MQM Terrorism
MQM Terrorism
MQM Terrorism
2.
”The third case involved a sub-inspector of the Uttar Pradesh police from the Local
Intelligence Unit. His name is Wazi Akhtar Zaidi and the Intelligence Bureau (IB)
said that he supplied a list of MQM activists based in Uttar Pradesh to Pakistan.
They were never able to find any proof but what they did 'find' is a map of the
Meerut Cantonment area in his house and on the basis of that he has been put into
Tihar. He has had no hearing”
3.
www.hindustantimes.com/news/specials/leadership2005/summit2004/altaf_hussain.pdf
Leader of the Sindh-based political party MQM, Mr Altaf Hussain stunned his audience
at an international conference on Friday declaring that the "idea of Pakistan was dead at
its inception. "
The NDTV quoted him as saying: "The division of the subcontinent was the biggest
blunder...it was not the division of land, it was the division of blood. "
He wants India to open its doors to every Mohajir, the Muslim refugees who went to
Pakistan after the partition. "I appeal to the politicians here to forgive the people who left
and let them return, " said Hussain.
Talking about Pakistan, Hussain said: "The scenario is so depressing that leadership of
the day openly admits that the country would fall apart if the army did not run its affairs.
What does it tell you? To me it signifies a telling blow to the very idea of Pakistan, a
homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent, and the two-nation theory, which
continues to wreck untold miseries on the people of this region for the past five decades.
"Muslims are fighting and killing each other on the basis of tribal and linguistic affinity,
sectarian strife is worse than ever before. Mosques and madrassas are but flourishing
businesses. The less educated the Pesh Imam, the more popular and affluent he is likely
to be. The advocates of Jihad, a medieval concept to tame the infidel, are wantonly killing
followers of the faith as they visit places of worship.
"Perhaps the idea of Pakistan was dead at its inception, when the majority of Muslims
chose to stay back after partition, a truism reiterated in the creation of Bangladesh in
1971. If you need further evidence, look at the plight of 300,000 stranded Pakistanis in
Bangladesh for three decades in their passage to the chosen land. Unwanted by both
Bangladesh and Pakistan, led by an unknown destiny, " he said.
The NDTV report described Hussain as the clear star on the second and final day of the
Hindustan Times Leadership Initiative conclave in Delhi. It said in an emotional speech
lasting about an hour, Hussain spoke about human rights abuses against Mohajirs in
Pakistan, betrayal by former prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto and the
need to find a peaceful solution to the issue of Kashmir.
"The choice before us in Pakistan today is not Musharraf or democracy but between
army and even more army, " he said.
NDTV said Hussain, who started life as a taxi driver in New York, has his own take on
how to start afresh on Indo-Pak relations.
"When you reach a dead end, your car cannot move ahead. What option do you have?
Reverse the gear on the car and go back to where we started...when we were one country,
" said Hussain. Explaining why he was part of a military government, Altaf Hussain said
his party was not comfortable with the political arrangement. "Why then, you may well
ask, are we a part of the Government, which perpetuates army rule by undermining
democracy and its institutions. We have paid a heavy price for pursuing our political
objectives in a country where democracy is controlled. Given the circumstances which
prevail, our desire to serve the helpless deprived and exploited peoples of Pakistan have
indeed led us into political arrangements which we are neither comfortable in nor would
deem desirable in better circumstances, " he said”
4.
4. Extremely close to India. Altaf Hussein gets VVIP treatment in India and
also follows the same line as Indian foreign office on partition of India,
creation of Pakistan and two nation’s theory. It is also said that he is directly
funded by Indian establishment.
6. From the governor to the sweeper on the Karachi streets, MQM has now
risen to unprecedented powers in its 30 years history. There is a lot of
blood on MQM’s hands and even now it is feared that millions are being
siphoned by the party for rainy days and to support their future plans in the
country. MQM now plans to take part in the elections at the national levels
with Altaf Hussein expressing his desires to become future king maker in the
country.
If Pakistan politics was murky, it is going to get outright sinister in the coming days. It
may sound incredible to analysts of Pakistani politics but the fact is that MQM chief
Altaf Hussein is now eyeing to be the next Prime Minister of Pakistan!!!!. We are not
insane nor this is our idea of a practical joke on our valued readers but this is how the
Karachi based sub-nationalist group now perceive themselves to be. This emerging
phenomenon needs serious and careful analysis and this week we are going to initiate
first of our many future reports on the subject.
Let’s analyses the statements and actions of MQM and Altaf Hussein in the past few
weeks and particularly ever since they struck a (secret) deal with the Prime Minister over
their cooperation in Sindh couple of weeks back. The statements are incredible and could
have been dismissed if they were not backed by some real and practical steps on the
ground.
1. Altaf Hussein says he does not want to become PM or President of the country
but wants to serve the oppressed masses.
2. Altaf Hussein orders MQM to open offices all over the country and to emerge as
the major national party in the next elections.
3. Altaf Hussein says he will contest national assembly election next year.
4. Altaf says MQM will dislodge PPP in their stronghold of Larkana in Sindh.
6. MQM announce massive public rally in Lahore city to launch their national
election campaign.
7. MQM hold first ever shows of political strength in PPP stronghold of Liyari in
Karachi, creating friction with PPP.
8. PPP and Nawaz Shareef accuse Musharraf government of giving green signal to
the MQM and Altaf Hussein of full governmental support to emerge as major
party in national assembly in the next elections.
9. MQM threaten to quit coalition in Sindh unless all its demands are not met. (Their
demands were met and they were given more powers and control over provincial
resources and jobs).
10. MQM emerge as major relief organization in earth quake affected zone and open
its offices in Kashmir region and starts membership drive.
11. Religious parties blame MQM for Karachi blast which eliminated entire ST
leadership, the rival party to MQM in city. The provincial interior minister blames
religious extremists and makes no mentions of the investigations these days. The
investigations seem to have hit dead end.
MQM is infamous for its frequent involvement in terrorist activities although its leaders
routinely deny such accusations. International organizations such as the UNHCR and the
United States Department of State frequently cite examples of MQM's involvement in
terrorism, especially within Karachi, Pakistan's commercial center.[1][2][3][4]
Making of MQM
In order to fill the political vacuum and bridge the gap between Urdu speaking faction
and concerned authorities of government, APMSO restructured as Muhajir Qaumi
Movement on March 18, 1984 [3]. NOW, the name is of APMSO (All Pakistan Muhajir
Students Organization).
[edit]
In order to crush this insurgency in Urban areas of Sindh, an operation was launched by
Pakistan Army in June 19, 1992. Altaf Hussain, the founder of MQM, had already fled to
London 6 months prior to the operation in order to avoid prosecution, where he is
currently taking a refuge in England. Chaos,mugging,murder,rape and terror reigned on
the streets of karachi months prior to the military operation.But,kidnapping of an serving
army officer(Major)and brutal killing was arguably the straw that broke camel's
back.Letters MQM were reportedly carved on the body of "shaheed"or"martyered"army
officer according to independent Pakistani newspapers. Government finally reponded
with force Arresting alleged terrorists and there were allegations of extra judicial killing
known as "Encounter" and "Police Muqaabla".MQM soon realised they have
overestimated the patience of federal government and sued for peace,the 1992 operation
according to independent analysis crippled mqm's ability to use terror tacticts and it has
never been able to regain pre 1992 power. Warrants were issued for Altaf Hussain and he
is still on the "wanted"list of pakistani authorities.
1992 military opertion led to splitting of MQM into two factions [4]. The majority faction
was led by Altaf Hussain, whereas the smaller faction, MQM (H), retained the original
name, Mohajir Qaumi Movement. This split resulted in the bloodiest times of Karachi's
history, when rival factions started targeting each other [5].
On November 1994, army was withdrawn from law enforcement duties in Sindh, to be
replaced with paramilitary Rangers and specially trained police. To remove extremist
elements from the party, Government of Pakistan adopted a policy of extra-judicial
killing, instead of prosecution. Between 1995 and 1996, hundreds of proclaimed
offenders with active association with MQM were extra-judicially killed by Rangers and
police, sometimes in cold blood. (Pakistan Chronology 1947-1997, published by
Ministry of Information and Media, ISBN 969-507-000-0)
The crackdown on MQM successfully eliminated terrorist elements, and restored order in
Karachi, but the atmosphere in which it was carried out raised several human rights
concerns. Primary reason cited by the then President, Farooq Leghari, on the dismissal of
Benazir Bhutto's government in 1996, was also human right abuses committed during
crackdown on the MQM.
Recent trend
MQM initially targeted just the Urdu speaking people, who migrated to Pakistan after the
independence in 1947. Since 1997, it has started to aim downtrodden masses at the
national level, with a manefesto to improve low social and economic status of the Sindh.
Although it has turned into a national political party, working in all major cities of
Pakistan, its representation in non-Urdu speaking areas remains negligible.
MQM boycotted 2001 municipal elections but participated in 2002 national election and
secured most of the urban areas seats in Sindh province. Altaf Hussain supported,
General Pervez Musharraf's U-turn on Afghan-policy after 9-11 attacks.
In August 2005, Haq Parast candidates, supported by MQM, won the municipal elections
in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Mirpur Khas and many other cities of Sindh. The daily
Dawn editorial
At present, MQM is an ally of President Musharraf in federal government but still has its
own viewpoint on various issues including LFO, Kalabagh Dam and NFC Award. [6]
MQM tried to change it's policy which restrained it to Urdu speaking people
recently,opening offices in other provinces including Punjab(formerly MQM was famous
for anti punjab attitude)with no sucess.This policy according to various circles is an
attempt by musharraf to strengthen his rule and has badly backfired. MQM was sucessful
in winning two seats in Azad Kashmir national assembly,although most of pro-mqm
votes were casted in the camps established for earth quake survivors in karachi and there
was allegations of rigging but results were not challenged in courts
[edit]
Opposing views
The success of MQM in attracting support of Muhjairs both surprised and scared the ISI.
This unexpected popularity helped MQM to chart its own independent political course
rather than follow the ISI agenda. MQM went out of control of ISI and began a violent
struggle for Muhajirs that turned Karachi into a virtual war-zone. In 1992, after months of
extreme violence by the MQM, Pakistan Army launched a military operation to restore
law and order in Karachi. The MQM gunmen were killed or arrested, armories and
torture rooms were destroyed. The Army involvement is an indication of the seriousness
of the crisis that MQM perpetrated in Karachi
U.S. Department of Homeland
Security, Citizenship and
Immigration Services
Responses
Pakistan: Information on Mohajir/Muttahida Qaumi MovementAltaf (MQMA)
Query:
Provide information on the Muttahida Qaumi MovementAltaf (MQMA) in Pakistan.
Response:
SUMMARY
The Muttahida Qaumi MovementAltaf (MQMA) has been widely accused of human rights abuses
since its founding two decades ago. It claims to represent Mohajirs— Urduspeaking Muslims who
fled to Pakistan from India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent, and their descendants.
In the mid1990s, the MQMA was heavily involved in the widespread political violence that wracked
Pakistan's southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the country's commercial
capital. MQMA militants fought government forces, breakaway MQM factions, and militants from other
ethnicbased movements. In the mid1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and
others accused the MQMA and a rival faction of summary killings, torture, and other abuses (see,
e.g., AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1996). The MQMA routinely denied involvement in violence.
BACKGROUND
The current MQMA is the successor to a group called the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) that was
founded by Altaf Hussein in 1984 as a student movement to defend the rights of Mohajirs, who by some
estimates make up 60 percent of Karachi's population of twelve million. At the time, Mohajirs were
advancing in business, the professions, and the bureaucracy, but many resented the quotas that helped
ethnic Sindhis win university slots and civil service jobs. Known in English as the National Movement for
Refugees, the MQM soon turned to extortion and other types of racketeering to raise cash. Using
both violence and efficient organizing, the MQM became the dominant political party in Karachi and
Hyderabad, another major city in Sindh. Just three years after its founding, the MQM came to power in
these and other Sindh cities in local elections in 1987 (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1997, Feb 1999;
HRW Dec 1997).
The following year, the MQM joined a coalition government at the national level headed by Benazir
Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which took power in elections following the death of military leader
General Zia ulHaq. This marked the first of several times in the 1980s and 1990s that the MQM joined
coalition governments in Islamabad or in Sindh province. Meanwhile, violence between the MQM and
Sindhi groups routinely broke out in Karachi and other Sindh cities (AI 1 Feb 1996; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM Haqiqi (MQM
H), literally the "real" MQM. Many Pakistani observers alleged that the MQMH was supported by the
government of Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein, which became known as the
MQMA (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). Several smaller MQM factions also emerged, although most of the
subsequent intragroup violence involved the MQMA and the MQMH (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb
1999; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
Political violence in Sindh intensified in 1993 and 1994 (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). In 1994, fighting among
MQM factions and between the MQM and Sindhi nationalist groups brought almost daily killings in Karachi
(U.S. DOS Feb 1995). By July 1995, the rate of political killings in the port city reached an average of ten
per day, and by the end of that year more than 1,800 had been killed (U.S. DOS Feb 1996).
The violence in Karachi and other cities began abating in 1996 as soldiers and police intensified their
crackdowns on the MQMA and other groups (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). Pakistani forces resorted to staged
"encounter killings" in which they would shoot MQM activists and then allege that the killings took place
during encounters with militants (U.S. DOS Feb 1996). Following a crackdown in 1997, the MQMA
adopted its present name, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or United National Movement, which also has
the initials MQM (HRW Dec 1997).
MQMA leader Hussein fled in 1992 to Britain, where he received asylum in 1999 (Jane's 14 Feb
2003). The MQMA is not on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations (U.S.
DOS 23 May 2003).
While the multifaceted nature of the violence in Sindh province in the 1980s and 1990s at times made it
difficult to pinpoint specific abuses by the MQMA, the group routinely was implicated in rights abuses. In
1992 after the Sindh government called in the army to crack down on armed groups in the province,
facilities were discovered that allegedly were used by the MQMA to torture and at times kill dissident
members and activists from rival groups. In 1996, Amnesty International said that the PPP and other
parties were reporting that some of their activists had been tortured and killed by the MQMA (AI 1 Feb
1996).
The MQMA and other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one of
the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussein publicly threatened the editor of the monthly
NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on the MQM's alleged use of torture against
dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist, Zafar Abbas,
was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM leaders angered over
articles by Abbas describing the party's factionalization. The same year, MQM activists assaulted
scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan's largest Englishlanguage newspaper, and other
periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992).
The MQMA has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and used
killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes, MQMA activists
have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and pedestrians who ventured
outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
The MQMA allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal
activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQMA through
charitable foundations (Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
Since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States, the MQMA has been increasingly
critical of Islamic militant groups in Pakistan. The MQMA, which generally has not targeted Western
interests, says that it supports the global campaign against terrorism (Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the
RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of
any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
References:
Amnesty International (AI). HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN KARACHI (1 Feb 1996, ASA 33/01/96),
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENGPAK [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
Human Rights Watch (HRW). WORLD REPORT 1998, "Pakistan" (Dec 1997),
http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Asia09.htm#P823_214912 [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
Jane's Information Group (Jane's). JANE'S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM17, "Muthida [sic]
Qaumi Movement (MQMA)" (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). "Foreign Terrorist Organizations" (23 May 2003),
http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/fs/2003/12389.htm [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1998, "Pakistan" (Feb 1999),
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1996, "Pakistan" (Feb 1997),
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1996_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1995, "Pakistan" (Feb 1996),
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1995_hrp_report/95hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6
Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1994, "Pakistan" (Feb 1995),
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6
Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1991, "Pakistan" (Feb 1992).
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1990, "Pakistan" (Feb 1991).
Attachments:
Jane's Information Group (Jane's). JANE'S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM17, "Muthida [sic]
Qaumi Movement (MQMA)" (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
A US government Think Tank Federation
of American scientists says about MQM:
http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/mqm_factsheet.htm
Classification:
Nationalist/Separatist
FACTSHEET ON MQM
There is a Gujarati saying that when one falls out of favor with luck, one may ride on a camel
and be still bitten by a dog. The Mohajir Qaumi Movement faces a similar situation. It can
change as many faces as it likes: from All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organization to MQM,
from Haqp Parast (worshippers of truth) to Mohajir Rights Front, from Mohajir Tiger Force to
MQM international wing, from Muthaidda Qaumi Movement to Rabita Committee; but it cannot
help its luck. It is what it is _____ a destructive instrument in the hands of its highly whimsical
supreme, the one and only Altaf Hussain.
So it is a duty of government to tell the people what MQM stands for, whether it is a political
group or a gang of terrorists, who are these deserting rats, what do they want, how do they
treat places like Kashmir, Pakistan and Karachi, why do they kill, why do they promise to send
dead bodies, who do they serve by heightening linguistic feelings, why do they hit transformers
and leave people to roast in heat, why do they burn transport, why do they target personnel of
law enforcing agencies why do they torture common people, why do they pump bullets into
public servants, why have their bullets torn away life from SHOs Bahadur Ali and Imdad
Khatian, DSP Bashir Ahmed Noorani (from Sukkur), five relatives of DSP Nisar Khwaja, DSP
Tanoli, SDM Mohammad Nawaz Khushk, Journalist Mohammad Salahuddin, Azim Ahmad
Tariq, Zohair Akram Nadeem Pir Pagaro’s son-in-law, Salim Malik, KESC Chairman Malik
Shahid Hamid??? And how finally a renowned scholar, Chairman Hamdard Foundation and
Ex-governor Sindh Hakim Mohammad Saeed?
The government of the federation is under obligation to explain also to the people who robbed
their laughter, who turned the cosmopolitan of Karachi city, its citizens, its hospitals, parks,
roads and avenues, its storage houses, police stations and assembly houses into exclusive
property; who tempted the citizens to sell off all means of recreation and buy guards with the
money; who were the people who never started a single development project in Karachi but
did every thing to destroy the KM.C by controlling it during 1987-92 and the provincial
government by controlling it during 1990-92?
Government is also called upon to explain the lack of round of MQM, and the role different
personalities played in its origin, what factors were responsible for the creation of a client class
of industrialists and business men which paid protection money, and was physically forced to
pay it in the event of a refusal.
Then there is a need to explain why this party (MQM) tends to dishonour the modesty of the
womenfolk on popular level, what conspiracy led to the slaughter of Pathans although the bus
that crushed Bushra Zaidi to death was not driven by a Phatan and how one after the other –
from Nahid Butt to Shazia to Farzana Sultan to Rais Fatima to Semi Zarrin etc etc. – the
women have in succession been disgraced in what look like nothing but petty political
gimmicks? Why the MQM works against everything that pertains to Pakistan, the two-nation
theory, its geographical and constitutional unity, the democracy and the peoples will? Why they
collaborate with people like the late G.M. Sayed to up apart the multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan
fabric of Karachi first and the whole nation of late.
The people would also like the government to explore the historical fact as to why an anti-
democracy force and its adherents abhor the men of letters? The men who have undertaken to
defend their country with their blood, the Pakistani Army.
But all this will require a review of the thoughts propagated by Hitler 65 years ago and of
resemblance’s Altaf Hussain has with that Nazi leader.
Just as the world knows all about the nuclear holocaust which destroyed Hiroshima and
Nagasaki, so does it know about Hitler’s cruelty which left an entire nation paralyzed and
divided. So when government says that the Karachi problem is the problem of the whole
country, and that we are fighting the battle for Pakistan in Karachi, they seek to explain the
simple logic that the wiles of Fascist Hitler brought destruction not only on the German nation,
but resulted in the killing of 55 million people all over the world. Just as MQM has wrought
havoc on not only the people of Karachi but the nation at large.
Now we would take the opportunity to see it is really in bad taste to compare Altaf Hussain with
Hitler, as some self-preferred terrorists feel. This would depend on the extent to which Altaf
Hussain has followed the fascist declarations canonized by Hitler while founding his party.
Hitler’s autobiography, "Mein Kampf" was translated in Urdu by Maulvi Ibrahim Ali Chishti and
printed by Lahore’s Lion Press in two volumes (1950 and 1955). In his foreword, the Maulvi
stated three distinguishing features of the system which Hitler evolved: use of terrorism to
achieve ones’ aims, preference of racism over nationalism as the basic political creed, and use
of people’s power to gain political ascendancy and then discard them. Hitler-power was
achieved when they announced the Nazi party’s manifesto at a public meeting in 1920. The
main features of this manifesto which are given in the following, reflect on his personality and
bent of mind more vividly than any other historical document.
These are
We invite everyone here to go over these points and take out those, which haven’t used by
Altaf Hussain and his party in their operations at one time or another. Go briefly over the points
once again. The negatives for a terrorist include democracy knowledge and learning,
newspapers, children,; public debate and peaceful activity. The positives are illiteracy, blind
following, the infallible saint, lawlessness, street trouble, minority decisions, rejection of the
opposition, and increase in population.
The conspiracy to spread terrorism in Karachi is a pure Hitlerian strategy which consists in
occupying whatever belongs to the people, and then repeatedly dispel the impression that
such an occupation has taken place; keep repeating that we are on the side of justice, and that
the rest of the world consists of liars; and that so-and-so is opposed to our ideas because he is
the enemy of our people. MQM ostensibly seeks to be a civil rights movement, but it
conveniently ignores that a civil rights movement needs be civil first.
Review the performance of Karachi Municipal Corporation when MQM was in did in power,
especially in the light of this strategy to have an inkling of what is this all about. For five years
during 1987-92, MQM wielded total control over the billions of rupees of corporations’ funds.
But what was the result? Nothing but more destruction. And it couldn’t be otherwise, because if
people’s problems have been solved, who will come to listen to fire-spitting orator dilating on
then put theme of deprivation and helplessness.
The largest agency of urban development put at their disposal for five long years, and all we
got in return was the same chain of accusations, complaints of repression, of powerlessness,
of being cheated; appeals to the people to use in revolt, listen to no one but the MQM as these
Chaudhries, Waderas and Sardars were out to fleece every penny of what Appealing to the
Army for Justice while attacking the same institution belonged to Karachi’s people.
While the civic problems went from bad to worse the "nation" was being fed on slogans like
"death to Quaid’s traitors "homeland or coffin", "freedom or death". And just as the civic
authority dissolved into a party fief meant for fund raising and ceremonial purposes, the
specter of the leader rose as a symbol of Pirdom, sacrosanct and therefore in fallible, at the
same time attacking every national institution, every sense of hope creaking at the hinges from
internal tension, the party split into two in June 1992, one group identified as MQM Haqiqi and
the other called MQM/Haqprast and now Muthaidda. Later a third group emerged under the
leadership of the former party chairman, Azim Ahmed Tariq, and a former member of the
party’s central cabinet, S.M. Tariq. Both Muthaidda activists subsequently assassinated these
leaders and their murder blamed on official agencies.
The first to fall was Azim Ahmed Tariq who was eliminated by the terrorists of Altaf who were
directly received order from their master through phone calls. But Muthaidda ostensibly
mourned his death and held various official agencies as responsible for it. But confusion
subsided when the former chief minister of Sindh, Muzaffar Hussain Shah, declared on the
floor of Sindh Assembly, Azim Tariq was killed by Hashamuz Zafar and Khalid Maqbool
Siddiqui both activists of Muthaidda
S.M. Tariq's murder came in the immediate aftermath of the arrest of Hashamuz Zafar by the
law enforcing agencies. He was a close aide of Azim Tariq, and a potential witness in his
murder case. Muthaidda again held the agencies responsible for the murder, and mourned his
death amidst touching statements. During 1992-98 almost 450 central leaders and supporter of
MQM (H) were killed and eliminated by the terrorists of Altaf Hussain including Mansoor
Ahmed Khan (Deputy General Secretary of MQM (H), Sardar Ahmed (Finance Secretary of
MQM (H) Rehan Umar Farooqi (Ex Member National Assembly) and many others.
The target killing; process of elimination of political rivals is still going on by the terrorists of
MQM. This again reminds one of a Penguin books publication titled " Hitler's Englishman"
written by Francis Selwyn .He writes in his book that "just as the Mongols and the Asiatic
pirates considered raping women as morality, robbing as the part of civilization and
manslaughter as a favorite pastime, so did Hitler" and now we say so did Altaf Hussain as he
is a true disciple of Hitler the cruelest manifestation of evil in this century.
But no one can hide facts and that what is the real nature of these barefooted gun-totting
terrorists? What ingredients are the made up of? What soil went into the making of such a
beastly spate of fascism, which has eclipsed Karachi's sun in the wink of an eye?
Everyone knows that Altaf Hussain has shown himself to be an extremely impulsive man who
can alter a "principled" stand sooner than one can say Jack Robinson, and often for no obvious
reason, unless one takes into account his well known tendency for terrorism as a tool of
political black mail. A look at the composition of his dialogue team over the last many years
demonstrates this fact. Just because many of the members of this team could not contrive
excuses for terrorism on the dialogue table, they were frequently discarded in favour of others.
And saw the replacement of M.A. Jalil with Dr Farooq Sattar, followed by Senator Ashtiaq
Azhar and more recently Ajmal Dehlavi and company. The same goes for MQM's assembly
members, who are changed every time the elections are held so that they wouldn't take roots
among the masses and carve out an exclusive niche for their own leadership.
MQM killed thousands of innocent persons including government functionaries. Its first major
situational action against political rivals comes in Pakistan Steel Mills in 1990 when a number
of men kidnapped from there. These men were taken to torture cells in Landhi and Korangi.
Since them, torture and murder of army officers, navy functionaries and a whole range of other
professional and non-professional men and women has become a routine. Hundreds and
thousands of innocent citizens were eliminated by the terrorists of MQM affair in Karachi.
Among them are eminent citizens, politicians and law-enforcing personal, high government
officials, writers like Salahuddin and finally the former Governor of Sindh, internationally
renowned scholar and social worker Hakim Saeed.
The method is simple. Terrorists chose a government servant and mark his residence. They
watch his movements and his routines. Then, when orders are issued to "resurrect the
movement and do his case", the main is whisked away from a convenient spot. The kidnapped
is invariably tortured, then killed and his body stuffed in a gunny bag to the dumped on a street
in the quite of the night. The movement of Haqparasti (truth worship) is thus kept alive. In 1995
alone, 120 public functionaries were killed in this manner by MQM terrorists.
The question is, if MQM has not been engaged in killing government officials, policemen and
members of other ethno-linguistic groups, what has it been doing all these years? A group
which is armed to it tee hand given to a foreign induced philosophy of separatism cannot do
much else. The whole country knows that it started the gory tradition of killing innocent,
unarmed civilians in a bid to cause a wedge in the nation.
The people of Pakistan want MQM to renounce its anti-state operations, but it is
understandably a hard thing for the group to do. Its personality and holding power depend on
men like Farooq Dada, Asif Zaidi, Ali Mota and the like. Regrettably these men can in one
lifetime kill 60 to 65 government officials for the sake of Muthhida glory, but they cannot turn it
into a formation fit for human politics.
The whole world knows that Altaf during a telephonic address instigated his audience to chant
the slogan "aadha tumhara aadha hamara" (half & Sindh for you, half for us) and this slogan
obviously reminds us about another slogan which was raised some quarter century ago" Udhr
Tum Ider Hum" and the horrible consequences it bought in a form of Dahka Fall. At the end of
the meeting a prayer was held which said, "makes us the sons of our soil, O Lord," then there
is Rana Safder Ali Khan’s threat in the Sindh Assembly, "we will demand the deployment of
UN troops in Sindh", or Ajmal Dehlavi’s threat, "give us our rights otherwise India, or some
other country may intervene." One also has not forgotten the "break Pakistan" slogan raised by
mourners during a funeral procession in February 1994.
MQM's strategy to effect a division of Sindh is reflected in its efforts to point all the parties
active in Sindh politics as Sindh parties with support base in rural Sindh only, and itself as the
sole spokesman of urban Sindh is aimed at boosting its claim for a greater share of power on
the one hand, and playing up the non-representation of this population on the other coming to
Sindh's Mohajir; population, it used to be estimated by MQM at around a few million in 1986. In
1990, Azim Tariq put it at 10 million. In a petition filed by MQM in the Supreme Court in Jan
1995 - it was mentioned as 15 million. Seven months later in September 95 they said it had
become 22 million, growing at a preposterous rate of one million heads every month.
MQM understands one thing. There is no urban - rural dichotomy when it comes to rights, and
there are no set formulae - Rights are where the need is. Had it been for geographical area,
Tharparker and Dadu would be getting the most funds in Sindh and Baluchistan would be
claiming a lions share in the federal pool. Had the criterion been the population Punjab would
today be far more developed than Karachi. In Sindh, Karachi with its 10 million population
would be receiving much less compared to rural Sindh where a greater majority of people
lives. But this is not the case.
In Karachi 10% of the people of Pakistan have 70% of its wealth. Total population of Pakistan
is 130 million and the; population of Karachi which is even less than 10% of total population
have 70% of country's wealth, and yet Altaf Hussain claims that they are being discriminated
against. The truth is that Altaf wants all this wealth for himself. He publicly ordered Mohajirs not
to pay taxes as these taxes are used to develop poorer areas of Pakistan. And then he;
professes to be the protector of the federation. Altaf knows this and wants to separate so that
he has it all to himself.
In spite of the fact that Karachi remains the most prosperous city of Pakistan, offering
unequaled facilities of urban livelihood, the best industrial infrastructure and the highest rate of
employment, a major share of Sindh's development funds continues to go into the city because
its growing size makes the upgradation of its infrastructure imperative. RS 121 billion have
been earmarked as the Karachi package for various schemes in this regard. This is much
more than what is getting in to rural areas. .
The urban - rural dichotomy is just an force put up to fuel hatred and MQM falls for it as any
fascist organisation would fall for it is a dependable tool of scaring people into subjection.
The government has repeatedly called upon Muthaidda to close its training camps in India and
call back Javed Langhra and others to the country. Altaf and his party responded that leveling
such an allegation against a party was not only a crime, it was violate of the security of the
country.
According to Altaf and his Muthaidda there are no training camps in India but Javed Langrha
lives there because it is a democratic country. It also says that thousands of other workers
went abroad to escape persecution. It does not say how many, but if we take it at 20,000 who
paid for their fare? They must have spent well over a billion rupees.
But here money is not the issue (Altaf's Muthaidda was a multi billion-rupee organisation,
having robbed with total impunity the richest city of Pakistan for more than a decade. The issue
is, did thousands really leave the country in 1992? All we have heard so far is a few names:
Altaf Hussain, his 12 body guards, Salim Shahzad, Anwar Khan, Javed Langrha Khalid
Maqbool Siddiqui, Ishratul Ebad and about hundred others. There may be hundred more
phony asylum seekers in the west, using MQM's cover. To say that they are in thousands is to
say that there are 22 million Mohajirs in Sindh. It is Master Goebbles at his dirty work again.
The government has repeatedly referred to training camps in India on the basis of two known
factors. Firstly, the types of weapons - Klashnikovs, rocket launchers and hand grenades that
are used by MQM terrorists are in use in three zones of this region; Tamil Nadu, Karachi and
Afghanistan. All the three zones are divided between different gangsters and warlords, who
are spilling blood to strengthen the irrespective bargaining positions. Secondly, enough
circumstantial evidence exists to suggest that MQM is doing India an overt favour by harming
the cause of Pakistan on every possible platform.
Since 1990, every year Karachi has religiously plunged into an orgy of death and violence at or
about February 5, the day that the government of Pakistan observes as the annual black day
for Kashmir. MQM's; peak violent action has also coincided with other Kashmir related issues,
such as the official Pakistani protest over the burning of Charar Sharif or during the earlier hold
out at Dargah Hazrat Bal. Towing this; policy, MQM has brought the issue of Karachi at par
with that of Kashmir in the international media. Although the issue of Kashmir involves a
deeper sense of loss, strongly rooted in the valley's historical consciousness, tying it up with a
predominantly criminalised Karachi has nevertheless been a victory of sorts for India.
Moreover, Javed Langhra's access to the personal company of Indian minister of interior and
other high-ranking officials is a matter of concern for the government of Pakistan. Not very long
ago, the former Indian: Prime Minster, V.P. Singh, had stated that India could not keep quiet
over the situation in Karachi any longer. Altaf Hussain's appeals to Indian Muslims to hold
protest rallies against Pakistan, are also fresh in our memory. Then there is the incident
of(UNHRC) Geneva Conference in which MQM's New York based leader Anwar Khan,
delivered a speech and took sides, with the Indian delegation against Pakistan. Altaf Hussain
himself ridiculed the two- nation theory and spoke derisively about Pakistan Army in an
interview with the Indian fortnightly magazine, India Today.
He has frequently been clamoring to the world opinion leaders to forget about Bosnia and
Kashmir, and to watch Karachi instead. In the back ground of all these facts, the extra
coverage which MQM gets at the Indian radio and TV media is a further source of concern to
the Pakistani government. Apart from enlisting India's support, Altaf has repeatedly sold
Karachi to the west as another Hong Kong - all that needs be done is repeat of history when
the Hong Kong was taken away by the British.
Muhttida's coordination committee is ever willing to shoot arrows in the dark, but it cannot be
expected to offer comments on ground realities. Nor does it have the courage to convince Altaf
Hussain that there is only one way out of this situation: end of terrorism and an inclination
towards Islamabad rather the new Delhi.
Altaf Hussain was also asked by the government to condemn Indian excesses against
Kashmiris, desist from portraying Karachi (which is a part of Pakistan). At par with Kashmir in
international circles and stop its activities in Karachi and abroad which are aimed at diverting
the world's attention from Kashmir.
Altaf Hussain established its Indian connection probably a little before 1990. According to
some observers, previously this connection worked through the mediation of G.M. Syed's
workers. But direct contacts were established once Altaf (because of criminal charges, which
he refuses, to face) departed from Pakistan and took permanent abode in London.
A little before the army operation of June 92 Javed Largrha and his comrades slipped into
India and, in connivance with the Indian authorities, started training camps for subversive
activities inside Pakistan. Some Muthaidda activists who were later arrested - among them
Naahid Butt's phony brother, Khalid Taqqi - have narrated before the Islamabad press their
tour to India in the company of Langrha.
The government of Pakistan has a real cause of concern here. Langrah is a fugitive from the
law. His stay in India makes him susceptible to Indian pressure to work against Pakistan. India
competes with Pakistan in the international market for textile, leather goods, rice cotton and
other commodities. Obviously the Indians will not get on Pakistani ships to destroy their
consignment.
They will rather avail the services of Pakistan's gun totting "political" activists to cripple its
economy. It is not surprising, therefore, that Altaf Hussain continues to dish out strike calls in
protest over the arrest or killing of criminals who have each killed anything from 20 to 50
persons in a brief career of between two to four years. The economic fallout of these strikes
inevitably goes to favour India.
The first time Altaf's Muthidda stayed away from the government's annual, February 5 Kashmir
Day protest was in 1990. The Kashmiri intifada was a year old then, and the Indian
government was already feeling the heat. Relief came from Muthidda on February 6 and 7,
when unprecedented violence started in Karachi and continued for several days. Since then
the 5th of February has occurred many times, but not a single occasion has seen Altaf's
Muthidda joining the anti-India protest over human rights violations in Kashmir. If anything, it
has punished the protesters on each occasion by resorting to terrorist attacks in Karachi and
Hhyderabad. For example in such an attack in Liaquatabad killed 10 camp followers of Harkat-
ul-Ansaar, a Kashmiri organisation. A pro- Altaf morning newspaper and another sympathetic
eveninger put headlines that read, "5 die in Kashmir, 10 in Karachi".
Such comparisons are the core of Altaf Hussain's present propaganda technique, and the
newspapers that are promoting this propaganda have been eliciting Altaf's Muthidda armed
support against two rival newspapers of Karachi.
During the 47th UN Conference which was held at Geneva MQM circulated to the delegates
two specially prepared booklets; a 91-page book titled "Pakistan: where the State Kills", and
the 64-page "Pakistan" A Terrorist State". The concluding lines of the first booklet read,"there
is no doubts whatsoever that Mohajirs in Pakistan are subject to the same atrocities as the
people in Bosnia, Kashmir and Rwanda". The second booklet uses excerpts from domestic
and foreign material to prove that Pakistan is involved in lawlessness in Kashmir on the one
hand, and serves as a base for Islamic terrorists on the other.
During this conference, MQM Anwar Khan interrupted the speech of Pakistani delegate with
disgust, which not even enemies' display at such civilized forum.
During 1996 and 1997 the terrorist of MQM somehow again managed to enter in the Palle, the
UN headquarter in Geneva, Switzerland and distributed various booklets and pamphlets,
against Pakistan. Although during this period, the political wing was part of the Sindh
Government. During March 1998 the same people of Muthidda namely Anwar, Arif Ajakiya with
the support help and connivance of anti Pakistan NGOs and Indian organizations not only
distributed books, but confronted with Pakistani official delegation, Mr. Nehal Hashmi and other
peace loving NGOs, who were supporting a peaceful and just cause.
Since early 90, the International headquarter of MQM based in London is attending various
international conferences to cover-up their unlawful terrorist activities and acts nationally and
internationally.
During early 90s, many foreign national including US embassy officials were killed in Karachi
by the terrorists of Altaf Hussain. This leads to create uncertainty and to pass message
internationally that Karachi is not a save and secured city for any foreign, national investors.
Altaf and his MQM were asked by the government to renounce its policy of press censorship,
and publicly declare that it will not use threats and direct or indirect pressure to influence the
print media.
Altaf's MQM is perhaps the first "political " party in the world which clamped an across the
board censorship on newspapers and kept breathing down the editor neck for more than four
years. Hitler had said, "newspapers should not be allowed to ride popular will". Altaf and MQM
followed this dictum to a tee. The code of censorship, which MQM designed under the able
guidance of Altaf Hussain for the newspapers of Karachi, was impeccably complete.
"Important" news items and photographs, their size, length and their exact placement on
specified pages (mostly front page) was dictated to the city's newsrooms from Nine Zero.
Anything, which Altaf did not want published, could not see the light of the day.
MQM's terrorism against the press took its early shape in 1985. By 1987 it had gradually made
its presence felt in the newsrooms. Any departure from Nine - Zero's guidelines brought down
the Pir's wrath on the reporter, the sub-editor, the editor, the publisher the owner - anyone in
any way connected with the production of that particular section of the newspaper. Inadvertent
violations sent shivers through the entire newspaper establishment.
Daily Jang, being the largest circulated newspaper of the country, tried to break the shackles in
earlier days of the Pir (Altaf Hussain) and he threatened that paper "one paper is becoming a
party against "Mohajirs", it should take warning (daily Amn April 6, 1987). The Pir's disciples
ultimately in Hyderabad lit up 30,000 copies of the paper on June 21, 1987. Thousands of
copies more were burnt in Karachi. On June 24, Jang columnist, Nizam Siddiqui, wrote, "Altaf
Hussain demands that Jang should; publish his statements and photographs in places
proposed by him, and that his opponents views should not be brought into print. No political
party or leader has made such a demand in 47 years."
Altaf's reactions have always been aggressive and devoid of any regard for ethics. Ask about
who persecuted Maulana Salahuddin, editor weekly Takbir, burnt his house, burnt Takbir
copies, tried to prevent Takbirs'; publication from Karachi, and when the Maulana refused to
budge, killed him? And every one will say MQM.
On November 14, 1988, Altaf served another warning to daily Jang. "If Jang does not change
its attitude by 16 November, we will put an end to lit forever" (daily Savera, Karachi).
On March 8, 1989, Jang failed to cover May or Dr Farooq Sattar's wedding to the satisfaction
of Altaf Hussain. He said, "this has been a source of grief, to us. We will observe a taken
boycott of Jang on March 10". Azim Tariq said, "we appeal to hawkers not to lift Jang on March
10th. And we are telling them in advance" (daily Amn, March 8, 1989).
On the orders of Altaf Hussain and Azim Tariq (the same Azim Tariq which was lately killed on
the directives of Altaf Hussain), MQM workers in Hyderabad burnt hundreds of thousands of
copies of dailies Jang, Dawn, The News, Jasarat, Star, monthly Herald and weekly Takbir
between March 10 and March 20, 1991. Journalists in Islamabad boycotted the parliament in
protest over these incidents.
Weekly Takbir's offices were ransacked and set on fire on March 22, 1991. The FIR lodged
with he Arambagh police station said, "this incident is part of Altaf Hussain and Azim Tariq's
campaign to terrorize Takbir and its editor". In the Liaquatabad public meeting, Azim Tariq
reiterated Altaf Hussain's directives that "Takbir" would not be allowed to circulate anywhere in
Karachi (weekly Takbir, April 4, 1991).
Talking to the journalists in hospital (Abbasi Shaheed) on March 10 Altaf Hussain said, "Dawn
is hatching conspiracies against MQM. Herald spits; poison against us. Takbir is an agent
publication of the Jews. People reserve the right to make newspapers accountable. If the
accountability begins, you shouldn't start your press freedom lamentations."
Sarwat editor of Takbir, was harassed and threatened by hooligans at her residence on March
13. The following day, newspaper hawkers and agents were deprived of their copies and
beaten up in several parts of the city. On March15, Azim Tariq said, "Herald and Takbir will not
sell in this city now. This is the people's decision" (daily Amn). Altaf Hussain seconded this on
March 16: "from today onwards, people will not read Takbir and Herald, which comes out of
the Dawn building. This is our right". He further said, "any newspaper that does not give us
proper coverage, will not run." (Daily Qaumi Akhbar). BBC's reporter in Karachi Zafar Abbas,
was attacked on March 19.
Journalists held a protest meeting at Karachi Press Club and decided to boycott MQM's
programs. On March 20, Altaf Hussain announced his boycott of Dawn, Herald, Star and
Takbir.
Altaf Hussain and his MQM cannot bear criticism and difference of opinion and that’s why each
and every paper if writes even a single word against Altaf or MQM gets punishment. Amount of
punishment depends upon the nature of crime. And these punishments can vary from the
burning of newspaper copies to the murder of editors. But the irony of situation is that besides
doing these heinous, crimes against media and media MQM cries hoarse for its own freedom
of expression.
It is not easy to quantify the damage done by terrorism, blood looting, firing, arson, and riots,
strikers and torture spread over these ten, twelve years. The cost paid by Karachiites in terms
of deaths, damage to property, anxiety, extortion and hunger is far greater then the cozy Pirji of
London can imagine.
In these years more than 5000 persons fell to terrorist bullets in Karachi and Hyderabad, while
more than 1000 others were wounded. Property set on fire on otherwise destroyed included
475 vehicles, 20 banks, 102 houses, 95 shops, two telephone exchanges, 20 offices of
different political parties, 12 petrol pumps, 2 factories, one office each of Wapda and social
security, two post offices and 4 police stations.
The successive years saw the terrorists upgrade their weaponry from simple revolvers to
Klashnikov assault rifles and rocket launchers. Terrorists used their war machine to strike at
the national interests of Pakistan one the one hand, and use cellular telephone and pager
facilities to organize raids against government officials and political rivals on the other. 360
policemen were killed during these years.
MQM insists that its strikes are peaceful. But the facts speak other wise, In a total 38 strike
calls spread over these years, MQM prevented Rs 30 billion worth of business transactions
from taking place. Hundreds of thousands of people had to do without postal and other
communication facilities. Given these facts, it is a wonder how "educated men" like Ishtiaq
Azhar and Dr Farooq Sattar can insist that strikes do no harm to Karachiites.
Since 1988 the terrorist of Altaf Hussain introduced a new method to collect tax from the
common, ordinary citizen which called Tanzimee Chanda, later on the method of collection
was divided in various forms one is monthly tax from each and every shop and house. Another
forced tax called "Saman Kiya Tayyar Hai" which used for the purchasing of arms and
ammunition to protect themselves, later on almost every shopkeeper, industrialists,
businessmen and investors was compelled by the terrorist of Altaf and his Muthidda either to
pay the weekly tax or shut down and closed their business and commercial activities. If
someone refuse to pay either he eliminated physically or his business forced to close by the
terrorists.
Resultantly hundred's of businessmen shifted their business from Karachi to other part of
Pakistan. According to a report pudlished in a news daily "MQM's monthly income, which it
earned through Bhattaism before the imposition of the Governor Rule in Sindh, was Rs. 600
million. Never a single penny was spent on the economic and social betterment of Karachi
people. In fact this money was use to arm the youths of Karachi with weapons rather than
education the business and trade in Karachi almost rewind due to this forced tax and robbery.
Since last 10 years, the skin of sacrificed animals during Eid-ul-Azha the terrorists of Altaf use
to snatch from each and every house of Karachi, Hyderabad, Mirpur Khas, Sukkur on
gunpoint. If any body hesitated to hand over the skin, the terrorist open fire on them.
Even internationally renowned Abdus Sattar Edhi, social worker was victim of the same. In
year 1993 the terrorist of Altaf Hussain attacked on the loaded trucks of Abdus Sattar Edhi,
carrying skins of the scarified animals were forcibly snatched by the Altaf Hussain's terrorists.
The same has been reported by the BBC, national and international media. And the money
they get from selling these skins is getting use in buying destruction for the innocent people of
Karachi.
MQM was asked to give up the policy of using women to incite violence. MQM denies this, of
course, but evidence exists to show that cases of gang rape were cooked up either to helped it
steer through a tight sot, or put the government on the defensive.
MQM origins are tied with the famous name of Bushra Zaidi, a Sir Syed College girl who made
Altaf Hussain's career by dying in a road accident in 1985. Since then, a woman has always
figured in the evolving strategy of Altaf Hussain to build an empire on terrorism. Nahid Butt,
Shazia, Seema Zarrin and others. All these women were portrayed as victims of sexual
assault. Not one of them ever comes to fit the merits of the case.
Take Shazia for example, the sister of India based Javed Langrha. She had a tiff with the
family, and went to her grandmother's house without telling anyone. She stayed there for two
days. MQM was quick to react. Shooting in the dark, they cooked up a story that the personnel
of Rangers had carried her away. Hearing the scandal, Shazia returned home and told the
truth. Milk was separated from water.
Nahid Butt's name figured at a time when hostilities in Kashmir had temporarily heightened.
She was used to put across the message that Butt (a Kashmiri tribe) women were as exposed
to rape in Karachi as in Kashmir. Khalid, MQM activist who was claimed to be Nahid's brother,
turned out to be her lover. Khalid alias Taqqi alias Mamoo was a resident of Lines Area.
Presently he is charged with 10 cases of murder and is in official custody. MQM attempted to
portray him as a Kashmiri sympathizer of the party who resided in New Karachi. An army
officer was accused of raping Nahid. The army plunged into action and investigated the case.
As it turned out, Nahid was not a Butt, but was painted as such for political reasons. Moreover,
Khalid was not her brother, but one of her lovers. She was found carrying contraceptives on
her, and admitted that she entertained MQM boys off and on.
FARZANA SULTAN "RAPE" CASE
A case in point is that of Farzana Sultan, the young sister of MQM activist, Shahid Feroz.
Although the poor girl was subjected to this unwarranted ignominy for the sake of a lie, 30
people died as Altaf Hussain called a strike in reaction.
On its part MQM sensationalized the drama by inviting suitors for the `raped` girl. For several
days, the local press carried Nine-Zero's press releases counting the names of the suitors who
had volunteered to take in the daughter of the nation. It also gave a call for protest strike, in
which 30 persons died in the name of Farzana Sultan. Altaf Hussain's ego further inflated by
an inch.
MQM has time and again used women folk to incite violence and disturbances in the city. A
case in point is that of Farzana Sultan, the younger sister of MQM's activist Shahid Feroze. It
was alleged by MQM that on June 20, 1995, a fifty (50) years old PPP Councilor Naeem
Qureshi along with seven (07) others, including his alleged son Bhoora had subjected Farzana
Sultan to gang rape.
On the evening of June 22, 1995, some MQM's leader arrived at Karachi Press Club at 09.00
p.m. along with Mr. Shoaib Bukhari, MPA and Deputy Leader of the Opposition in Sindh
Assembly, to address Press Conference. The Press Conference was video taped and also
transmitted through mobile phone to London for the consumption of Mr. Altaf Hussain. In the
Press Conference the above allegation of gang rape were repeated.
On the same day, Mr. Shoaib Bukhari lodged a FIR with area Police Station, wherein the
allegations of gang rape were repeated. However, the name of PPP Councilor was
conspicuously not included by Mr. Shoaib Bukhari. It is worth mentioning that Mr. Naeem
Qureshi the PPP Councilor did not have any son by the name of Bhoora.
Mr. Altaf Hussain and other leaders of MQM sensationalized the alleged incident and called for
strike in protest in the city. Colossal damage was caused to public and private properties and
about 30 innocent people were killed by MQM wherein 94 police and private vehicles were set
on fire. The hooligans of Altaf Hussain for couple of days disturbed the city. In the process the
poor girl Farzana Sultan was subjected to all kind of adverse publicity.
The Government, immediately taking cognizance, of the allegation leveled by MQM, ordered
the medical examination of the girl, which was carried out and the report was immediately
made public. Mr. Altaf Hussain and other leaders of MQM disputed the findings contained in
the medical report " that no marks of violence were found on the person of the alleged victim
nor there was any medical evidence of the alleged gang rape or rape. " The Government
immediately offered that the doctors of the choice of the parents of Farzana Sultan and MQM
from Pakistan or abroad might be examined the alleged victim.
Subsequently, the follow-up medical report in the case of the alleged victim was issued by the
Agha Khan University Hospital on July 02, 19956. In the follow-up report it was further
concluded, "besides shows inflammatory exudate with metaplastic cells and gram negative
intracellular diplococci, confirmed by culture to be Neisseria Gonococci. The infection is
confirmed to be sensitive to Penicillin, Erythromycin, Cefotaxim and tetracycline".
Based upon the above findings it was advised by the Consultant Physician that Miss Farzana
Sultan should pursue appropriate follow-up and treatment without delay.
From the above medical findings it was quit clear that the alleged victim Farzana Sultan was
not subjected to the alleged gang rape or rape as was insinuated by Mr. Altaf Hussain and
other leaders of MQM. Be that as it may, owing to the said allegation of gang rape and
subsequent call of strike and agitation given Mr. Altaf Hussain from London and other leaders
of MQM from Karachi resulted in 30 innocent people being killed and damage to private and
public properties besides disrupting the city life and causing trouble in the city.
The State Department of USA, recently, issued its Human Rights Report regarding Pakistan,
wherein inter-alia about this incident of alleged gang rape of Farzana Sultan, the report
contains a finding "although the MQM/A consistently claims that its activists are innocent,
unarmed victims of ethnic violence, disinterested observers believe that cells of armed MQM/A
activists are responsible for a considerable amount of Karachi's violence and crime. This
includes extortion of large sums of money from Mohajir businessmen as well as others.
In an apparent attempt to inflame public opinion and destabilize the situation in Karachi, MQM/
A leader Altaf Hussain the alleged gang rape of an MQM/A supporter (while in custody) to call
for three " days of mourning" in Karachi June 24-26. At least 67 people died in strike-related
violence during the protest. Medical reports on the alleged victim, however, did not
substantiate the charges of gang rape. The MQM/A enforced numerous other strike calls with
violence, resulting in the deaths of law enforcement personnel and civilian bystanders."
It is the standard practice of Mr. Altaf Hussain and MQM to concoct and fabricate false
allegation and create a issue out of non-issue and exploit it to the hilt through the medium of
aggressive propaganda and rhetoric and then malign the Government and give calls for so
called protest strike. Invariably in all such cases strikes have been enforced through
intimidation, resorting to indiscriminate firing and burning of public and private transport. In the
case of Farzana Sultan, it has been established by independent findings of Agha Khan
University Hospital, which also substantiates the findings of the Government doctor that no
rape or gang rape was committed and the allegation was concocted.
It is well known and talks of town that terrorists of MQM used to enter enforceable in the
houses of helpless people and commit rape with the women to terrorize the family and to
blackmail. Being an Islamic and eastern traditions most of the families hesitate to lodge
complaints against them. Because of the fear, disgrace, and defamation in the society, the
helpless women can only pray to the Almighty for help and justice, besides looking forward
towards the International community and to come forward and to obtain support from the lawful
authorities to eliminates and arrest such type of heinous acts of the MQM.
The so-called Naheed Butt and Farzana Sultana rape case is just a tool for negative
propaganda. At present no one knows that whereabouts of Naheed Butt and Farzana Sultan
and many others. Such cases were only used for negative propaganda. The women of Karachi
appeal to the authorities and international community to come forward and protect our honour
and dignity as she also equally entitled for all kind of protection being a human being.
It is apprehend that there is likelihood that " evil mind of Altaf Hussain will create new rape
dramas to save their dirty face from locally, national and international community and to cover-
up their terrorist and un-human activities from the eyes of law and peace loving people."
1986
1987
It was on January 31, when Altaf Hussain made the first most
controversial public statement of his career. Addressing a series
of welcome receptions in Liaquatabad on that day, he told his
audience. "Mohajirs will have no god use for their VCRs, color
televisions and other luxuries because these things cannot
defend us. They will have to arrange for their own security"
(daily Jang, Feb 1, 1987).
On May 21, a young man was killed when riots broke out in
Malir and Khokhrapar in protest over the arrest of some MQM
workers. Six vehicles were also burnt in the area.
On June 21, MQM chairman, Azim Ahmad Tariq, stated that the
anti-Mohajir policy of daily Jang would be fully resisted. He
announced Jang's boycott, and asked people not to read it. The
same evening, dozen-armed persons attacked Jang's bureau in
Hyderabad and put the premises on fire.
1988
1989
The rioting that marred the last days of 1988 continued into the
New Year with the death of a man on January 1, 1989. This led
to the arrest of 72 PPI activists, and cases were registered
against one MNA and two MPAs of MQM for inciting trouble.
January 24 and 26, MQM forced the closure of all markets and
bazaars in Sukkur. On January 30, armed bands of MQM
activists took control of the NED Engineering University. On
January, curfew was clamped in some parts of the Karachi port
following the murder of a taxi driver in the area.
1990
This was the year when MQM played horrible role by unleashing
a reign of terror and blood letting in Karachi and Hyderabad, it
set example of the extent to which it could go to impose a
minority view on the majority.
400 persons were eliminated in the first six months of 1990, and
many more were kidnapped and made hostage. The months of
February and May saw the most killings, with MQM terrorists
going on a killing spree to punish political dissent. And the time
came when Karachiites were to be confined behind huge gates
of steel obtained from the bounty of Pakistan Steel Mills which
passed into MQM's effective control.
On July 1, Gen. Beg said that the army could restore peace in
Sindh in a short time. On July 13, 45 persons were killed in a
bomb blast in Hyderabad.
MQM's most favorite pill for its voters is the rhetoric that it wants
to eliminate Waderas and feudal lords from Pakistani politics.
1991
This was also the year when for the first time dissent within the
MQM grew open and strong. Afaq Ahmad and his friends were
declared traitors and their sentence specified. The slogan
"Quaid's traitor deserves death" became the graffiti of every wall
and the banner of every apartment house. MQM's death squads
were pulled back from the fronts against other races and turned
against their own people.
The press conference was held on July 25, a day after Lahore
high court ordered the release of Afaq Ahmad and others. The
press conference went on for two and a half hours, and all this
while a telephone was available to Altaf Hussain in Abbasi
Shaheed Hospital to hear the proceedings live (dailies Jang and
Nawa-I-Waqt Lahaore, July 26, 1991). All the 37 members
individually read their oaths before the newsmen. Dr Farooq
Sattar said, "if I commit treachery against the Qauid, I will have
denied my paternity". Wasim Ahmad said, "if I go against the
Qauid. I may not be of my mother" (daily Nawa-I-Waqt Lahroe,
July 26, 1991).
When the newsmen objected that they could not sit through the
statements, which were more or less alike, some MQM
members retorted by saying, "once we get a foothold in Lahore,
then you will sit and listen, like they do in Karachi". This led to a
number of journalists walking out of the press conference in
protest.
MQM's bully also took Karachi's press to task. When the press
started reporting even half-truths about MQM, the gunmen went
into action. Known journalist Maulana Salahuddin's house was
set on fire long before he was finally assassinated. Daily Dawn,
eveninger "Star" and monthly "Herald" were prevented from
distribution. Copies of dailies" Jang" and "The News" were burnt
in thousands, and MQM chairman, Azim Tariq, openly
threatened journalists when he said in a public meeting that they
should "keep their Ka'aba in the right direction". Zafar Abbas,
Kamran Khan, Nafisa Hoodbhai and other journalists were
attacked.
During this year, when MQM was in power and had its ministers
both in Islamabad and In Sindh, 27 police officers that refused to
sidestep the law were murdered. They included inspector
Mohammad Usman, inspector Malik Ehsan, Kazim Soomro etc.
This year the MQM fought its political rivals on two fronts. One
was opened against Islami Jamiatut-Talaba (IJT) and the other
against the dissenters within its ranks. On both fronts, the
"enemies" were either jailed or dismissed as dacoits and got
killed.
1992
The fighting force that was put together in the back alleys of
Karachi was based on a working system of logistics,
communications and publicity, including regular and cellular
telephone links between Karachi, London, Africa and Delhi, and
the services of some capitalists, some city hospitals, some
telephone department personnel, some loyalists in the city
police and some journalists of local morning and evening
newspapers. This force showed some speed by using the local
police to abort the actions of operation personnel, but the more
it stayed underground, the freer the Karachi press got. When
Nawaz Sharif government registered criminal cases against
Altaf and his cohorts, and relatives of the victims of MQM's
torture cells took out processions, MQM- (A) found itself isolated
on the political scene.
MQM had two good reasons to defame the army: first, its
favorite army chief, General Mirza Aslam Beg, who was at the
center of MQM's grand designs to capture absolute power in the
country, was no more in the saddle, having failed to convince
the political leadership to give him an extension, and second,
MQM's attacks on the army gave a cushion to Delhi based
Javed Langrha in winning Indians' backing. The year 1992
brought a quick downfall to MQM, which had attained the glory
just as quickly.
On May 19, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif held parleys with the
new chief minister of Sindh, Muzaffar Hussain Shah, and the
Corps commander Karachi, on how to control the situation in the
province. Later the same evening, the Prime Minister met with
Altaf Hussain during a brief stopover in London. On June 4, the
army came into Sindh. On June 19, to preempt possible clashes
between the two MQM groups, army came into Karachi and
imposed curfew. The entire MQM leadership went
underground.
1993
Elections were once again held in 1993, this time under the
supervision of Moeen Qureshi's caretaker government. Altaf
Hussain boycotted the elections, then he participated in it, so
that he missed the national assembly polls, but relented in time
for elections to Sindh assembly. The early days of 1993 had
proved beyond doubt that MQM politics consisted in rioting,
terrorism and eliminating political dissenter, and that the only
concern of the party remained the individual interests of its
leaders. Renouncing politics, and then revoking the
renunciation, was both dictated by personal interests. It also
became increasingly clear during this year that Altaf Hussain will
not return to the country.
1994
1995.
But while a new official strategy was soon to lift the police's
morale and place it on a higher ground against a weakening
terrorist outfit, the latter diversified its targets in order to
preserve its leftover strength. This augured ill for those laborers
who had come to Karachi from such far-flung areas as Hazara,
Faisalabad and Khushab to earn a living. They became the
targets of a new look strategy of terrorism in 1995.
Apart from this, Karachiites also saw the worst form of religious
fanaticism emerge on Karachi's political scene, and then die its
own death, in 1995. Hundreds of people died in terrorist attacks
in the first ten months of this year.
35 persons were killed and 89 vehicles burnt during the first five
days of June. Pushto speaking people suffered the most losses
in terms of property. They protested, and MQM had to issue a
statement from London telling his activists not to burn transport,
but to continue with the strikes. This was a most significant
statement. Altaf ordered an end to the burning of transport. If his
activists were not involved in arson, as his party leaders have
been asserting time and again, he would have no need to issue
such a directive.
On July 29, terrorists shot and killed the son of a local PML
(Nawaz) leader who had in a TV appearance appreciated the
Rangers' action against terrorists in Orangi. On August 2, the
dreaded MQM terrorist, Farooq Dada (whom Altaf Hussain
insisted on calling Farooq Patni), was killed in police encounter
alongwith comrades Ghaffar Mada, Javed Michael and Babar
Deputy. Police in 15 murder cases wanted Dada, which in the
local Karachi slang means a bully.
1996
The very same day Ajmal Dehlvi warns government that MQM
will disrupt world cup matches. (Frontier Post Peshawar/The
Muslim Islamabad 3-2-96).
On 12th Feb Mr. Zubair Akram Nadeem (MNA & the member of
the government negotiating team who was lately killed by the
terrorists of same party) held talks with Ajmal Dehlavi
On 15th April MQM (A) unit chief held and arms recovered from
him. (Pakistan Times Islamabad 16-4--96)
On 17th April a rally was held in London to press the demand for
deportation of MQM-A leader Altaf Hussain. (The News
Rawalpindi 18-4-96i)
During the same month once again MQM (A) used Indian-
sponsored NGOs to defame Pakistan at International level.
(Pakistan Times Islamabad 18-4-96)
This strike which was called to mourn the death of five terrorists
was failed to draw much response. 4 vehicles were set on fire.
(Pakistan Times, Islamabad 13-5-96)
On 27th May five MQM terrorists got arrested and an LMG with
250 rounds, two 7 MM rifles, five T.T. pistols and hundreds of
rounds were recovered from them. (The Nation Islamabad 28-5-
96)
1997
"At the initial stage of its formation, the MQM, by virtue of being
a party with massive support in the cities, came to be known as
a party of the middle class.
He further added "All over the world middle class parties have
traditionally aligned themselves with democratic and progressive
forces and had advocated grand alliances with suppressed
classes and nationalities. MQM contrary to all these recognized
characteristics, never ever attempted to provide leadership to
the vast majority of suppressed rural population". (The News 3-
1-97)
On 12th April, three MQM (H) workers killed and one injured in
different incidents of terrorism by the rival faction MQM (A).
(The News Rawalpindi 13-4-97)
On 16th April, two MQM (H) activists killed by MQM (A) activists.
(The News, Rawalpindi 16-4-97)
On 2nd May, over 500 MQM (H) activist rounded up. (The
Nation Islamabad 3-5-97).
On 23rd May, PML (N) MNAs from Sindh showed the signs of
unrest on the" aggressive attitude" of MQM who was also the
coalition partners of PML at that time. (The News, Rawalpindi
24 -4- 97)
On 10th June, 12 people killed in a wave of violence in Karachi-
MQM (A) blamed for it. (The Muslim Islamabad 11-6-97).
On 17th June 1997 Altaf asks workers to close down all its
liaison offices. (The Nation, Islamabad 18-6-97).
On the same day four persons shot dead in Karachi and both
factions of MQM blamed each other as usual for it. (N.Waqt,
Rawalpindi 18-6-97).
On 18th June, MQM wants army to replace rangers and now the
same MQM criticizing rangers. (19-6-97 The Muslim
Islamabad).
On 26th July, MQM changed its face and name once again and
this time renamed as (Muhttaida Qaumi Movement". (The
Nation/The Muslim, Islamabad 27-7-97).
This all turned out to be very true. On 5th August, MQM (H)
activists looked for DSP's murder. (The News, Rawalpindi 6-8-
97).
1998
The Nation "in its Editorial note of 10th Jan 1998 while
discussing the "No Go Areas" of MQM has said, "No Go Areas
was a peculiar self-defence concept to begin with but in the
polarised city of Karachi this was perhaps the only way for the
two rival of MQM factions from continuing to kill each other."
On Jan 10th three persons including one woman were killed
while five others injured in indiscriminate firing in MQM factions
clash. (The Muslim, The Nation11-1-98)
On 1st Feb, 2 MQM (H) men were shot dead in Karachi and
Muthaidda denied the charges of involvement as usual.(The
News, Rawalpindi 2-2-98).
The most potent threat to Pakistan’s internal security in the late Nineteen Eighties
and early Nineties was posed by militia from the Mohajir community. Originally
formed as the Mohajir Quomi Movement (MQM), it is now split into two factions.
The faction led by the founder Altaf Hussain was renamed Muttahida Quomi
Mahaz and is commonly referred to as MQM (A). A breakaway faction, created in
1992, retains the original name Mohajir Quomi Movement - with the suffix Haqiqi which
means real - and is commonly referred to as MQM (H). The two factions have been
responsible for several incidents of urban terrorism even as the MQM (A) participates in
Pakistan’s electoral process. After a series of strong measures taken by the State in 1998,
the MQM (A) has largely reoriented itself into an exclusively political outfit. In its latest
display of clout in Mohajir dominated areas, it called for a boycott of local body elections
held in July 2001 and ensured a low turnout in areas dominated by its cadre.
The MQM sought to portray itself, in its initial years as an organisation of Mohajirs. This
ethnic term refers to refugees from India who settled in Karachi and other urban centres
of Sindh province. They now constitute the largest segment in Sindh’s urban population.
Largely natives of India’s Bihar and Uttar Pradesh provinces, this community maintains a
distinct identity for itself. In the immediate post-partition period, the community formed
one of the most influential lobbies in Pakistan having been closely associated with the
movement for the country and its founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah. With the increasing
power of the military over the State apparatus, the community found its pre-eminent
position being increasingly usurped by the Punjabi dominated military-bureaucratic
formation that effectively ruled Pakistan since Gen. Ayub’s coup in 1958.
The first assertions of a distinct ethnic identity were made by the All Pakistan Mohajir
Students Organisation" (APMSO) founded by Altaf Hussain in Karachi in 1978. Altaf
Hussain went on, in 1984, to form the MQM. For two years, the outfit maintained a low
profile reportedly concentrating on building its cadre base in Karachi and Hyderabad. It
came on the national stage with a massive rally in Karachi on August 8. Ever since it has
been a major actor in Pakistan’s politics even as it maintains an armed cadre that has
repeatedly indulged in urban terrorism. In 1992, going against the civilian political
executive, the army reportedly encouraged a split in the outfit helping create the MQM
(H) under the leadership of Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, who were earlier top members
of MQM’s armed wing. To disguise itself as a broad social formation, the outfit dropped
the term Mohajir from its title and renamed itself the Muttahida Quomi Mahaz (United
National Front)
Violence has always accompanied the outfit’s political activities. It began with the
first public meeting on August 8, 1986, which was accompanied by aerial firing,
street violence and damage to public property by participants. Two months later, on
October 31, rioting in Karachi and Hyderabad, another MQM (A) stronghold, left
12 persons dead. Altaf Hussain and ten other leaders of the outfit were arrested on
November 2 that year which only increased the street violence in Mohajir
dominated cities. On December 14, the outfit’s secretary general Dr Imran Farooq
claimed that the situation can come under control only if Altaf Hussain is released.
Almost on cue, violence flared up that night and the next day leaving 120 persons
dead in Karachi.
Violence continued, allegedly perpetrated by MQM, despite the outfit entering into an
alliance with the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in 1988 and participating in a coalition
government at the Federal level. The two parties had signed a 54 point agreement
commonly known as the Karachi Accord just before the elections held in December that
year. News reports suggested that most violence was between supporters of the MQM
and the Jiye Sindh Movement, an organisation purpotedly fighting the cause of native
Sindhis. Another rival with which the MQM frequently indulged in violent clashes was
the Punjabi-Pukhtoon Ittehad (PPI), an outfit comprising of armed extremists from the
Pukhtoon and Punjabi communities. Random attacks by armed activists of the warring
groups on unarmed civilians were the major cause for casualties. In May 1989, the MQM
walked out of the PPP led coalition in Sindh and five months later, from the federal
government, accusing the PPP of failing to honour its promises outlined in the Karachi
Accord.
The press to was a victim of the MQM’s terror strategies. Several newspapers, including
the Dawn, Jang, identified by the outfit as non-symphathetic to the ‘movement’ were
targeted for enforced boycotts.
Following reports of an imminent army crackdown on the outfit, Altaf Hussain left for
UK on January 1, 1992 and has been in exile since. Despite the flight of its leader, the
outfit’s terrorist arm continued to operate until 1998. Its political arm too faded into
insignificance after the October 1999 coup in Pakistan.
The mid nineties in urban Sindh was marked by consistent strike calls from the MQM
which included an announcement in July 1995 that weekly strikes on Fridays and
Saturdays would be observed. Most MQM strikes were accompanied by violence leaving
scores dead in their wake.
The outfit’s leadership, particularly Altaf Hussain, has been described by most analysts,
as opportunists. The political platforms adopted by the outfit have been forwarded as
evidence. After striking a deal, termed as the Karachi Accord, with Benazir Bhutto’s
PPP, the outfit switched alliances and teamed up with Nawaz Sharief’s, Pakistan Muslim
League (PML) in 1992. In Pakistan’s predominantly two party set-up, MQM which has
time and again proved itself as the third largest political force, has swung between the
two dominant parties and joined several ruling coalitions at the federal level and in Sindh.
The elected local bodies in Karachi and Hyderabad have been overwhelmingly
dominated by the MQM (A).
Major Incidents
2002
2001
2000
• December 22: An additional district and sessions court in Karachi declares MQM-
A chief Altaf Hussain and three other activists absconders in a case pertaining to
the killing of two persons during an MQM-A sponsored strike in Karachi in June
1995.
• December 20: A former MQM-A member and his brother were killed by two
armed assailants in Liaquatabad, Karachi.
• December 15: Five MQM-A activists acquitted by a Karachi court in a case
regarding an attack on police personnel during a shootout in Liaquatabad in 1998.
• December 8: Two MQM-A activists are killed by unidentified gunmen in
Karachi.
• November 11: Six MQM-A activists are arrested from Sukkur for their alleged
involvement in the November 6-bomb blast.
• November 6: Bomb explodes at the Karachi marketing office of the Jang group of
newspapers. MQM-A cadre Iqbal Macha is prime suspect for the attack.
• October 29: MQM-A demands amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan.
• October 25: An MQM-A activist is killed by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.
• October 2: News report says 1,105 activists and supporters of MQM-A are in
official custody and a committee would review all the cases.
Government calls for a report from the High Commission in India on the visit of
an MQM- A delegation to that country.
• September 21: An MQM-A worker is killed at a Karachi playground.
• July 9: An MQM-A activist in police custody, in Karachi, states that the top-
leadership of the party has directed him to kill 28 fellow cadres for their suspected
involvement in various crimes.
• July 4: A Karachi court issues arrest warrants against an MQM-A woman leader,
Nasreen Jalil, and some other activists on charges of rioting and obstructing
police in performing their duties.
• March 30: MQM-A convenor Imran Farooq alleges that a Pakistan Army officer
had formed groups in connivance with Karachi police to kill MQM-A cadres.
• February 28: Widespread violence is reported in Karachi following a strike call
given by Jeay Sindh Quami Mahaz and the MQM-A outfit to protest sacking of
staff from the state-run Pakistan Steel as well as for the police ill-treating party
supporters.
• January 17: Nine persons are killed and 25 others injured in a bomb explosion in
Karachi. Police blame the MQM-A for the act and claim that 16 terrorists linked
to the outfit have been arrested. MQM (A) denies the charge.
1999
• November 26: Senior MQM-A leader Farooq Sattar is arrested after surrendering
to the Military Intelligence.
• September 9: MQM-A secretary general Imran Farooq surfaces in London after
being in hiding for seven years and claims his life is in danger in Pakistan.
• August 1: Seven MQM-A office-bearers, including a Member of the National
Assembly, and two Members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly, resign from the
"basic membership" of the party owing to "fundamental differences with MQM
chief Altaf Hussain over policy matters".
• July 18: MQM-A announces international hunger strike and protests inside and
outside Pakistan to protest the "extra-judicial killings" of its cadres.
• January 30: Three Urdu newspapers, Jang, Amn, and Parcham, are charged with
sedition for carrying an MQM-A advertisement seeking donations for "victims of
police excesses" and to compensate those "killed, tortured or victimised by the
police and other security agencies during their crackdown against the party".
• January 24: UK grants political asylum and residency to MQM-A chairman Altaf
Hussain. Pakistan lodges protest.
1998
• October 31: Following the MQM-A’s refusal to meet the Prime Minister’s
deadline, Federal rule is imposed in Sindh and a massive crackdown is launched
by security agencies.
• October 28: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief accuses an MQM-A Member of the
Sindh Provincial Assembly (MPA) and seven other activists of involvement in the
murder of Hakim Saeed. Sharief sets a three-day deadline on the outfit to hand-
over the assassins, failing which he threatens to call -off the alliance.
• October 17: Former Sindh Governor Hakim Mohd Saeed is assassinated by
alleged MQM-A terrorists.
• September 20: MQM-A decides to resume support to Pakistan Muslim League at
Federal level and in Sindh without joining the Ministry.
• August 26: MQM-A resigns from the ruling coalition in Sindh province.
• August 14: MQM-A Ministers in the Federal Cabinet resign protesting the
government’s failure to protect the outfit’s activists.
• August 12: 10 MQM-A activists are killed by unidentified gunmen.
• June : 140 persons are killed during various instances of ethnic violence.
• April 30: Sindh Chief Minister Liaquat Jatoi withdraws all cases filed against
MQM-A Legislators.
• April 18: MQM-A announces the continuation of the alliance with Pakistan
Muslim League in Sindh.
• March 21: Six persons, including MQM-H leader Imtiaz Ahmed Khan and two
relatives, are killed by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.
Federal government asks Sindh government to furnish details on steps being taken
to counter MQM-H imposed ‘no-go’ areas.
• March 19: MQM-A extends ultimatum to one month.
• March 17: MQM-A serves a 48-hour ultimatum on the Sindh Chief Minister to
ensure the removal of ‘no-go areas’ in Karachi––areas that are the strongholds of
the MQM-H.
• February 28: 100 MQM-H members are arrested in crackdown launched after the
February 22- Korangi-attack.
• February 22: Eight civilians are killed outside a mosque at Korangi, Karachi, in
MQM factional rivalry.
• February 1: Sindh High Court acquits Altaf Hussain and 18 co-accused in the case
of the abduction of an Army officer.
• January 10: Three persons, including a woman, are killed and five more injured in
indiscriminate firing during MQM factions’ clash.
1997
1996
• October 10: United States Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) refuses
to grant asylum to three senior MQM-A leaders, including senior vice chairman
Saleem Shahzad.
• October 5: Over two dozen MQM activists are arrested following a series of
different encounters in different places in Karachi.
• August 21: Hafiz Osama Qadri, MQM-A leader and former member of the Sindh
Provincial Assembly, is arrested.
• June 16: Karachi police arrest MQM-A cadres Azhar Sayyan––wanted in more
than 50 cases––and Naseem Pajama, wanted in 27 cases.
• June 1: Two MQM-A terrorists are arrested in Karachi.
• April 12: MQM-A delegation goes to Geneva for United Nations Human Rights
Commission (UNHRC) session.
• April 10: MQM-A cadre Nadeem Chita, carrying reward of Rs one million, is
arrested from Azizabad, Karachi.
• April 9: Four MQM-A cadres, allegedly involved in 13 cases of murder, six cases
of abduction and several other crimes, are arrested in Multan.
• April 2: Shamim Ahmed, MQM-A leader and Minister in the Sindh government
announces the formation of another MQM faction.
• March 5: Two abducted persons are rescued from MQM-A cadres in Karachi.
• February 28: Three MQM-A workers reportedly confess of a plot to kill religious
leaders with the assistance of a sectarian group.
• February 1: MQM-A leader, Ajmal Dehlvi warns government that the outfit
would disrupt World Cup cricket matches to be held in Pakistan.
Rockets are fired at MQM-H headquarters in Landhi. MQM-H chief Afaq Khan
accuses the rival MQM-A for this attack.
MQM-A lays down new conditions for talks with the Federal government.
1995
MQM-A activists attack police and civilian targets employing guns, rocket and
bombs in Karachi.
• June 24: A train carrying arms for SFs is looted and burnt down by MQM-A
activists.
• June 15: 24 persons, including 10 Sindhis, are killed in Karachi.
• June 4: 10 persons are killed by MQM-A activists.
• May 22: MQM-A observes Mourning Day.
• May 18: 15 persons are killed in terrorist attacks in several parts of Karachi.
• May 5: US Embassy announces that issuing visas from Karachi would be stopped
because of the prevalence of terrorist violence in the city.
1994
1993
1992
• November 27: MQM-A Chairman Azim Tariq comes over-ground and disowns
Altaf Hussain.
• July 19: Sindh Chief Minister disassociates himself from MQM-A.
• June 29: MQM-A members resign their seats in the Federal and Sindh assemblies.
• June: MQM dissidents led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan formally launch the
Haqiqi (real) MQM, subsequently known by its sobriquet MQM (H).
• June 27: MQM-A breaks away from the ruling alliance at the Federal level.
• June 22: Cases are filed against 13 MQM-A leaders, including Altaf Hussain.
• June 19: Army is deployed in Karachi and curfew is declared to prevent factional
clashes within MQM.
• May 28: Federal government launches military operation against "dacoits and
terrorists" in Sindh.
• May 19: The Altaf Hussain faction of MQM clashes with rebels in the party and a
series of killings and abductions follow.
• January 1: Altaf Hussain leaves for London on a self-imposed exile.
1991
1990
• August 22: 27 persons are killed and 55 more injured in firing on MQM camps in
Karachi.
• July 13: 45 persons are killed in a bomb blast in Hyderabad.
• June 6: President Ishaq Khan proposes all-party conference on Sindh situation.
MQM refuses to participate.
• May 9-10: 16 persons are killed in Karachi violence.
• April 17-30: 11 persons are killed in Hyderabad violence
• April 12: MQM rejects government’s offer for peace talks.
• April 7: Altaf Hussain commences fast-unto-death.
• March 31: Karachi University reopens.
• February 6-9: 64 persons are killed during an MQM-organised anti-government
demonstration in Karachi.
• January 30 –February 3: 18 persons are killed in anti-government demonstrations
in Hyderabad.
1989
• December 12-25: 21 persons are killed in Hyderabad violence and nine others in
Karachi.
• October 23: MQM unilaterally pulls out of the Karachi Accord and quits the
ruling coalition at the Federal level.
• October 13: Two police officers are killed, even as Altaf Hussain meets President
Ghulam Ishaq Khan in Karachi.
• September 22: Sindh Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police says MQM is a
terrorist outfit and not a political organisation.
• September 17-19: Nine persons are killed and 24 others injured during riots in
Hyderabad
• August 19: 11 persons, including a police personnel, are killed by alleged MQM
gunmen in Karachi
• August 13: Seven persons are killed by suspected MQM gunmen in Karachi.
• July 16-23: 10 persons are killed in violence in Hyderabad.
• June 1: Three Federal Ministers meet MQM leaders in a bid to save Karachi
Accord.
• May 30: Talks are held between the then Punjab Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharief
and Altaf Hussain for political co-operation.
• May 1: Three MQM Ministers resign from the Sindh provincial government.
• April 6: 10 persons are killed and 40 others wounded in incidents of firing in
Hyderabad.
• March 18: 10 persons are killed and 15 others injured by unidentified gunmen in
Karachi.
• February 23: Karachi University vice-chancellor’s office is burnt down by
suspected MQM cadres.
1988
• December: Benazir Bhutto is elected Prime Minister with support from the MQM.
MQM joins the coalition government at the Federal level and in Sindh.
• November: General Elections held in Pakistan following Gen. Zia’s death.
Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) concludes a political accord with
the MQM, known popularly as the Karachi Accord, to contest jointly.
• October 1: Suspected MQM activists kill 90 Sindhis in separate attacks in
Karachi.
• August 30: MQM activists kill a Karachi University student.
• July 21: Women MQM activists storm a Karachi police station and free 18
arrested persons.
• July 17: Karachi Mayor Aftab Sheikh is attacked. Eight persons are killed in riots
that followed.
• June 18: Six persons are killed in violence in Hyderabad
• April 30- May 9: 31 persons are killed in Karachi street violence.
• March 1: Four persons are killed and several others injured during violence in
Karachi.
• February 4: Six persons are killed in violence in Karachi
• January 18: Four persons are killed in clashes between MQM and PPI activists.
• January 10: Five persons are killed in stabbing and other incidents of violence;
several others are injured in Karachi. The Army is called in.
1987
1986
• December 20: MQM Chairman Azim Ahmad Tariq demands justice for Mohajirs
and advises Pakistan President Zia-ul Haq to issue arms licenses.
• December 14: 50 persons killed in Karachi; The Army is called-in and curfew
declared.
• December 9: One person killed and 40 injured during clashes following MQM’s
call for strike in Karachi.
• November 21: 30 persons injured in firing in Karachi.
• November 18: MQM cadres fire in the air and disrupt a cricket match at
Hyderabad’s Niaz Stadium.
• November 3: 10 persons killed in hand-grenade attacks and six others in street
violence in Karachi.
• November 2: Altaf Hussain and 10 other leaders are arrested on charges of
attempt to murder and rioting. 72 other activists arrested with arms and explosives
in different areas of Karachi.
• October 31: 12 persons killed during riots in Karachi. Riots spread to Hyderabad
where seven persons are killed.
• October 25: Altaf Hussain says in Hyderabad, Sindh, that Mohajir youth should
"collect arms. If our rights are not given to us, we will use every kind of force".
• August 8: MQM’s first public meeting at Karachi's Nishtar park is marked by
aerial firing, street violence and damage of public property.
1984
1978
• Altaf Hussain founds the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation (APMSO)
in Karachi.
Another US government Website
says about MQM:
http://www.uscis.gov/graphics/services/asylum/ric/documentation/pak04002.htm
Response:
SUMMARY
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) has been widely accused of human rights
abuses since its founding two decades ago. It claims to represent Mohajirs— Urdu-speaking
Muslims who fled to Pakistan from India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent, and their
descendants.
In the mid-1990s, the MQM-A was heavily involved in the widespread political violence that
wracked Pakistan's southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the
country's commercial capital. MQM-A militants fought government forces, breakaway MQM
factions, and militants from other ethnic-based movements. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. State
Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM-A and a rival faction of
summary killings, torture, and other abuses (see, e.g., AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1996). The
MQM-A routinely denied involvement in violence.
BACKGROUND
The current MQM-A is the successor to a group called the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) that
was founded by Altaf Hussein in 1984 as a student movement to defend the rights of Mohajirs,
who by some estimates make up 60 percent of Karachi's population of twelve million. At the time,
Mohajirs were advancing in business, the professions, and the bureaucracy, but many resented
the quotas that helped ethnic Sindhis win university slots and civil service jobs. Known in English
as the National Movement for Refugees, the MQM soon turned to extortion and other types of
racketeering to raise cash. Using both violence and efficient organizing, the MQM became the
dominant political party in Karachi and Hyderabad, another major city in Sindh. Just three years
after its founding, the MQM came to power in these and other Sindh cities in local elections in
1987 (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1997, Feb 1999; HRW Dec 1997).
The following year, the MQM joined a coalition government at the national level headed by
Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which took power in elections following the death
of military leader General Zia ul-Haq. This marked the first of several times in the 1980s and
1990s that the MQM joined coalition governments in Islamabad or in Sindh province. Meanwhile,
violence between the MQM and Sindhi groups routinely broke out in Karachi and other Sindh
cities (AI 1 Feb 1996; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM
Haqiqi (MQM-H), literally the "real" MQM. Many Pakistani observers alleged that the MQM-H was
supported by the government of Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein, which
became known as the MQM-A (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). Several smaller MQM factions also
emerged, although most of the subsequent intra-group violence involved the MQM-A and the
MQM-H (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1999; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
Political violence in Sindh intensified in 1993 and 1994 (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). In 1994, fighting
among MQM factions and between the MQM and Sindhi nationalist groups brought almost daily
killings in Karachi (U.S. DOS Feb 1995). By July 1995, the rate of political killings in the port city
reached an average of ten per day, and by the end of that year more than 1,800 had been killed
(U.S. DOS Feb 1996).
The violence in Karachi and other cities began abating in 1996 as soldiers and police intensified
their crackdowns on the MQM-A and other groups (Jane's 14 Feb 2003). Pakistani forces
resorted to staged "encounter killings" in which they would shoot MQM activists and then allege
that the killings took place during encounters with militants (U.S. DOS Feb 1996). Following a
crackdown in 1997, the MQM-A adopted its present name, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or
United National Movement, which also has the initials MQM (HRW Dec 1997).
MQM-A leader Hussein fled in 1992 to Britain, where he received asylum in 1999 (Jane's 14 Feb
2003). The MQM-A is not on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations
(U.S. DOS 23 May 2003).
While the multifaceted nature of the violence in Sindh province in the 1980s and 1990s at times
made it difficult to pinpoint specific abuses by the MQM-A, the group routinely was implicated in
rights abuses. In 1992 after the Sindh government called in the army to crack down on armed
groups in the province, facilities were discovered that allegedly were used by the MQM-A to
torture and at times kill dissident members and activists from rival groups. In 1996, Amnesty
International said that the PPP and other parties were reporting that some of their activists had
been tortured and killed by the MQM-A (AI 1 Feb 1996).
The MQM-A and other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one
of the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussein publicly threatened the editor of the
monthly NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on the MQM's alleged use of torture
against dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist,
Zafar Abbas, was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM
leaders angered over articles by Abbas describing the party's factionalization. The same year,
MQM activists assaulted scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan's largest English-language
newspaper, and other periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992).
The MQM-A has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and
used killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes,
MQM-A activists have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and
pedestrians who ventured outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
The MQM-A allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal
activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQM-A through
charitable foundations (Jane's 14 Feb 2003).
Since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States, the MQM-A has been
increasingly critical of Islamic militant groups in Pakistan. The MQM-A, which generally has not
targeted Western interests, says that it supports the global campaign against terrorism (Jane's 14
Feb 2003).
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available
to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as
to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
References:
Amnesty International (AI). HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN KARACHI (1 Feb 1996, ASA 33/01/96),
http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENG-PAK [Accessed 6 Feb
2004]
Human Rights Watch (HRW). WORLD REPORT 1998, "Pakistan" (Dec 1997),
http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Asia-09.htm#P823_214912 [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). "Foreign Terrorist Organizations" (23 May 2003),
http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/fs/2003/12389.htm [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1998, "Pakistan" (Feb 1999),
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb
2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1996, "Pakistan" (Feb 1997),
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1996_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb
2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1995, "Pakistan" (Feb 1996),
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1995_hrp_report/95hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html
[Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1994, "Pakistan" (Feb 1995),
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html
[Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1991, "Pakistan" (Feb 1992).
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1990, "Pakistan" (Feb 1991).
Attachments:
Ishrat-ul-Ebad Khan
Pakistan governor got UK benefits
A senior Pakistani politician received UK state benefits for
months after returning to the country as a governor.
Dr IshratUlEbad Khan sought asylum in 1992, said the Sunday
Telegraph, and claimed benefits from 1999 to 2003.
His spokesman said authorities were told when he left London to
become head of Sindh province in 2002, but admitted his wife kept
receiving the cheques.
The Department for Work and
Pensions said it could not confirm
Dr Ishrat's claim that he had repaid
some money.
The Sunday Telegraph alleged Dr
Ishrat had been in receipt of
Income Support worth around Dr Ishrat offered to pay back any outstanding
£1,000 (59,680 rupees) a month, money owed
for 10 months after leaving the
country.
She felt that Pakistani politics
was so unpredictable that her
The newspaper said Housing husband may have been forced to
Benefit also funded the £244a return to England within a few
week rent on the north London months
home in which three of their four
Spokesman for Dr Ishrat
children still live, after Dr Ishrat
left.
The governor had "unambiguously" offered to return whatever money
he may still be owing to the UK authorities, his media advisor
Salahuddin Haider told the BBC News website.
A spokesman for the DWP said they could not discuss details of
individual cases, but said they took allegations of benefit fraud very
seriously and would be looking in to it.
They were first made aware of the allegations when contacted by the
Sunday Telegraph, she added.
Mr Haider added that Dr Ishrat's wife had written to the authorities and
asked them to stop the payments but she kept receiving the cheques
in the post.
Karachi mansion
When asked why she continued to cash the cheques, Mr Haider said
she was not sure about Dr Ishrat's status in Pakistan.
"She felt that Pakistani politics was so unpredictable that her husband
may have been forced to return to England within a few months.
"Had she discontinued the arrangement at the time, she would have
had to go through the whole bureaucratic process to get the payments
restarted.
"That was why she kept cashing the cheques till such time that she
was certain that her husband was not returning to England."
He said once the cheques were stopped, the couple returned
whatever excess money had been drawn.
Mr Haider added that did not know the amount of money that had
been returned or what was still left unsettled.
The Sunday Telegraph said since Dr Ishrat's return to Pakistan and
his inauguration as a governor in December 2002 he had lived in a
twostorey mansion in Karachi.
His wife joined him in October 2003, and currently divides her time
between Pakistan and the family's rented home in Edgware, London,
it added.