from in here.
The twin sisters was a whirlwind, that certain time of the year they like go down the
beach and bath. So when they come they going come right through come spinning right
down through Poku and come up. You know they bang this wall come over in Lualualei
go down cross over you know that get Hakimo and Paàkea and go down inside into
Leihk area into Waianae into where Pka` bay and head out the ocean. So when it use
to come in here it use to develop a air pocket. There were no coincidences except the rock
in Kolekole Pass. The guy that bulldozed that he was living and he died. The son must
remember, his name was David Kilikahua. The father was the one who pushed the rock
over Kolekole Pass. He told the story and some old timers who died, they said had three
of them who pushed the rock over the Pali. The next morning the rock was standing right
back up there. So when their boss saw he said go move um again. He said how can a big
boulder come back up? They figure the menehune when bring um up but nobody saw um.
They only saw the rock back. Later part of the year they made heads to tails to the rock in
Nnkuli.
The following is an insert taken from an interview with Walterbea Aldguer regarding the
menehune of Lualualei. She retells the story told to her by Phyllis Villarin whom was raised in
Lualualei:
Phyllis Villarin is a Dumancas girl. She said that in the late 1940s they lived
behind Aunty Pinaus Store which is now Yuens Store near Helelua. The kids in
the area would play together where there were big rocks, I guess coral outcrops
but Phyllis said there were other kinds of big rocks too. It was near the ridge
where the mountain (Puu Heleakal) slopes down behind Helelua. She said that
was all kiawe trees near Yamaguchis farm and they would run around all back
there. They would gather by this big hole in the ground that had water, and would
all lie down to watch for the little men to come through. She said that the hole was
deep and she couldnt see the bottom. The little men would be in canoes and there
would be something lit like torches, and they would always watch. She said that
she would tell her mom that she was going to listen to Hawaiian music. The mom
would ask where, and she would say by the graveyard on the stone wall. She said
her mom was Korean, and would tie garlic and Hawaiian salt in a Bull Durham
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bag and attach it with a safety pin to her clothes because she was the youngest.
Then the mom would say, 'Okay you kids. You can go play now. It's okay. She
said that's what they used to do. She and her sister would meet the rest of the kids
in the area and go to watch for the little men or listen music. Phyllis said they
never knew where the soft Hawaiian music came from but it sounded like it came
from far up but there were no houses. The Dumancas family moved to Kuwale
Road up Lualualei Homestead in Waianae. One day she and her family got
together with some of their childhood friends. They were talking story about
small kid time, and talked about the hole with the little men. Someone said, 'You
remember that?' And someone else said, 'Yeah! I remember that.' And Phyllis
said, 'I thought I was dreaming. No, that really happened!' So here you have adults
talking about this experience that they had when they were kids, and it's not one
time, it's over and over that they saw the little people. So as far as where the trail
could be, it could start where you guys are at, and work its way to the ocean.
Phyllis also mentioned that in the late 1950s or early 1960s there was an article in
the newspaper of a young boy on Imipono Street who saw a menehune. It was
after she saw the sketch of the menehune in the Star-Bulletin or Advertiser
newspaper that she realized it was one of the little men she saw as a child.
Regarding this newspaper article, I remember it too. Imipono Street is located
next to Waianae Elementary School and all the kids talked about the menehune. I
remembered that the young boy had a Japanese last name and the incident had to
do with his mother planting a plumeria branch in the path of the menehune. If Im
not mistaken, scientists were called in to investigate because there was a footprint
left in the dried mud where the boy watered the plant.
Aunty Alice Greenwood adds to the menehune stories of Lualualei that she and her husband
experienced near the current project area:
Menehune Trail
There is a Menehune Trails up there (Heleakal). I seen one (menehune) and my
husband was next to me, we were out by the window and I said hey and he said
what the hell you doing. We used to go in the back in Lualualei and just this
one time something attracted us and we pulled over by the well area, there it was
a menehune path area there was this guy he looks like the kilowatt man. Thats
what I call him. I said hey and he turned around and he looked! I cannot
remember if he had a face! Oh yeah he had cause I seen a little nose, but I cannot
remember about the eyes or anything and he looked and I dont know if it was a
smile or what he turned around and ran and as he was running he was
disappearing. It was awesome to see that.
You know, how we know, how they (menehune) coming out, the barking of the
dogs. What had happen I was telling my girlfriend the story and she said lets
study the whole thing. Then certain time of the evening the dog is barking but
this one affects the whole neighborhood. You hear every single dog barking. So
when you hear all the dogs barking you know that they are coming out. And it
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could be bone chilly. But every time you hear the dogs there is a special sound
that the dogs bark you know that they are coming out. Until we got used to the
sound and now it is beautiful. You know when a dog barks it is a nuisance but
then we were thinking, you know it is so strange, so far that it seems like it is not
in our neighborhood. Its like something echoing and we look outside and we here
a dog bark but it is just like the sound is carrying a different pitch then if you
really hear the pitch it becomes a beautiful pitch. Then you start to see them
coming out and its just like a flash and when you hear that bark you go, you to the
trail area and you can actually see them. This one boy say its the devil cause he
can see them in different colors. I said no it was just an reflection and he said
no it is the devil an he is out to get us.
7.5 Gathering of plants

Walterbea Aldeguer was raised in the Lualualei area and recalls seeing a few native plants in
the project area such as iliahi, uhaloa, and aalii as well as the kulikuli and kookolau. She
suggests if these plants grew there in the past there was also on-going gathering.
Modern quarrying has played a part in altering the natural landscape in and around the project
area. A recent inspection of the undeveloped portion of the proposed Landfill indicated that
mostly weedy, exotic plant species were taking root. However, there were two native plants
which were also beginning to sprout: the ùhaloa (Waltheria americana L.) and the ìlima
(Sidaspp.) The presence of these plants in such conditions suggests these plants may have once
been more prolific in the study area and were probably once widely available for gathering.
Ùhaloa, also known as hiàloa, kanakaloa, àlaàlapiloa and hihialou was used in
conjunction with other plants as a general tonic for children and adults (Krauss 1993:102). The
root of the ùhaloa was commonly used to treat sore throats (Gutmanis 1989:30). Ùhaloa is also
indicated in treating women who had suffered from miscarriages (Gutmanis 1989: 34). Ìlima
was known for its use as an enema. It was also popular in preparing women for childbirth and
treating sickly newborns (Gutmanis 1989). Traditionally, ìlima was a favored lei flower. It
continues to be so today. No one interviewed for this assessment mentioned gathering plants
within the project area.
7.6 Ocean Resources

The sea is a rich resource and the Hawaiian people were traditionally expert fishermen. Fish,
shellfish, and other invertebrates of all types supplied the Hawaiian diet with a rich source of
protein. Myths and legends support the abundant marine life in the Waianae District. This
source of food is a supplement to the things grown in the uplands. Limu was also very important
in the Hawaiian diet and is defined by Pukui & Elbert (1971): A general name for all kinds of
plants living under water, both fresh and salt, also algae growing in any damp place in the air, as
on the ground, on rocks and other plants.
Through out the community consultation process many people elaborated on the rich marine
resources along the coast. Black Hoohuli mentioned that the area where Ulehawa stream joins
the ocean was a great fishing ground for squid and gathering different varieties of limu:
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Good fishing grounds. In our time, it was a real good fishing ground. Lots of
squid, right outside Ulehawa. It was good squid ground.
Limu, they had limu out there. We used to get our limu kala [Sargassum
echinocarpum] from there. Lot of limu kala, some lpoa [Dictyopteris
plagiogramma]. Limu kohu [Asparagopsis taxiformis], you gotta know the spots.
If you dont, youre not gonna get it. And the best time to go get limu is right
after the good rough, when the water is rough. Nobodys down the water. And
maybe right after that, the rough, right after that, everybody is on the water, so
you gotta be there, too to get some. But, like today, I dont know, for some
reason, a lot of the limus are disappearing. I dont know if its chemicals in the
water, or couldnt be too much people, because today I dont think theres
enough Hawaiians to clean it out.
In the 1970s, Fred Cachola and many other people in the community could still gather limu at
Ulehawa. Below Mr. Cachola expresses his concern for the loss of the limu in the Ulehawa area:
FC: Now back in the old days, all those fresh water streams coming out into the
ocean---the best one I knew of was the one that came out from Pkai Road from
Waianae Valley. Wherever those streams went into the ocean is where limu
waiwaiole was that we collected, yeah. Now, they made em into a huge drainage
canal so that the limu waiawaiole is gone. When I first started in Waianae, we
used to be able to pick limu waiwaiole down at Pka Bay at Rest Camp on the
Mkaha Side andbecause there wasnt this huge drainage sewer coming right
into the water. But when they built the huge drainage canal emptying right into
the water, killed all the limu. So, Ulehawas the same way, you know. Cultural
associations with the project area such as legends and traditional uses. The
legends of Mui, the traditional uses of people worshipping Mui, being
associated with Mui, being part of him, being proud that this is Muis home
ground. I think theyre all important. And how can we even think about putting a
landfill at the foot of Muis monument. We wouldnt do that any other place, so
why are we doing it here?
7.7 Wahi Pana (Storied or Sacred Place)

The concept of wahi pana (a place with a story or legend attached to it) is very important in
the Hawaiian culture because it is a connection to the past and, therefore, the ancestors. From the
name of a place one can know intimate details about the people who lived there, the
environment, cultural practices, and historical events that took place. In Hawaiian culture, if a
particular spot is given a name, it is because an event occurred there that has meaning for the
people of that time. Because Hawaiian culture was based on oral traditions, place names and
their stories were an important way of remembering these traditions and ensuring these stories
would be passed on to future generations. In Hawaiian thinking, the fact that a place has a name
deems it important. Often, spiritual power or mana is attached to a place, which increases its
importance. On the subject of wahi pana, Edward Kanahele writes:
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As a native Hawaiian, a place tells me who I am and who my extended family is.
A place gives me my history, the history of my clan, and the history of my people.
I am able to look at a place and tie in human events that affect me and my loved
ones. A place gives me a feeling of stability and of belonging to my family, those
living and dead. A place gives me a sense of well-being and of acceptance of all
who have experienced that place (Kanahele in James 1995:6).
Eric Enos emphasizes the importance of wahi pana it is the primary mission of the Cultural
Learning Center at Kaala, to perpetuate, protect and restore the Hawaiian culture. Below is an
insert from Eric Enos testimony submitted to CSH in regards to the importance of the Cave of
Hina a wahi pana that is still alive physically and spiritually (also see Appendix D):
.I will limit this testimony to the impact of the proposed landfill on the complex
of cultural, archaeological sites referred to locally as the Cave of Hina.
The specific impact of the landfill on the Cave of Hina complex can only be
understood as a long series of relationships and cannot be viewed in isolation.
What is left of the few remaining wahipana, cultural sites, on Oahu can best be
understood first through analogy of comparing these cultural sites to the last of our
native dry forest habitat on Oahu.
The native dry forest habitat on Oahu specifically in the Waianae range are nearly
extinct. Only a few pockets are left on what once was a healthy thriving ecosystem with more diverse unique native species than the wet forest system in the
Koolau Mountain range. This unique dry forest diversity is a product of Oahus
geological forces. The Waianae Mountain range, formed millions of years ago,
evolved as a single land mass rising from the ocean bottom in what is now known
as Lualualei Valley. (Lualualei is the birth center of Oahu, hence the female,
Hinas womb or cave.)
In geological time Lualualei and the entire Waianae range evolved as a verdant wet
forest. As the only mountain range the Waianaes captured the moisture, driving
wind, rain, root, moss and mist, the evidence is seen only in the deeply eroded
valley walls. These secrets of geologic time past are locked today in the rocks and
niches so vibrantly illustrated in the wall of the Cave of Hina.
In the next geological time sequence the Koolau Mountain range emerged and for
hundreds of thousands of years the climate changed. The Waianae range became
the rain shadow of the Koolaus and went from wet to arid and desert like in some
niches. The Waianae eco-system evolved from this dynamic process to create and
evolve unique, dry forms of plant/animal species found no where else in the world.
It is no accident today that three NARS National Area Reserve Systems, Kaena,
Pahole and Kaàla are all in the Waianae Mountain range virtually side by side.

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Fast forward to the last 1,000 years (BP Before Present) human impact has taken its
deadly toll on this once thriving laboratory of evolution of plants and animals. Just
within the last 200 years destruction multiplies and we now have eliminated over
90% of our dry forest habitat, hence, Hawaiis and Oahus standard as the native
biota extinction capital of the world.
Put into the context of our native plant habitat, so it is that in the last 200 years our
wahipana, legendary places of cultural importance and survival, are nearing
extinction. Our cultural sites over 90% destroyed is a good estimate. We have seen
however that our kanaka maoli or those descendents of people prior to Cooks
arrival, will continue to thrive and through intermarriage the pride of being
Hawaiian both in ancestry and spirit is very re-assuring. (Although the race of
Hawaiian people went nearly extinct after western contact and being Hawaiian in
my grandparents generation was seen as a negative thing.) With the Hawaiian
renaissance the Hawaiian language, music, dance, arts and crafts will continue and
have become even more dynamic and universally recognized. For example, the
Hawaiian designed outrigger canoe is universally promoted as a masterwork of
design and function.
In bitter irony we now sing, describe in dance, in the most beautiful poetic
expressions, of wahipana that no longer exist, that have been totally destroyed by
modern man. In another irony Tutu Pele who destroys or eats the land, leaves in
her wake cultural kipuka, little pockets of old growth forest, untouched by fire, that
become the seed bank to re-vegetate the barren lava field which over time re-new as
rich cultural habitats. Is this a lesson for us today? Are we able to leave behind us a
place able to re-new itself in a healing environment?
The complex known as the cave of Tutu Hina is a sacred site. This is where Hina
gave birth to Oahu, where she pounded the sacred kapa, grew her fibers, foods and
provided the lessons for all relationships of earth-sky, land-water. The Ku-Hina,
Papa-Wakea relationship, the male-female duality of relationships of the land and
sky are as real today as they were to our collective ancestors. For the last 200 years
the dominant culture in Hawaii and worldwide sought to eliminate the indigenous
spirituality of earth cultures. They sought to make our culture extinct, how else can
they sell and violate the earth so that it is now no longer sustainable?. Our current
mainstream survival mode now leads us to a cliff and we destroy our very source
of our sacred food and water, and leave little but waste and over-consumption to
our children.

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At a recent State Legislative hearing on sustainability called by Senator Kokubun,

Kaàla was invited to testify along with major representatives of the agricultural
business community. Our message, a simple one, was one of food security and
setting aside land and water for families to grow food in communities of
subsistence farming a parallel economy to agribusiness. Testimony also came
from the head of the Department of Agriculture and the Dean of UH School of
Tropical Agriculture. The Dean from the university said something which
resonated, he said Hawaii is the canary in the mine.
Our question today is: what happens when the canary dies? Where do we go as
Pacific Islanders in a fragile and rapidly changing environment? Our isolation is
both our blessing and our burden.
The womb of Hina, earth mother, is a symbol of our future. Like the placenta or
the afterbirth we have to deal with it both spiritually and physically. For our
collective ancestors they had no concept of waste. Re-cycle is not a modern
concept. Every part of the animal or plants were used. Modern waste is garbage,
and that waste comes from all of us. Every one of us generates over a ton of
garbage each year. Our waste as raw sewage goes into our pure, fresh drinking
water and then goes into the ocean, which is our ice-box, our pharmacy, our energy
source. We all have to be part of the solution that is our kuleana, our responsibility.
To have places to recycle our waste, not buried out of sight and mind, is like the
bird with the head in the sand or the canary in the mine. We are committed to
working on these problems together. Resources of time, energy and money must be
put to better use. We do not have a choice anymore.
Mui was the Polynesian superman. His mother, Hina gave him special gifts of
insight, the secret of fire, a fish hook of spiritual power to bring forth the land, the
ability to harness the sun heleakala, hence the puù Heleakala. These are
paradigms of the future. Our ancestors were wise beyond our modernity. Five
hundred years from now how shall we be viewed as year 2007? As the dark ages
of the totally blind leading the blind to eventual mass destruction? Or will we be
seen as an enlightened age a turning point of humanity in the web of life we call
our mother earth? Mui had the power to go back to his mothers womb. Perhaps
we all need to take a walk, sit on the threshold of Hinas to look out and see what
our ancestors saw. Perhaps we might see into a future for our children, and see
from the womb of the past, present and future.
Fred Cachola expresses the importance of connectivity and relationships to the land and that
we cannot take things out of context to fully understand the whole picture, the whole circle of
life. Below is an excerpt from the supplemental interview in 2006:
the Hawaiians didnt make that historical area. This is an arbitrary line, drawn
by somebody. When you consider historical integrity, you cannot use these
artificial boundaries as limitations. Youve got to go outside of them because the
entire area will tell you about that. Yeah. Theyre all related. We all related.
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You cannot look at Hinas Cave as an isolatedHinas Cave is related to the

entire mountainside, to Ulehawa, to Mui and all the activities that occurred with
Mui. So, please do not stop at this artificial boundary. Youve got to go beyond
there because historical integrity doesnt stop at artificial boundaries. We go
beyond that. These boundaries were not known to our ancestors. These are
western created boundaries for political-economic purposes, not for cultural
purposes. These are not cultural boundaries, so why talk about cultural integrity
and use artificial boundaries to stop investigations. You cannot do that. So I
would encourage what would be a focal point of a whole cultural renaissance, a
whole cultural renaissance for the Leeward area, the entire 200 acres be devoted
to the cultural integrity and the restoration of the cultural and historical integrity
of the Leeward area. And this be the focal point where the story from Kaena
Point to Ewa can be told, the entire Leeward area. It would bring tourists, it
would bring visitors, it would bring pride to this community and it would give
them kuleana. It would give them responsibility to take care of their sites. You
cannot go make kapulu down at the beach when you going get tourists and
visitors down there. You cannot go make kapulu in caves because you gonna
bring visitors, you gonna bring ohana, you gonna bring family in there. You
cannot make kapulu and then make rubbish dumps when youre gonna show your
great grandchildren about the legends of that area. I mean what kind of legacy are
you leaving your great great grandchildren when you say, well, heres the
rubbish dump I left for you. You cannot do that. I mean, its unconscionable for
us to even think about putting that.
Mr. Cachola also provided further insight into place names in the area that are all connected,
such as Nnikapono, Ulehawa, Nnikaule and Klioloa (also see Appendix A) .
CSH: What have you heard about the meaning of Nnkuli?
FC:
All the meanings are there in the books. But, when I was a principal at Nnikapono, I
was intrigued with the name, Nnikapono. And so I asked my secretary, who was
living down there for many, many years, Mrs. Brown. I said, Mrs. Brown, can you tell
me about how this school got its name Nnikapono? which inadvertently gave me the
meaning of Nnkuli. And she said, Oh, Ill ask Mrs. Eli to come down and talk to you,
because shes the old timer here and she knows all what happened here. So, a couple of
days later Mrs. Eli walked into my office. I was just a young principal. I was about 30
years old. I was maybe 32, 33 [years old]. And she came in sort of sheepishly and, very
respectful, and she sat down in my office and I asked her, Can you tell me about
Nnikapono? And she sort of looked around, as if nobody was listening, kind of a
thing, you know. I said, Uh-oh, here comes something that I know is going to be a little
different from what I heard. So she said that the first principal of that school was a
Reverend Awai and that he knew that the tradition of that area, Nnkuli, had a Hawaiian
hidden meaning which she told me was Nn-i-ka-ule. I was kind of smiling. And she
said, Yeah, because thats how in the old days this place was known for

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its promiscuity. It got this name from ancient times. And it might have something
to do with the mountain range. Look at your map. Look at your map. The one that
you were showing me. Because you can see the ule over there. See?
CSH: This one? I have other Oahu maps.
FC:
Yeah, there it is. See the testicles over here, and the penis sticking out there. So it could
be [in] reference to that. If you down in here, you always looking at that. It reminds
people of that, so its Nnikaule, which literally means looking at a mans testicles,
looking at his penis. And so, Reverend Awai was not gonna let his school be named after
something like that. No way! And so he said this is not gonna be called Nnkuli
Elementary, no way. So he named the school Nnikapono, which of course, means
look to the way of righteousness, as opposed to Nnikaule. So I was sort of pleasantly
surprised. But to me, Hawaiians have this thing about names. You have to look at names
and all of its ramifications and all of its contexts. Of course, the one about looking at the
knees, and standing there looking deaf, and all that kind of stuff, which is part of the nice
tradition. But all of that might have been camouflage. You know, people dont want to
say, Our place means looking at a mans penis. Theyre not gonna say [that]. Theyre
gonna create other things. And so, I thanked her for that and I shared this with several
people too, but I have never seen this written anywhere. I have never seen this written
anywhere. I think thats why, Mrs. Brown, my secretary, knew what it was going to be.
She didnt want to tell me, so she asked Mrs. Eli to come down and tell me. [Laughs.]
And so she did. Thats one of the interpretations for the name. And, its very Hawaiian.
To me, its a very Hawaiian thing, very Hawaiian.
FC:
Well, Ive never taken a look at that. Yes, its true, its not a coincidence. But, have you
ever tried to determine what Ulehawa is? Its not too nice you know, butit has many
kaona and if you look Puu Heleakal, its looks like Nn I ka ule and Ulehawa would
be connected to that. So, butI think, I think this whole place needs to be really, really
explored very carefully and I think, and not only like you say, not only in the project area,
but every association around it. I mean theres the legend of Puu o Hulu, the twins yeah,
the twin sisters. Sameand then Puu Mili looking over here. So, you see, our
ancestors didnt limit themselves to justand you look at this whole side and all the
places are associated with each other. So you cannot isolate one site and say thats
significant; anything outside of it is not significant. I think you gotta say, you gotta look
at the historical significance of the entire area, because from the cultural context, thats
what makes sense, not well, we can only look within the red boundaries.
CSH: Yeah, its like they talk about astro-archaeology. In here, they talk about astro-archaeology
which totally makes sense because surrounding Haleakal on Maui Island, theres all
these sites that when you draw lines, they all connect.

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FC:
Good, good. And like I say, you know like the heiau at Klioloa at Pka Bay, if
you look at the---get out the McAlister and put all the heiau in that area, and if you
draw, they all connected. They all interconnected. Its easy. Thats why there could
be pronouncement made at Klioloa that would spread through the district in
seconds. I like to try to do that. So, thats the association. Thats the cultural
significance of Klioloa, is the covering of this ku loa this whole area. The skin,
the skin of this Kili that covers the whole area, Klioloa. And so, and this heiau
here is part of it. So, what else can I say to you? I would really encourage the State
to acquire thisits private property now eh? Sell it to the State and in the long run
the City and County and the State would realize a lot economic benefit.
Lehua Kapaku expressed her feelings in regards to the original name, or another name for
Nnkuli was really Nnkuùlei the name of Muis baby sister:
To have the name Lualualei which is sacred wreath, and, then having a baby
sister [whose name means] looking deaf, I just didnt agree, I wasnt satisfied
with that. So I accepted the Mui legend part where his baby sister was named
Nnkuùlei. Now, history tells us that when you misspell a Hawaiian word, or
forget to put the òkina or the kahak, it totally changes the meaning of the word.
So, if it was Nnkuùlei, which would be very positive, very good, I dont think
the people or anybody would feel negative about it. This is the only place in this
whole State to have a derogatory name, look deaf. You look at any other place,
they have nice names. Could be a special event or a special person. Only
Nnkuli. So, it may have been a misprint and it may have been what the Sites of
Oahu says, but it depends on how the people react to that name. Weve come to
even give the name another meaning and that was perseverance, just to change the
negative attitude.
I say that because theres three so-called meanings of the name Nnkuli. [One
meaning is] look deaf. I said, How can you look deaf? My kpuna, when they
wanted to emphasize the point of looking deaf, they would pull your ears and say
pepeiao kuli. They would not say, You look deaf. Your ear is deaf, your eye is
blind. But never look deaf. There was no definition, or there is no word that
tells us that you look deaf. Another one is a chief looking at his penis and
another one looking at his knee. Kuli in Hawaiian is knee. So, youre looking at
your knee, youre looking at your penis, or youre looking deaf. Why? Which
lead us to now, the restoration of Nnkuli Valley.
CSH: Now, Ulehawa side, when we talked on the phone, you mentioned that there was a
Hawaiian habitation village, a site down there.
LK:
We suspected that there is, there should be, prior to the railroad, because thats how all
over here, like you mentioned Mrs. Zablan, most all habitation was down on the beach,
the coastal side. We suspect that they would have a village or habitation in that area. But
like everything its destroyed and washed away. So, were very interested in Ulehawa
too. Not only to connect our Mui legends, but if there was actual habitation there, its
something like should be printed or should be known. So, we dont know. I dont know

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how far up Ulehawa, except an example. We did this interview of this person who just
recently died. He tells us that the so-called Nnkuli railroad station or depot, that area
was known as Naupaka. I mean, everybody calls em Haleakal and, yet its not. Its
Naupaka, and the common name by all the kids was Depot. So, Ulehawa, is that its
true name? Is it from one end to the next end or was there another name in between
there. People talk about it but, we dont know where its at
CSH: Can you talk a little bit about the names changing? You mentioned earlier how some of
the old names are disappearing and people are starting to use new names, like on the
beach, the coastal area.
LK:
A good example, like I mentioned the railroad station, commonly known as the Depot,
yet, its actual Hawaiian name for that area is Naupaka. Zablan, it was settled by this
family, the Zablan family, commonly known as Zablan. Now, its known as Nnkuli
Two. However, the name for that area was Keaulana. And, as you go further out there is
a cove, Piliokahe, but its now known as Nnkuli Three, and better known as Black
Rocks. The names just change unless we know where were talking about
The following list of place names for Lualualei and Nnkuli as well as the district of
Waianae was compiled for this study. Wherever possible, derivations and annotations are given.
The list is by no means complete.
Figures 17 through 22 provide some of the view planes taken mauka and makai of Hinas
Cave.

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Figure 17. Mauka view of Puu Heleakal and Hinas Cave from Farrington Highway; yellow line indicates where the proposed
Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility would be located (photograph provided by URS)

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Figure 18. Mauka view of Puu Heleakal and Hinas Cave from Farrington Highway (photograph provided by URS)

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Figure 19.Makai view from slopes of Puu Heleakal towards Puu o Hulu Uka and Puu o Hulu
Kai (photograph provided by URS)
Figure 20. Makai view from slopes of Puu Heleakal (photograph provided by URS)

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Figure 21. Makai view from vicinity of Hinas Cave (photograph provided by URS)
Figure 22. Makai view from inside of Hinas Cave, showing Puu o Hulo Kai to the right
(photograph provided by URS)

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7.7.1 Place Names in Lualualei and Nnkuli

All place name translations were taken from Place Names of Hawaiì (Pukui et al.,
(1976) in addition to being supplemented by other sources as well as community members.
Hlona:
Land section and hill (836 ft. high) in Lualualei. Lit., peering place.
Hpai:
An ili in Nnkuli and mentioned in Native Register 5:342. Exact

meaning unknown, but the word hpai can mean any of the following:
1) to carry, lift; 2) pregnant, conceive; 3) a native variety of banana with
trunk of medium height, the fruit maturing within it, about two-thirds of
the way up. The fruits are small, finger length, and ten or less; their skin
is yellow, and the flesh yellow, sweet, and edible raw; 4) to encourage,
support (Pukui & Elbert 1986:59).
Heakapili:
A moo ina in Phwai, Lualualei. Taken from L.C.A. #7456. Lit., the
intimate shadow.
Ihele:
A moo ina in Phwai, Lualualei. Taken from L.C.A. #7454. Meaning

not known.
Ilihune:
A heiau (destroyed) just south of project area ,in Nnkuli (see Figure 13)
which was identified by T.G. Thrum and described as A small walled
heiau of pookanaka class; used about 1860 by Frank Manini as a cattle
pen, for which natives prophesied his poverty and death (McAllister
1933:110). Lit., tiny skin. It can also mean poor, destitute; poverty, poor
person This heiau was most likely related to the menehune, hence the
word hune (Pukui & Elbert 1986:98).
Kaolae
Alternate name for birth place of Mui (Mui Legend)
Kakioe
Kakioe Heiau, was located at Phwai. It had a sacred spring where the
sound of drums and conches could be heard on the nights of Kne
(McAllister 1933: 110).
Knelio
A point in Lualualei. At this tip of Knelio Point was Site 153,

Klioloa Heiau. This heiau was surrounded by water on three sides and
consisted of three platforms with evidence of terracing (McAllister 1933:
112). Lit., dog Kne.
Kauhiuhi:
Location unknown. Probably refers to the uhiuhi tree (Mezoneuron

kauaiense). An endemic Hawaiian forest tree [that] has pink to red
flowers and a pod or legume. Pods are thin, broad, and winged on one
side, two- to four-seeded. The wood is hard and heavy and formerly was
used for hlua (sleds), spears, digging sticks, and house construction
(Pukui & Elbert 1986:364; Neal 1965:435).
Keoneloa:
A moo ina in Phwai, Lualualei. Taken from L.C. #8005. Lit., the
long sand.

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Kolekole:
Pass and road from Schofield Barracks through the Waianae Range. A
large stone at the pass on Oahu has been called a sacrificial stone, but it
was probably never so used; others say the stone represents a woman
named Kolekole who guarded the pass; students of lua fighting lay in wait
here to practice their skill on travelers. In a battle here Mui forces killed
the last of the Oahu people who had escaped the massacre at Niuhelewai.
Lit., raw, scarred. (In one explanation of the name, a woman on the pass
saw an apparently blind man approaching; doubting his blindness, she
exposed herself. He opened his eyes and exclaimed, A ula, kolekole!
Red, raw!) Interestingly Kolekole is also a place name near Mauna Kea,
Hawaii Island and on the island of Mui near Haleakal.
Kumuhia:
A moo ina in Phwai, Lualualei. Taken from L.C. #7452. Probably

refers to the hia tree(s) (Metrosideros polymorpha) which probably
grew there. Lit., hia tree.
Klioloa
Heiau at tip of Knelio Pt., Named for a legendary dog who protected
travelers; later the qualities of a bad dog were unfairly attributed to him. In
one story he is defeated by Kamapuaa. Lit., Long dog K.
Luaehu
Heiau mentioned in Muis Flying Expedition. Mui took the fish he

caught at Ulehawa to this heiau. The heiau must have been below Phkea
Lualualei:
Ahupuaa. in the Waianae district Possible meanings: beloved one

spared; flexible wreath (Sterling & Summers 1978:63). The name of
Muis sister Lehua Kapaku. Lit: sacred wreath. Walterbea Aldeguer
suggested an interesting meaning: a Lei of Craters. See earlier section of
this report for discussion on possible meanings.
Mili
Town, beach park, surf area, playground, point, stream and elementary
school. Lit., pebbly.
Miliilii:
Hill and stream in Lualualei. Lit., small pebbles. (Variant spelling,

Miliili.) Also called Puu Miliilii. Lit., hill of small pebbles.
Mauna Kapu:
Mountain in the Waianae range separating Nnkuli and Honouliuli

forest reserves. Lit., sacred mountain. Also site of a Heiau destroyed).
Mauna Kwale
Mountain separating Waianae and Lualualei Site 162 was a burial cave at
Mauna Kwale. It contained fragments of skeletal material (McAllister
1933: 116). Lit., mountain standing alone.
Mikilua:
Land section in Lualualei. Perhaps lit., two active persons.
Moomuku
An ili in Lualualei and mentioned in L.C.A. #7334. Lit, cut-off Land

Section
Nnkuli:
Ahupuaa adjacent and northeast of Lualualei. See earlier section of this

report for discussion on possible meanings. Lit., look deaf.
Nnkuulei
Look to my pretty lei. The name of Muis baby sister. Possible original
name of Nnkuli. Also see interview with Lehua Kapaku.

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Nioiula
Heiau on Halona ridge in Lualualei, just southwest of the Forest Reserve

line. A paved heiau Pokanaka class said to have been belonged to chief
Kkuhihewa.(McAllister 1933: 111).
Plehua:
Land division, hill (2,566 ft.), and road. Lit., lehua flower enclosure.
Also: The hill with grown lehuas that overlooks Nnkuli on the Waialua
side. It is on the boundary of Nnkuli and Honouliuli. When the lehua is
in bloom there it resembles a red wreath. King Kalkaua composed
Sweet Lei Lehua with this hill in mind (David Malo Kupihea in Kelsey
notes on Oahu Place Names).
Palikea:
Peak (3,098 ft.) above Lualualei in the Waianae mountains. Lit., white
cliff. Also a site of a Heiau (destroyed).
Pali o Ka
Runs down to Plehua, from the mountain to the beach (Theodore
Menehune
Kelsey notes on Oahu Place Names). Lit., cliff of the Menehune.
Pili o Kahe:
Land section. Lit., clinging to Kahe. Kne and Kanaloa threw a stone to
determine the district boundary for Ewa. The stone was found at Pili o
Kahe, where two small hills of the Waianae Range come down parallel
on the boundary between Honouliuli and Nnkuli. It was believed the
Ewa side of the hill was male and the Waianae side female. The name
refers to the Waianae side of the hill (kahe means to flow) (Sterling
and Summers1978:1). Also: it is a ridge that divides in two at the shore
(one side represents a woman with menses (kahe koko) (Simeon Nwaa).
It is between Nnkuli and Lanikuakaa where Mrs. Alice Kamokila
Campbell lives. By Pili-o-kahe are a wharf and a bridge. You look down
upon a little bay, then cross over to Nnkuli Elua on the other side of the
big hill (David Malo Kupihea in Theodore Kelsey Notes on Oahu Place
Names).
Phkea:
Mountain and pass (2,200 ft.), Waianae mountains. From here, Hiiaka
saw by cloud omens that her lehua groves on Hawaiì had been burned by
Pele, and that her friend Hpoe had been turned to stone. Also, this is
where Kauhi brutally murdered his wife, Kahalaopuna, because he thought
she had been defiled. Lit., white stone (ph is short for phku). Also,
Pohkea or bursting forth of white light (Theodore Kelsey in Henry
Kekahuna notes on Place Name Chants).
Phaku weoweo A fish (Priacanthus) attracting stone in Nnkuli Gulch. Nnkuli was
known for the abundance of weoweo fish. (Lehua Kapaku, Pers.
Comm.)
Pnaha ke one:
A fishing ground off Ulehawa. (Fornander & Thrum, 1996:13; Pers.

Comm. Walter Kaman to Matthew McDermott 7/6/99) Lit., the sand is
circular. (Pukui & Elbert 1986:340). Also mentioned in the Mui and
Mnaiakalani legend as a fishing ground.

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Puehu:
Fishpond near Lualualei, where the hero Kawelo struck an image that
refused to sanction his sailing to Kauai to fight. Lit., scattered. Possibly
the same fishpond John referred to, where his family spent a night at
Lualualei near the fish pond on the plain (1983:23).
Phwai:
Spring and area, where the sound of drums and conches could be heard on
the nights of Kne (McAllister 1933:110) Lit., water bursting out or water
hollow. The ili of Phwai is also the area of the LCA awards that
documented a minimum of 163 loi.
Puu Heleakal:
Hill that borders Lualualei (project area) and Nnkuli. Lit., snared by the
sun (the hill blocks the rays of the setting sun). This also explains why the
west side of the hill looks so dry, because it is burnt by the afternoon sun
(Cachola Interview in 1999) Westervelt gives another meaning journey
of the sun Hence the journey starts at Haleakal on the island of Maui
and journeys over to Heleakal then on to Mokumanamana. Fornander
relates that the name is Aheleakal or Alehekal in reference to
Muis snaring the sun. [Alehe means to snare and is a variant for of
ahele, which means the same thing.] (V:534,536).
Puu Manawahua: Peak (2,401 ft.) above Nnkuli. Not listed in Place Names of Hawaii
Lit., to suffer great grief, as over the loss of a loved one. Possibly a place
where someone would go to grieve.
Puu o Hulu:
A hill in Lualualei, named after a chief who was in love with Miliili,
one of twin sisters. The chief could not tell the sisters apart and could not
decide which one to marry. A moo changed them both to mountains and
the stately chief still looks wonderingly at Puu Miliili today. Lit.,
Hulus hill. (Pukui et al., 1976 Could also mean hill of feathers.)
Puu o Hulu Kai: Hill (856 ft.), Lualualei. Lit., seaward Puu o Hulu.
Puu o Hulu Uka: Hill (715 ft.), Lualualei. Lit., inland Puu o Hulu.
Puu Ka lio:
Peak (1,965 ft.), Kolekole Pass, Waianae Range. Lit., dog hill.
Puu o Miliilii: Hill, Lualualei. One of the twin sisters. Lit., pebbly hill.
Puù Pheehee: Ridge and hill (652 ft.). One of the twin sisters. Lit., slippery hill.
Probably in reference to a hlua slide which used to be on the
mountainside. Site 152, Puu Pheehee Heiau, consisted of a walled
heiau on the slopes of Pheehee Ridge. In ancient times, the slopes were
covered with slippery grass for the purpose of staging sledding contests
(McAllister 1933: 112).
Ulehawa:
Stream in Lualualei. The birthplace of Mui and supposedly named after

a chief. Lit., filthy penis. Today, there is also a beach park there.
As noted above there were six heiau (possibly more) just in the Lualualei Ahupuaa and
surrounding ridges Ilihune Heiau, Kakioe Heiau, Nioiula Heiau, Luaehu Heiau, Kilioloa
Heiau, Paheehee Heiau along with other cultural sites on the surrounding ridges. Puu
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Pheehee (northwest of project area) once had an hlua slide. Though the exact location is
unknown, it is possible that the hlua slide could have been associated with the name Kauhiuhi.
Uhiuhi was a type of hard wood used for hlua sleds, weapons, digging sticks and house
construction. The majority of the place names in Lualualei refer to physical descriptions or
characteristics of puu or hills, mountains and peaks. There is also reference to animals,
particularly the lio (dog) the moo (lizard), and the man (shark).
In this ahupuaa there is a sister theme in the legends. One account speaks of how Chief
Puu o Hulu could not tell his beloved Miliili apart from her twin sister, Paheehee. This
legend is laid out on the land with the three peaks, Puu o Hulu, a lone peak looking north across
the valley to the twin sisters, the makai Miliili and her twin peak located mauka, Paheehee.
There are also the two sisters of Mui manifest on the landscape as valleys, Lualualei and
Nnkuulei.
The tugof-war between opposites is a prevalent idea in Hawaiian culture. In everything,
there is always dualism and an attempt to maintain harmony and balance; male/female;
(Mui/Hina) sun/moon; kai/uka (ocean/mountain); hot/cold; and so forth. In Lualualei, the
balance is seen with Mui who is associated with the sun, and his mother Hina who is associated
with the moon. Mui and Hina are associated with Heleakal in Lualualei and with Haleakal on
the island of Maui. The sun passes over Haleakal every morning thus the house of the rising
sun. Often the name Haleakal is used to refer to the entire range of east Maui mountains where
the east side of the mountain is scorched by the sun. Heleakal, in contrast, is on the west side of
Oahu, where the peaks receive the ray of the setting of the sun; this is the path the sun takes
before it sets in the west. Here the west side of Heleakal is burnt, the sun is going down which
is why Mui had to slow down or snare the sun for his mother who was drying her kapa. The
Mui legends on both islands are manifested in the landscape. These two mountain peaks are
very prominent with no obstruction blocking the sunrise and sunset. Another place name shared
by the two peaks is Kolekole which implies raw or scarred. This probably refers to the burning
action of the sun. Kolekole is also a place name on the highest mountain peak of Mauna Kea,
aptly given due to the peaks high exposure to the sun. The ancestors of the Hawaiian people
were very observant.
It is no coincidence that Mui is connected with the arid, leeward side of the island. Two of
his great gifts to humankind, the cycle of the sun (as manifested in the story of Mui snaring the
sun) and the discovery of fire (in the legend of how Mui tricked the alae ula) have to do with
the life giving elements of heat and light. It is no wonder Mui is known as the Hawaiian
superman. Native Hawaiians recognize that without him and his gifts, life would be impossible.
The stories and memories of his gifts, of his life are written on the landscape in Lualualei and in
Waianae for all to see, to learn, to be thankful for and to worship.
There are only two names in Lualualei which have the word wai in them and they include
Phwai spring and Waikonekone (location unknown) which means desiccated or dried-up
water. The name of the district, Waianae (mullet water) is the only other name with wai in it.
In fact, within the entire moku, there are only three names with wai. In contrast, the
neighboring district of Ewa, where streams are abundant, has numerous names beginning with
or containing the word wai.

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Looking at other names outside of Lualualei and Nnkuli, and within the district of Waianae
as a whole, there are few names that indicate food resources and gathering practices. The
majority of the names describe physical characteristics such as heat (Kaena), thin mountain
(Mauna Lahilahi). A few names refer to plant resources: maile (at Kaena), hia uhiuhi
(unknown location) and lauk (at Mkaha). Five names refer to marine resources: paakai or salt
(at hikilolo), mhee or cuttlefish (at Keawaula), maipalaoa or ivory, sperm whale genitals
(location unknown), hiki or sand crab (at hikilolo). Judging by the kinds of plant and
marine resources named, it is a good indication that these items were gathered for cultural
purposes in times past. Other Waianae place names refer to people, gods, religious structures
(heiau) and events.

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Summary and Recommendations
Section 8 Summary and Recommendations

A Cultural Impact Assessment has been conducted for the proposed 179-acre Nnkuli B
Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Project in Lualualei Ahupuaa. Numerous parties were
contacted regarding this project (see Table 4 above). In the course of conducting this CIA two
site visits were made: the first was with Mrs. Alice Greenwood and Mrs. Lucy Gay; the second
visit was made to explore Hinas Cave on Puu Heleakal.
Based on the archaeological studies conducted in and near the project area and in the coastal
and upper mountain portions of Lualualei, there is evidence of prehistoric use in the vicinity of
the project area. A small rockshelter (Site 50-80-08-6699) identified within the project area
suggests the locale may have been used for temporary habitation, perhaps seasonal camping in
the traverse between the watered mauka regions and the fishing grounds makai.
Numerous Hawaiian legends, in addition to archaeological evidence, reveal the Waianae
coast and mauka interior to be an important center of Hawaiian history. It is in Waianae that the
famous exploits of Muiakalana (Mui) are said to have originated. Traditional accounts of
Lualualei focus on the mischievous adventures of the demi-god Mui. Ulehawa was the
birthplace of Mui. It was here that Mui learned the secret of making fire for mankind and
perfected his fishing skills. Other famous accounts tell of the place where Muis adzes were
made, and of the magic fishhook, Mnaiakalani and the snare for catching the sun, and his kiteflying expedition. Puu Heleakal is the ridge that separates Nnkuli from Lualualei. It was at
Puu Heleakal where Hina (moon goddess), Muis mother, lived in a cave and made her kapa.
By far, the greatest concern voiced by community members who participated in this Cultural
Impact Assessment was the fate of Puu Heleakal, Hinas Cave and the landforms associated
with Mui. Kpuna speak of Lualualei and, specifically, Hinas Cave, as the birth center of
Oahu, as the womb from which the lavas of Oahu originated. Muiakalana was born of Hina
right below her cave at Ulehawa. Muis sisters are the valleys of Lualualei and Nnkuli
(Nnkuulei). The body of Mui is impressed in the rocks of Puu Heleakal, Hlona Ridge and
Phoa Cliffs, only viewed in the first rays of the sun or by full moon light.
Though Hinas Cave is not within the boundaries of the project area, community members
were adamant that one piece of the cultural landscape cannot be cut off from another. Each part
of the landscape exists in relationship to each other, just as the ohana of Mui as landforms, are
in relation to each other: the mother is in her cave above, the son born below near the ocean, the
sisters as surrounding valleys. Here, the importance of view planes is critical (see Figures 17-22).
Numerous community members indicated that an interrupted line of sight between cultural sites
drains the mana (energy, power) of the sites and discourages the individual from feeling a
spiritual connection to the land. Community members also expressed concern that the integrity of
Puu Heleakal would be threatened by cutting away the mountain or by, as is often the case,
using explosives to create the landfill. This is deemed unacceptable by a number of interviewees,
given the sacred status of Hinas Cave.
Community interviewees have also pointed to Hinas Cave as the source of the spirits
involved in the Huakai P Kne, also known as the Night Marchers, a monthly procession of the
spirits of the dead. According to kpuna, the trail of the Night Marchers in this area runs between
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the Cave of Hina and the ocean. Hawaiian cultural belief is that these trails are significant and
must not be impeded for fear of retribution from spirits of the departed. This type of cultural
tradition often goes unacknowledged because it is not an accepted part of the dominant Western
culture; however it is very real for many people in Native Hawaiian communities. Hawaiian
culture acknowledges a spiritual aspect to nature and interprets it in a way that has made certain
Kanaka Maoli (native born) very sensitive to natural phenomena.
Community members interviewed for this assessment have voiced their heartfelt passion to
preserve this area rich in wahi pana (storied, sacred places) and have discussed in detail their
cultural connection to the landscape in relationship to physical and spiritual features of the
landscape and moolelo. Although the community is aware of the need for a landfill, they do not
feel that Muis birth place is the appropriate place for the project. As one kupuna, Fred
Cachola, stated in his interview: If you were to put a landfill right there, you [are] putting it into
the bosom of the most sensitive of Muis legendary areas. It is unconscionable for us to think
that were desecrating the legendary area associated with one of the greatest demi-gods of
Hawaii and Pacific history with a rubbish dump.
Eric Enos, Executive Director of the Cultural Learning Center at Kaala, wrote: The complex
known as the cave of Tutu Hina is a sacred site. This is where Hina gave birth to Oahu, where she
pounded the sacred kapa, grew her fibers, foods and provided the lessons for all relationships of
earth-sky, land-water. The Ku-Hina, Papa-Wakea relationship, the male-female duality of
relationships of the land and sky are as real today as they were to our collective ancestors. Mr.
Enos concluded that, The proposed landfill, with all of the related activities of a working land fill
will significantly alter the cultural setting of Hinas Cave. The proposed landfill is on lands that now
act as a buffer zone to the industrial activities already in operation in the adjacent properties. To
remove this buffer TMK 8-7-09 Portion 1 would not be pono. Other uses of this land that are
compatible to the Hina cultural site need to be explored. As a community we have no choice but to
stand firm and protect what is left to prevent further destruction of wahipana lands. (Appendix D)
According to the State Office of Environmental Quality Control (OEQC) guidelines for
preparation of cultural impact studies, analysis must take into account culturally significant
physical and natural features of the landscape. For exmaple:
Certain landmarks and physical features are used by Hawaiian navigators for sailing
and the lines of sight from landmarks to the coast by fisherman to locate certain
fishing spots. Blocking these features by the construction of buildings or tanks may
constitute an adverse cultural impact. (Office of Environmental Quality Control
2004:47)
Based on the information gathered during the course of this study and presented in this report,
the evidence indicates that the proposed Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill
Facility will have a significant adverse impact on Native Hawaiian cultural practices, beliefs and
resources. Study participants stated their objection to a landfill being placed on, adjacent, or in
proximity, to culturally significant sites (Puu Heleakal, Hinas Cave and landforms associated
with Mui, as well as the Huakai P Kne, pathway of the night marchers). Most notably, the
Cave of Hina is considered sacred to Native Hawaiians. The archival and archaeological
research for this project has documented and confirmed the legends, landmarks, historic and
cultural properties that correspond to the statements made by community members. To the
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community members, cultural experts and practitioners consulted for this assessment, the
proposed action is unmitigable. In the event that the proposed undertaking is approved and
moves forward, it is recommended that development of working relationships with Native
Hawaiian groups be actively pursued. The following mitigation measures are offered as a way to
reduce the negative impact of the proposed action on Hawaiian cultural beliefs, practices and
resources, and, more specifically, the community issues and concerns raised for the proposed
Nnkuli B Composting and Solid Waste Landfill Facility during the course of this assessment:
Hinas Cave be preserved and the community be allowed access to the cave upon
request. It is recommended that the cave have a buffer zone to minimize any
secondary impacts, as well as a trail or pathway to facilitate access to Hinas Cave
(subject to safety and liability issues). We suggest collaboration with community
members to make a fair assessment for the appropriate buffer zone boundaries.
Additionally, we suggest that the staff of the landfill facility be made aware of the
importance of Hinas Cave.
Hinas Cave be registered as an historic property. Hinas Cave may be eligible for the
Hawaiì and National Register of Historic Places according to the Hawaii state
historic preservation review legislation, historic properties under Criterion E. The
State Historic Preservation Division is the official keeper of the Hawaiì Register of
Historic Places. The list formally recognizes sites and structures and their significance
in Hawaiì's history, architecture, archaeology, engineering and culture. For
registration procedures see, http://www.hawaii.gov/dlnr/hpd/hpregistr.htm.
The view plane from the Cave of Hina to Mui Rock and from mauka to makai is
preserved. Community members consulted for this assessment are concerned about
potential outside disturbances and secondary impacts to Hinas Cave. For the
community members it is important that Hinas Cave is understood as connected to all
the other related Mui landforms in Lualualei. There is a strong sense that if one
landform cannot be seen from the others, the connection is lost. Figures 17-22 provide
a few of the makai and mauka views in relation to Hinas Cave.
The community be notified about the procedures that will be undertaken to create the
landfill, and that no explosives will be used. Community members expressed concern
about preserving the integrity of Puu Heleakal. This speaks specifically to the
practice of using explosives to undercut the mountainside in the construction of
landfills. CSH understands from the developer that no explosives will be used to
create the landfill, and recommends that this information, as well as other details of
the planning process, be shared with the Lualualei-Nnkuli community.
The Huakai P Kne (procession of the night marchers) be taken into account in the
design plans. Several community members in this study stated that it is important to
keep the pathway clear of visual and structural blockage from mauka to makai on the
central western portion of the project area, from Hinas Cave to Muis Rock and the
ocean. According to participants in this cultural study, it would be sacrilegious to
disrupt this pathway.

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As a precautionary measure, personnel involved in future development activities in the

project area should be informed of the possibility of inadvertent cultural finds,
including human remains, and should be made aware of the appropriate notification
procedures to follow. Although no human remains were found in the project area, it is
well-recognized that burials can be found in the mountain caves and in limestone
sinkholes in this region. There remains a possibility that burials and other
archeological sites may be present in and around the proposed project area.
A cultural learning center be established, or other means by which to educate youth

and the public about wahi pana. Several of the community members consulted for this
study feel that the Lualualei area, beginning at Hinas Cave, is key in the cultural
education of their children and the future generations of Hawaii. As one interviewee
commented, the best use of this area is not in the creation of a puu opala (rubbish
hill), but rather in a cultural learning center based on the perpetuation of Hawaiian
legends and traditions.
A cultural advisory group made up of community members knowledgeable about

cultural resources be established to interface with landfill planners and operators to
address the cultural concerns that arise during the design, construction, and operation
of the landfill. It is suggested that the cultural advisory group be formed to obtain
consensus on the specifics of mitigation issues rasised in the above recommendations
such as:
o The buffer zone, accessibility, pathway, and liability issues; registration of the
site as an historic property; and, general preservation of the Cave of Hina and
the moolelo (stories and legends) associated with Hina and Mui.
o The view planes associated with cultural features of the landscape.
o The path of the Night Marchers.
o Establishment of an education program related to the aforementioned cultural
resources, etc.

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1906 Heiaus and heiau sites throughout the Hawaiian Islands; omitting Koas, or places
of offering to Kuula, the diety of fisher folk. (taken from Hawaiian almanac and
annual for 1907, 1908, 1909).
1907 Hawaiian folktales; a collection of native legends. A.C. McClurg & Co., Chicago.
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References Cited
1908 1908 Hawaiian Annual.

Waihona ina Corporation
1999 The Mhele Database, <waihona.com>
Westervelt, William D.
1910 Legends of Ma-ui a Demi God of Polynesia and of His Mother Hina. Honolulu:
The Hawaiian Gazett Co., Ltd
1915a Legends of Gods and Ghosts, Boston, MA.
1915b Legends of Old Honolulu, Boston, MA.
Wilkes, Charles
1845 Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, Volume 4, Lea and
Blanchard, Philadelphia, PA

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Appendix A
Section 10 Appendices
APPENDIX A: Transcripts of Interview with Fred Cachola
Date: June 3, 1999
Place of Interview: Hale Aliì oÌolani
Interviewer: Kaòhulani Mc Guire for Cultural Surveys Hawaiì (CSH)
CSH: Fred, could you give me your full birth name?
FC:
My birth name on the birth certificate is Frederico Cachola Jr. Then my grandmother
gave me another Hawaiian name when I came back from college. It was Keakaokalani.
CSH: How do you translate the meaning of that?

FC:
In the shadows within the realm of heaven. Its within the realm of heaven or being part
of them being embraced by heaven, in the shadow of heaven.
CSH: Its a beautiful name.

FC:
It is.
CSH: Who were your parents and where were they from?
FC:
My mother was Esther Ùù. She was from Maui. My father was Frederico Cachola Sr.,
and he was from the Philippines. My grandmother (mothers side) was Dora Piòhià
Ùù and my great-grandmother was Mele Piòhià, and my great-great-grandfather was
Piòhià. My great-grandfather was Lokana Kepani, and then my great-great-great
grandfather was from Kohala. Thats where I was born and raised. His name was
Kupaianalua, and Halulukamanawaululanipili was the wahine (wife). And they would be
like my great-great-great-great grandparents. And so my grandmother was saying that
since I was born in Kohala, she always chuckled that the line went back to Kohala,
because thats where I was born. But, I went to Waianae in 1960 when I came out of
college. It was my first teaching assignment at Waianae Intermediate. Although, we
were housed at the Waianae Elementary School campus. And thats where I first
became interested in the history of that area. Because being a malihini (newcomer) to
that area, and having to teach Hawaiian History in the seventh grade, I thought the best
thing to do was to learn as much as I can about the history and culture of that area and try
to incorporate it into the curriculum as much as I could. But much to my dismay, I
quickly found out that most of the children that were in my class, and even their parents,
were strangers to that area, too. There were very few people that I would call natives,
really kamaìna (people who were born and raised there). But you know, I lived there
for over 30 years, in the Waianae area and I was very involved in many different kinds
of community activities the Lions Club, the PTA, the Waianae JCs, and the
Waianae Community Action Council Program and the Waianae Hawaiian Civic Club.
So I got to meet some of these folks. It was intriguing because gradually what unfolds is
a district that is quickly losing its cultural roots because many of those people who did

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establish those roots, or had the roots to establish it, are gone. And they are going very
quickly. Ah Ching Poe is one of them. His brothers are still around. Genevieve Nahulu,
Marie Olsen, Raphael Christ. You know, these are people who knew Nnkuli like
nobody else could. I mentioned Jay Landis, Kekahuna. Theyre all there. Alvin and his
brother Blackie Kekauoha theyre all down there. So thats where I learned some of
those things that were not written in history books. I dont know if Im getting ahead of
myself here.
CSH: Oh no. Thats fine.
FC:
That was a long answer to a short [question], What is your name? [Laughs.]
CSH: One more thing. When were you born?

FC
I was born in November, 1935 at Kapaàu, Kohala.
CSH: So when you first moved to Waianae , what school did you teach at?
FC:
Waianae Intermediate, which was located at the Elementary campus. Thats where I
taught, at Waianae Intermediate, seventh grade. And, stayed there for seven or eight
years, then I became a Vice-Principal at Nnikapono Elementary, then I became
Principal. And then I was a model schools coordinator for the Model Schools Program.
And then I left in 1971 to go to Kamehameha as a director of their Community Education
Programs. And then I stayed there in that capacity for 25 years. Then I retired a couple
of years ago. Now I enjoy taking people on historical tours to Waianae and Kohala, and
[Im a] docent at Ìolani Palace. But still very much involved with Hawaiìs history and
culture and traditions. I do take a lot of people on tours to Kohala. And Ive served on
the State Historic Preservation Board, and OHAs Historic Preservation Council.
History, for me, is kind of a lifelong interest. I dont consider that as a [separate thing].
Its just part of me. I enjoy learning more and theres always more to learn. Fascinating.
Hawaiìs history is fascinating.
CSH: What have you heard about the meaning of Nnkuli?

FC:
All the meanings are there in the books. But, when I was a principal at Nnikapono, I
was intrigued with the name, Nnikapono. And so I asked my secretary, who was
living down there for many, many years, Mrs. Brown. I said, Mrs. Brown, can you tell
me about how this school got its name Nnikapono? which inadvertently gave me the
meaning of Nnkuli. And she said, Oh, Ill ask Mrs. Eli to come down and talk to you,
because shes the old timer here and she knows all what happened here. So, a couple of
days later Mrs. Eli walked into my office. I was just a young principal. I was about 30
years old. I was maybe 32, 33 [years old]. And she came in sort of sheepishly and, very
respectful, and she sat down in my office and I asked her, Can you tell me about
Nnikapono? And she sort of looked around, as if nobody was listening, kind of a
thing, you know. I said, Uh-oh, here comes something that I know is going to be a little
different from what I heard. So she said that the first principal of that school was a
Reverend Awai and that he knew that the tradition of that area, Nnkuli, had a Hawaiian
hidden meaning which she told me was Nn-i-ka-ule. I was kind of smiling. And she
said, Yeah, because thats how in the old days this place was known for its promiscuity.
It got this name from ancient times. And it might have something to do with the

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mountain range. Look at your map. Look at your map. The one that you were showing
me. Because you can see the ule over there. See?
CSH: This one? I have other Oahu maps.
FC:
Yeah, there it is. See the testicles over here, and the penis sticking out there. So it could
be [in] reference to that. If you down in here, you always looking at that. It reminds
people of that, so its Nnikaule, which literally means looking at a mans testicles,
looking at his penis. And so, Reverend Awai was not gonna let his school be named after
something like that. No way! And so he said this is not gonna be called Nnkuli
Elementary, no way. So he named the school Nnikapono, which of course, means
look to the way of righteousness, as opposed to Nnikaule. So I was sort of pleasantly
surprised. But to me, Hawaiians have this thing about names. You have to look at names
and all of its ramifications and all of its contexts. Of course, the one about looking at the
knees, and standing there looking deaf, and all that kind of stuff, which is part of the nice
tradition. But all of that might have been camouflage. You know, people dont want to
say, Our place means looking at a mans penis. Theyre not gonna say [that]. Theyre
gonna create other things. And so, I thanked her for that and I shared this with several
people too, but I have never seen this written anywhere. I have never seen this written
anywhere. I think thats why, Mrs. Brown, my secretary, knew what it was going to be.
She didnt want to tell me, so she asked Mrs. Eli to come down and tell me. [Laughs.]
And so she did. Thats one of the interpretations for the name. And, its very Hawaiian.
To me, its a very Hawaiian thing, very Hawaiian.
CSH: Thats the first time I heard that story.

FC:
This is actually Mrs. Elis story, not mine, and Im just telling you what she told me. She
was a well [spoken with emphasis] respected homesteader. She was down there for
many, many years. She was like a matriarch of that community. And there were many
others down there too. See, this was like back 30 years ago, 40 years ago.
CSH: What can you tell me about the menehune stones?

FC:
Up in Nnkuli Avenue, what they call First Road, turn to the right. You see these two
stones. Theyre known as menehune stones, theyre known as kahuna stones. But what
is interesting about them is that during the construction of that street, according to Black
Hoòhuli and others who told me the story about those rocks, they had to realign the
street because strange things happened. Like, they couldnt move the big one, and they
moved the small one and it came back. The bulldozer workers and the operator and the
people who were building down there said, Man, these are very special stones. We have
to move around it. And so youll see that theyre in cement on the side and they havent
been moved. They dont have any labels, they dont have any inscriptions. Except for
the few things that I am telling you, I really dont know much more about them. I think it
would be really interesting if we could research the City and County construction records
for that homestead area when they were putting in that street. And, there might be some
other notes in the daily papers about it. Because Im sure that it may have attracted
attention. But on the other hand, it may not have. Because Hawaiians are not the kind to
go out and publish these things. They dont go out and say, Wow, weve got this new

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kahuna stone in Nnkuli. Its on First Road. They dont do that. So, Black Hoòhuli
and I went to visit the stone once, and I just wanted to test it. I said, You know, Black,
one of my kahuna friends who I worked with on the restoration of K`lioloa, said that if
the stone is warm, is hot, its still alive. You know, the mana is still there. And, so we
went. We said, Well, lets go check it out. It was evening, and the sun was down. It
was not in the mid noon-day. And we put out hand on that small one, it was warm
[spoken with emphasis]! He and I said, Oo, wow! Now, this stone is still alive, its got
mana. And so I havent gone back to test it yet, but maybe I should one of these days to
see if it still has that kind of warmth. It was definitely, between the big one and the small
one, the big one didnt have anything, but the small one had definite heat coming out.
CSH: Do you know if the stones have any particular names?
FC
Im sure they had, but I wouldnt know what they are. Ive never heard. Im sure they
would have names.
CSH: And that lot, is that private land?

FC
No, thats all part of Hawaiian Homestead. As a matter of fact, I think another interesting
thing to check is the Hawaiian Homes Commission records when they were developing
the homesteads there. Whether or not that was mentioned in the lot, that particular lot. It
might have been. I dont know.
CSH: Do you know anything about Lyman Ranch at the end of Nnkuli Avenue?
FC:
No, thats something new. You know, I worked down there for about 5, 6 years before I
went to Kamehameha. I got to know that place very well, but Lyman Ranch was never
mentioned down there. Well, that whole area mauka of where the highschool is now, that
was all kiawe (Prosopis pallida) and brush. It was all just raw land up there. There was a
Nnkuli Ranch. The one thats below, across what is now known as Zablan Beach, right
on the Honolulu side of St. Regis church. There was a little Nnkuli Ranch in there.
But, Lyman Ranch, never heard of it. So, if it is indeed a ranch, maybe its a relatively
new acquisition. Maybe a person got a homestead up there. I really dont know. But I
think the Hawaiian Homes Commission records should have something on that if its a
lease. But I know nothing about that. Black Hoòhuli used to play as a kid. He used to
tell me he used to go up there and pick up oranges and fruit. It was his playground up
there. So Im sure he would know. He would know anything about that. He certainly
would.
CSH: Can you tell me about Nnkuli High School and how that came to be.
FC:
Nnkuli High School. This was the days when the people were in awe of the
government and the power of politics, etc. And, Nnkuli Highschool was on the
grounds of Nnikapono Elementary. Theres 13 acres in that whole campus, and there
were over 2000 students squeezed into 13 acres on a tsunami-zoned beach front. And so
it got kind of crowded. The principal of the High School was Ray Miyasato. He said,
Weve gotta do something about this. But the governments answer was to put more
portables in that small, little 13 acre lot. And so, as part of the Model Schoos Program
we had this community council that we talked to. They volunteered and said, Maybe we
ought to go see the Governor. And we were both young, new principals. It was his first

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school and it was my first school too. So, we came here, rather nervously, to Ìolani
Palace, where the Governor was, his office was right up there in what was the Kings
bedroom, and has now been restored as the Kings bedroom. That was the Governors
office, Governor Burns. We were with some parents and the student body president for
the high school. I think he was a sophomore at that time, Leonard Kwan. He is now
teaching at Kamehameha. But I remember Leonard saying, We all made comments
about the need for the high school and the need for another campus, and how things are
so bad down there, and how that whole community has always been neglected. It seems
like nobody even wants to think about the problems down there, or to address the
problems. And Ray Miyasato and I made the case that were doing the very best we
could. But Leonard said to the Governor, You know, in school weve been taught to
have faith and trust in government and every time weve been hearing about this high
school, weve been hearing about it for years and years, and I dont know if I can believe
or have faith in this government anymore. And I am telling you, Governor Burns was
stunned. And he looked at Leonard, and said, Young man, God willing and I am still
alive, your high school will be built. And he picked up the phone and called for the
DAGS [Department of Accounting and General Services] and right then and there he
moved the priority for Nnkuli High from number six to number one. Much to the
chagrin of the people of Pearl City, because Pearl City was number one, and they got
shoved down. And Nnkuli High was not only moved up to priority number one, but it
was one of the rare occasions where the highschool was built at one time. They didnt go
in phases, they built everything one crack. They just built as much as they could. And
so, Leonard deserves a lot of credit for speaking his piece and the parents, Marie Olsen,
Raphael Christ, these are the old timers, Rose Jackman. These were tough ladies, man. I
mean, theyd go up against anybody. I find Waianae , Nnkuli has that kind of a if
you look deeply into the people, they may not say much, but when they do, they do it
with conviction. They do it with determination. And it was one of those meetings. So,
thats how Nnkuli got the high school.
CSH: What year was the school actually built, or when did construction start?
FC:
I think we broke ground in 1965. I cant remember now, its been so long. It was such a
wonderful occasion, because Ray Miyasato and I wanted everybody to break ground. So
we got these big shovels, we had a lot of shovels, and everybody there took turns turning
the ground, from students to parents. This was not gonna be just one or two people. We
wanted the whole this was gonna be a community ground breaking. And, everybody
went and broke ground. It was a big day for Nnkuli, a great day!
CSH: Tell me about how the local kids call the streets in Nnkuli. They dont use the names
on the street signs.
FC:
No, they dont. Its easier for them to say First Road, Second Road. Where do you
live? Third Road, Fourth Road, Fifth Road. It means from Farrington Highway, the first
street, the second street from the highway, and thats how the kids call it. I dont know if
they still do it today, but thats the way they used to do it. Used to call em by numbers,
not by names. First Street, Second Street. No, not street, road. It was First Road,
Second Road. And who knows, maybe that goes back to the days when there were no

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streets. Ive been curious about that too. Maybe when the homesteads were first laid out
there were just roads. Maybe thats what they were officially called, First Road, Second
Road, Third Road, before the streets were actually put in and given names. And that kind
of labeling stuck, First Road, Second Road, Third Road. Im not sure whether the kids
still refer to it like that yet.
CSH: Tell me your interest in Mui and Muis connection to Nnkuli.
FC:
As part of my research down there, of course, I got to the Sites of Oahu and McAllister
and, in there, I think its site number 148 for the Waianae District, he sited this Mui
rock. An unusually big boulder or rock said to be where Mui landed. And I was really
intrigued because I didnt realize that in other citations McAllister talked about that
whole Mui tradition. Thats where his brothers were born, and thats where they made
fire, thats where his famous hook was made, and thats where they used it at Ulehawa.
And I said, Where is this stone? There was the little x on the map which nobody
could [locate] because McAllisters map is notorious. Its just a scratch on the map. You
wouldnt know where its at. So I went to my friend Black. It was early in the evening
[and] I was coming back from work at Kamehameha. I stopped by his house and said,
Hey Black, you know this place? Have you ever seen a huge rock that looks so unusual
that it looks like it doesnt belong there? And he thought for a while and says, Oh,
yeah, down by the old haunted house. And I said, Where? He said, Well, come,
come, lets go take a look. And so we drove down there, I knew what house he was
talking about because there was this old mansion and this big banyan tree and it was
choke with weeds and you couldnt even see the stone. Now I know why nobody could
see the stone, because it was sort of like on the side of the house and there was all this
underbrush covering it. So, it was early in the evening when we got there and we parked
the car. By then it was nightfall already and we started walking to the stone. There was
construction going on. They were building these condos down there. And all this
construction equipment and materials, lumber, supplies all over the place, and all of a
sudden we heard this guy, Hey, what are you guys doing? It was the night watchman.
So we said, Oh, we just want to look for this stone, this big rock. And he said, Oh,
you mean Mui Rock? And [I thought,] eh, how did this guy [know]? He read
McAllister or what? And, obviously, this was an elderly kupuna, Hawaiian man. And,
he said, Come, come. I show you guys. So he took out his flashlight and we walked
maybe about another 20 or 30 yards from where he was parked. And he shone it, and we
saw it. He put his light on it. I said, Oh my God. Cause it was huge. It was bigger
than a car, and it was really big. You seen it. And there were, on the top of the boulder,
were all these tiny, tiny rocks. Small little uprights. There were many there. They were
kind of like scattered around the place, on the top [and] which are now gone. I dont
know what happened to them. And so, we started talking about it and he said, Yeah,
you know, over here all the night watchmen quit from the company because nobody like
work over here. I said, So, whats the problem? And he just said one word, p
kne. I said, Yeah, p kne! Wow, you mean the night walkers? He said, Yeah,
they come from right over here. And he pointed to this small little sapling, this little
banyan tree. He said, They come from over here, then they walk straight down to the
beach. And sometimes I park my truck and, whoa, they move em up, they move so

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much I spill my coffee. So I just said, Okay, okay, I not scared of them! I swear at them,
but I gotta move my truck. Because hes in the way. So, he said, Yeah, they come
from over here, they go down to the beach. But, he said he was hired in the middle of
the night, because the watchman there was the sixth person to quit and they were
desperate. I dont know how they got hold of him or if somebody called him, because he
wasnt afraid. But all the other night watchmen said in that area strange things happen.
Things start flying around, and things start moving. All these unusual events going on
and they see things too, so nobody wanted to work there. And then he said, Eh, you
folks wanna see Mui? You like see Mui? And I said, You cannot see Maui from
here. I thought he meant the island Maui. How can you see Maui from here? By
then I didnt want to question him. And he said, Come early tomorrow morning, come
just before sunrise when the sun is coming up. Ill show you guys Mui. And I looked
at Black, Black look at me and said OK. So, the next morning, sunrise, I was down at
Blacks house and we went right back to that site where we met him the night before and
he took us to the rock. There were no buildings there then. You could see the whole
mountain range very clearly. As the sun was coming up he says, Theres Mui. And I
looked up and I was stunned! It was one of those moments. I said, Wow! It was this
magnificent silhouette of a sleeping man. Huge! I was telling your group, people brag
about the sleeping giant on Kauaì. That sleeping giant is like a menehune compared to
this one. This is a giant. This is worthy of Mui. And its Mui sleeping there. And
thats why if you look at McAllister, he said Mui is reposing, the rock that he reposed
on, yeah? He rested on this rock. And then I said, Maybe not, maybe from that rock
you can see Mui reposing. From that rock, that rock marks the spot where early in the
morning you can see that whole [silhouette of] Mui sleeping. So, who knows whether
or not the Mui rock is called Mui because of that or that rock was the place from which
you could see most clearly. Because if you go too far to the left or too far to the right, the
silhouette changes. You cannot see it. Its right from that rock that you can see it most
clearly. Its just outstanding. Its a silhouette of a huge sleeping person, Mui. And, all
these mountain ranges are there, but its a composition of different mountain ranges. But
when the sun is coming up, in the back of them, it looks like one silhouette. And its just
beautiful! But when the sun rises, then it disappears. You only see it early in the
morning when you see that silhouette. So, we never got that mans name, by the way.
And Black never met him. We just said, Who was this guy? We dont know. It was
one of those things where, darn it! Why didnt I get his name?
CSH
Did you go back and try to find him?
FC:
No, we didnt. I guess we were were not professional historians and archaeologists
we just nele [curious]. We just wanted to know. He wanted to know, too. He had
lived there all his life and he didnt know about that. Black didnt know about that,
which told me that the whole Mui thing as annotated and as documented in McAllister is
relatively unknown, even to the people who were born and raised there. Now why is
that? There might be many reasons. Maybe the person who owned that property there
just didnt want anybody to know about this [and] just let the whole thing die. But, that
silhouette is still there. It will be there for eternity, unless somebody levels that whole
mountain range.

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CSH: Can you still get a good view of it from the rock today or are there buildings in the way?
FC:
No. Theres buildings in the way, theres trees in the way. And so to get kind of a
glimpse at it you have to either go in front of those buildings or go way across the road to
the beach and then you can still see it. You can see over the buildings.
CSH: How many mountain ranges or ridges do you think its comprised of?
FC:
Its comprised of Puù Heleakal, Hlona Ridge its about four or five mountain
ridges there. Its composed of Puù Heleakal, which is the body. And then the foot is
down here by Kahe. The chest, the abdomen is up in here at Puù Heleakal, and over
here is the Phoa Cliffs, Hlona Ridge, all this is part of it. And maybe even some of this
over here Pali Kea. No, I doubt it. No, because thats on the back side. So its mostly
Puù Heleakal, Hlona Ridge and the Phoa Cliffs. These three, especially those.
Theyre the ones that make up the silhouette. And from that Mui rock, boy, Im telling
you, I wish sometimes I had taken a picture before those buildings went up, because you
cannot do it now, not from the rock. But, maybe you can go from behind those buildings.
I dont know whats behind those condos. Maybe you can still see it. But from the rock,
you cannot see it. But, boy, it was really awesome! When I saw that I said, Oh, wow!
And then I said, this is the whole Mui legend and then you dig into McAllister and you
find out Ulehawa Stream is the stream where [Mui was born] and the cave, the famous
cave up at Puù Heleakal where she [Muis mother] made kapa overlooking the stream
down there. And thats where all his brothers were born and the hook, and thats where
they tried they rowed out in their canoes out at Ulehawa to join up the islands. All
these legends come from down there and I said, Jeez, you know, Mui, the Hawaiian
Superman is from Ulehawa. Hes from Nnkuli. Hes from Waianae . And Puù
Heleakal, according to Kawena Pukui, Heleakal means the snaring of the sun. But it
could also mean the scattering of the sun rays hele (to go, move, cause motion). Helea-ka-l. Hele means to snare, snare the sun. And so, I think people on Maui made
up their myths about [Mui] because the island is called Maui, and Haleakal, house of
the sun and about Mui capturing the sun over there. And I said, Well, I dont know.
Maybe he captured the sun down here at Ulehawa, not at Haleakal. Maybe he captured
the sun from the top of that puù, Heleakal. Thats where he did it. So, we might have
to challenge some myth making up on the island of Maui. But, I would encourage you to
write up as much as you can about that, because Ulehawa was where he was born. Thats
where he came [from]. That was his home. That was his place. So, its really interesting
that very few people know about that. So every time I drive by every once in a while,
early in the morning, I say, Yeah, theres Mui. Hes still there. Ive taken some
Waianae students [there to see Mui], and I think they took some photographs of it, too.
But, to me, the more people that know about it, the better it is. Those traditions will go
on forever. But if we dont share them, it wont.
CSH: Have you heard any other stories about Nnkuli during the time that you lived there, or
just from talking to people?
FC:
Theres a lot of historic places up in Lualualei. And because it was a naval ammunition
depot, it was kapu for civilians. A lot of those sites are still there and Id really like to go
and see them. According to McAllister, theres different battles that occurred down

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there. And one of the heiau is associated with Kkuhihewa. Kkuhihewa is who
knows that was back in the 12th century, maybe. Way back. So the whole district
really needs to be looked at very carefully. Maybe yours can be one of the first chapters
about the history of that district. It deserves to be written. It deserves to be said. No, I
really dont know much more than what I shared with you.
CSH: Have you looked at any sites in your exploring?
FC:
Down in Waianae , yeah. Eric Komori, whos the State archaeologist and my daughter,
who is studying archaeology. I took them to what I thought was a hlua slide on Puù
Pheèheè out in Waianae and they confirmed that it was.
CSH: What year was that?

FC:
They did a mapping of the slide. [I] forget when it was now. This was maybe about six
years ago. But finding that hlua Ted Kinney and I, when we were restoring
K`lioloa heiau we noted that there were other heiau up in Puù Pheèheè. There
was a Pheèheè heiau. And so we were going to look for it, and we kind of found
where it was. And we started looking around on the hills up there and all of a sudden we
saw this it looked like a low stone wall from one side, but when you go on the other
side it becomes very obvious that its a hlua slide. So, we got pretty excited, took some
pictures. Im glad the archaeologist came and verified it. But, its one of the few that I
know of on Oahu. And its out there, still there. Its on the ridge, and thats why
Pheèheè makes sense. You know, the slippery sliding. So, to me, place names can
tell you a hell of a lot, if you know the context in which it was given. So, I hope you can
dig out some more information in your interviews, and if you can talk to these other
folks. It would be nice.
CSH: Can you think of any other people in Nnkuli that I could talk to who would be
knowledgeable about the area?
FC
Charles Naone and Solomon Naone. Did I mention Alvin Kekauoha?
CSH: Yes, you did. Alvin and Blackie.

FC:
I think Blackie passed away, you know. I dont know if Alvin is still around. I think
Raphael Criste is still around. I saw him a couple of years ago and he really has aged.
Ah Ching Poe.
CSH: Is he related to Sonny Poe?

FC
Yeah, thats his father. Sonny is Ah Ching Jr. He was in my class too. He was in one of
my classes in Waianae . They are old timers up from Waianae Valley. You know
Sonny, Ah Ching? Maybe Im the only guy that calls him Ah Ching, I dont know. But
when he was in my class he was Ah Ching. I think he was one year before Henry.
CSH: Anyone else you can think of?

FC:
Not right now.
CSH: Okay. What about Ulehawa side? Do you know any history or any stories about that
area?
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FC:
Appendix A
No, except the Mui one. No, I really dont, I really dont.
CSH: Have you heard about any Hawaiian villages being on the beach there?
FC:
Nope. No, I really dont know. I think that you have to go beyond before the
homestead. Those are the kpuna that are gone. Its so sad because you just cant find
em anymore. Even a lot of the names that Im giving you, they werent born and raised
there before the homestead. Im talking pre-homestead now.
CSH: Which was like pre-1930's?

FC:
Yeah. Like Ah Ching, his family has been there, and the Pililàus. Oh, James Pililàu,
thats another name. Hes from Waianae . And his wife Agnes Pililàu. See, these
Pililàus, and the Ah Ching folks were there before the homesteads were there. Thats
the kind of people Im talking about. And, who knows of families that were living in
Waianae , Nnkuli before the homestead? I dont know. Maybe Jay Landis would
know. Jay Landis would know. Well, its been nice chatting with you.
CSH: Thank you so much.

(Interview ends and were just sitting around talking story.)
FC:
There was a period when I was going all over the place looking for these historic sites. I
mean, they were there in McAllister, but his map was so rough that you couldnt find
them by looking at the map. But he gave you a clue to where they were. And so there
was one in particular, there was one entry that intrigued me. It said Punanaula heiau,
Kmaip, Waianae . Then in parentheses still exists?. I said, Yeah, well lets go find
em. Does it still exist? And so, my friends and I walked up there, hiked up in that area
and we could not find it. Looking at a map is one thing. Going up in the actual terrain,
you see gullies and gulches and big trees. You cannot see [if youre] looking for a heiau.
So, I noticed that there was a Bishop Museum negative number on that entry in
McAllister. It said BM number something. I said, Oh, this is a Bishop Museum
negative. And so I went down there and Marion Kelly, bless her heart, I got to talk to
her and meet her. I told her what I was trying to do. And she said, Yeah, I can get this
photograph for you. And so she did. And now we were armed with a photograph. But
we took the first one up there, and fortunately the photographer who took the picture of
the heiau was shooting from mauka - makai, towards the ocean. He had this old
Hawaiian man standing on a corner, and he was on the other corner and he was shooting
along the front line. So, you could see the horizon and you could see where the horizon
intersected with the mountain ranges, like Puù Pheèheè. And so I said, all we got to
do is follow, go up where we can see the same intersecting of the horizon and those lands
cause the horizon hasnt changed and some of those puùs havent changed. Theyre
still there. But the outline was so faint. So I called Marion and said, Marion, can you
give me another one? I need the horizon darker. I need to see the horizon. So she did.
She made another one. We used that. And after about four or five trips up in Kmaip
we found em. It was exciting! I said, Wow, there it is! There it is! It was really
exciting! We were there. Now, I had a picture. And Im standing on there and I look up
there and I said, Yep, the same silhouette. The same horizon and the mountains all
intersecting. This is it, man, this is real proof. This is it. And so, in the original picture

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Appendix A
from the Bishop Museum there was this Hawaiian man standing and the photographer
was there and there was a bit of cactus where he was in the foreground. So, I put one of
my friends kids to stand on the same spot. So I went back so I could take the picture just
about where the same place where that photographer stood many, many years ago. And
just before I took the picture I looked down and there was this cactus stump, it was still
there, this dried-up cactus stump. And I said, Wow! So I took the picture. And it
showed he was standing on the same spot. And to me that was really exciting because
now we proved that it was there. And, in Sites of Oahu, do you have one? Is this the
latest edition. Try take a look, does it still say still exists? They should have taken that
out. It does exist. And I told Dr. Emory and I showed him my photographs. Did they
take it out? [Looking through Sites of Oahu] See? It does [spoken with emphasis] exist!
They should take that out!
CSH: They didnt take it out.
FC:
They didnt take it out, and I showed em my photographs and all that. Maybe I gotta go
back again and show them all this stuff. I drew it, I mapped it. But you know, during the
restoration of K`lioloa, the reason why I went to look for this heiau is that this kahuna
told me that K`lioloa is like the central command for all the heiau in the area. Because
of that, the restoration work gotta include reconnecting with those heiau. And even that
is another story.
CSH: Id like to hear that.

FC:
Maybe some other time, cause I gotta go.
CSH: Okay. Thank-you very much for your time.

[End of interview.]

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Appendix A
Interview with Fred Cachola

December 28, 2006
FC= Fred Cachola
CSH= Cultural Surveys Hawaii Representative
This interview is a supplement to an interview conducted in 1999 By Kaohulani Maguire
(Native Hawaiian Gathering Rights Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli 242 Reservoir Site
and 20 Transmission Main Along Nnkuli Avenue, Nnkuli, Waianae District TMK:8-9-8:3
Mc Guire and Hammatt 1999)
FC
My name is Fred Cachola. Today is December 28th and Im here at the Hale Alii. This is
the Iolani Palace Grounds and Im talking to Khaulani and were talking about Nnkuli
B Site Material Recovery Facility and that lands in Lualualei, Waianae District, Island
of Oahu. And Khaulani has some of what I said some time ago to Kaohulani
FC
And so I dont want to repeat what I said before. Its already on record, but the thing
about this new development which is a proposed landfill, I am very, very concerned
because as our previous testimony indicated, one of the greatest oral traditions of that
area, with historical landmarks documentation are the legends of Mui. The legends of
Mui. It is my contention that the Mui Rock, the legends of Mui, capturing the sun,
Hele, snaring Heleakal, the snaring of the sun, Ulehawa Stream where Hinas mama her
with kapa, that whole area, the fishing grounds outside of Ulehawa where Mui and his
brothers and his magical *, thats the basis to me. One of the greatest legendary gods of
Hawaiian history, in fact, of Pacific history, goes beyond Mui. The Mui legends go
beyond Hawaii, but in Hawaii thats the deposit, right there. And I still feel that
Haleakal on Maui, the Island of Mauiare names of the demi-god and of course, the
craterbut it doesnt have the kind of references specific to what he did and where he
lived and all the activities that went on as cover this area. So if you were to put a landfill
right there, you putting it into the bosom of the most sensitive of Muis legendary areas.
It is unconscionable for us to think what were desecrating the legendary area associated
with one of the greatest demi-gods of Hawaii and Pacific history with a rubbish dump.
Cannot do that. That documentation now exist, the Mui Rock and the Puu Heleakal, if
youve been there if you go there, Ill take you guys, because you can still see Mui in
repose. Now, the sign that McAllister talked about this is where Mui is reposing.
Reposing is the word he used. We would call that sleeping, resting and the first time I
saw Mui sleeping there, it was just awesome. It fit the Mui mold. Its huge, its
awesome! Its just gigantic and its Mui. Mui at his finest. And its clearly outlined in
his silhouette on the mountain ridges. Although Puu Heleakal is the main body, the
main torso of the sleeping giant, Mui, the main body is Puu Heleakal all the way down
to his feet. And then, his neck and his head, the adams apple and the eyebrows and his

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forehead are all up on mountain ridges that form his magnificent silhouette. And in the
morning sunrise, Mui, all that, all that becomes part of the Muis body. And so if you
look at the map, the proposed project area is right in the bosom of Mui, right in the
bosom of Mui. And I would testify long and hard for not putting that landfill over there.
In fact, I would even propose that the landowner consider that may be in the long run
more economically viable which is a Leeward Community/Nnkuli Community Cultural
Site that would, that would know all the legends, that would be a visitor attraction area,
that would be housed by, staffed by Nnkuli people telling their story about Mui and
telling it in the place where it occurred. I think that would be the highest and best use of
that area. Theres no place along the Leeward Coast devoted to Hawaiian cultural activity
like this. Not one. And this would be the perfect place. If the State would acquire this and
dedicate it that whole site, the whole 200 acres as a focal point for this story, the cultural
integrity of that area, it would be a good for the whole community because they would
now be able to recognize it, the historical importance of that area that recognizes the
people who know the stories, who can translate the stories and who can restore the
cultural pride with the economic actions. It would be a terrific use for that area. You live
across the road, there is a landfill there right now and it looks terrible, it smells terrible, it
looks terrible and its changing the landscape over there, right? Now, if you look at the
proposed landfill is right across the road from where the current landfill is right now and
what you would do is---the most viable thing you would see in Nnkuli is two huge
landfills. One is bad enough. Having two right now would be worse. So in terms of your
question, the general history of the present and past life within the project area, it was
never used as a opala dumping ground, never, never. The cultural sites which may be
impacted by the future development project for example historic sites, archaeological
sites, burials---well, you know, burials. Thats part of my concerns is that, I believe there
are burials up there in the caves. I believe there are. The fact that you cannot say that
there is not is because we havent gone. And those burials as you know would be very
difficult to get to deliberately. Itd be hidden deliberately so that the iwi was so important.
But that doesnt mean they dont exist. In fact, if I was born and raised in this area and I
knew I had, I would have the privilege of leaving my iwi in the bosom of Mui, thats
where I choose to be. I would say, put my iwi up high, close to Mui, in the body of
Mui, inside of him And I would be protected, I would be part of Mui. That would be a
choice burial place and so I would say, yes, there may be burials. I cannot say there is
because we havent looked. Nobody has. And so, one area that really needs further
investigation, theres a possibility of burial caves, Puu Heleakal. Archaeological sites,
that whole entire mountain range is an archaeological site. The legends, the whole
archaeological---mountain is an archaeological site. And according to McAllister, the oral
histories that he collected, thats where Hinas Cave was up there, where she made kapa.
FC
I wanna go over there too and take a look. But I would say, you know I look up there
you see Black [Hoòhuli]and I used to go up there. It was very much like the Kaena
Point Area, the geology of this whole Waianae area, all the way down to Kaena. All of
the puu have cliffs that are very similar. Kaena Point, you know get burials there. We
know and it would seem to me that the topography, the pali at Puu Heleakal is exactly
the same. And if there are caves at Kaena, why wouldnt there be caves here? In fact, in
all the puu, Puu Paheehee, Puu Halona, Puu Mailiili. Traditional cultural practice

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Appendix A
in the project area both on-going and present, well not, not at that particular area, but you
know where Ulehawa Stream comes into the ocean?
CSH: Hmmm, mm [affirmative]
FC
Now back in the old days, all those fresh water streams coming out into the ocean---the
best one I knew of was the one that came out from Pkai Road from Waianae Valley.
Wherever those streams went into the ocean is where limu waiwaiole was that we
collected, yeah. Now, they made em into a huge drainage canal so that the limu
waiawaiole is gone. When I first started in Waianae, we used to be able to pick limu
waiwaiole down at Pka Bay at Rest Camp on the Mkaha Side andbecause there
wasnt this huge drainage sewer coming right into the water. But when they built the
huge drainage canal emptying right into the water, killed all the limu. So, Ulehawas the
same way, you know. Cultural associations with the project area such as legends and
traditional uses. The legends of Mui, the traditional uses of people worshipping Mui,
being associated with Mui, being part of him, being proud that this is Muis home
ground. I think theyre all important. And how can we even think about putting a landfill
at the foot of Muis monument. We wouldnt do that any other place, so why are we
doing it here? I mentioned some other families in here, the Hoohuli Homer Barrett and
Cash, people that know this are too. And other cultural concerns, you know the whole
Nnkuli area, this can have a tremendous positive impact if the State were to acquire it
and convert it into a cultural center for the Waianae area.
CSH
And probably less, less of a lot of negative and suppression because a lot of people dont
realize that that area was so special.
FC:
Exactly. It was very special, very rich and you know, it would be a big, uplifting,
positive, enhancing movement for Nnkuli and the rural area. Theres no place in the
rural area that do such a thing and if I were the landowner, I would say, okay, State, Ill
lease it to you for that amount, sell it to you for that purpose and then you can devote all
of that into a Leeward Cultural Resource Center and the focus would be on Mui and all
the other Leeward areas, theres legends all over the place. But, this would be the
headquarters, see. Tourists dont go down there right now, because the community has
negative connotations and a lot of negative attitudes, the crime, and all this, the
undesirable socio-economic-political statistics are heavy down there. And when you
dump a rubbish fill, a landfill area, you just gonna reinforce that. I dont think we should
be doing that. I think we should be saying, look, this community has suffered long
enough. Weve got to begin changing it. Lets change it in a very positive way. Lets
create something that the Hawaiians and the people out here can be very proud of. And
who knows, I think in the long run, the economic viability for use it as that, will be much
greater than using it as a landfill. The landfill goes on fifteen years and then what? Cover
it up and walk away. All we gonna have out there is Puu Opala. It will be famous for
Puu Opala. Then what are we gonna do? Make another Opala Puu, someplace they
gonna go by that they going, we dont want this Leeward Coast to be known for Puu
Opala. N Puu Opala. Oh my God. Its terrible. What you should be noted for is an
effort to restore the cultural integrity and historical resources of the site. Now, we got
right around the corner, Lualualei, right. We have right around the corner, Phkea. Now

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Appendix A
Phkea is a very important in the future, maybe another entrance into the rural area,
another highway. Right now, everything has to come through Kahe, right? That small
little, narrow gap, you know. If that bridge collapsed by Nnkuli coming you know,
right into, right past Kahe Point, theres no other way to get in except Lualualei. Now, if
you think, look at, wheres another viable place where we could put a highway too would
be Phkea and thats. Right behind. So, you got Lualualei and that has been pretty much
intact, their heiaus, their cultural sites in there that the Navy inadvertently saved because
they made it kapu, right? It was all military, defense, kapu. Nobody could go in there
which you know, it was good because the sites are safe. And so, this cultural resource
center could be an interpretive, a launching center for historic tours all along the coast, all
along the coast. And the history and the archaeology of the Leeward area has never been
fully explored and I would say, do not destroy sites before you explore them. So, this
whole area has to be further explored, not only in relationship to Maui and whats there,
but whats its relationship to other areas that are close by like Phkea, like the heiau in
Nnkuli, the heiau at the foot right down here. I think its Ukanepo [Ilihune]**, Im not
sure. But theres a heiau right almost in the project area.
CSH
Yeah, its right outside of it I think.
FC:
What is Site 6681?
CSH
Yeah, thats it right there.
FC
Yep, see thats in the project area. I think that is a heiau. And what is Site 6699?
CSH
No, wait, these are two sites.
FC:
Okay, how come you guys dont have the heiau there? There is one. Its in McAllister.
Take a look. Its very prominent. You got McAllisters Sites of Oahu? Its there, its
right there. Its in Ulehawa.
But a historical area to me did notthe Hawaiians didnt make that historical area. This
is an arbitrary line, drawn by somebody. When you consider historical integrity, you
cannot use these artificial boundaries as limitations. Youve got to go outside of them
because the entire area will tell you about that. Yeah. Theyre all related. We all related.
You cannot look at Hinas Cave as an isolatedHinas Cave is related to the entire
mountainside, to Ulehawa, to Mui and all the activities that occurred with Mui. So,
please do not stop at this artificial boundary. Youve got to go beyond there because
historical integrity doesnt stop at artificial boundaries. We go beyond that. These
boundaries were not know to our ancestors. These are western created boundaries for
political-economic purposes, not for cultural purposes. These are not cultural boundaries,
so why talk about cultural integrity and use artificial boundaries to stop investigations.
You cannot do that. So I would encourage what would be a focal point of a whole
cultural renaissance, a whole cultural renaissance for the Leeward area, the entire 200
acres be devoted to the cultural integrity and the restoration of the cultural and historical
integrity of the Leeward area. And this be the focal point where the story from Kaena
Point to Ewa can be told, the entire Leeward area. It would bring tourists, it would bring
visitors, it would bring pride to this community and it would give them kuleana. It would
give them responsibility to take care of their sites. You cannot go make kapulu down at

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Appendix A
the beach when you going get tourists and visitors down there. You cannot go make
kapulu in caves because you gonna bring visitors, you gonna bring ohana, you gonna
bring family in there. You cannot make kapulu and then make rubbish dumps when
youre gonna show your great grandchildren about the legends of that area. I mean what
kind of legacy are you leaving your great great grandchildren when you say, well, heres
the rubbish dump I left for you. You cannot do that. I mean, its unconscionable for us to
even think about putting that.
CSH: You know when you went to that Garden Grove when they were first building it.
FC:
Yeah.
CSH: That day. They didnt have Cultural Impact Assessments back then
FC
they would have never built it there. Well, there isnt you know, I mean, but Kane
because as you read in my testimony, thats a pathway of the P Kne. The P Kne,
thats where there was. Thats why that night watchman had his truck parked somewhere
else. Yeah, they shaked so much, my coffee spilled. Im like, how can it spill? So, I
said, I swear at them, I said, okay, okay, I going move my truck. So, he moved his
truck.
CSH: Okay, did he tell you? okay heres the stream, so the rock is somewhere down here then.
FC:
This is Hakimo Road, see Hakimo?
CSH: Okay, I see it. Right here.

FC:
So its right about, I would say right about here. Its right about here is where this Maui
Rock is. But its outside of your map right now, but I would estimate it to be right about
here.
CSH: Didthey came down from here too? So the trail must have came from here [Puù
Heleakl and went down here [kahakai].
FC:
Oh yeah, they had P Kne, probably emanating from Puu Heleakal and going down
towards this direction [makai]and so you know, thats why this whole area needs to be
really explored carefully.
CSH: S
the huakai p kne, the night marchers, they walked from the puù to the Mui
rock to the ocean?
FC:
Exactly. They came from the puu all the way down to here and all this, you know all
these caves will likely be restless spirits, right? They all the iwi, all these restless spirits in
there right? They go right down through there.
And as you know P Kne are spirits that havent quite rested yet. They still
going, they still active right? And so, you cannot put a landfill and cover up their
sacred pathway of the night marchers. And if there are restless spirits, they would
emanate from Puu Heleakal because thats a cave, I think burial caves that are
in this area. And so I would highly recommend to the State to acquire this place,
not for landfill, but as a place for historical, cultural resource center for the
Leeward area, the Leeward Area. And then, you know, Ulehawa, I mean

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Lualualei and then you would have all these heiau that you can still visit. Therere
a lot of heiaus out there. I restored, I did the restoration on the one at Pka Bay
and I feel very proud.
CSH: Thats really nice
FC:
I take great pride in saying, we saved that. And you know what that was? That was a
rubbish dump. When I found that---when I looked at that place in 1960 when I went out
there with, I couldnt believe that this was the site of a heiau because it was a community
dump. All the trash from the picnic areas, from the people living down at the beach,
fishing and its an example of what can be done. Look at it today, its revered. Its very
loving. People get married over there. They still use it as a sacred site. And you know
when you down at Pka Bay, people know its a very special place. Folks say, its
already improving there. I wish I had restored allbut that was the easiest one to get to.
It was so funny because when I was in inquiring I said, who does this belong to? I went
to the County? They said, its not ours. I said, oh, okay. I went to the State. The State
said, its not ours. I said, Fine, okay you know what, its going be mine then. Im
gonna clean. Oh, no, no, no, no, it belongs to somebody. I said, well, thats all Im
asking. If its not yours, if its not the Countys, not the States, then its whose?
Nobodies.
CSH:
Muis.
FC:
Yeah. And so, the State finally agreed it was theirs, but under the jurisdiction and
management of the County. And then I said, well, Im gonna go fix the heiau. No
permits, no nothing. We just did it. Marion Kelly told me, well how you gonna do it? I
said, one stone at a time. We just did it. And Im so glad that we did. I contend that
what we can do at this parcel in the bosom of Mui as I call it, can be so significant. If we
could have done that in one heiau, in a small little place out there, and see after thirty
years its still clean, its still respected, people still take care of it. I think the same could
happen there, I think the same thing would happen. It would be such a better use for that
site. Because a landfill, never landfill, just making it worse. So, thats my manao, my
advice.
Well, Ive never taken a look at that. Yes, its true, its not a coincidence. But, have you
ever tried to determine what Ulehawa is? Its not too nice you know, butit has many
kaona and if you look Puu Heleakal, its looks like Nana I ka ule and Ulehawa would
be connected to that. So, butI think, I think this whole place needs to be really, really
explored very carefully and I think, and not only like you say, not only in the project area,
but every association around it. I mean theres the legend of Puu o Hulu, the twins yeah,
the twin sisters. Sameand then Puu Maili looking over here. So, you see, our
ancestors didnt limit themselves to justand you look at this whole side and all the
places are associated with each other. So you cannot isolate one site and say thats
significant; anything outside of it is not significant. I think you gotta say, you gotta look
at the historical significance of the entire area, because from the cultural context, thats
what makes sense, not well, we can only look within the red boundaries.
CSH:
Yeah, its like they talk about the astro-archaeology.

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FC:
Appendix A
Good, good. And like I say, you know like the heiau at Klioloa at Pka Bay, if you
look at the---get out the McAlister and put all the heiau in that area, and if you draw,
they all connected. They all interconnected. Its easy. Thats why there could be
pronouncement made at Klioloa that would spread through the district in seconds. I
like to try to do that. So, thats the association. Thats the cultural significance of
Klioloa, is the covering of this ku loa this whole area. The skin, the skin of this Kili
that covers the whole area, Klioloa. And so, and this heiau here is part of it. So, what
else can I say to you? I would really encourage the State to acquire thisits private
property now eh? Sell it to the State and in the long run the City and County and the State
would realize a lot economic benefit.
It would have a spiritual rejuvenation, a cultural renaissance, the recognition of
importance and our main visitor industry is visitors, right? What are we showing visitors,
rubbish dumps? Why cant they put in place of rubbish dumps, cultural resource centers.
The community can be part of the planning, can be part of the interpretation, can staffed
by them. I think thats a much better idea. By the way, Nana I Ka Pono School, the new
school, it has the only, only community school museum in the state.
CSH:
I know!
FC:
I started that. If we can start one in the school, why cant we start one in the community?
CSH:
Mahalo Nui Loa!!

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Appendix B
APPENDIX B Transcripts of Interview with Black Hoòhuli

Interview: Black Hoòhuli (BH)
Date: June 28, 1999
Place of Interview: Nnkuli
CSH: Can you tell me your full name and give me some background about yourself?
BH:
How about Black?
CSH: Is that your nickname?

BH:
My name is Josiah L. Hoòhuli. [I was] born in Waianae , raised in Nnkuli, December

30, 1938. Went to school in Nnkuli. Attended Waipahu High, [but] did not graduate.
[I] went into the United States Marine Corps. Got out, finished school at Nnkuli High
GED.
CSH: So how old were you when you came to Nnkuli? You came right after you were born?
BH:
Raised here. Yeah.
CSH: So, the homestead was here already when you came?
BH:
Uh huh.
CSH: But that was still the early years of the homestead?
BH:
I think the homestead here opened up in 1930.
CSH: What was the homestead area like when you were growing up here?
BH:
Not like now. Everybody had half an acre, I think. Some places was a little bigger. I
guess it depends on the way the property was. Some was bigger.
CSH: And what was the vegetation like in the area? The trees, the plants?
BH:
Oh, all kiawe (Prosopis pallida), all kiawe. I remember to get our yard clean, we had to
chop down kiawe and the stumps. I remember us in tents.
CSH: Before your house was built?

BH:
Yeah. I think my dads first place was on Manu Street. And what I remember was, when
we moved to the highway and thats when I know we were kind of cleaning our yards.
And I only seen a picture of my dads first place.
CSH: So this lot where youre living now is not your original lot?
BH:
No. This was my uncles place and for some reason he just didnt want to stay in the
house, I guess, so I asked him if I could take care of the place for him. So while I was
taking care of it, I guess he see that I was doing a good job and he gave it to me.
CSH: And back then, did you have water?

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BH:
Appendix B
We had to go to the park and get water. Water was kind of scarce down here.
CSH: Which park?

BH:
Nnkuli Park. Actually the park name is Kalanianaòle Park.
CSH: Right down here, yeah.

BH:
Everybody knows that park as Nnkuli Park.
CSH: So you had no running water, or had a little bit? Just drinking water?
BH:
We had. Yeah, it was very, very little. If down neighbors using the water, we had to
kind of wait so we get the pressure. It wasnt easy. I dont know, for some reason, I miss
that. Because, I guess, today its so easy, its wasteful. I notice the way everybody lives
today, to me, its wasteful. I dont mind going back in the bushes and live.
CSH: I wanted to know what you know about the makai area of Nnkuli and anything else you
are willing to share with me. Well, lets do that for starters.
BH:
Like I say, Ulehawa is out of my district. Not much to talk about. Good fishing grounds.
In our time, it was a real good fishing ground. Lot of squid, right outside Ulehawa. It
was good squid ground. But other than that, Ulehawa wasnt my district.
CSH: You said that Ulehawa was good squid grounds?

BH:
Yeah.
CSH: Which part of Ulehawa?

BH:
Right outside the canal.
CSH: By the drainage?

BH:
Yeah. All that side straight out going towards Waianae . Thats where all the reef is.
You go towards the left, its mostly all sand. Good for trolling, I mean, not trolling, but
casting. Lot of people cast out there.
CSH: So, if people are going to fish, thats the area they would go to along Ulehawa, more that
side?
BH:
Yeah.
CSH: What about limu [edible seaweed]?

BH:
Limu, they had limu out there. We used to get our limu kala [Sargassum echinocarpum]
from there. Lot of limu kala, some lpoa [Dictyopteris plagiogramma]. Limu kohu
[Asparagopsis taxiformis], you gotta know the spots. If you dont, youre not gonna get
it. And the best time to go get limu is right after the good rough, when the water is
rough. Nobodys down the water. And maybe right after that, the rough, right after that,
everybody is on the water, so you gotta be there, too to get some. But, like today, I dont
know, for some reason, a lot of the limus are disappearing. I dont know if its chemicals
in the water, or couldnt be too much people, because today I dont think theres
enough Hawaiians to clean it out. Cause not too much of them even remember the type
of limus out there. Only the regular families that lived in the area know.

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Appendix B
CSH: Have you heard any stories about Ulehawa area?

BH:
No, just that thats where Mui was born, and the Mui rock that is there, which is
connected to Puù Haleakala [Heleakal]. Thats why one side of Puù Haleakala
[Heleakal] is barren. Because of the sun. Well, actually, the sunset, yeah. But they say
that when Muis mom felt that the sun was going too fast to dry her kapa, he held the
sun. Held it enough to burn that whole side of Puù Haleakala [Heleakal]. Thats why
its barren. But when you look at it, thats how the sun sets. Like right now, thats the
only way the sun is hitting, right there.
CSH: Cause Palikea is the other side, yeah?

BH:
Yeah, Palikea is on this side. Palikea, Palikapu, then I think we get I know we get one
more in there. Plehua.
CSH: Now, how did you know about the Mui rock? When did you first hear about it?
BH:
I didnt know that was Muis rock until they tried to develop.
CSH: Garden Grove?

BH:
Uh huh. But I knew about the rock. The only thing that I knew about the rock was the
rock had a lot of mana [energy], you know. In what way? We didnt know. I didnt
know. And, the old people that was staying there it was very that whole area was
always dry, grassy. You couldnt go in there without the old mans permission. My
parents used to go in there so I used to ride on the car. I used to see the rock, you know.
But I didnt know anything about it. But, after they tried to start developing it, the first
owners, and then after that they started to tell the history about that rock. Thats about all
I know about it. But I always made it a point that whenever I get guests from any place
on the Pacific, I always take them there because every Pacific Islander has Mui. I make
sure that they understand where I coming from. Some of them claim Mui is theirs.
Maybe this must be the brother or the cousin or something. With these guys [referring to
a Maori group he is hosting], Ive taken them. Ive taken all the Maori there.
CSH: Can you tell me the story about the Mui Rock?
BH:
No. Thats about it that I know of, besides all the stories they got on the Rock. And, who
wrote all those things? I wouldnt know who did that. Cause like I said, when I knew
the rock, there wasnt anything on the rock.
CSH: Oh, the other phaku [stones], and stuff. Is that what youre talking about?
BH:
No. The whole rock was one when I knew the rock. It was one piece. But for some
reason, within the past ten, fifteen years, it just open up.
CSH: Do you think its because of the roots? Theres plants growing all over it.
BH:
Could be, could be. Maybe its not well taken cared of, thats why. Maybe its not
natural, I dont know. But, when I remember the rock, it was one piece.
CSH: So the split occurred in the last ten, fifteen years?

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BH:
Appendix B
I see it that way. And it looks like its getting wider. It looks like its really getting
wider. The only thing next to that is the quarry. You know where Princess Kahanu is?
Thats the quarry. See, I used to work in there. And that is why I know the ocean must
have been all the way in the valley. Cause if you go in there now, all on the side of the
houses where the cliffs are, you can see all the fossils. Theres a lot of fossils in there.
CSH: On the side of the cliff?

BH:
Yeah. Thats how I when Fred was a teacher at Waianae , we were drinking, talking
about things like that. And I told him, Eh, come to my job. I used to work there as a
truck driver. I was telling him about all the different types of fossils. You know, right
down the wall. They were all and get some of the stuffs still today, but way down
deep, eh. I know there were I think they found a couple of bones in there, so we dont
know how long, you know. I think that was about 1970.
CSH: When you say, in there, what do you mean?

BH:
In the quarry.
CSH: In the quarry area?

BH:
I know they found a couple bones in there. Im not sure if they said it was old or new,
but I know they found some.
CSH: Have you heard of any burials on the beach side?

BH:
No. Havent heard anything like that on the beach side.
CSH: What about a possible old habitation site? Or old village, Hawaiian village on the coast,
the Ulehawa coast?
BH:
No. Not that I know of. Actually, I think, all the way from here, I dont think they had
[burials]. Maybe way before our time. But, I didnt hear anything like that. Actually,
the beach wasnt like that anyway. The sand dunes was higher. They were heavy with
kiawe trees, all on the beach.
CSH: Could you see through the kiawe trees and see the ocean then?
BH:
No, you got to get over them.
CSH: Over the top?

BH:
All the way. All the way down to Mìli was always like that. And for us, before we
used to go and camp. Was real good. But youre camping all in the kiawes.
CSH: And what about the [19]46 tidal wave? Did that change the coast or the beach line at all?
BH:
No. I think the worst that was hit is Waianae , Pka` Bay. I dont think that [Ulehawa]
side got damaged. No, no damages right up to Nnkuli Park, on this side. Not that bad,
but it came on the road.
CSH: So, when did the dunes change? About when? They must have cut down the trees then.
You said had all kiawe trees, the sand dunes.

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BH:
Appendix B
Actually, the worst one that really knocked down everything was Hurricane Ìwa.
Hurricane Ìwa cleaned it out. It pushed everything almost level with the beach. It just
came right across the road. I think that was the worst. But anyway, that was something.
That was the first time in my lifetime that sand ever come across the road. No matter
how big the waves was, it wouldnt come across. But, other than that, I dont remember
anything on the beach. All I know it was a good place to camp. Fish there was plenty
fish. People can go dive, enough to eat. Not today.
CSH: What kind fish you used to catch over there?

BH:
Oh, just about any fish they wanna eat. Not today. I guess, when they came out with all
this Cloroxing things, spoil the holes, they use tanks now. Its not like before. You dive
to your limits. Today, you can dive and talk story with the fish for a while and kill em.
CSH: And what about the war years? Were you here during the war years?
BH:
I remember the war, but we were limited, too. Cant be outside. I remember everything
on the housing. We used to close up all the windows with these Army blankets. Blackouts. I guess thats what they call Black-out.
CSH: Cannot have the lights showing.

BH:
Yeah. I mean the whole valley, I remember all the Armies, they just park in your yard if
they wanted to. All the big tanks going around.
CSH: And what about the bunkers down on the beach?

BH:
I remember those. I even remember the whole beach barbed-wired.
CSH: Oh, from where to where?

BH:
All the way down to Mkua. Where you can go is barbed-wires. I remember all those. I
remember all the ships outside there.
CSH: So, Ulehawa beach had barbed-wire down it?

BH:
All the way. Every beach had barbed-wire. Cause Mìli Point was two guns over
there, too. Where they had em on the hill. If you look up where the civil defense sign
is?
CSH: Yeah, theres a pill-box up there.

BH:
Oh, thats two, two big guns.
CSH: And what about the pill-boxes on the beach? When did they use that?
BH:
Those, I think, were machine guns. I think they got one in the front of Faststop. I think
they still got one. One at Ulehawa, I think, get one more, canal. And right on Phakunui
got one. Mìli, I think, right where the parks gonna end. Right where the haole
housing. I think right there.
CSH: The haole housing?

BH:
Yeah. Where Presidente Henry Peters lived. They got one there. I know theres one
there.

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Appendix B
CSH: And what about Nnkuli side? What have you heard about the two stones on First
Road?
BH:
You heard that one too, eh?
CSH: Ive heard some different things about it, so I wanted to know what you heard about it.
BH:
Tell me about it and Im gonna tell you something.
CSH: No, I want to know what you heard, first.

BH:
No, you gotta tell me yours [we laugh]. Because I gotta know who telling you stories. If
was Fred? Fred gotta tell you what I told him. See, I told Fred.
CSH: Well, he told me a story but, then, also Lehua Kapaku told me a story that was a little
different.
BH:
Like what?
CSH: That it was a brother and the sister. That theyre buried there and that theyre related to
the same family that owns the lot now.
BH:
George Kea, I think. He just died. I think its Kea. Something like that.
CSH: I wanna know what you heard about it.

BH:
And thats all they said?
CSH: She didnt know too much about it really. Thats just kind of what she heard. And she
just said cause Fred called it the menehune stones and so I asked her if she heard
that. She goes, Oh, yeah. But she didnt really know the story of why it was called
that.
BH:
Okay, I will give you my side of the story. The story of the rock is not because its two
sisters or brother and sister or, I dont know. The story of the rock is when they moved it,
it got back. Thats the story of the rock. When they built this homestead, thats when
they made each road. Now, the people that moved the rock was plantation people. What
is his name now? Not Willie. Bolo. Henry, all I know Henry is by Bolo Kekauoha.
Now he was the working foreman at that time.
CSH: For which sugar company?

BH:
Waianae .
CSH: Waianae Sugar Company.

BH:
And I dont know if it was I forget the name anyway, he was the foreman and, see,
Im getting the story from him. How he did when he had to cut the road. So, what they
did, they felt the road wasnt that big, so they didnt want to use the big bulldozer to push
that rock away. What they did was they harnessed a jackass, and they had two jackasses
pull em across. And the way they pulled is down to the end of the road, on the side.
CSH: Oh, from the beginning of the road to the end?

BH:
Right. Now, where the rock is to the end of the road down by the bush.

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Appendix B
CSH: Oh, yeah.

BH:
Now, before, if you look the road going up the Ranch from the highway. It wasnt there.
It used to be from there. To drive in the Ranch, you come in that way, you go into the
Ranch. Until they made the train. When the train came in.
CSH: Nnkuli Ranch?

BH:
Yeah. So, when the train came in, then they opened that road over there. But the whole
story was, when he moved that rock, he had two Filipino old men tie up the rock and
moved it. The next morning they came back, the rock was back there. Now they saying,
Wait a minute, you cannot just move rocks like that. So, I think they moved it again.
When they came back, the Filipinos said they aint movin em again. So they went and
get the tractor, to push it with the tractor. Came back, they left it there. And they said
they would not touch that stone no more. So they had to build that road a little farther,
going around. Now, 1974, I think, you can check with Hawaiian Homes, when they went
build the roads. I think it was [19]74, maybe [19]73, they was gonna build this road. See
the road now? Make sidewalks, make driveways. And they started off from there. So,
they had a Euclid bulldozer, thats equivalent to a D-9. They had that [spoken with
emphasis] to move the rock. They couldnt [emphasized] move the rock. What
happened was, that machine break down. Major break down! Major [emphasized]! And
they just couldnt understand a big machine like that went go fool around with this rock
and when they came back, it broke right there. Then the people on the road started to tell
the contractor that you cannot touch that rock. So, I guess thats when sisters, or lovers
or whatever came out. But already we [emphasized] knew that you move the rock, the
rock came back. So, dont touch it already. And I think for some reason the company
and the bosses agreed that theyll do something and make a big làu for the whole road,
for the people to come. And the job went on fine [emphasized], and thats when they left
it there. And they cement em around em that thing now.
CSH: How did the name menehune become attached to it?

BH:
Now, that I dont know.
CSH: What does everyone in the neighborhood call the rocks?

BH:
I really dont know. Thats what I am saying.
CSH: Everybody make their own story?

BH:
Must be. See, my thing about the stone is, the kaona behind my story, the kaona behind
that is they moved it and it came back. Now, Im not going to worry about who is that.
Is that the familys àumakua. My concern is, the kaona is you moved it, it came back.
Who brought it back? Thats my story. I no need dig no more. Its telling me
something. Leave me alone, Ive been here for maybe, maybe it is somebodys
family. I dont know. Just like the rock Mui, you know. You get one scratch paper?
CSH: Yeah. You can draw it on here.

BH:
This is Farrington Highway, you going inside like this. When you go in like this, okay,
like this is all the parking lot, yeah. Come like that, something like that. Over here is the

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Appendix B
rock. Over here is the tree. Now, for some reason, when they were building this over
here, developing over here, for some reason now, you want good stories, you go back
find out who was the developers, who were the contractors. And you find out who were
the guards over there. All the guards who guard over there. Go up to the last guard, now.
The thing I am getting from everybody, the guards especially, is the mana is in the tree,
now. Because, while they were building thats why I say you got to talk to all the
general contractors now, this is how the story is. They find their machines on the
beach. Yeah, they call the cops, they try and find out [the] fingerprints, whos taking
em.
BH:
It ends up half of the buildings are all built, it ends up all in the building. All the
machines. Now, the security guards are panicking because even them is getting the vibe
to quit the job, to leave the place. And thats why I say, you gotta get the story from
them. See, they only telling me whats happening. I dont wanna talk for them. But,
what I am telling you is thats what is happening over there at that time. In other words, I
would think the mana is all in the stone, but when they put the dogs, and tie em up by the
tree, the dog cannot handle it. So you know darn well the mana is in the tree. But you
can talk to all the guards, thats the best. Gee, I dont know if they are still living, but
check with Albert Silva. Did you hear of him, Albert Silva?
CSH: Ive heard of other Silvas but maybe not that one. Albert Silva?
BH:
Well, it was his brother, I think. His brother or his uncle was one of the guards. But they
had to go get this kind of people because they used to with that. But, they had all kind of
different guards over there and they just couldnt handle it. Now, if you can talk to them,
you going know why, but thats what Im telling you. So, down here, thats why I said
this rock over here, the kaona to the rock is they went move em and it came back.
Thats the same story they said up in Kolekole Pass. Well, Kolekole Pass is like this, but
the road was coming up here, to come down. But when they came up here, had one big
rock too. They pushed the rock off. The next morning the rock was back. They get one
other operator, asked him [to] push the rock over. The Hawaiian guy that pushed it first,
he said No, he had to quit his job. One other operator went push em. He went push
him [and] he died. So, you know what I mean, everybody looks back Hey, that rock is
still there. So, today that rock is still there. But, the way the rock is, the rock is just like
this. And thats just something like that, the rock is. It has a bowl on it. And everybody
is saying this is where they bust the guys head, you know. I dont know. For me, I dont
know, but Im not gonna go argue. You know, one time they tell me they went push the
rock over, thats why they had to reroute the road. Eh, if the haole went reroute the road
because of that, that tells you something, you know. I dont wanna argue with them guys
because I respect anything I go through, you know.
CSH: Do you know anything else about the Mui legends and how theyre related to this area,
the Ulehawa area?
BH:
I tell you true fact, like I said, I only knew the rock. I never know anything about that
rock until til them guys went start developing em and they went put em on top there
and they said this is Muis Rock. I said, I wish I knew that when I was small kid
because we used to play around that rock. But I didnt know the kaona on em.

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Appendix B
CSH: When you were small did it have you know in Sites of Oahu, it says that there used to
be smaller rocks like people would leave rocks there?
BH:
Ive seen that.
CSH: So that was when you were small?

BH:
Yep, Ive seen that.
CSH: But, then what happened to those rocks?

BH:
I really dont know.
CSH: Theyre not there now.

BH:
No, before the rock cracked. Before the rock cracked, I seen all those rocks just like
tikis. Just like tikis, was all on top there.
CSH: Piled? Stones piled one on top of the other, or one single rock?
BH:
No, one single rock, look like tikis. Look like small figures. Look like was all on top the
rock. I dont know if somebodys putting em, but Ive seen it. I aint going tell
everybody cause everybody going say, Whoa, this guy hes punchy or what. Thats
why I say, when I talk something, Ive been there, or Ive seen it. I even can say when I
feel em. But I dont need anybody telling me that see, when somebody tell me about
something else I just say, No, no. You go right ahead and you tell what you know,
cause I only gonna say what I know.
CSH: Let me show you the map of the project area in Nnkuli.
BH:
This is Nnkuli Avenue?
CSH: Right here.

BH:
This the Ranch.
CSH: Lyman Ranch is here. So, it looks like theyre going get to it from here. And then make
the access road from there. From here, the end of the street to there.
BH:
You know if they got a EPS on this?
CSH: No, I dont.

BH:
I wonder why they putting a reservoir in there? Let me see that again.
CSH: Its two streets before the end.

BH:
Right.
CSH: I think it might be actually on Lyman Ranch property, but Im not sure. I havent
researched that part yet.
BH:
Lyman go like this. Regardless, like that is still Lymans. This side is Nnkuli Ranch.
CSH: So, what do you think? Do you know anything about that area?
BH:
No.
CSH: Did you used to play up there when you were little, maybe?
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BH:
Appendix B
Oh yeah. I play up all over this place. But the thing is, it was just bushes. But, right
now, right here, must be on the flats.
CSH: Yeah, it looks pretty level there.

BH:
Cause, you see, theres a big [emphasized] gully coming around like this.
[emphasized] gully. I dont know if it hit this inside here or go around.
A big
CSH: Yeah, I havent been up there to look around. Im gonna have to do that one day this
week. But youre familiar with the area, you think? Or not sure until you go up there?
BH:
All bushes, thats all it is. All bushes.
CSH: Do you recall seeing any stone walls or any stone structures up there?
BH:
No, because if this is where I think, when the water went rain, the water just come down.
Cause this is all in the ditch already. In the ditch.
CSH: Do you know anyone who might go up there for any reason, whatsoever? Like hunting
or
BH:
Theres nothing to hunt here anyway. Its just some pass through to get out.
CSH: To get to the better areas?

BH:
Yeah. Thats all it is. But the hunters, they get their own trails already. They try not to
work too hard before they get to the pig [laughs]. No, not much. You dont have it
because right now I tell you theres a big [emphasized] river come down here. A big dry
river come down. Did you talk to Lyman?
CSH: No, I havent talked to them yet. Im gonna give them a call tomorrow.
BH:
Yeah, talk to him. If you see him, maybe he would even take you up there. Take you all
inside [there]. He would have more to say because hes been in there quite some time
already and hes been all over, all over in there. I have a worker that works for me. He
hunts in there. Hes come across a lot of things.
CSH: So, do you think he knows this area?

BH:
No. I dont know, but like I say, its just a passing through. If theres anything over
there, it must be broken already. If the water running through there its all broke. All the
big boulders just going roll right in there.
CSH: When was the last time the water that it has rained really hard like that?
BH:
Oh, the last time, the last rain three years, two years. But, regardless, as long its a big
rain, it runs. Because all the water going gather, going come all once it starts hitting
here, this is the main one. It comes around and it comes down.
CSH: So, you dont think that theres anything in the area that would pertain to cultural use of
the area then?
BH:
I dont think so.
CSH: Burials?
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BH:
Appendix B
No. Burials should all be down here, and all up here. [He indicated areas outside of the
project area.]
CSH: Old Hawaiian trails? Or gathering of any kind?

BH:
Hawaiian trails. I dont know about Hawaiian trails, like I say. Maybe the cows make
their own trails already. So you doing the research on it for these guys too, then?
CSH: Yeah.
BH:
Whats that haoles name doing all the homesteads up here? I forget his name, now. He
does all the archaeology for homestead
CSH: Ross Cordy? He works with Lehua [Kapaku]. They are on the same Association.
BH:
Because hes on that other board with, hes on the Ukanip heiau [Site 181] one, too.
And hes been there with us all the time too.
CSH: So when you were a little boy and you used to play up mauka, where did you used play?
What side you used to hang out down here? The other side of the gully? Or in the gully?
BH:
Well, the only time we used to go this side is when we go get pear [alligator pear or
avocado]. Thats the only time. But this side was our area. All down here.
CSH: So, you dont know of any sites in the area, or anything like that?
BH:
No, the only ones Ive heard about is the ones theyve picked up here, the housing, but, I
dont think it was any heiau.
CSH: Have you heard of the `weoweo stone?

BH:
No. See, when I hear stories in our area, I gotta find out who started the story and who
they got the story from. Cause if the story is coming from outside, Im not going to
listen to them. A lot of Nnkuli people, they know their thing down here. And when
you hear all kine new things, me, I question them. Where you got it from? Who told you
that? Something new to me.
CSH: What about the menehune tree?

BH:
Even that, from where?
CSH: Well, do you even know about it, or it is something that only the kids talk story about?
BH:
I dont know but, tell me where now.
CSH: I havent actually looked for it, but I think its supposed to be, like, when you come
around this corner, a big kiawe tree on the beach side, I think.
BH:
Menehune tree?
CSH: Yeah.
BH:
In Nnkuli?
CSH: I think so.

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BH:
Appendix B
Let me give you one other drawing. I dont know where. I dont know what these guys
talking, menehune tree. Lets see. This is where the 4-X station is. You know where
the 4-X station? This is the bridge, Nnkuli bridge comes down. Now you get driveway
here. This is two driveways. Here, something like that. Now, I dont know where your
tree is at. Is it up this side or this side?
CSH: Im not sure. Ive only heard one person talk about it and I gotta go back to talk with him
again. I havent interviewed him yet. He just mentioned it, that theres a menehune tree
in Nnkuli. And then I was curious because people refer to the menehune rocks, you
know, the stones down on First Road.
BH:
No, never did hear about menehune rocks or menehune tree. The only thing I know is the
night marchers, the night walkers, this is their area coming up this way. All down this
way. This is the area of the night walkers, because these are the homes that always,
today, I no call that the vibes. I tell them guys, you guys lucky that only you folks can
communicate with these people. Before, everybody get scared. Was over here [near
Hakimo Road, outside of the project area]. And another one is up here, when you
coming inside Nnkuli
CSH: When youre coming inside where?

BH:
When youre coming in Nnkuli, theres couple more houses here. This is coming down
Nnkuli. See, you come down the hill, you turn, you go inside Phakunui, eh. Its the
park over here. Now these houses there is one house over here. The house is
Kekahuna. That house is said to be built right on the trail. Certain nights the family used
to move the furnitures and then let them walk through, they just go, they walk right
through. See, that person used to be one of my workers. While I knew about this during
those days, you know, I knew about that during those days.
CSH: So about here, the house?

BH:
Maybe this one.
CSH: This one?

BH:
Yeah, Kekahuna. Ke-ka-hu-na.
CSH: Over here was this middle part here?

BH:
One, two, three. Actually, all these people feel em, but this house was the most. They
always said they used to walk down. This is how they said this was their trail to go to the
beach.
CSH: This one here?

BH:
Yeah. Enos is the name.
CSH: Enos?
BH:
Enos.
CSH: And this is where? This is the 4-X station?

BH:
Right. Right there.

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Appendix B
CSH: How do you spell that?

BH:
4-X
CSH: 4-X
BH:
Yeah, 4-X. Thats Navy talk. Something to do with, I dont know what the hell is a 4-X.
4-X is supposed to be something like Federal Reserve or something. Anyway, put
down Zablan thats the park right here, eh. Main thing, I dont know what stream is
this, now. Theres a name on that bridge. And this Nnkuli Ranch, yeah.
CSH: Not Nnkuli Stream?

BH:
Yeah, could be.
CSH: Cause theres only Nnkuli Stream and Ulehawa Stream. The only two.
BH:
I guess so.
CSH: So the Nnkuli Stream is or whatever that stream is you talking about the stream
right down here?
BH:
Yeah. Lets see if we can find em [looking at map].
CSH: Is it on here?
BH:
Should be. Its right about here. Yeah, right here. But no name. This is it, coming
down.
CSH: Oh, its only on

BH:
No, it comes all the way from up.
CSH: Oh, they dont have it going all the way up.
BH:
Thats all right.
CSH: So, where is the stream on your little drawing?

BH:
Here, this is the one right here. This is the bridge, eh. It goes like that.
CSH: Yeah, okay. Thats Nnkuli Stream where the bridge is.
BH:
All this is the park.
CSH: So, where does the trail start from? Have you heard anything about that?
BH:
No. It must come from in here. Well, how old is this thing? We dont know where.
Because in [19]37 they have a graveyard in there [indicates a location well outside of the
project area]. Now that graveyard, I know about it. When I was small, they said they
made some burials in there, but people are saying they cannot find anything.
CSH: But you havent heard anything about night marchers up in this area? In the Board of
Water Supply project area? Going through there?
BH:
No, I never hear. But hard to say where the hell theyre coming from. Because for me, I
can tell you, maybe Ive heard them walking a couple of times. But, nothing to get

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excited anymore. But trying to educate my kids on that. They dont want to hear about
those things. Thats about the only thing I can tell you about Nnkuli, that I know.
CSH: Can you think of any other people that might be knowledgeable about the area I am
interested in or anyone who would be good for me to just talk story with briefly? Just ask
if they know anything even?
BH:
Let me try see if I can get him over here now [speaking of Uncle Eddie Kaman]. He has
a lot of history.
CSH: Do you know anything about gathering that people do as a whole within the region of
Nnkuli? What kind of things do people gather? Like for cultural purposes. It could be
fishing, it could be plants, etc.
BH:
Not too much things, I think, in Nnkuli. When we need plants, we gotta go out.
Theres nothing here, anymore. The bad part about it is when they have to go in and get
permission from the owners. And if the owners dont come from here, they gotta go find
out who the owner is. And most of the owners dont want nobody going in to go get
things for culture or religious purpose. Besides religious, maybe culturally, trying to get
imu rocks for the imu. Now, imu rock dont come from just any place. It comes from the
rivers. Just to get in the rivers, you gotta get on the property. To get on the property, you
need to go find the owners. Other than that, I dont see any plants in this valley, its so
dry. Maybe trying to get moss rock to build family walls for your house. I think thats
culture, but not in the eyes of the owners. For them its money.
CSH: How do people use Nnkuli valley? Mainly for what purpose?
BH:
They never did.
CSH: People go up there hiking?

BH:
They just trying to do it now. See, prior to that, they couldnt even go in.
CSH: Because its private?

BH:
Yeah. But, because we have a new its a Hawaiian guy I guess all hes asking for
is permission. Ask permission, so I know whos in the valley. But I know the other fella.
No ways. You dont go on my land.
CSH: So you dont know how that area was used, even in the last century? What have you
heard about that area?
BH:
Cattle. As far as I know, it was all cattle up there.
CSH: Okay, I think thats about it. I cant think of anything else.
BH:
No. Thats why I say, for me to talk, you gotta figure out what you need. If I got it, you
got it. If I dont I never did prepare myself for things like this cause I believe you
talk what you feel.
CSH: Well, thats the best kine, when you not prepared. Thank you very much for your time.
[End of interview.]
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Appendix C
APPENDIX C Transcripts of Interview with Lehua Kapaku

Interview with: Lehua Kapaku (LK)
Date: June 28, 1999
Place of Interview: Nnkuli
[Before starting the official interview, Aunty Lehua wanted to give me some background
information, which ultimately led to talking about the project area. Part-way through, I asked
permission to turn on the tape recorder. This is where the tape begins.]
LK:
So, if the sun set at the west, which is in the direction of Nnkuli, and we have a hill, or
puù, named Heleakal, which means path of the sun, then, we began to go in there and
look at the Mui legends. Ulehawa, Puù Heleakal, and as you know where Princess
Kahanu is at now, seems to be the area where the Mui legends seem to concentrate on.
For example, the Mui Rock at Garden Grove, coming straight out into where they have a
park area, there seems to be sort of a lagoon. And in the lagoon there should be a stone
formation where they anchored their canoe, or whatever, on. Theres signs of the lpoa
[Dictyopteris plagiogramma and D. australis] seaweed growing in that area. Seems like
whoever told the story of the Mui legend seemed to have all these clues, or evidence
within the area. To Muis mother, Hinas, home in the cliffs of Palikea. So, thats the
Mui legends connected to Nnkuli. Basing on the fact that the migration came to
Kauaì, and from Kauaì to Kaèna, Kaèna to Mkua, Mkaha, and right along this part
of the island. We came to agree that the legend begins here. So, thats how far we got to
the Mui legends. Okay, second Mui legend, the naming of the place. Scientifically, we
learned that the Waianae Volcano was the first on Oahu. Remnants of the Waianae
Volcano shield is Mìli Point. So called Puù o Hulu is a remnant of the Waianae
shield. So, anyway, Mui legends tell us, scientifically, Waianae Volcano is the
beginnings of the island of Oahu, right? And the Mui legend names off the various
places this side of Oahu. Mui had so many brothers and he had two sisters. One was
Lualualei and [the other was] his baby sister whom he treasured. The baby sisters name
was Nnikuùlei [which means] look to my pretty lei. Scientifically, when we did our
research, from Waianae Volcano comes Lualualei and the last cauldron, or the last
puka, of the Waianae Volcano was Nnkuli. Nnkuli overflows and there joins
Koòlau with Waianae through the Nnkuli flow. Now, when you do research on the
Hawaiian part, I took the role as being part of my race, part of my people. To have the
name Lualualei which is sacred wreath, and, then having a baby sister [whose name
means] looking deaf, I just didnt agree, I wasnt satisfied with that. So I accepted the
Mui legend part where his baby sister was named Nnikuùlei. Now, history tells us
that when you misspell a Hawaiian word, or forget to put the òkina or the kahak, it
totally changes the meaning of the word. So, if it was Nnikuùlei, which would be very
positive, very good, I dont think the people or anybody would feel negative about it.
This is the only place in this whole State to have a derogatory name, look deaf. You look
at any other place, they have nice names. Could be a special event or a special person.

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Appendix C
Only Nnkuli. So, it may have been a misprint and it may have been what the Sites of
Oahu says, but it depends on how the people react to that name. Weve come to even
give the name another meaning and that was perseverance, just to change the negative
attitude. And, we find that this community has been so put down, I tell you talking
about patience and perseverance and finally Nnkuli is a community thats noted that
whatever they do, or whatever they accomplish, they real Hawaiian and give away. Ive
been here long enough to see that this place has really accomplished a lot of things. Like,
for example, this museum [Nnikapono Community School Museum, Nnkuli]. We
are the one and only one in the whole state of Hawaiì. Through this museum came the
Hawaiian Studies statewide. Yet, Nnkuli will not take credit. Its something we dont
publicize, we dont take the glory, we just let it pass. Whoever wants to take the credit,
whoever wants to say anything, we just let them. Thats the way it is. When I first came
here I was real aggressive. Ive come to love this community. I finally accept what the
kpuna [elders] told me way back 39 years ago when I first came here.
CSH: So, you really think that, perhaps, the original name, or another name for Nnkuli was
really Nnikuùlei?
LK:
Yeah, I say that because theres three so-called meanings of the name Nnkuli. [One
meaning is] look deaf. I said, How can you look deaf? My kpuna, when they wanted
to emphasize the point of looking deaf, they would pull your ears and say pepeiao kuli.
They would not say, You look deaf. Your ear is deaf, your eye is blind. But never
look deaf. There was no definition, or there is no word that tells us that you look
deaf. Another one is a chief looking at his penis and another one looking at his knee.
Kuli in Hawaiian is knee. So, youre looking at your knee, youre looking at your penis,
or youre looking deaf. Why? Which lead us to now, the restoration of Nnkuli Valley.
CSH: Okay, we kind of started this interview backwards. [Laughing.] Can we start from the
beginning?
LK:
Okay. [Laughs.]
CSH: Tell me about yourself. What your full name is and when you were born and where you
grew up.
LK:
Okay. My name is Virginia Ka Lehua o ka Nani o Panaèwa me ka Ua Kani Lehua

Makekau Kapaku. I was born November 3rd 1934 in Waipiò Valley on the island of
Hawaiì. I am presently the curator of Nnikapono Community School Museum.
CSH: You spent your childhood in Waipiò?

LK:
I was born in Waipiò, I grew up in Waipiò. We moved to Hilo. And I spent some of
my childhood years in Miloliì, Kona.
CSH: And how did you happen to come to Oahu?

LK:
I came to Oahu to attend the University of Hawaiì.
CSH: And what did you take up there?

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LK:
Appendix C
What was my major? Business Administration. I did the Teachers College. I went back
to Hawaiì and, then in 1960 I moved to Nnkuli. I lived in Nnkuli for the past 39
years.
CSH: And, in 1960, is that when you started working here at the museum?
LK:
No, at the school. The museum was started in 1971, officially. It became part of the
Department, DOE, in 1979, when I come in and took over the museum. In that period,
[19]71 to [19]79, it was under the Model Cities Project. In 1979, it became officially
under the Department of Education.
CSH: Getting back to Waipiò, did your parents grow taro [Colocasia esculenta]? Were they
farmers?
LK:
No, we were landowners. And we had land in Waipiò Valley. We had tenants in
Waipiò Valley. When I was born, for three years, I had to be raised by another family in
Waipiò Valley. And at three years old, I was brought up from Waipiò Valley back to
my parents. So I didnt grow taro. We were landowners.
CSH: So when you came up, you went to Hilo?

LK:
When I came up, I began to live with my parents up in Kapulena. Then, I think I was
five years old, or six years old when we had to migrate to Hilo.
CSH: What do you know about the project area where the proposed reservoir is going to be?
This is the map that we got from our client and it shows the reservoir area above the
homes.
LK:
Yeah, got em right here. And this is the ranch right here.
CSH: Thats Lyman Ranch. What can you tell me about Lyman Ranch? Any history that you
know about it? Past history and who currently owns it.
LK:
Well, lets see. History tells us that one of the first ranchers that leased the valley was
Manini. Thereafter, when I got here in 1960's, the valley was leased by Hawaiì Meat
Company and Tong Ranch. Recently, about 1995, the present rancher, Robert Lyman,
has the lease on the valley.
CSH: Do you know if he is related to any of the early Lymans that came to Hawaiì, the
missionary Lymans?
LK:
That I dont know. However, he once was a cowboy for Tong ranch. So, after Tong
ranch give up on their lease, he applied for the lease to continue. So when you go up
there and you talk to him you can get his history.
CSH: Hes pretty much there all the time?

LK:
He works for his wife. Robert and Veronica Lyman. And they have a little house up
there.
CSH: And what does he have on his ranch?

LK:
Oh, he has cows and horses.
CSH: And you mentioned earlier that its not really a working ranch, its a hobby?
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LK:
Appendix C
Yeah, its a hobby.
CSH: Do you know anything about our project area? Are there any sites located in our project
area?
[Tape was turned off at Aunty Lehuas request for a break.]
CSH: Were talking about cultural practices in the project area.
LK:
Presently, none because these people that how do I say this? They never knew. It
took us this last few years to make these residents of this community aware of what was
happening up the valley because they always thought that it was just ranching. They
never thought there was historic sites up there. Not even realizing the fact that some of
their houses was built right on ancient sites.
CSH: When you mentioned earlier that some people were upset when you folks were saying
that possibly there could have been sites up there, why do you think they were upset?
LK:
Because they never knew. They always had the assumption that it was just ranching.
And I guess because they didnt understand the archaeology or anything about the area,
when we brought it to their attention, the first thing they did was to tell me that its us
that were trying to say that theres something there when theyve been here for years
and years until we found that thing. I didnt find it, Ross didnt find it. It was these
people that we took up to hike and to learn about the valley. And Ross just told them to
have the experience of archaeology, that theyre not to assume. That theyre to
painstakingly record things, just dont go over there and move. These two boys happened
to come to this opening. It was very low. One of the boys assumed that it was a stick.
And the other kid said, Dont assume. If you see something peculiar, go in. And so the
boy crawled under and cleaned the dirt around and it wasnt a stick. It was something, a
shape. And so he pulled it out and came up with that [a tapa beater]. Since then, weve
publicized. Weve gone to different organizations and any kine meetings and what not
and showed them. And, they dont understand. What they call the cattle corrals and all
like that, actually wasnt corrals. It was maybe a habitation. So, now theyve come so
acceptable of Nnkuli that, like I said, their attitude changed to positive. Now theyre
real anxious to learn more about their valley, to go up and clean the valley.
CSH: Can you tell me the name of the organization that youre associated with?
LK:
Mlama Nnkuli Ahupuaà, Inc.
CSH: And youre a non-profit organization?

LK:
I am. And I am the President of that.
CSH: And what is your purpose?

LK:
To restore, preserve and establish an educational place for the people of Nnkuli.
CSH: And Ross Cordy?

LK:
Ross Cordy is my archaeologist, and we are in partnership with the three schools, Kaàla
Palms, Hawaiì Conservancy, Department of Hawaiian Homes and community

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Appendix C
organizations like Nnkuli Hawaiian Homestead Association, Hawaiian Civic Club,

Queen Liliuòkalani Childrens Center. Were all together.
CSH: And when did you form your association?
LK:
We started in 1996. I got officially registered October 1998.
CSH: Getting back to the project area then, what can you tell me specifically about it, as far as
cultural use? Do you think there was cultural use in the past or is there any cultural use
taking place presently?
LK:
The Valley or you talking about the spot?
CSH: Im talking about the actual reservoir spot. Where the proposed reservoir is going to be,
on the map.
LK:
When we learned about the valley that borders Manawahua and all of Puù Heleakal,
better known as Nnkuli Homestead, on the side of the gulch, which is now Nnkuli
Ranch, we found to have historical sites, like settlements, and burial sites on the Phase 7
side and on the Waianae side of Nnkuli Ranch so called the Gulch. In that area, all
the way up to the present Lyman Ranch area, there was settlements. In fact, theres a
swimming hole and a wiliwili tree to designate the swimming hole that the children of
Nnkuli Homestead used to go swim. However, when the Department of Hawaiian
Homes started building their housing projects, they may have destroyed some of the
historical sites. But, leaving some sites up to the valley. Thats how much I know about
that part.
CSH: Do you know if anyone uses that area for any cultural reasons at all? For example,
gathering plants?
LK:
No, not presently because the people who live in that area had no prior knowledge that
there was historical sites in that area. When they came the land area was already
developed into a housing development, so they didnt know.
CSH: So to your knowledge, you dont know of any cultural practices currently being done in
the area, or in the past?
LK:
No, not at this time, but Im pretty sure its going to happen now that were involved in
the [work in the valley].
CSH: Do you know anything about the two phaku on Pua Avenue? Can you tell me about
that?
LK:
Yeah. Legend tell us that this little brother dies and is buried over there. He had a sister.
[Aunty Lehua asked to turn off tape recorder for a bit.]

CSH: You were telling me about the phaku on First Road.
LK:
That phaku, its about a brother and a sister. And if Im not mistaken, its on the Kaèa
land. George Kaèa.
CSH: So the brother died

LK:
And was buried over there.

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Appendix C
CSH: And what about the sister?

LK:
[cant make out what she says]
CSH: Oh, she died after?

LK:
And that family, that the two stones are at, is still there. The man just recently died.
CSH: So, theyre related to Kaèas. Thats their òhana?

LK:
Yeah. That house lot. In fact, when they went to build and widen the road, Pua Avenue,
its not a straight road because they had problems with the two phaku and, now, its kind
of like way down. But, at the end of the road, theres this lady, Sarah Kawailima, shes a
good one to interview. She used to be the Kne girl. Her father used to work for the [?].
I know they used to go on horseback go up in the mountains. But, at the end of the
road, by the gulch side, theres another stone. So, Im sorry, depending, on what stone
you was asking me about.
CSH: I didnt know about the other stone at the end of the road.
LK:
Theres another stone, but no connection to these two stones.
CSH: Is there a story about that stone?

LK:
Its the `weoweo.
CSH: `weoweo?
LK:
The fish. You need to go into the valley, the gulch, to see that stone.
CSH: So park the car and

LK:
Go in the gulch to the Ranch, look to the left. Maybe now its all covered with grass or
whatever.
CSH: When you say go to the end of the road, up First Road, or up to the end past Nnkuli
Avenue?
LK:
No, no. The end of First Road, Pua Avenue. You will see the stone through the gulch.
You go in the Ranch area and you look toward that I hope nobody went destroy em.
CSH: And what is the story about that stone?

LK:
Its the home of the `weoweo. And Nnkuli is noted for the `weoweo fish.
CSH: And can you tell me anything else about that stone?
`weoweo stone?
LK:
Any other stories about the
No, all I know is that. [Our understanding is the stone was used to attract weoweo fish.]
CSH: Back to the other stones, about the brother and sister, Fred Cachola called it the
Menehune Stones.
LK:
Theres a legend that says that the stone came from the Valley. It was brought down and
so it cries like its lost. The story I get was from that Kaèa family. That stone was there
before. There was the story about the brother and the sister. But, you know, its real
difficult for me because I gotta lean on legends and I gotta lean on modern Westernized

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Appendix C
thinking. Let me tell you about stones. When you look at a stone and theres an image
on the stone, I might look at a stone and I dont see nothing. You look at one stone and
you see something. Whenever you see, you either gonna have to take care of this stone
and be respectful to that phaku. Its believed that phaku does travel, so you have to
kind of accept the fact that if you were told the phaku travels and, therefore, it does
travel. If the stone, or the Menehune stone or what was taken from the Valley it would
find its way back to the Valley, one way or the other. I can quote incidences that
happened where people find these kind of stones, take them home and they wasnt happy
until they took back the stone to where it belonged. So, if the menehune stone was taken
from the valley and, I now know about the valley, cause like I said, on the serious side of
me, I really think [?] to see if whatever legend or whatever is told to me is authentic. So,
therefore, when we had the question about Nnkuli Valley, I dont know if we are at that
part, when we interviewed the people of the community, they told us off. They even
retaliated against Ross. Their attitude you understand? Theres nothing in this valley!
Nothing [emphasized]! Only ranching and all this and that and this and that. And those
people whos telling us grew up in Nnkuli, so who am I to debate with them? But in
our research, we find things thats written in the books and if we find that there was
living settlements, there was people living up there before [emphasized] that name
Nnkuli came up, cannot help but say if this place is arid and hot and nothing, and
the people look deaf and were so ashamed to offer any [food or water] and Hawaiians are
people that would give you the shirt off their back, nowhere in the history of Hawaiì that
I have ever traveled to or went to that the people are poor, I mean they are so hospitable.
I couldnt just accept. So, anyway, to hear this kine and then we have prove it, right?
Like I knew [ emphasized] that there was people up there, I knew [emphasized] it. The
point was what kine people. And I really dug into it to look and I found it. Thats why
my focus right now is opening up that valley. All I can tell you is about stone. So, I
would take the stone theory from that lot. Its more authentic than taking the rock,
because when the construction went over there to get that rocks, I mean, these rocks were
imbedded in the ground [emphasized]. It wasnt something small that could be carried.
These are huge boulders [emphasized]! Huge, huge [emphasized]! Only the top of that
stone was protruding. The story I got from the construction, in fact, they came around
the neighborhood and because I was active in the community, we get to know about it, so
the old timers says, Hey, gotta make pìna, make ceremony over there. And so the
construction had a ceremony, had pìna, and after that see, the equipment was
breaking down and there was turmoil among the workers, so they went to find a so-called
kahuna, or anybody that knew that place. But, the people of the lot and the neighbors
said they better accept the legends and what was told so, to clear the thing and the
recommendation was make pìna, have ceremony and all like that and move away from
that rock. Thats why construction moved away and so [the road] is kind of kekeè
[crooked].
CSH: What do you know about the area above Nnkuli High school where the water tank is?
LK:
. . . the Ranch foreman for Nnkuli Ranch he was one of our guides to take us up to
the valley. He shared stories about areas where horses wouldnt go. So he, being a
Hawaiian, hed sense things like that.

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LK:
Appendix C
In his late 70's.
CSH: Okayt, just for the record, in case I didnt get it on this tape, I need to ask you again, to
your knowledge are there any cultural practices being performed in the proposed
reservoir site area?
LK:
Now?
CSH: Now. Do you know of anyone who goes there to use the area for any reason what so
ever?
LK:
No, I say no. I say no because the people had no knowledge of those historic sites in
the valley or adjacent to the valley. The Department of Hawaiian Homes had already
developed infrastructure and the people just moved in. So, they dont even know about
the plants and all that kine.
CSH: Well, youve been up in the valley.

LH:
Yeah.
CSH: What kind of vegetation is up there?

LK:
Oh, theres aàliì [Dodonaea viscosa], maile [Alyxia oliviformis], alaheè [Canthium
odoratum], ìliahi [Santalum paniculatum], I think get naio [Myoporum sandwicense]. At
this point I just cant [name them all].
CSH: Thats what you remember?

LK:
Yeah. But there is [native Hawaiian plants in the valley]. And so thats why when we go
up we bring to reforest the area.
CSH: And you mentioned that a tapa beater was found up in the valley. Do you know which
site on your site map?
LK:
Lets see, we went up here.
CSH: Do you know specifically which site number?

LK:
No, not right now.
CSH: But, around Site number 4440, 4401, 4412? Okay, around that area.
LK:
Yeah. Thats where we went up.
CSH: Up by the forest reserve?

LK:
Yeah, I think one of these over here is one burial. See, the area itself, has gigantic stone
structures. And thats why it may have been a cave, eroded, where they found the beater
imbedded in the ground.
CSH: But the tapa beater has not been analyzed?

LK:
No, not analyzed yet.
CSH: And you dont know what kind of wood it is?

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139
LK:
Appendix C
No. Our archaeologist just mentioned that it may be alaheè [Canthium odoratum] and it
may be about 400 years old. Until it get tested its being kept in the museum.
CSH: And what about past cultural use?

LK:
Of the valley?
CSH: No, specifically of our site area on our map. You know, of the reservoir site area. You
mentioned before that possibly there could be sites in the area, but youre not sure.
LK:
Yeah.
CSH: And youre basing that on all the other sites found in the upper portions of the valley?
LK:
Yeah. And some of the sites was destroyed by development, you know that. And so
whether its in that present project site or what, but its known that some of the sites was
destroyed through development housing development.
CSH: Does anyone go hunting?

LK:
Yeah. In fact one of the interviews that we had, they would go up hunting. They would
go up and pick up maile [Alyxia oliviformis]. But, theyre looking at Palikea and not
Manawahua. Theyre looking toward Palikea Reserve.
CSH: The hunting also?

LK:
Yeah. Pig hunting
CSH: Are there goats up there?

LK:
Theres goats. They were hunting for goats and pigs and this gentleman keeps talking
that they would go up and pick up maile, but not for cultural purposes. I wouldnt even
know if theres a hula hlau area.
CSH: That was my next question.

LK:
But, we know there is a specific heiau up there that was either used for religious or other
purposes, but we have to do research on that area. It was way up there.
CSH: Do you know any of the hlau, the kumu hula in the area, Nnkuli, Waianae , that I
could talk to? What about Kaulana Kasparavich? He teaches in Waianae ?
LK:
No, he come from outside and he moved to Waianae so, all of a sudden his hlau is
from Waianae . But the one in Nnkuli would be John Kaìmikaua, O`Brian Eselu and
Thaddeus Wilson.
CSH: And, Mililani Allen, I know she passed away, but

LK:
Shes from Waianae . But, right in Nnkuli, I think his name is Darrel Kaulia. We also
have one other hlau, but I dont know if theyre cultural. Her name is Charmaine
Mokiau and her hlau is Keikilani. But, other than that, since Ive been over here, there
was no specific hlau in Nnkuli.
CSH: What about Ulehawa side. Do you know anything about how the beach area was used
during the War? I know theres bunkers down on the beach. Can you talk about that?
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140
LK:
Appendix C
During the war. Lets start with the train. There was a train route. There was a Nnkuli
depot station next to Nnikapono Elementary School. There was a drop-off stop at
Hakimo intersection. Presumably, the train traveled past Nnkuli all the way to
Waianae . I guess, this is in the early 1900's. During the war, the train was also used
and it was the Armys base. So, the Army was here at Nnikapono across at Camp
Andrews, and they had outposts fronting the shoreline. As a matter of fact, even past
Puù o Hulu there is these bunkers.
CSH: You mean bunkers or pill-boxes?

LK:
Or pill-boxes, yeah. So I guess the military was here from Nnkuli all the way to
Waianae . One of the interviews we had, this person relates that as a little boy he lived
in Kalihi and his grandfather was the engineer for this Oahu Railway, the train. They
would leave their home in Kalihi, go to Oahu Railroad, get on the train, and come all the
way to Nnkuli. And the grandfather would drop them off at the Hakimo Junction. And
they would walk up Hakimo, at that time was coral and dirt road, to their family home,
which was the Grady family. And this occurred during the war. I asked the interviewee
what did he visualize around the area, and except for being filled with kiawe trees and
for this just like this short train stop. We had to distinguish between the depot and the
train stop. A depot was a station where people got on and got off, and the stop was just
it would slow down and you get off. So, that was one of the interviews. He talked
about the train and the Army base was here. That was during the war.
CSH: You werent actually here yet, in Nnkuli?

LK:
No, but, however, when we talked to the residents that was here during those times
very coincidentally, is that were planning for a closure of this school. In 2002 this
school is going to be relocated at Camp Andrews. So, we are now initiating publicity on
the closing, asking everybody statewide, were going to put it in the newspapers that if
they had any part of Nnkuli in their life, if they would like to come share it with us, so
a book can be printed and, if they have old family photographs or anything about
Nnkuli, that they can come and have it displayed. Because many of the people from
Nnkuli moved away or either passed away, so we have to depend now on their
children. Hopefully they remember and can share with us. So the few items of
documents that we have kind of give us a small indication of Nnkuli but, not too much
to really do something for Nnkuli.
CSH: Now, Ulehawa side, when we talked on the phone, you mentioned that there was a
Hawaiian habitation village, a site down there.
LK:
We suspected that there is, there should be, prior to the Railroad, because thats how all
over here, like you mentioned Mrs. Zablan, most all habitation was down on the beach,
the coastal side. We suspect that they would have a village or habitation in that area. But
like everything its destroyed and washed away. So, were very interested in Ulehawa
too. Not only to connect our Mui legends, but if there was actual habitation there, its
something like should be printed or should be known. So, we dont know. I dont know
how far up Ulehawa, except an example. We did this interview of this person who just
recently died. He tells us that the so-called Nnkuli railroad station or depot, that area

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141
Appendix C
was known as Naupaka. I mean, everybody calls em Haleakal and, yet its not. Its
Naupaka, and the common name by all the kids was Depot. So, Ulehawa, is that its
true name? Is it from one end to the next end or was there another name in between
there. People talk about it but, we dont know where its at.
CSH: Can you talk a little bit about the names changing? You mentioned earlier how some of
the old names are disappearing and people are starting to use new names, like on the
beach, the coastal area.
LK:
A good example, like I mentioned the railroad station, commonly known as the Depot,
yet, its actual Hawaiian name for that area is Naupaka. Zablan, it was settled by this
family, the Zablan family, commonly known as Zablan. Now, its known as Nnkuli
Two. However, the name for that area was Keaulana. And, as you go further out there is
a cove, Piliokahe, but its now known as Nnkuli Three, and better known as Black
Rocks. The names just change unless we know where were talking about.
CSH: Well, I think thats about it. Thank you very much for this interview for the time you
spent with me.
[End of Interview.]

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142
Appendix D
APPENDIX D: Cultural Impact on the Cave of Hina by Eric Enos

February 13, 2007
Testimony Re: TMK 8-7-09 Portion 1
Lualualei Landfill application by URS Corporation
Title: Cultural Impact on the Cave of Hina
To Whom It May Concern:
My name is Eric Enos, I am the Director and co-founder of the Cultural Learning Center at
Kaàla, Kaàla Farm, Inc. We are a community based educational learning center located on 97
acres of culturally rich ancestral lands which once was the food, medicine and fiber basket of
Waianae . Our current learning programs have been in existence for over 30 years and annually
serve over 4,000 school children, kupuna, substance abuse programs, and local and international
cultural, environmental and scientific groups.
A key mission of our organization and multitude of community partners is the identification,
protection and restoration of our rich cultural history, especially wahipana lands. Wahipana are
places of cultural significance and practice, whether for the growing of traditional food, fiber,
woodworking and healing plants. Wahipana lands are places of spiritual importance to our native
Hawaiian community to be used for survival and for the benefit of all of Hawaiis people, past,
present and future born.
I would like to speak specifically to the concern of the proposed landfill in Lualualei, TMK 8-709 portion 1, submitted by URS Corporation. The negative environmental and cultural impact of
this additional landfill on the surrounding community can be more adequately addressed by other
members of our community. The health related issues impacting the land, the water, and our
families is of grave importance to us personally. At the same time we also realize the need to deal
with the waste we all generate and our personal and collective responsibilities to work on common,
long term, sustainable solutions. These are vitally important issues, however, I will limit this
testimony to the impact of the proposed landfill on the complex of cultural, archaeological sites
referred to locally as the Cave of Hina.
The specific impact of the landfill on the Cave of Hina complex can only be understood as a
long series of relationships and cannot be viewed in isolation. What is left of the few remaining
wahipana, cultural sites, on Oahu can best be understood first through analogy of comparing these
cultural sites to the last of our native dry forest habitat on Oahu.
The native dry forest habitat on Oahu specifically in the Waianae range are nearly extinct. Only a
few pockets are left on what once was a healthy thriving eco-system with more diverse unique native
species than the wet forest system in the Koolau Mountain range. This unique dry forest diversity is
a product of Oahus geological forces. The Waianae Mountain range, formed millions of years ago,
evolved as a single land mass rising from the ocean bottom in what is now known as Lualualei
Valley. (Lualualei is the birth center of Oahu, hence the female, Hinas womb or cave.)
Cultural Impact Assessment for the Propopsed Nnkuli Landfill

TMK: [1] 8-7-009 Por 7
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Appendix D
In geological time Lualualei and the entire Waianae range evolved as a verdant wet forest. As the
only mountain range the Waianaes captured the moisture, driving wind, rain, root, moss and mist,
the evidence is seen only in the deeply eroded valley walls. These secrets of geologic time past are
locked today in the rocks and niches so vibrantly illustrated in the wall of the Cave of Hina.
In the next geological time sequence the Koolau Mountain range emerged and for hundreds of
thousands of years the climate changed. The Waianae range became the rain shadow of the
Koolaus and went from wet to arid and desert like in some niches. The Waianae eco-system evolved
from this dynamic process to create and evolve unique, dry forms of plant/animal species found no
where else in the world. It is no accident today that three NARS National Area Reserve Systems,
Kaena, Pahole and Kaàla are all in the Waianae Mountain range virtually side by side.
Fast forward to the last 1,000 years (BP Before Present) human impact has taken its deadly toll
on this once thriving laboratory of evolution of plants and animals. Just within the last 200 years
destruction multiplies and we now have eliminated over 90% of our dry forest habitat, hence,
Hawaiis and Oahus standard as the native biota extinction capital of the world.
Put into the context of our native plant habitat, so it is that in the last 200 years our wahipana,
legendary places of cultural importance and survival, are nearing extinction. Our cultural sites over
90% destroyed is a good estimate. We have seen however that our kanaka maoli or those
descendents of people prior to Cooks arrival, will continue to thrive and through intermarriage the
pride of being Hawaiian both in ancestry and spirit is very re-assuring. (Although the race of
Hawaiian people went nearly extinct after western contact and being Hawaiian in my grandparents
generation was seen as a negative thing.) With the Hawaiian renaissance the Hawaiian language,
music, dance, arts and crafts will continue and have become even more dynamic and universally
recognized. For example, the Hawaiian designed outrigger canoe is universally promoted as a
masterwork of design and function.
In bitter irony we now sing, describe in dance, in the most beautiful poetic expressions, of
wahipana that no longer exist, that have been totally destroyed by modern man. In another irony
Tutu Pele who destroys or eats the land, leaves in her wake cultural kipuka, little pockets of old
growth forest, untouched by fire, that become the seed bank to re-vegetate the barren lava field
which over time re-new as rich cultural habitats. Is this a lesson for us today? Are we able to leave
behind us a place able to re-new itself in a healing environment?
The complex known as the cave of Tutu Hina is a sacred site. This is where Hina gave birth to
Oahu, where she pounded the sacred kapa, grew her fibers, foods and provided the lessons for all
relationships of earth-sky, land-water. The Ku-Hina, Papa-Wakea relationship, the male-female
duality of relationships of the land and sky are as real today as they were to our collective ancestors.
For the last 200 years the dominant culture in Hawaii and worldwide sought to eliminate the
indigenous spirituality of earth cultures. They sought to make our culture extinct, how else can they
sell and violate the earth so that it is now no longer sustainable?. Our current mainstream survival
mode now leads us to a cliff and we destroy our very source of our sacred food and water, and
leave little but waste and over-consumption to our children.
At a recent State Legislative hearing on sustainability called by Senator Kokubun, Kaàla was
invited to testify along with major representatives of the agricultural business community. Our
message, a simple one, was one of food security and setting aside land and water for families to grow
food in communities of subsistence farming a parallel economy to agribusiness. Testimony also
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144
Appendix D
came from the head of the Department of Agriculture and the Dean of UH School of Tropical
Agriculture. The Dean from the university said something which resonated, he said Hawaii is the
canary in the mine.
Our question today is: what happens when the canary dies? Where do we go as Pacific Islanders
in a fragile and rapidly changing environment? Our isolation is both our blessing and our burden.
The womb of Hina, earth mother, is a symbol of our future. Like the placenta or the afterbirth
we have to deal with it both spiritually and physically. For our collective ancestors they had no
concept of waste. Re-cycle is not a modern concept. Every part of the animal or plants were used.
Modern waste is garbage, and that waste comes from all of us. Every one of us generates over a
ton of garbage each year. Our waste as raw sewage goes into our pure, fresh drinking water and
then goes into the ocean, which is our ice-box, our pharmacy, our energy source. We all have to be
part of the solution that is our kuleana, our responsibility. To have places to recycle our waste, not
buried out of sight and mind, is like the bird with the head in the sand or the canary in the mine.
We are committed to working on these problems together. Resources of time, energy and money
must be put to better use. We do not have a choice anymore.
Maui was the Polynesian superman. His mother, Hina gave him special gifts of insight, the secret
of fire, a fish hook of spiritual power to bring forth the land, the ability to harness the sun
heleakala, hence the puù Heleakala. These are paradigms of the future. Our ancestors were wise
beyond our modernity. Five hundred years from now how shall we be viewed as year 2007? As the
dark ages of the totally blind leading the blind to eventual mass destruction? Or will we be seen as
an enlightened age a turning point of humanity in the web of life we call our mother earth? Maui
had the power to go back to his mothers womb. Perhaps we all need to take a walk, sit on the
threshold of Hinas to look out and see what our ancestors saw. Perhaps we might see into a
future for our children, and see from the womb of the past, present and future.
Peace.
Summary.
The proposed landfill, with all of the related activities of a working land fill will significantly alter
the cultural setting of Hinas Cave. The proposed landfill is on lands that now act as a buffer zone
to the industrial activities already in operation in the adjacent properties. To remove this buffer
TMK 8-7-09 Portion 1 would not be pono. Other uses of this land that are compatible to the Hina
cultural site need to be explored. As a community we have no choice but to stand firm and protect
what is left to prevent further destruction of wahipana lands. Thank you for your consideration on
this matter of importance.
Contact:
Eric Enos, Executive Director
Kaàla Farm, Inc.
P.O. Box 630
Waianae , HI 96792
696-4954
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145

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Cultural Impact Assessment

of 179 Acres for the Proposed Nnkuli B Composting and

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Section 1 Management Summary

Cultural Impact Assessment of 179 Acres for the Proposed Nnkuli B

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Honolulu Disposal Service Inc. and Honolulu Recovery

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Hinas Cave be registered as an historic property. Hinas

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

The community be notified about the procedures that will be

The pathway of the Huakai P Kne (procession of the

As a precautionary measure, personnel involved in future

A cultural learning center be established, or other means by

The establishment of a cultural advisory group made up of

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Section 2 Traditional and Historic Background ................................................................. 12

Section 3 Archaeological Research ....................................................................................... 27

Section 4 Traditional Land Use in the Lualualei Ahupuaa .............................................. 44

Section 7 Summary and Recommendations ........................................................................ 89

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Section 8 References Cited .................................................................................................... 93

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

2.3 Project Description

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

2.4 Scope of Work

2.5 Environmental Setting

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1

Traditional and Historic Background

Section 3 Traditional and Historic Background

3.2 Lualualei Ahupuaa

Cultural Impact Assessment for the Proposed Nnkuli B Facility

Cultural Surveys Hawaii Job Code: LUALU 1