CD

LL<OU 158827 >m

fimania Mntoerait?

collection

Accession No.

./.

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
OR

THE RELIGION OF AKBAR

BY

MAKHANLAL ROYCHOUDHURY,
SASTRI

M.A..B.L,

PREMCHAND ROYCHAND SCHOLAR, MOUAT GOLD MEDALIST

PROFESSOR, T. N. JUBILEE COLLEGE, BHAGALPUR

PUBLISHED BY THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
1941

PRINTED IN INDIA.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY BHUPENDRALAL BANERJEE AT THE

CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 48, HAZRA ROAD, BALLYGUNGE, CALCUTTA

C. U. Press-Reg. No. !280B~April, 1941-E.

DEDICATED

TO
THE SACRED MEMORY OF

MY FATHER AND MOTHER

CONTENTS
Pages

SYNOPSIS

...

...

...

ix-xviii

FOREWORD
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION

...

...

xviii(a)-xviii(c)

...

...

...

xix-xxiv
xxv-xliii

...

...

...

CHAPTER CHAPTER

II

The Indian Background ... The Central Asian Back...

...

1-25

ground

...

26-44
45-69
70-96

CHAPTER CHAPTER IV
III

-The Pendulum Oscillates

The
.

Period of Quest (The

...
...

IbadatKhana)

Appendix A
of

The Muslim Rulers

16th

the

century
...

(The
...

Mahzar)

97-115

Appendix B.
the Ibadat

Three Paintings of

Khana
Forces at

...

116-120
121-213

CHAPTER

V
1
.

The

Work
at

...

Section

The
The

Sunnis

the
...

Court of Akbar
Section 2.
of

121-127

Shias at the Court

...
...

Akbar

127-135

Section 3.

The Hindus

at

the
...

Court of Akbar

135-147

vin

CONTENTS
Pages

Section 4.

The
The The

Zoroastrians at

the Court of

Akbar
...

...

147-157

Section 5.
of

Jains at the Court

...

Akbar

157-162

Section 6.

Sikhs

at

the
...

Court of Akbar
Section
7.

162-165

The Buddhists
...

at the
...

Court of Akbar
Section 8.
of

165-169
169-170
170-213

The Jews
...

at the

Court
...

Akbar

Section 9.

The

Christians at

the
...

Court of Akbar

CHAPTER

VI

The

Period
...

of Legisla...

tions (the Ains)

213-267

Badauni Appendix. Muntakhabu-t T

(Mulla point of

and

his
i

k h
268-275
in
...

view

criticised)

CHAPTER

VII

The
The

Din-i-Ilahi
...

Promulgation
VIII CHAPTER Movement

276-289

Din-i-Ilahi
...

in
...

290-309
310-320

BIBLIOGRAPHY

...

...

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

...

321-334

...

335-337

SYNOPSIS

CHAPTER
THE
INDIAN

BACKGROUND

(Cultural Fusion)

Arabian Islam contrastIslam in the hands of the Turks Motive of Turki invaders Religion an incentive to spirit of conquest and
Alleged intolerance in Islam

ed

murder

Ghazni,

Ghori,

II

tut mi sh,

Alauddin, Timur

Peculiarity of Indian conquest by Turks, never so thorough as in Persia Islam and Hinduism influence each other

Instances of
fusion

mutual actions and reactions

of

Process of

Ramanand, Kabir, Chaitanya. Nanak and others Advent of Sufi teachers Ma'inuddin Chishti, Bahlol, Shamsuddin Tabrezi, Nizamuddin Awlia, etc. Fusion through literature Anti-caste movements
Rise
Saints
:
:

Sufism,

its

origin

Sufi

practices

Indian

influence

Growth of movement
in

sects

in

Islam

Idea of Millennium

Mehdi

16th century an age of enquiry

Europe A world wave Sarhindi and others Soil prepared age, not an accident.

Renaissance Islam not excluded Mubarak,

Akbar product

of the

Pp. 1-25

CHAPTER

II

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

(Heredity)

Heredity of Akbar Chengiz on maternal side not without finer elements of nature, his views on religion

Mongol spirit of free thinking and eclecticism Kublei the Mongol race Khan, a great representative of Buddhist leanings Timur on paternal side, his history prejudiced and biased Timur the conqueror Timur the B1280B

SYNOPSIS
mystic
Central Asian
traits of his

man Timur the

ter

charac-

Saint worship

Timur 's

Love for learning and the learned descendants, Shah Rukh, Ulag Beg, Abu Sayed

Mirza, not barbarians

Babar the romantic, his wine cups and poems, his religious professions Humayun the mystic, his religious apostasy and Shiaism Both father and son
Timurid
traits,

unfettered by religious scruples

love of
in

books and mystic regard

the family

for the saints,

and

their

tombs

Akbar the best product

Birth
in a

of the

two greatest
in Sind,

houses of Central Asia

the land of Sufism
spirit

Hindu house

of the age

Legacy of Timur, of birth place, of Eclecticism of Akbar not an accident.

Pp. 26-44

CHAPTER
THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES
The
parations
troubles
of

III

(Political
life,

Background)
a period of pre-

Akbar's early

His

impressionableness

Bairam

Khan
and
in

arid,
;

Shaikh Gudai (Shia Sadr), the Iron hand

Maham Anaga
its

and

petticoat

consequences
Islamic
'Cultural

government Hindu alliance Hindu alliances nothing new

Indo-

History

Hindu-Muslim

political

rapprochement
anvil

and

social contact already

on the

Rigidity

of both sides toned

down

vironments helpful Mystic elements of his nature

Saint Salim Chishti

Akbar's heredity and Indian enAkbar's natural contemplativeness

Sufi tendencies of the

age

the Sadr-us-Sudur

Sunni state clergy Abdu-n Nabi, Abdulla Sultanpmi, the Mukhdunvul-

Mulk
under

Their
their

influence

Akbar

an

orthodox

Sunni

changes

guidance Political conquests Administrative Qazis found out and dismissed Land settle-

ments

Branding regulations, dissatisfaction of Jagirdars Conquest of Guzrat Contact with the Portuguese

Shaikh Mubarak's address

its

Suggestions at Mujtahidship,

meaning

Buckler's criticism of Infallibility Decree of

SYNOPSIS
1579

*1

Bengal

conquest

Soleiman

Kararani,

his

150

Ulama and Friday Prayer Hall

Mirza
Soleiman of

Invitation of his

uncle

Badakshan

The

Ibadat

Abul Fazl

Khana built No Akbar 's profoundly

Reception Hall connection with Faizi and

religious bent of

His

mind

Quotations from Badauni.

Pp. 45-69

CHAPTER

IV
Ibadat Khana)

THE PERIOD OF QUEST (The

The
Ibadat

Khana not a new thing Its precedents the Ibadat Khana A summary of Description its debates Mohsin Fani's Dabistan-i-Mazahib Mulla behaviour undignified Akbar unnerved at the conduct of
of

the Mullas

Division of seats

Intolerance of the Mullas

in

Gradual weakening of confidence

interpretations of Islam

contemporary Mulla

A new

quest, a step forward

The

Khana opened to non-Muslims Akbar still a devout Musalman Instances of his religiosity Abul
Ibadat
Fazl's

advent

Todar

Mai's revenue

settlements

Ains

(regulations), social,
in

the circle of
its

Discontent political and economic vested interests Murder of a Mathura

Brahmin,

significance

Bengal

rebellion,

its

causes

partly political
in

and

partly religious

Persian interference

favour of Mirzas of

Kabul

against

Akbar

Persian

pretensions

over

Hindustan

The

so-called Infallibility

Decree more

political

than religious

Buckler's Lectures

Forces at work (Sunni, Shia, Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Sikh,

Zoroastrian,

Jew and Christian) and Metamorphosis The Ibadat Khana closed. Pp. 70-96
Appendix A
Mahzar
examined
in

the light

of

contemporary
Pp. 97-1 15

political events of Islam.

Xii

SYNOPSIS
Appendix B
Three paintings
of the

Mughal Court

at

the time of

Akbar.

Pp. 116-20

CHAPTER V
THE FORCES
I.

AT

WORK

4.
7.

The Sunnis. 2. The Shias. 3. The Hindus. The Zoroastrians. 5, The Jains. 6. The Sikhs. The Buddhists. 8. The Jews. 9. The Christians.
Section
/.

The Sunnis
birth

at the

Court of
force

Akbar a Sunni by
of
their

Timur a Sunni by
a Shia

circumstances
creeds

Babar

and

Bairam Khan

Humayun Abdu n Nabi

Sunnis

by
the

Sadr-us-Sudur and

Abdulla Sultanpuri the Mukdum-ulMulk Sunni influence on Akbar Sunni orthodoxy and Mehdi movement Akbar a party to religious persecutionEarly Sunni predominance in the Ibadat Khana Sunni leaders exposed Abdu-n Nabi's mismanagement in land distribution Abdulla Sultanpuri 's time-

serving propensities in giving religious decisions regarding

pilgrimage

and marriage
in

Sunni attitude towards Hindu

appointments to non-Sunnis

the state

Opening
to

of the Ibadat

Khana
Sunni

and

ultimately

non-Muslims

participation in the Bengal rebellion

Misinterpretation of

Akbar by the Sunnis,

Section
//.

their motives.

Pp. 121-27

The Shias
of

at

the Court of
differences

General
connections
Shia

outline
of

Shia-Sunni

Shia
early

Babar

and

Humayun Akbar 's

land of his exile

associations in Persia,
state policy

Bairam

Khan's Shia

Shaikh Gudai, the Shia Sadr-us-

SYNOPSIS
Sudur

Xlll

Bairam Khan's
of

fall

and

that of Shias from

power

Appointment

the Sunni Sadr

The

Ibadat

Khana not

open

to the Shias

of the Shias

Abul Fath,
of Lahoie

The marriage question and the advent into the Ibadat Khana The Gilani brothers, Hakim Humayun and Hakim Nuruddin, and
on Akbar
less

their influence

Muhammad
"
light

Nurulla appointed the Shia Qazi Yazdi Shia-Sunni debates The

Shia
quest

Ulama no
of

orthodox than the Sunni

Akbar

in

"

elsewhere

Formation of

the famous

"
Forty

Adoption of the Persian

festivals,

not out of

hatred of Islam but out of regard for the love of the ancient glory of mystic Persia. Pp. 127-35

Section

III.

The Hindus

at the Court oj

Akbar
f

Hindu assistance invaluable in the early days of Akbar s Empire Akbar the first Chogtai Turk born in India Political wisdom in recognition of merit wherever found Hindu appointments in the army and revenue departments
Sher
Shah's
precedents
Religious

persecution
it

only confined to Believers, but Hindus outside

servants invited into the Ibadat

Hindu
Dadu,

Hindu books translated

Sun worship

Khana in Hindu Saints:

its

thiid stage

Tulsidas,

Mirabai, Surdas, Purshuttom and Devi-

Birbal's influence

Hindu wives, their position and status Hindu customs in the Muslim harem through Hindu wives Akbar 's gratitude towards Hindus His birth in a Hindu house His early political associates: Behari Mai, Bhagwan Das and Man Singh Akbar 's criticism of Hindu theory of Incarnation His reforms of social customs of Hindus His adoption of
after marriage, their religion

Hindu

festivals

Eclectic spirit.

Pp. 135-47

List of the List

of

Hindu Learned men at the Court. Hindu Commanders at the Court.

XIV
Section

SYNOPSIS

IV

The Zoroastrians

at the

Court of

Akbar's
1

first

573

Invitation of Dastur Mahayarji

acquaintance with Zoroastnan priests in Rana Prof. Karkaria

doubts Mahayarji Rana's visit Karkaria 's objections untenable Azar Kaivan Kaikobad Zoroastrian fire-

and sacrifices Acceptworship Hindu wives' Horn ance of the Sun, Fire and Star festivals- Zoroastrian
calendar
Solar Era

'

Parsee

'

Zunnar
by

'

and

'

Qusek-'
Zoroastrian

Was Akbar

Zoroastrian

creed?

influence greatest on him after Islam The Sun, Fire and Star relics of his Central Asian beliefs Recitation of
1

,000

names

of the

Sun

Idea of repetition
Fire cult of Birbal

from Sufi

formulas and Hindu Yogis

Acquaintance with Fire through Hindu wives Efficacy of rituals Acceptance of Yoga (repetition) due not to apostasy but
Parsee
festivals

to eclecticism of the age.

adopted

as

much

as

Hindu

or

Christian
festivals

Persian element in court

in the official Civil List

Inclusion of Parsee

Solar Era

more

scientific

than Lunar Era

Akbar's attitude to Zoroastrian doctrines

Pp. 147-57

and faith Khana.

Quotations from the debates of the Ibadat

Section

The

Jains at the Court of

No
found
Jain

trace of Jain

influence

on Akbar's
Smith's
of

religious view*

by

early historians
of

references
1910
of

to the

Sashana

Benares

Invitation

of

invitation in 1582 Acceptance Bhanuchandra Upadhyay and Vijaysen Suri Jain influence on Akbar Doctrine of non-killing and non-killing regulations Release of prisoners and caged birds Fishing at Dabul stopped Royal hunting prohibited Akbar read Surya Sahasranama with Bhanu-

Hiravijaya

the

Hiravijaya,

chandra
after

Shiddhichandra
's

Jain influence continued even

Akbar

death.

Pp. 157-62

SYNOPSIS
Section VI.

XV
Akbar
to

The Sikhs

at the Court of
at the

Sikhism only a local creed

advent of Akbar

Umar Das and Akbar

Das
Sahib
Amritsar
or

Akbar granted lands

of

Ram
of

Pool

Immortality built

Site

modem

Amritsar

Guru Arjun

Compilation of

Granth

Akbar 's tolerance helpful to Sikh growth Guru Arjun and Khasru's rebellion Mohsin Fani's testimony.
Pp. 162-65
Section VII.

The Buddhists
direct

at the

Court o

Absence
participation

of

information

about

Buddhist
silent

Elphinstone,
Christian

Von Noer and

Smith

testimony one-sided Abul Fazl's passing reference Badauni's direct testimony Portraits in the Poona archives Father Heras identified

Dabistan

silent

the Buddhist Sramans in one portrait Akbar's non-killing policy partly due to Buddhist influence. Pp. 165-69

Section VIII.

The Jews

at the

Court of Akbar

The Jews

in the role of disputants in the Ibadat

Khana

Jew-Shia-Sunni
Christian debates

debates
Points

Jew-Muslim
of difference

JewJews not much

debates

honoured

Akbar's disbelief

in the Miracles of

Moses

No

formative influence from Judaism.

Section IX.

Pp. 169-70

The

Christians at the Court of

Akbar

Akbar's
1572

the Christians in acquaintance with Akbar's enquiry about their civilisation and relifirst

gion

Ibadat

Khana

discussions

amongst

Believers

Invitation to

Goa Motive behind

the invitation

No

clue,

neither

Portuguese historians Defects of the Muslim court chroniclers Defects of the

from native nor from

Jesuit version

How

far they

may be accepted

Instances

XVI
of their mistakes

SYNOPSIS

Blunders of historians who depended on Portuguese versions alone, e.g., Gustav von Buchwald and Dr. Smith Brief criticism of Smith's Portuguese
Similarity

motives to prove Akbar's apostasy Purpose of the invitation Smith's view, politics and diplomacy combined Maclagan's awful suggestions
references
of

Payne's

view,

religio-political

Moreland's

intelligent

grasp of the events

cause and political

invitation

Akbar's religious urge the immediate advantages the remote effect of the
motive
behind the Zoroastrian,
then

No

political

Jain

and Jewish

invitations,

why impute

it

to the

Christian?

The First Mission

bates

(1579)

Its

members Rudolf Aquaviva

and Father Monserrate

Points of dispute

Splendid reception at Sikri deAkbar's eclectic nature favour-

able to Christian priests

The
as

Bible translated

The priests

mistook his liberalism

leaning towards Christianity

Mull as angry at Akbai's liberalism towards Christians Hence Mullas misinterpreted him The politico-religious
rebellion
rebellions
of

Measures adopted to prevent future Unauthorised Mosques, Maktabs and Qurans

1580

destroyed
Interference
at

Akbar adopted
of

Christian festivals, bells, etc.

in

the

clergymen

politics

Portuguese

Goa

at

war

with the Imperial Governor in Guzrat

Discussion on Smith's obserjustified

Smith's one-sided reflections

vations

Charge of duplicity against Akbar not

in

Akbar's magnanimity Break-up of the immediate cause Akbar defended Mullas

First

Mission,

debates

Immediate

break-up

averted
to

by Abul
First

Fazl

Proposed
a triple

embassy

to Spain

and

Papacy

Possibility of

alliance against Khalifa of

Rum

Mission dissolved

Rudolf murdered by mob Effect of the Misson. The Second Mission Lull in the Portuguese
f

activities

rom 583
1

to

59

Translation of

Leo Grimon a Greek Sub-Deacon Greek books Grimon charged with two
1

SYNOPSIS
letters to

XVll

His description of Akbar's apostasy due to Grimon's descriphis misreading of Akbar's regulations

Goa

tion put

fresh energies into the missionary

activities

the

Second Mission formed Leiton and Vega, their incapacity and impatience Sudden break-up of the Mission Causes of the break-up Fathers' worthlessness and Akbar's preoccupations Mission entirely fruitless. The Third Mission Dissatisfaction on both sides
the sudden break-up of the Second Mission
tion accepted in
1

for

Third invitaFather

59-1

Third

Mission

formed

Xavier and Emmanuel Pinherio

period
(1

Three periods: (1) Lahore no regular debates Description of Akbar's apostasy by Christian Priests and Muslim Mullas Fire at Lahore Priests attributed the fire to Akbar's apostasy and God's wrath Akbar's alleged unsympathetic behaviour towards priests explained by his grief at Murad's death and. war with Khandesh Siege of Anircjarh and treachery
594-98),

of the Christians found out

Smith's
in

suggestion
to

refuted
the

by
(2)

Payne
Tourist

Akbar's
captives

generosity
to

handing over
important
at
at
(3)

Portuguese
period

Xavier

Embassy

Goa
Agra
General
Quarrel
at

period

fl

598- 1601) not

(1601-05)

permission for with Viceroy Quliz

Largest conversion

number
Pinherio

court

Lahore

Khan

Quliz transferred

Xavier

Agra English and his opposition to the Portuguese Rivalry Death of Akbar Portuguese transfer their interest to Jahangir.
Mildenhall

His discussions with

Akbar

Pp. 170-213

CHAPTER

VI
'1

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

575-95)
1

Review of the age Regulations of Akbar between 575 and 1595 Classification of the regulations into groups,
social,

economic and political Mistaken for and misinterpreted by the orthodox section from

religion
religious

I280B

XVlll

SYNOPSIS

standpoint

Mulla point of view represented by Badauni Chronological summary of the Regulations Discussions on the regulations Islamic Canons of Test Akbar's AntiIslamism criticised in the light of history and theology.

Pp.

21 3-67

Appendix
Life of Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni His view-point His angularities His judgment prejudiced and coloured His inconsistencies How far is his Muntakhabat reliable?

Pp. 268-75

CHAPTER
THE
Significance
of
DIN-I-ILAHI

VII

PROMULGATED
Bartoli,

tne

promulgation
Principles
of

Badauni

and

Smith

criticised

the Din-i-Ilahi

Mohsin Fani's Ten Commandments Practices mistaken by Badauni as Principles, hence misinterpretations " " Priests Initiation Symbol of brotherhood and chelas

The

"

Shast

"

Prayer

Individual

practices

Burial,

cremation,

shaving, etc.

Pp. 276-89
VIII

CHAPTER
THE
the Din-i-Ilahi
DIN-I-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT

Measures adopted by Akbar for the propagation of No missionary, no propaganda, no priest " " The Forty Abdals (Chihil Tanan} Who accepted it?

Two

groups of disciples Names of the chief disciples Contribution of the Ibadat Khana to the Din i-Ilahi Abul
of the

and Mubarak in the circle Islamic background Ten Commandments Parallel passages from the Quarn and Sufi Saints Motives behind new practices of Akbar How far was the Din-i-Ilahi a Sufi order? Was it
Fazl, Faizi

anti-Islamic?

Did Akbar cease

to

be a Muslim?

Esti-

mate

of

Akbar

in the light of the Din-i-Ilahi,

Pp. 290-309

FOREWORD
1

have great pleasure

in

commending
of

to students

of

the

Mughal

period

the

Indian

History,

Makhanlal Roy Choudhury's book on the Din-i-Ilahi or the religion of Akbar. While all the
Prof.

biographies of
subject
dealt

Akbar

contain
this

some reference
book,
yet
there

to the
is

with in

no

work which
this

deals elaborately
Prof.

and

specifically

with

important theme.
to

Roy Choudhury has

Akbar 's religion a sources, and has also

brought

the

discussion of

profound study of the original carried on research on his own account, with the result that his book is a masterly exposition of the
Din-i-Ilahi of

Akbar.

extensive scale,
tive

and

is

planned on an not only sound and instrucis

The work

but

also

highly

interesting.

After

having

surveyed the historical

and

cultural

background of
at

Akbar 's period,

the author describes

length the
time.

various forces that were at

work

at that

He

then deals with the various religious communities, who, as important factors at the Court of Akbar,
contributed their respective shares to the
of

evolution
the

the

Din-i-Ilahi

the

Sunnis,

the

Shias,

Hindus, the Jains, the Sikhs, the Buddhists, the Parsis, the Jews and, last but not the least, the The author accurately summarises the Christians.
results of the
at the

impact of these various communities

resultant

Court of Akbar and the

trend

xviii(fc)

FOREWORD
the estab-

thereof which ultimately culminated in

lishment of the Din-i-Ilahi.

Covering,

as

the

book

does,
all

an

extensive

ground,

it is

not possible that

find

the conclusions of

the author

will

ready acceptance.
controversial

To

take

but one of the

many

points

in the

book,

may

refer to the author's conclusions about

the religion of

Akbar

himself.

It

is

well-known

that various historians of

Akbar 's period, and also his biographers, have come lo the conclusion that Akbar practically and some hold, even forOf these, mally and openly renounced Islam.
the late Mr. Vincent Smith,

an eminent
of

writer of
definitely

Indian history, in his

of
that

life

Akbar,

is

opinion author does not share that view.

contrary, that
inspite of

Akbar renounced

Islam.
holds,

The
on the

He

having founded the Din-i-Ilahi, Akbar continued to be a Muslim to the last and he attributes, what he regards as a
his
;

wrong conclusion on
to

the

part

of

Vincent Smith,

having misread the original text on the But the author is, no doubt, aware that subject.
his
all

almost
not at

all

a believer in Islam.

contemporary writers hold that he was And it cannot be

materials

said that there are no reliable

and data
of

from which we

may

justly

come

to that conclusion.

At the same time, students of Indian history Akbar 's period will be deeply interested in
study of the facts brought together

the

by the author in
that

support of the view

propounded by him

FOREWORD
Akbar remained a Muslim
life.
It is

xviii(c)

to the last chapter of his

not

interesting

duty to take sides in this highly controversy between the author and

my

several of his predecessors.

this

But

have referred

to

one particular point, as showing

Indian history are
still

how

the mate-

rials of

undergoing a process
His book
attract

of re-interpretation,

and

to

what extent the author

it.

has

made

a contribution

towards

is

learned

and luminous, and should

in

wide

attention in circles interested

the

study of the

Mughal period

of Indian history.

PATNA UNIVERSITY,
PATNA.

}
[
l

SACHCHIDANANDA SINHA,
Vice-Chancellor,

The

1st July,

1941.

Patna University.

PREFACE
The
Formerly
battles,

history

of

India

is

yet

to

be

written.

read the history of kings, queens, and sieges. To-day we read the history
thoughts.
it

we

of

men and

The

perspective

of

history

has changed
of things.

nay, longer a student is

has been revolutionised.

satisfied

No

with the old review

man

History is now a science of man the within, and the man in the world and outside.
its

Every age has a philosophy of

interprets
that

own and man

life

philosophy by the
of
that

he

lives.

History

is

the study

philosophy interpretof

ed by examples
unconsciously
progress.

the

actions

the

individual

No

form the spokes in the wheel of event is isolated and no action is

itself.
If

complete by
the

the trasformation of energy explains the evolution of the Universe of matter,

individual

thoughts

and
the

actions

reveal

and

accelerate the progress of

Universe of

mind.

The
is

present comes
future
is

out of the

womb

of the past

and the
and

embedded

in the present.

There

an unbroken continuity through the past, present

future.

onward flow of civilization, we sometimes come across waves and curves which often
In

the

find explanation in the actions

of

the

individuals.

But they must not be taken

in isolation.

They

XX

PREFACE
of

generally form the parls

vaster

current flowing

through
if

different

channels.

But they are nothing

flowing

not movements of the Universal current

When there is a sudden upthrough all ages. heaval in one country at a particular period of time.,
there
is

vibration

in
is

every

direction

in

the

common
great
history
I

level.

This
of

particulaily

true
of
It

of the

upheaval

the
the

16th

century

Indian

mean,
Islam,
forces

age

of

Akbar.
of
in in

age of

Renaissance in
in
IVIiug

Europe,
revival
cult

ment
the

was an Mehdi moveChina, and of

India.

Sufi

and Bhakti

In the

16th

century

of the

Christian era, every civilised

country in the world

was

pulsating with a
the
anvil,

new

life

new
in

orders of things were on

vigorous

dynasties

appealed -in England the Tudors, France the Bourbons, in Spain and Austria

the
in

Hapsburgs,

in

Prussia

the

Hohenzollems,

Turkey the Osmanlis, in Egypt the Mamluks, in Persia the Safavis, in Transoxiana the Saha-

banids, in China the Mings, in India the Timurids all in the same period. Greatness of the indivi-

dual k'ngs rather realised the

spirit

of

the

Age

Henry VIII and Elizabeth

in France, Fredrick

in

England, Henry IV

William
in Spain,

in Prussia,

in Austria, Philip

II

Sigismund Soleiman in Turkey,

in

Shah

Ismail

and Shah Tahmasp

in Transoxiana,
in India.

Persia,
in

the

Sahabani Khan

Yung Lo

China

and Babar and Akbar

Indeed the unison

was

perfect.

PREFACE

xxi

European writers on the Timurids in India tried to explain the life and actions of the great

Emperor Akbar
isolated study of

as

mere accidents.

They made an
reference
to

Akbar without

the

Central
of

Asian background, neglecting the unity

Islamic
of
their

the

range

movements of the period. The study was circumscribed by the

history current in the
1

conception of

9th century

They
mere

interpreted
isolated
tried

the

facts

of

Timurid India as

accidental
enter
of
into

happenings.
the
spirit

Few

of

them
the

to

that inspired

movement
perspective

Indian

events
life

their

currents

and
the

cross currents.

Their

was

different

and
their

was
of

exclusive.

As

such

interpretations

Indian history were coloured by

their predilections.

porary writers

They depended on the contemon Muslim India who were mere

These writers were
ecclesias-

narrators of events.
tics,

merchants, adventurers and travellers.

writings

The
the

scope of their

was determined by
they

nature of the professions to which

belonged.
chronicles

Even
all

stray

acquaintance with

Muslim

did not alter their angle of vision, because almost

the

Muslim

chroniclers

were mere writers

of

events
history

gave

to in

(waqia nawis), and their conception of may be gathered from the name they " "
history

Tuoari^h

(date

records).

the light of stereotyped conception of with materials of doubtful value furnished history,

Thus

by

contemporary

European recorders of events

*xii

PREFACE
chronicles maintained by

and with
failed in

Muslim chronohistorians

logists at their

command,

the European

many

cases to offer reliable interpretations

Indo-Muslim thoughts and events. Moreover most of the early English writers were obsessed
of

with a feeling of superiority when they wrote the history of the conquered people of India specially
of the
stan.

Muslims from

whom

They

laid stress

they conquered Hinduon Akbar as a conqueror,

an empire-builder and as an administrator. They showered encomiums on Akbar for his

as

personal qualities,

for

his

versatility.

Certainly

said of

Akbar deserves a good deal of what has been him as a builder of the Timurid empire in India and as a founder of some institutions
But that
is

which survive even to-day.

side
life

only one

of

the

medal.

The
spirit

explanation of
is

Akbar 's
he

and contemporary events

the
ideals
for

incomplete unless
the atmosphere

they are treated in the

breathed,

of

which he stood and the

his great

cultural synthesis

which he and

associates
that

brought about.

The

veil

of

seclusion

had
to

concealed India from the gaze of the outside world

was no longer
the play

there, she

was no longer dead

of forces that were working in the conmere narration of events of temporary world.

the age of the

Emperor Akbar

is

not a satisfactory

approach to the history of that important epoch Without a study of the cultural of the Indians.

and

intellectual

activities

of the Ibadat

Khana

PREFACE
the
is
first

XXIU
it

parliament of the religions of the world

impossible to understand the forces and ideals for

which India had been working for centuries. Indian civilisation has a wonderful capacity of assimilating
extraneous currents and
others.

transmitting

her

own

to

The

Din-i-Ilahi of

Emperor Akbar

clearly

demonstrated
their

how

the Central Asian forces, winding

course through

the Semitism of Arabia

and

Iran, were ultimately Aryanised by the touch of Hindustan. The confiltering through the

Monism of

tribution of
in that great

the

represented Hall of Worship, to the transformation

different cultures,

as

and
the

Indianisation of

Islam was immense,

though

basis of real Islam,

process had already begun. Maintaining the the great savants of the age
crystallised the spirit

metamorphosed and

of the

Din-i-Ilahi." age into a Sufi order, called the Indeed, without the study of the Din-i-Ilahi, the
history
In this

"

of

the
I

16th-century

India
to

is

incomplete.

book
of

have attempted
the

offer

an

inter-

pretation
in India

movement
of

of forces that
to

worked
estimate

throughout this period and

the

contribution

Akbar
this

to

the

new

synthesis
of

which characterised
Indian history.

very important epoch

Before
to Dr.

conclude,

must acknowledge

my thanks
,

Syamaprasad Mookerjee, M.A., B.L., D.Lin. Barrister-at-Law, M.L.A., Ex-Vice-Chancellor of

the

Calcutta

University, for

received from

him, and to

encouragement I Dr. S. N. Sen, M,A.

t

the

xxiv

PREFACE
(Oxon.),

P.R.S., Ph.D. (Cal.), B.Litt.

Imperial Records,

New

Delhi, for

Keeper of the help he gave

me. Prof. N. C. Banerjee, M. A., Ph.D., of Calcutta

University,

obliged

me by

ungrudingly suggesting
Prof.

some

interesting interpretations of old facts.

Priyaranjan Sen,

M.A., P.R.S., Kavyatirtha, has

under a deep debt of gratitude by going through the MSS. Dr. R. P. Tripathi, M.A., D.Sc. (Lond.) of Allahabad was kind enough to discuss my
placed
interpretations

me

and suggest new lights. My thanks are offered to them. Maulana M. E. Zakaria,
editor of

formerly
also

Mornin Gazette of Cawnpore,

interpreting the

deserves

my

gratefulness for

theological

abstractions of Islam from the orthodox

standpoint.

must thank Mr. D. B. Gangulee, Superintendent, Calcutta University Press, and his
Finally,
I

staff

and

especially Mr. J.
I

Roy
them

for the valuable

in

help which

received from

the course of

the printing of the book.

BHAGALPUR,

M.
The 7th March, 1941.
)

L. R.-C.

INTRODUCTION
In the

absence of any original work on the

19ih century
interpreted
to theories current in

DlN-I-lLAHI, writers of the

the religion of Akbar according

the period.

Western

writers of the History

of the
line

East tended to bring

everything Eastern into

with Western notions.

Western

political principles

were

accepted
of

to

be

ideals of government.

One
and

point of similarity with the

West

in

the

life

manners

be a feather
political

principles like

an Eastern Sovereign was supposed to Western in the cap of his greatness. "
a state

has no connec-

tion with religion," "statecraft

is

a purely secular

"
affair,"

the conception of a nation presupposes

religious unity,"

and so

forth,

had become stand-

ards of thought

among

historians.

They

too readily

concluded influences and borrowings from the West In the absence of in all such cases of similarity.

any

treatise

on Akbar's

religion, historians

gave

full

"to be

play to their fancies. the outcome

Some found Akbar's

of a political

religion

necessity,

the

need of a universal religion in which Hindoos and Muslims could join." According to them Akbar, like Elizabeth of England and Henry IV of " was actuated by the motive of a comproFrance, " mise." few asserted that Akbar became the

supreme head of the Church because he wanted D 1280B

to

xxvi

INTRODUCTION
the

keep

warring factions

at

peace."
secular

Others
point,

judged
said
that

Akbar from
ordinances

an
as

entirely

viewing his

very personal.
for

They

"

Akbar had a fondness

flattery, a

weakness for adoration." One suggested that Akbar " founded a new religion in order that he might
pose himself as

God

or at least the vicegerent of

God."
as

Another remarked,
Earth."

"

Akbar allowed
to like

pro-

stration before himself

because he liked

be treated

God on

Remarks

these have been

made and swallowed by truths of history. They are

unsuspecting readers as

generally astounding and and also easy to remember, being clad in pleasing Few people take pains to familiar Western words.

enter into the sources of these remarks

and fewer still

through by
of inquiry.

have opportunity

of

seeing

things

examining the originals in a true

Even Dr. Smith,

the author

of

"

spirit

Akbar

the Great

Mogul," did not hesitate to say, "The whole scheme was the outcome of a ridiculous vanity, a
monstrous growth of unrestrained
autocracy.
.

The new

faith

was but a testimony

desire
to

to his grasping

ambition, his

pompous
that

be

the

Emperor,
It

Pope and Prophet

love of

rolled into one.

...
to

was

the

power

induced Akbar

deny the

authority of the Prophet

In

and

start

new

religion."

Ain No. 77 Abul Fazl promised to write on Akbar as "a Spiritual Guide separately
1

This

is

due

to a

misreading

of

Mul la

Sheri's verse,

which

was

a sarcasm quoted by Badauni.

INTRODUCTION
to

xxvn

the

people,"

but
fulfil

sudden
his

murder did
pious
in

not

permit

him

to

intentions.
his

The
"

subject has been

treated

by Badauni

Muntakhabu-t Twarikh."
a Mulla.

He

has discussed the

the point of view

regulations of
of

Akbar purely from "

The

Dabistan-i-Mazahib,'' a work

about 60 years after Akbar 's death, has discussed the principles of the religious views of
written
the

Emperor. Modern European writers have mostly based their conclusions on the testimonies of
a hostile association in the court of the
of the Jesuits then in
India.

Emperor and

the
are

basis

of

Badauni specially is and what Dr. Smith's conclusions,

?

Badauni 's credentials

Abdul Qadir Badauni

with

entered the

court

along
office

Abu
' '

Fazl in

1572 and was put into

with Abul Fazl.

serving

Badauni lamented that the

* '

"

time-

and

' '

flattering

Abul Fazl gradually

rose

higher and higher in the court while "his own star" remained in a "static position." 2 Indeed
it

was

really

tormenting for Badauni to see his

colleague and class-mate go so high

remained
of

an

ordinary
3

courtier

up while he " and leader

for his

Wednesday piayers,"
See
to

more than once

article

J.R.A.S.,

1869,

Blochmann's

on

Badauni.
criticised

Badauni
Sijdah,

seems
3

have been no

less time-serving.

Though he

he himself

made Zaminbos

(Sijdah) three limes.

were good students and were well-read.

Fazl's rise,

Abul Fazl and Badauni read together under Shaikh Mubarak. Both Badauni grew jealous of Abul
and
his personal

grudge and jealousy were vented

in

his

discussions round the religious views of Akbar,

Abul Fazl and

Faizi.

xxvin
incapacity

INTRODUCTION

and
of

for overstaying leave

he was driven

out

of

office,

only to be reinstated on the recomFaizi.

mendations

Badauni was so charitable

in

and

grateful that

he never used a word

*
!

favour

of his benefactor, Faizi

the death-bed scene of Faizi,

to visit

Badauni thus describes " The Emperor went

his
last

him when he was on

like a
*'n

gasp;

Faizi

barked

and

his

dog lips had become black. ..."

his face, his face

was swollen

Then he
of

composed a famous poet

' '

monogram
:

on

the

death

the

dog has gone from the world

()

in

an abomin-

able state/'

And
"

yet another
Faizi

the

inauspicious,

the

enemy

of

the Prophet,

Went

bearing on
*

him

the brand of curses,

'

He was

a miserable and hellish dog, and hence

The words

what

dog-worshipper had died

give the date of his birth.*'

Hatred
that

of

Badauni

for

Faizi

was so
to

violent

he could

not even condescend

praise

the

poems
taste is

of Faizi.

Badauni remarks,

"

His

(Faizi 's)

lewd, raving in boastful verses and infidel

Badauni, Muntakhbu-t TwarikH,

Ibid, p. 420.

II,

Lowe,

p. 420.

1003
7

A.H. (one year

short).

1004 A.H.

INTRODUCTION
scribblings.
truth, of the

xxix

He was
knowledge

entirely

devoid of love of

of

God."

But Faizi was

made

the Poet-Laureaute by the

Emperor and had

composed about 20,000 couplets. His command over rhetoric, we know, has not yet been surpassed,
and, as a poet, Faizi
is a class by himself. Still, in " He (Faizi) wrote Badauni says, his hatred for Faizi, poetry for a period of 40 years, but it was all

imperfect.

He

could set up the skeleton of verses

well but the bones had no

salt of his poetry

marrow

was
"
as

entirely

them, and the without savour."

in

Badauni does not find

even one couplet amongst

them

that

is

not

much

without

fire

as

his

withered genius, and they are despised and rejected to such an extent that no one, even in lewdness,
studies his verse as they

do those of the other base

tolerate

poets."

Badauni could not

difference of opinion.

even the

slightest
to Birbal

He

seldom alludes

dog." Muhammad of Basakwan, a learned man of Timur's time, is called " " because he had written hyprocrite and filthy " " science of the expressed and implied Titul
as other than a
hellish
* '

"

language." Badauni deplores his

to translate the

own

fate

because he had

Ramayana

into Persian, for in course

of translation

he had

to write the

names

of

Hindu
for

Gods like Brahma, Vishnu and Siva. At Lahore a Shia was killed by
"
the

a Sunni,

former

had spoken

disrespectfully of

the

xxx
first

INTRODUCTION
four Khalifas."

Baclauni

had no words
"

of pity

for the

has the he wrote, " face like that of a pig," but the Sunni murderer was a hero." When his own son died, he attri-

murdered man, who,

buted

the untimely death to his not

at his birth.

reading the

Quran
So

far as religion

was concerned, Badauni was

Sunni

essentially the type of a

who

does not only

hate a non-believer
sight of one

but

who

cannot even stand the

who would
in.

not believe in things which

he had
to

faith

In his blind fanaticism he ceased

be a historian while he dealt with the religious views of Akbar. He distorted and suppressed facts
to suit his

own

conclusions.

tions of the regulations of

quoted only porAkbar, because quotations

his purpose.

He

of

them
:

in toto

would defeat
with the

For

example

along
the

killing of cows,

prohibited

killing of camels, horses,

Akbar dogs and

other domestic animals.

But Badauni quoted only

that regarding the killing

apart
of

of the

Ain,

0/z.,

cows, and so proved Akbar to be anti-Islam " 8 From* because cow is sacred to the Hindus.

such a

man

like

Badauni can

we

expect

that

Akbar 's deviations from religious orthodoxy would find no favour," and "we have to discount his stories concerning the same as being certainly exagEven Khafi Khan is of opinion that gerated."
8

Similar references will be quoted

when we

discuss

the

"

Aint

"

(regulations} of Akbar.
*

See post, pp. 226-68.

I,

Pringle Kennedy, History of the Mongols, Vol.

pp. 285-86.

INTRODUCTION

xxxi

Badauni ought not to have said and written of Akbar as he had done. 30 Akbar was a king who

would not only reign but would also

rule.

He

would, unlike others before him, not willingly be a tool in the hands of a Mulla theocracy. In course
of his administration

he found that the

Mullas and
affairs of

the Qazis

had

interfered too

much

with

state, often

with

corrupt motives

and pernicious
their

results.
offices

many Qazis out of bribery many were deprived of " n Some Qazis were angry Aymas."
for
;

He

turned

their

that

Brahmins had been engaged in deciding disputes in which Hindus were concerned as accused or in
the

which both the parties were Hindus also because highest court of appeal was no longer the
; .

Sadr-us-Sadur

or
.

Makhdum-ul-Mulk
to the court of

but

the

Emperor himsef
Christians

Akbar were mostly Jesuit priests. They were by no means historians, and the despatches, reports and letters
which they sent
eastern central
in
to their masters at

who came

home

or at the
reli-

station

at

Goa, were mostly

to

gious

nature.

References

events are
are to

certainly to

contemporary be found in them but they

critically

be judged very
as

before they car

history.

be
W
11

accepted
Seir-al

materials

of

Their

Mutakharin, Vol.

I,

p. 196.

For
p.

religious

Lowe,

207.

endowments, see Badauni, of>. ci'r., Vol. II, Some Qazis were exchanged for horses at Qandahar
for political reasons,

after the

Bengal rebellion

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

despatches mostly dealt with religious matters and v/ere often coloured by their own religious predilections,

so

deep

rooted

in

the Christians

of

Their perspective was never historical they wrote whatever came in their way, without taking caie to verify them.
the

16th

century.

When Vasco
heard Christian

da

Gama

landed at Calicut, he
;

thought he saw Christian churches there

bells,

in-

them he

recognised Christian shepherds

known

as Kafir,

and noticed a Nayar who wore

!

top-knot to

show that he belonged to Christianity 12 Vasco da Gama's statement was accepted as true for 200 years. Then it was found out that
the

Churches
of

referred

to,

were

nothing

but

domes

the
to

Hindu
be
like

appeared

temples of Siva, which the churches of the

to

Portuguese; the bells referred

were those rung

;

by Hindus at the time of their evening prayers and the priests mentioned were none other than the

Brahmin

priests of the

Temple.

Such
the
the

is

some-

times the standard of accuracy of

travellers or missionaries
in the early

Portuguese
country
Dr.

who

visited
!

days of Christian advent

Smith

has often emphasised the versions of the Western writers without caring to judge them in the light of unbiassed criticism. Take, for example, the
story of the fall of Asirgarh.

Asirgarh
12

fell,

according to Abul Fazl, owing to

90-92.

Payne, Scenes and Characteis from Indian History, pp.

INTRODUCTION
the pestilence which carried

xiii

the fort

and owing

but according to account was the source for

away 25,000 men from ** " devices of Akbar; " "Relacam of Guerreiro, whose
to the

Du

Jarric, the fort fell

on
is

account of the treachery of the Emperor.

ing
to

AccordXavier

Dr. Smith, the account of Father

true

and deserving of acceptance as being the most authentic history of the events which led to the capitulation of Asirgarh." " Smith's Akbar the Great Mogul,' p. 276.) The learned historian denounced the Indian versions as deliberate forgeries and systematic
literally
1

"

distortions

of

facts.

The account

of

the Jesuit

Father does not exist in the original.

of*

The
is

version

Du

Jarric

is

based on Relacam

word-

for-word

translation of
that

what
he

is

given in

Relacam.
Jarric's

Smith

claims

subjected

Du

account to a

critical

examination and states

that

Du

Jarric had summarised the letters of Xavier. " " Dr. Smith says that the of Du Jarric Histoire

contains
also

detailed
that

account of

the

siege.

He
gives

asserts

Guerreiro in his Relacam

Jarric's statement that the capitulation was obtained by treachery. But as a matter of fact, Guerreiro gives a detailed account

no

details

and confirms

Du

of the

siege
' '

and not

Du

Jarric

whose account

ie

rather

a word-for-word translation of that given in Relacam." It is strange that Dr. Smith makes
references to
the

Part

1 ,

and gives quotations from Relacam, actual volume where the account pf the

E-I280B

INTRODUCTION
siege occurs;

but he has not compared

Du

Jarric's
truth,.

version with Guerreiro's

and found out the

Possibly Dr. Smith

was very imperfectly acquainted

the

with these two works.

Portuguese were often wrongly informed or even hoaxed, and we are compelled to share his views in the light of facts.

Payne

says that

What were
siege of

Dr.

Smith's conclusions about

the

AsirgarhP
at

He

says that

Father Xayier
his version

was present

the

siege and hence

cannot be untrue.

But our

reading

of

the

facts

proves that Father Xavier was not present at the Had Father Xavier been really siege of Asirgarh.
present there, he

would surely have mentioned the great famine which had caused so much havoc Amongst the defenders of the fort which we get
from
contemporary authors, namely, Faizi Sarhindi, Abul Fazl and the author of Zafar-ul-Walih
all

(Arabic history of Gujrat).

the murder of Muqarib
siege, as given

Again, the account of

during the

Khan by Akbar
from
direct

by the

Jesuit, is against all evidence.

We
Faizi
of

know

it

for certain,

evidences of

Sarhindi and

of Zafar-ul-Walih, that the death of suicide.

But Xavier says that Muqarib was killed by Akbar. Further, the very name of Bahadur Khan, the king of Khandesh, against whom the war was going on, has been

Muqarib was a case

wrongly put by the

Jesuit Father.

It,

therefore,

becomes writer was present

difficult

to

believe

that

the

Portuguese

at the siege.

INTRODUCTION
Dr.

XX*V

Smith

rejects the account of

Abul Fazl

as

entirely baseless

and

deliberate falsification,

on the

ground

that
in

Akbar

he has not mentioned the treachery of 18 connection with the fall of Asirgarh.
to

We are sorry
carefully

say that Dr. Smith

has not gone

through
In

Abul
III,

Fazl's version in Akbardefinitely

nama.
tions

Volume

Akbarnama
and

men-

the

deceptions

simulations

practised
;

by Akbar
so where

to procure the capitulation of the fort

Abul Fazl to hide it? We would say with Rev. Payne that "Dr. Smith's references are equally misleading and inaccurate u and his investigation is of a perfunctory nature."
is

the attempt of

Regarding the honesty of Abul Fazl's account let us quote the remark of Price in his Preface to " lc Price observes, His (Abul Elliot's Volume VI.
Fazl's)

veneration
to

for

the

Emperor amounted
from
of

almost

adoration.
are

Apart
those

occasional

blemishes, his faults

rather than
of

the rhetorician
his
style

ought to be judged by an oriental standard, not by a contrast with the choicest of European memoirs."

the flatterer,

and

Blochmann

"
says,

Abul Fazl has

far too often

been

accused by European writers of flattery, and even of wilful concealment of facts damaging to the
reputation of his master.

study of the Akbar-

Smith, op.
14

cit.,

p. 284.

Payne,
Elliot

Intro., op. eft., p.

xxxv.
7-8,

and Dowton, Vol. VI, pp.

xvi

INTRODUCTION
will

nama

show

that

the

charge

is

absolutely

unfounded/'

(J.R.A.S., 1869, article on Badauni

by Blochnann.)
Dr. Smith has taken the Jesuit accounts regarding Akbar's religion as gospel truth, because

Badauni 's versions tally with

But

theirs

on many

points.

were actuated by similar motives, and often Badauni and the Mulla party
say that both
the
Jesuit writers.

we must

supplied information for

Jesuit
priests

The

came

to

India with the

10

motive of

converting the
similar attempts

"Mogors,"
of

and there have been

the

"Mogors

by Christian priests for converting Central Asia." At first, when

17

Akbar's
that the
it

invitation reached the Jesuits, they thought

Emperor's motives were

after

political

and so

a good deal of hesitancy that the highest Jesuit priest decided to send a Mission.
for

was only

To start with, they were all praise The encomiums used by the members
Mission are often so

Akbar.

of the first

flattering that they

seem

to

have been written by hired

eulogists.
to
collect

On reaching
information
credulity

began about the Emperor, and

eagerly swallowed
all

Agra

the

Fathers

in

their

they
It

they

heard about him.

was
M
17

certainly a revolution

from the point of view of

Chap,
I.

Pringle Kennedy, op.

cir.,

VoL'.I,

De

Sousa, Oriente Conquistado, Vol.

in the

II,

p.

150.

There was a

suspicion

mind

of the

the Fathers as hostages.

ailed the Jesuits even

Governor of Goa that Akbar might keep Moreland is of opinion that Akbar would have
political

if all

motive* we*e absent.

INTRODUCTION
the Mullas

xxxvii

and the orthodox party

that

Akbar,

a iMuslim Emperor, should go beyond the usual Sunni interpretations and consult non-Mulsims for
his

'knowledge.'

Hence,

they began
'

to

manu'

facture

and

circulate all

sorts

of

news and views

regarding

Emperor. The Fathers simply despatched those calumnious bits of information to As the their headquarters in India and Europe.
the

Emperor began to enquire more and more about Truth, and as they found their chances of converting
the

Emperor growing remote every day, they also began to grow cold. Again, when they found the Emperor giving them audience and permitting them to make conversions and build churches, they grew
elated
stories
;

at

once followed despatches narrating all the of the Emperor's apostasy with all the

prospects of conversion.
all

The

Fathers

wrote that
to

the

mosques

at

Lahore had been ordered

be demolished and that the study of the Quran had been suspended in the Empire. Du Jarric " Akbar promised to become a avows that Christian even at the cost of his kingdom in case the
Fathers would explain
incarnation."
18

him the Trinity and The Portuguese and the Jesuits are
to

often so inconsistent

amongst themselves
all

that

if

we

11

Similar passages occur in almost

Jesuit

narratives.

"
ays,

Akbar would have become

Christian

Christian but for his wives, for

Maclagan if he

became

Du

"
Jarric says,

he would have Akbar actually

to forsake his

wives

all

except one."

distributed

all

hi* wives

amongst

hit

courtiers

and kept only one,"

nxvui
compare them Akbar 's death),

INTRODUCTION
(specially
it

regarding the story of

had

first-hand

becomes palpable that the Fathers 10 knowledge in very few things.

ordinary state regulations of

Even
have

the

Akbar

and interpreted by the Badauni was Mullas with distrust and suspicion. very angry with Akbar because he had opened " " for "nonand Yogipura Dharampura
been condemned
' '
'

'

believers."

Social

and

political regulations

have

been interpreted and interdicted from a religious point of view. A charge against Akbar is that he
stopped pilgrimage to Mecca. But we know it definitely, from the testimony of the third Mission, that, even in the last years of his life, he sent

members

of

his family to

Mecca on pilgrimage.

During the period of the so-called transition (1 572-82) he had given every intending pilgrim a sum of Rs.

600 as passage money.

regular

department,
started

known

as the Haji Department,

had been

and was placed under an officer, Mir-i-Haj. This department had one hundred ships (Jahaz-i-llahi) There are evidences that reserved for the pilgrims.
send clothes and presents to Mecca as a part of religious duty, and that he was contemplating the foundation of a pilgrim house at Mecca.

Akbar used

to

During the discussions of the Ibadat Khana,

1*

it

wa

French

traveller

Laval says,
that

Christian

and gave hopes

all his
tlie

Akbar promised to become a he would become a Christian, should he

allowed, and pending the

"

be permitted
solution of

wives, as his religion

question, he died"

INTRODUCTION

xxxix,

found that the Mir-i-Haj and Sadr, who were the guardians of the Pilgrim Fund, had embezzled 20 money. Mirza Azam Khan, a staunch Musalman,
returned from
Sharif s of
tions
in

Mecca with a great disgust for the Mecca for their corrupt practices. Condithe Holy Land were in no sense better

than those in India.

journey
to

Owing

to

Portuguese piracy,
safe.

Mecca by sea was no longer

Tickets issued by Christian shipowners bore the picture of Mary on their back. The orthodox could

not condescend to accept a ticket with a picture,

for
it

would
land

be

countenancing

idolatry.

The

route

was controlled by the Qazibillis by (Shias of Persia) and the life of a Sunni was never, safe in the land of the Shias. Akbar for some time discouraged pilgrimage to Mecca from
the point of view of state policy.

Even a staunch Musalman like Sekandar Lodi had stopped Haj for women and regulated pilgrimage. 21 Akbar made regulations for the pilgrims and not against
There were some other regulations to which exception may be taken from a religious point of
view.
*

the institution of pilgrimage.

"

The customary words

at the top of

book
that

Bhmillah-ir-Rahman-ir
* '

Rahim"
a

were changed
the

into

A llah-o-A kbar.

'

'

The Mullas suggested

sly substitution of

the

new words were

'<>

Bad.,

Lowe, Vol. H,

p. 412;

Bloehmann,

A in, p. 32*.

Taiikhi Dawdi, E.

&

D. f Vol. IV. pp. 445-46.

xl

INTRODUCTION

personal

name
as

of

Akbar
for

for that of
this
23

rebuked Abul Fazl

dicted

God. 22 Badauni innovation and interBut

him

an apostate.

we

find
' '

Faizi

beginning his famous book

' *

"
customary
in Islam to

Bismillah, etc."

Naldaman with the It was no innovation

"Bismillah, etc."
is

begin books without

This epithet
of

"

Bismillah,

etc.,"

an imitation
' *

the

Persian

Zoroastrian

phrase

Banam-i~
(In the

>24

Bakshainda-i-Bafyhshaishgar-i-Meherban.'

name
It

of

God

the

charitable

and the

merciful.)

has not been everywhere in use. an Arabic Grammar by Ibn-i-Hajib,

"
Ka/uih," does not

contain the customary words in praise of

God.

In

Sharah-i-Jami and Tahrir-i-Sambat, commentaries on that book, absence of the customary words in
praise
of

God have
been
begin
not

been discussed and

Ibft-i-

Hajib books

has

supported.

which

with

There are many " "

Alhamdu-lillah

instead of

"

Bismilla, etc."

Even some orthodox

the

Muslims
the

do

write

long
of

customary

sentence but simply put the

name

numerals
a good

786, on

their

books.

God, through Akbar was

is

quite

Musalman but

the sad fact

that

he

had,

on account of

his state regulations, displeased

the orthodox theocracy.

The

6th century was a century of upheavals

no

civilised country escaped the

11

wave

of Renaissance,

Badauni, op.
Ibid., p. 210.

cit.,

Lowe, Vol.

II,

pp, 212, 267.

"
14

Jamshedji Lumji Api, Jartash-nama, Preface.

INTRODUCTION

xli

and and

forces

were working from

different directions
life

at different angles.

The

and actions

of

Akbar cannot be explained by themselves without their context. The forces that had been working in him, were not Indian only. The psychology of Akbar was a complex phenomenon unlike, Asok he was an emperor first and a priest next. In the first chapter, we have described the setting of the Indian stage on which Akbar appeared. The time was propitious, and the ground had been prepared by the Hindu Saints and Muslim Sufis. A spirit of eclecticism and fusion was on the anvil. Forces were at work which would have moulded Akbar even without many of the the life of
;

polititical events.

In the second chapter, the hereditary

traits

(of

Chengiz and Timur and of

depicted.
the age,
Inspite of all

their families)
liberal

have been
free

the

tendencies of

Akbar

could not be

absolutely

from

the Central

Asian influences.

Many

of the social

regulations of

Akbar can be explained by a reference to the manners and customs of his ancestors. The third chapter shows that Akbar was by
birth a mystic,

by heredity a lover of knowledge, by experiences of early life impressionable and by court influences a Sunni. Here we notice the
extremely devout bent of Akbar 's temperament. The foundation of the Ibadat Khana was a testimony
to
it

his reverence

and

faith in

God and

Islam and

was not
F

the fruit of his scepticism and apostasy.

1280B

xlii

INTRODUCTION

The
in the

fourth

chapter

deals with

the discussions
at

Ibadat Khana.

Akbar was amazed

the

variety of interpretations of the Texts.

The
a

Ibadat
of
to

Khana, which,
worship
for

to

start

with,

was

hall

the

Sunnis, was thrown open

Islam,

other sections of

and,

ultimately, also to

non-Muslims.

The

Ibadat

parliament of religions.

Khana became a real On the other hand, Akbar

dishonesty
of
in

was disgusted by
of

the

discovery of the

the Qazi

department

the distribution
religious

lands, of the Sadr

in the grant of

endow-

ments, and
pilgrim
tions

of the Mir-i-Haj in the administration of

grants.

Akbar had

to issue

many

regulainter-

for reasons of state,

which the Mullas

preted from the religious point of view.

In

Appendix

to this chapter

the extra- Indian

forces, especially of
to

and Teharan, leading the acceptance of Mahzar, have been examined.

Bagdad

In

Appendix B

to

this chapter,

three

paintings

have also been

examined.

religious practices of

Akbar and

They illustrate the of some courtiers

and

their

environments.
chapter finds that
the

The
soul of

fifth

ever-expanding
satisfied

Akbar could no longer be

to

by

the Mulla interpretations of the laws of

God.

The

Ibadat
also

Khana was thrown open

Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs,
Christians.

non-Muslims

Jains, Zoroastrians,

Jew and

influences of

Here we have estimated the the different forces at work and their

INTRODUCTION

xliii

respective contributions to the psychological changes

in

Akbar.
In

the

sixth

chapter,

classified

summary

of

the

Ains

regulations

strictly speaking, the

have been given, though, life of a Musalman follows no

there
is

such

classification

to the orthodox

nothing

purely religious

and nothing purely

secular.

We

have discussed the different backgrounds of these

regulations
;

it

has been shown that Akbar

ever did anything which

Quran
In

or the

Hadis

or

was not by some of

hardly allowed by the

i

his predecessors.

an Appendix to this chapter the life of Badauni and his Mulla standpoint have been elaborately discussed, with a

view

to depicting

the spirit

and angularity
In

of the

contemporary theocratic

mind.

the seventh chapter the Din-i-Uahi has been

discussed.

The

principles

from the Persian

texts

have been given.

described.
In

The

ceremonies, initiations and

symbols connected with the religion have

the
last

been

chapter

the

Din-i~Hahi in practice

has been described.

for its

We

have stated the reasons

all

and sundry and the non-missionary character of the religion. Akbar did not want that this Sufi cult should be accepted
non-acceptance by

by each and every one. Incidentally we have tried to show that Akbar never renounced Islam and that he was a Mussalman all through his life. An
estimate of

Akbar

in

relation

to

the

Din-i-Ilahi

has been given.

CHAPTER
THE
Certainly

INDIAN

BACKGROUND
are not

instances

wanting

when
to

Muslim monarchs have been

guilty of crimes in the

name
killed

of religion in spite of

Commandments
"

the

contrary.

Timur has been

of

credited with having

6,000,000 human
land
the

his

to change beings, only into that of infidels the

into

believers

"
(Darul

Harb

Darul Islam).

After
turret

the victory at Ajmer, he

of

was greeted with a

welcome built of 70,000 heads of the slaughtered and they were not unbelievers. One hundred thousand men were butchered at Sirusthi (Srabasand all would kill
thi)

in the
at

name
2
:

of Islam.

Sultan Bayezid
to

least

two Christians every day

the

celebrate

his

meals

dying

shrieks

of

the

victims

would be the music

to his dinner.

Sekan-

dar Lodi slaughtered

to

15,000

Hindus

in

one day
at

prove his love for Islam.

of

He

stopped the baththe

ing

the

Hindu

pilgrims

in

Jamuna

Allahabad and forbade the barbers from shaving heads of pilgrims." Hundreds of similar instances
1

In regard to these facts,

we

are

indebted to Historians who, out of

In their eyes, the

fanaticism,

added

to the

list

of crimes of their heroes.

larger
2
3

number of victims, attributed to the religious zeal made them greater still in the eyes of the Muslim world.
Titus, Indian Islam, pp. 11-12,

of their heroes,

Lane-Poole (Turkey. Story of Nations series\ pp. 46-73.

THE DIN-MLAHI
given to prove the
the believers.
spirit of intolerance,

could be

and

bigotry, in

In

fact
/

there are
/

A/A/.jAx
passages in the

Quran

j**j-*jU-SLS

L^^ ^j&jXjJ|j
find
4

AxA/A^^A

("And
to kill."

kill

them wherever you

"

them"),

which has been construed as

In spite of these

giving permission

commands supposed

to justify

the slaughter of infidels

which were given purely

from secular points of view, we find revelations in the Quran which breathe an atmosphere of toleration to the non-believers

and

of a

them.
tians, as

"

compromise with

He

professed his good- will to the Christo entertain friendship for the

an inclinable

true believers."
to

He
but

exhorted his followers

in

"

not

dispute,

the

mildest

manner,"

against those

"
to

who have
come
"
to

received the Scriptures,

and ushered
between both

a just

determination

parties, that they all

worshipped not
neither

any but God."

nor a Christian

Ibrahim was

a Jew

but

one

resigned

unto

God
critics

4 Chap. II, Verse 191. There has been much comment on

this

verse.

The

adverse
'

of Islam have opined that, in this verse, the

to kill.*

Quran has given

permission

pionoun

But this v'erse must he read along with the previous one. The " " has its noun in the verse preceding, which has them
the believers

permitted
^believers).

to" war with

191, the

those

V.

190.

Southern*'

refers to

those

who fight with you*' who fight with the

the killing of those

Muslims.

Thus

in

Verse

Quran permitted
It is

who were

fighting with the believers.

an occasional commandment,

not a general

command.
Quran

Even
"

in this permission,

we

read a note of
;

toleration, for the

says,

Do

not exceed the limits

surely Allah
II.

does not like those

who exceed

the limits."

Verse

190,

Chap.

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

(Muslim)

3
of

"
;

"

excellence

is

in the

hand

God

He

gives

it

unto

whom He
the

pleases."

Muhammad
religion

further permitted
certain

which He prohibits all rights The document enunciated after the disputes."
about

"

professors of every

battle of Badr,

which was meant

for

the Christians

and Jews, is a wonderful testimony to the spirit with which the Prophet was animated Lastly the " If the Lord had pleased, verily all Prophet says,
.

who

are

on the

earth,

would have believed

compel men

in
to

general, wilt thou therefore, forcibly

be true believers
mission of

No soul

God."
by

can believe but by the perDavid Shea and Antony Troyer

' '

are constrained to admit that although

too often gave
their
still

followers
to

conduct a strong denial

the
all

these principles,

existence of

them

in the

Quran was a sanction to

ed
to profess

those

who were
we

disposIn

them

in

words and actions/'

the

early

history of

the

Muslim

Khalifas,

find in-

stances of tolerance of

which any nation

ordered

or religion
of

might be proud.
compensation
for

Omar

payment

damages done to the people of the country through which he passed during his Omar was so tolerant that Syrian expedition.
he was willing to say his prayers in a Christian Church at Jerusalem. When Muhammad bin

Qasim
Hindus

sent

information of

his exploits

to

his

Khalifa that he had demolished temples, converted

to

Islam

against them, the Khalifa

and successfully "

waged war
for
it

reprimanded him,

THE DIN-MLAHI

was against sanction and usage of the Holy Law and ordered Qasim to compensate the damages 5 The conduct of the Muslims in done by him."
they dominated the Christians, is in contrast with the conduct of the Christians after

Spain

when

their victory in the East.

If

that spirit

were always
Islam would

translated into action, the history of

have been written otherwise.

When
Arabia,
it

Islam

stepped

beyond the

limits

of

came

into contact with

men

of different

life, and the influence of this foreign If contact silently worked themselves into Islam. Arabia had conquered Persia physically, the victim

outlooks on

conquered the victor

intellectually.

When

Islam

came

into contact with the

Turks and other nomad

Turki converts were
unity
of

tribes of Central

Asia,

the

amazed by

the idea of the

God and

the

Islamic principle of universal

brotherhood.

They

were lured by
glorious with all

a prospect of a heaven in Islam,

its

mundane

joys.

This could be

secured by a war which would either make him a Shahid (a martyr to the cause of religion) or a Gazi (a killer of enemy), and heaven was both for a Shahid and a
people,

Gazi.

For

these blood-thirsty

Islam offered two worlds

power

in

this

world and peace in the next.

their

hands, the true precepts of distortion, as was the case with Christianity in the

Consequently, in Islam underwent

Elphinstone, pp. 302-03.

THL INDIAN BACKGROUND

hands
of

The own

conquerors of Europe. Turki converts changed Islam to suit their

instincts in their

the

barbarian

own way.

A careful

study

Turks and Afghans, who first invaded, conquered and ruled over Hindusthan, would
of the early

prove the truth of our statement. Often these but invaders had personal motives of conquest
;

when

they found that a religious incentive would

it

give a fresh urge, they took advantage of

and

declared Jehad

war

in the

name
G

of religion.

Thus, the historian Utbi says of Mahmud of '* demolished Gazni that he (Mahmud of Gazni) idol temples and established Islam in them. He
captured
cities, killed

the

polluted wretches, desgratifying

troying the idolatrous

and

Muslims.'*

He

then

returned

home

and

"
promulgated

accounts of the victories obtained for Islam

and

vowed

that every year

war against Hind."

conquest
is

he would undertake a holy This spirit of Muhammadan

with that of the
first

in sad

contrast

Muslim administration of Sind under the orders 7 .the Khalifa. Hasan Nizami says of Muhammad
Ghor,
freed

of

of

he (Ghor) purged by his sword, the land of the Hind from the filth of infidelity and vice, and
the whole of that country

"

from the thorn of one

God-plurality and the impurity of idol-worship, and

by

his

royal vigour

and

his intrepidity left not

6
7

Tilus, p.

II.

Tajul-Ma'athir, Elliot

and Dowson, Vol.

II,

p. 217.

THE D1N-MLAHI
Iltutmish built the crest of the

temple standing."

mosque Arhai-din-ka-Jhopra out of the ruins of the temples of Hindus and Jains. The inscription
on the temple
is

a very interesting study regarding

8

the motives of Iltutmish.

Alauddin, in spite of his

desof

anti-Mulla perorations, would not hesitate to

troy temples,

and he erected
9

pulpits

and arches

mosques
of the

in their place.

The

peculiar

mentality

Shah Tughluq, the praised flower of the Turko- Afghan period, was the type of attitude of the best O f the early Muslim conquerors. When Timur-Lang had come to India, the religious Muslim invaders had been objective of the condensed and formulated a specimen of this we read in the speeches of Timur on the eve of
Firoz
;

much

his Indian expedition,

"

My

object in the

invasion
against

of

Hindustan

is

to

lead an

expedition
of

the infidels that, according to the law

Muham-

mad, we may convert to the true faith the people of that country, and purify the land itself from filth of and that we may overinfidelity and polytheism throw their temples and idols and become Gazis
;

10 and Mujahids before God." Is he not that Timur who led

all his

expeditions

against the believers except in Georgia and partly India ? Is he not that Timur who put 2,000 Shaikhs
of

Islam one
8

upon the other

to

build

a living

Horovitz, Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, p. 30.

Amir Khusrau,
10

E.

&

D., Vol.

Ill,

pp. 89 and 543.

Ill,

Malfuzat-i-Timuri, E.

&

D., Vol.

p. 397.

THE

INDIAN

BACKGROUND

human
sand
?

wall, plastered
Is

them alive with lime and he not that Timur who destroyed the

accredited leader of Islam,

we mean

the

Khalifa,
In

and himself took the

the

title

of Khalifat-ul-lillah ?

name

of religion, they excited their soldiers

In

and

themselves.

the

lands of

the

non-Muslims,

Turks,
carried

Afghans, Pathans and Mughal invaders

the

Muhammad
of believers.

message of death in the name of and Islam, and left no stone unturned
land
of non-believers
into

to convert the

land

But in spite of
the

all

possible attempts

to

convert

Hindus
in

to Islam, Islam could not

make much
their

headway
long

India.

The Hindus

with

age-

and deep-rooted religious convictions would not easily change their faith. The old n Brahmin (Zunnar-Dar) at the time of Firoz Shah
culture

Tughluq and Bhudan at the time of Sekandar Lodi would willingly and gladly offer their lives rather
than

change

their

religion

at

places the lees of

Jezia

society

changed

their religion to avoid

;

or

to

avoid

persecution

but mass conversions could not

to

take place.
their ancient

The Hindu masses remained loyal The fundamental outlooks faith.

of

the

two

faiths

are so different that volunlaiy con-

versions of the upper class Hindus were few

far

and
each

between.

Still, in course of time, the followers

of the

two
"

faiths,

by

long

association

with

Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi,

E &

D., Vol. HI. p. 365.

8
other,

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
interests in daily

by a community of

life,

problems in politics, unother. Even the consciously approached each most orthodox converts would not and could not

by a community of

give

up

the

manners and customs which had

into

been
never

rooted

them

for

centuries.

The

by Turko-Afghans was was in Persia by Arabs. 12 thorough The Turks, Afghans and Pathans, who attempted the earliest conversion in India, were satisfied with

Muslim

conquest in India
as
it

the

lip-service

of

the

converts
of

the

reading
in

of

Kalema and
Further
the

the

change

name

as

China.

Indian

conversions were

piecemeal

and scarcely general.

a

Thus one

brother

became

Muhammadan
;

while the rest of the family con-

tinued to be Hindus living in the

locality

one had

to

borrow the

same village a$d manners and cusan important

activity
tribal

toms
In the

of the other.

At

all

stages of social psychopart.

logy, local instinct always plays

Punjab specially, Turks was most prominent, the

bond.

where the

of

the
local

and

bond has been always stronger than the religious 73 So an approach to fusion was more possible in the Punjab on the common ground of
customs rather than on the ground of religious

if India had been conquered by the by the Turks, Afghans and Pathans, the preaching of Islam would have been different and with different results. 13 See transactions of the Third International Congress for the

12

Arnold

is

of opinion that

Arabs instead

of

History of Religions, Vol.

I,

p. 314.

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

community.
in

The mass
worship

of

the

Punjab Muslims
godlings such
as

many

places,

local

Magti, and Lachi.

offerings to

The

Mirasis of Amritsar
Sitala,

give

Durga Bhawani.

the

goddess

of pox,
frontier

is

worshipped by Pindi Musalmans.

respect to the

Even

Muhammadans pay
The Avars
U.
P.
use
of

goddess

of pox.

N.

W.

Punjab and the

Bhats of
priests.

The Maimans
Suttars

Bramhins as their family of Kutch ascetics besmear

their bodies

Musalman
"

with ashes like Hindu Brahmins. " **

of

The
a

the

and keep singing. The Sadique Nihang (in Jhang district, the Punjab) Muslim Faqirs " n In U. P. Chunikeep going a fire called dhuni."

danda

"

Punjab

carry

(staff)

hars worship

* '

Kalka Mai

'

'

and observe the Sradh

ceremony
is

in imitation of the

Hindus.

Lakshmi Devi

worshipped by the Turknowasof Eastern Bengal. Songs of Lakshmi are still sung by Muslim Faqirs in Western Bengal villages. According to some,
the Mushkil-asan cult of Bengal
is

relic of the fire-

worship of the Hindus.

" The " Dude-Kulas

of

Madras worship tools in the Dashera holidays as do the Hindus in the Biswa Karma Festival. The
sect (founded in the 5th century) Sada-Sohag wear women's dress like the devotees of Bechna 15 Devi near Ahmadabad.
1
' *

14

Punjab Customary Laws

"

Islam in Kashmere, by Ramcharan

Kak,
21.

in the Journal of Indian History, 1928.

J5

Madhya Juge

Bharater Sadhana

"
(Bengali),

by K.

Sen,

2-1280B

10

THE DIN-MLAHI

Panch Pir and Pir Badr are still worshipped by the boatmen of Hindu and Musalman sects in Bengal Satya Narayan Pir is a combination of Hindu god Narayan and Muslim Satya Pir. The Baul cult is an extreme form of Hindu-Muslim
;

sublimation.

The

Holi, Dewali, Dashera, Basanta-

Panchami and Baisakhi festivals are attended both by Hindus and Musalmans together. Same is the
case with the
still

Muhurrum.

In

Kashmir, the Muslims

their

worship the tutelary godlings of

villages,

join

Hindu

marriage
themselves

and employ Brahmins at their ceremonies. The Malkana Rajputs,

festivals

though converts
as

to Islam, are reluctant to

describe
are

Hindu.
tions

They use

Musalmans. "
;

Ram, Ram

Their "

names

in

their saluta-

and

greetings

they mostly worship in

Hindu

temples, though, at times, they frequent

mosques

and

practise

circumcision

The

Matia Kunbis,

who

and bury their dead. were converted to

1

Muhammadanism by
century,

Islam Shah Pirana in the

priests

5th
eat

employ Brahmin

and refuse

to

with their

Muhammadan

brethren.

The Rasul
"Tantia
the

Shahis of the Punjab drink wine and claim to con"

trol

superhuman deeds by means

the
of

of

an

"Yoga."
In

process
the

of

this

fusion,
faqirs,

effortless

attempts

Hindu and Muhammadan, had done much more than the

saints

and

thousand and one swords of the Islamic conquerors. For, the appeal was to a subtler and softer side

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

of

11

man, where

the ordinary calculations of loss

and

gain could not weigh much.

pulpits)

The Dargha (Muslim

both Hindus and Mus-

became a

resort of

lims (1072 A.D.).

(al

When Mukhdum
1<J

Sayid Ali

Hadjwari) found his resort at Lahore and laid down his mortal remains there, his grave imme-

diately

became a place of pilgrimage for both Hindus and Muhammadans^ Even to-day, the
is

Bhathi Darwaza of Lahore

a haunt for the

Hindu
by the

Muslim

saints.

17

The

Chishti-cult brought

illustrious saint

landmark
thoughts.

in the history

Mainuddin Chishti to India, is a of Indo-Muslim religious

chose
a place

Hindu pilgrimage of Pushkar at Ajmer. His name and reputation spread far and wide and his lustre fell upon India like the rays of the sun and he is called "
near the

He

Aftab-i-mulk-i-Hind,

the

sun of

the

land

of

Hindusthan."

The Hindus were so much influenced by the Chishti-cult that we find round about Ajmer a sect called the Husaini Brahmins, who combine the Muslim religion with Hindu manners
and

They claim to be Brahmins and declare the Atharva Veda to be their sacred book but at the same time they observe the
rituals.

customs

and

fast of

Ramjan
list

as

much

as they observe Sivaratri.

in
India, see

18

16

For a

ul-Akhiar, by
37

of the Muslim Saints and Suns Abdul Haqq (1572 A. D.).

to
this

Akhbar-

Ganj Bakhsh's contribution

fusion

in

the

Punjab
their

is

interesting
18

very sacred fast of the Hindus

in

honour of

god

Shiva

"*

12

THE
in the

DIN-I-ILAH1

They beg alms

the Prophet
cision;
;

their

Hasan, grandson of practise circumthey bury the dead males wear Muslim dress and use
;

name

of

"

Tilak

" 19

on

their forehead, but the females dress

like

Hindu

ladies

and use vermilion on

their fore-

head.

They

style themselves as

"Mian Thakur."

Just opposite to this,

we

find

Karim Shah becoming

(15th
century)
retain

a disciple of a Vaishnava saint and repeating Hindu

TheKakas of Gujrat have been so much Hinduised that

their

"Om.

'

20

they

still

Hindu names and follow

all

Hindu customs
Malik

though

their preceptors are faqirs.

Muhambeautiful

mad

Jaisi

(1540 A.D.) composed a very " "

lyric

allegorical

called

relation

between
21

Alwal composed a
praise of Siva.
in

" " atma "

on the Padmavat " and paramatma." " and sang the Mahabharat

Mirza Hasan
;

AH

produced hymns

honour of the goddess Kali Kulliyat-i-nazir is a The treatise on the greatness of "Sri Krishna."
Batyana sect made a considerable

approach to Hindu Yoga and Tantra; they began to write books " " "

ShatDeha-Tatwa," on "Yoga/' Asan," 22 these books are still In the Punjab, Chakra."

found

in

many

of the old families.

23

19

Sacred marks of sandal or vermilion, a custom of orthodox

Hindus.
20 21

The symbol

of the highest Trinity of

Hinduism.

History of Bengali Language, p. 793;

Hindu Gods

in

Muslim

Poetry, by Dinesh
22

Chandra Sen,
"

p. 25.

Sen,

Madhya Juge

Bharater Sadhana."

23

Ibid., pp. 21-25.

THE

INDIAN

BACKGROUND
Bengal

13

The
allowed

great Chaitanya of

(1484 A.D.^
to

both

Hindus

and

Muhammadans

become
his

his disciples.

Yavan Haridas was one

of

most important disciples. Rup and Sanatan, two of his important disciples, were so very tolerant to Muslim converts to Vaisnavism that the orthodox
Vaisnavas and Hindus refused to have any intercourse with them.
social

Ramanand, the great

weaver, Kabir, as his
against
caste

saint, ranks a

first

disciple.

caste

and put

faith in love

Muhammadan He protested of God above

there
is

and

rituals of religion.

To him, "

no
1

He, question of caste and rank before God. devotes himself to God, is God." Kabir
the personification of the process of
fusion in mediaeval India.

who
was

Hindu-Muslim
' '

He
' '

attacked the ortho(pilgrimage)

dox Hindu

institutions like
(fast),

Tirtha

"Upabash"
(beads)

"Vrata"
(marks).
2*

and

"

Tilak

"

(rites),

"Mala"

Kabir 's great friend was saint Taqi of the SahrHis daughter Kamal was married to wardi sect.

a Brahmin.
before

he was charged with apostacy Sekandar Lodi, he defended himself by

His
followers,
their

When

saying that his definite aim was to unite Hindus

and Musalmans.

Kabirpanthis,
breath,
in

remember

God

along with

the

manner

of the

allowed to
74

Hindu Yogis. Even women were become his disciples and Gangabai was
p. 35.

"

Hindi-ke Musalman Kabi,"

Some

say that

Kamal

was a disciple of Kabir.

14

THE DIN-MLAHI

one of them.

The

great saints Ravidas

and Nam-

deb were contemporaries of Kabir and were much *' influenced by him. Ravidas was a Chamar," a cobbler, and his disciple was the Queen Jahli
of

Mewar. Kabir was followed by Nanak; the former, on

death-bed,
die
in
is

his

said to

have remarked that he

would
his

peace because

Nanak would
his

take

place.

Nanak

raised

voice

of

protest

against idolatory, caste-system

and communalism. 26

Tell

me where
is

did you get two Gods

who

has led you astray ?

The

same God
or Hazrat.

called differently

Allah or

Ram, Karim

or FCeshav, Hari

The same God

Every one
Turk.
lives

is called Mahadev, Muhammad, Brahma or Adam*. on the same earth, one is called Hindu, and the other

The
They
earth.

first

reads the Vedas,

is

the second the Quran, one

is

called

Pundit, the other

style

called

Maulana.

themselves separately though they are pots of the same

;

Kabir says, both are mistaken

none has got

Ram

(God).

Macauliffe

"
:

He who

worshippeth stones,

visiteth places

Of

pilgrimage, dwelleth in forests,

And

icnounceth the world, wandereth and wandereth,

his filthy

How can

mind become pure?**

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

His
teachings

15
after

were so

liberal

that,

his

death, his

Musalman
burial.

disciples

claimed

his

dead

body

fluenced by

Nanak's Japajis were more inHinduism than by the Dohas of Kabir. His Musalman disciples assert that he was initiated
for

by a Sufi saint, Say id Hasan. He In Bagdad, even visited Mecca on a pilgrimage. his teachings have been embodied in Arabic and " " there stood for a long time Nanak's Dargah
into mysticism
in that Islamic centre.

makes a definite attempt to combine the Hindus and Musalmans. Like he consciously denounced pilgrimage, idolaKabir,
(

Dadu

1575 A.D.)

2f>

and outward symbols. Amongst his most important disciples were Sheikh Baharji, Bakarji and Rajjabji.
try

Even in
a

the far

distant
cult

land

of

Assam,

there

appeared founded by Shankardeo.

new

called
It

"

"

Mahapurushia

was more liberal than Vaisnavaism. Himself he was a Kayastha. He counted amongst his disciples a large number of " " Musalmans. To him Temples were fraud and " " Prasad Their Gurus are not hypocrisy.
Brahmins.

Sanatan Goswami, a Hindu saint from Gaur, founded a new order called the Darweshia. The

Darweshia

cult

is

like that

of

the Vaisnavas

and

26
*

K. M. Sen says that Dadu was a Muslim and his original name
'

is

Dayood

which means

'

devoted/

16

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Bauls.

They wear beads

of

called

"

Tasbih-mala

"

Muslim faqirs called Their songs contain the names of Allah, Muhammad and of various saints. Khoda, " " The sect show an extreme form of Saini fusion of Hindu and Muslim faiths. They drink intoxicating liquors and wear beads round the neck, bangles on the wrist and observe the fast of Ekadasi, etc., but like Musalmans they eat beef.
'Alkalla.'

and put on the dress

They bring their beads, called from Mecca and the chain
Sulimani beads.'
'

Khakshafa," of beads is called " Their secret Mantra is Pir

the

**

sat hai

(the

Guru
:

is

truth).

They

utter every

day

the following verse

o^u-

^J

The main feature of these Hindu teachers was new outlook on religious quest. They sacrithe

ficed

forms and

rituals

which had formed

since the

the bedrock of the

of Harsha.

Hindu

society

time

In almost all of them,

we

find a direct

and eloquent protest against the ritualistic cult The of Hinduism and a faith in the Almighty. metaphysical aspect of the Hindus was combined
with ethical aspect of the Semitics.
of their

The

rigidity

dogmas and the

stress

on

their rituals

were

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

17

much toned down by the who came almost in a

this period is full

onrush of these teachers,

host.

The
in
;

literature of

of

Hindu

ideas

and thoughts.
this

The Hindu

poets

who appeared

period

no less were Muslim writers saturated with Hindu thoughts. The Muslims even addressed themselves in Indian Amir Khusrau not only followed the languages. Indian style but he combined it with Sanskrit and
adopted the style of the Muslims
Hindi
:

fS
'l

-'^

-$

?)) ^i*

"|o-"t<i

Amir Khusrau
he was sneered
at

(13th century)

by the

was so liberal that orthodox Muslims as a

:

worshipper of idols.

He

replied to his critics

M^

-uLc

3--I288B

18

THE

D1N-I-1LAHI
*T

ajj4* j-LL

"
I

am

begotten of
all

love,

need no Islam,

have sacred threads

through

my

veins, there

is

no need of any other threads. People say Khusrau worships the

I

idols

of

course

am

doing

this

and

stand not in need of

the peoples of the world/'

In the

the

poems of Kamal (1565 A.D.), we find Hindu Prophets and Gods taking a definite
:

place

1TO

*ft

3RW

tJTf Wit,

Ram's name has

fulfilled

all

my
;

desires;

Lakshman's name has shown

me my

destination.
in

By Krishna's name,
name,
1

crossed the sea

Vishnu's,

find the peace of heart."

With
(1518

the advent

of

Malik

Muhammad
entered
of
into

Jaisi

A.D.J

themes of the

Hindu Muslim
of

allegory
writers

the

Hindu

poetry.

The Hindu
eternal

idea of transmigration of soul,

and

synthesis

Atma and Paramatma, found

allegorical treatises called

expression in the
the Padmavat.

famous

Here, under the allegory of the

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

struggle between Alauddin
is

19
of Chitor,

and the Rana

excellently depicted

the

struggle

in

from the Hindu standpoint soul between the forces of

good and
less

evil.

"
important.

His other Hindi works are no " Akharabat is still regarded as

a standard work of Hindi literature.

Rajjabji (1538-98)
saint

was a

great

disciple

of

the
cult.

Dadu and was

:

a follower of the

Rama

He

sang

By

his time, quite a

definitely taken to the

number of Muslims had cult of Rama.

of

Abdur Rahim Khan Khanan, son

Khan,
age.
is

Bairam

His

one of the best cultural products of the " " read like the outHindi Dohas
:

pourings of a great Vaishnava saint

you converted your mind into a beautiful Chakor, which day and night looks at
!

"

Oh

Rahim,

if

the

moon."

TW it *f WIT* ^t ^Tq"
of

II

Oh

Rahim,
is

if

you desire

to

cross

this

sea

life,

there

no other way but the

shelter of

Ramachandra."

20

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Rahim's love poems are specimens of a wonderful combination of Sanskrit and Hindi
:

^
35TT

|5ITt

II

Kanu played on
dense grove,
night,
I

his flute in

the

midst of a

at

the

dead of a moonlit autumn

deserted cupid, son, sleep

;

and

my

husband

and ran away

has come upon

Oh God of Love, my head again/'

for

what a calamity

Rahim was
is

a good scholar in Sanskrit

the
translation
of

and he
astroof

responsible

some

logical treatises.

Let us quote from one

of dedication
:

his

Sanskrit

poems

*'

Ratnakar

is

your home; your

.

spouse
I

is

Padma (Goddess
thee,

of Fortune)

[What shall

give to

Oh

lord of the world?

is

heart, as your heart

Hence accept this my already taken by Radha."

The eclectic tendency of these Hindu teachers and Muslim litterateurs was very favourable for

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

the reception of the

21

Muslim

Sufi

saints

who had
towards

been making slow but

the

steady
since

progress
their
first

heart

of

Hinduism

advent

inSind(812 A.D.).

The
in India

origin,
is

growth and development of Sufism

really a very interesting study.

The

Indian

atmosphere, charged with its assimilative cosmic ideal and its Vedantic outlook, was very congenial to
the growth of the Sufi ideas,
Islam, with
its

and

at the

same time
its

absence of metaphysics,
Sufism

stern

rigidity, clear

commands and emphatic

mind and

taboos
is

was
after

favourable to the birth of Sufism.

"
all

an

attitude of

heart toward

God and

problems of life which is as different from strictly orthodox Islam as Quakers are from Catholics." In
course of time Sufis, by interpreting
the

some

verses

of

Quran and some

sayings of the Prophet, deper-

sonalised Allah, the

an abstract

Mercy and Wrath, into idea under the title of Love and Truth.
of

God

But these abstractions were

replied to

persecution as the orthodox refused to

by terrible admit metais

physics into their citadel of Ethics.

to conjecture

It

difficult

what would have been

in touch with

the

trend

of

Islam
if it

a religion almost bankrupt in Metaphysics

would not have come

Aryan metaabstractions

physics in Persia or Greek

in

intellectual

Yunan.

The Aryan
with

idea of receiving instructions

through

contact

soul

already illumined,

permeated with Semitic Islam or, in other words, the doctrine of Pir-Murid (Master and Disciple),

22

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
root
into

permanently stuck Hafiz went so far as

into the

its

Islam in Persia.
pulpit

to

"
say,

Drown your
27

wine

if

your Pir says so, for your guide

its

knows the way and

believe that the

destination."

The

Sufis

soul

may

marvellous powers of the illumined be brought to the use and advantage of the

Muslims appeared in India through the north-western gates from Persia, they found that the Indian mind was already in consodisciple.

When

the

nance with Aryan thoughts akin

to those in

Persia
In

and

that a process of fusion

had already begun.

Muslim Saints Chishti, Bahlol, Latiff, and Shah Baz were making steady progress. In
Sind,
the

Northern India Kabir, Nanak, Raidas and Chaitanya

had already softened the rigidity of Hinduism and the Muslim Saints and Sufis found ready response
amongst the people of India. No less were the Muslims influenced by the Hindu Saints. In course
of a
' '

century, the Sufis adopted the

' '

Hindu

doctrine
all

of
their
27

Guru-Shishya

(Master and

Disciple) with

technique of worship.
Dara Shukoli
refer* to similar.
-

Indian synonyms for Sufi terms.

:

synonyms
Sufi

English
...
..

Hindu
...

Zik^

Meditation
Ecstasy

Hal

Dhyan Samadhi
Nyas

TanasukK
Nafs
4
.

Transmigration Contiol of nerves

'

...

...

Punarjanma Pranayam
to

Shariat, Tariqat, Ma'rfat, Haqiqat of

are equivalent

four stages

Hindu

life

Annamay Kosh.

Pranamay Kosh, Jnanamay Kosh,

penance of body by standing
in

Hiianmay Kosli Like a Hindu

the sun, plunging

YOJJI, a Sufi practise*

in water,

burning

in fire.

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

23

By

the 16th century, Sufi teachers divided them-

selves into various orders according to their individual

religious

experiences

in India there

were as many

as seventy- two sects (Bahatar Ferqa).

The

spirit of

the

age was very favourable

to the

development
.

of

the Sufi tendencies and orders in

belief

Islam

It
1

was a

amongst many Muslims that, after ,000 years of Muhammad's advent, would appear Al-Mehdi who " would set disorders at right. By the time Akbar was in India, the cycle of ,000 years had just been
5 '

completed

volumes of

literature

had been written

appearance of Al-

in all parts of Islam regarding the

Mehdi.

Abdul Qadir Badauni

says, in his

Munta-

khabut-Twarikh, that
tific

"questions

of Sufism, scien-

discussions, enquiries into philosophy

and law

were the order of the day." Many conflicting doctrines and interpretations were introduced and controversy

among

the

religionists

was

characterised by bitterest feelings

In

and commentators and uncharitIndia

able effusions.

and

outside

many
as

claimant arose

who
;

professed

themselves

the

promised Messiah to name a few only in India Mir Sayid Muhammad of Jaunpur, Ruknuddin * of Delhi, Sayid Ahmad of Guzrat, Shaikh Ali
of Byana.

The

forces of this

Mehdi movement gave

to

terrible

shake to the orthodox Sunni interpretations

and prepared the way for new doctrines The movement was in another way germinate.
of Islam

in

consonance with the

spirit of the time in India.

The

old stereotyped interpretations

would not

fit

in with

24
the expanding

THE

DlN-l-ILAHI

empire of Islam in the non-Muslim

liberal interpretations
;

land of India

and adaptations
spirit of

were the needs of the moment

a Mehdist the orthodox

without the

would be far too strong for Muslim empire-builder in Hindusthan. any This move of Islam on a new quest was not an isolated movement nor a sporadic growth. Just both then, a wave was passing all over the world in the East and in the West. It is the nature of the world-thought movements that civilisations of a more or less similar stratum are effected consciously
or unconsciously

by

common

currents.

In Europe,

the

intellectual

sphere was pulsating with a

leading to the

new

wave

of scholasticism

Renaissance.

The

search for the

thing led to

whys and wherefores of everythe famous system of Inductivism in

and enquiry
in
;

the field of logic

the quest of the old

truth led to the rebirth of

the

old learning.

The

whole

civilised

world was

an

intellectual travail.

The
of

Islamic world

recipients of

and the Indian mind were also the same thought-currents. The rise

Ramanand, Ravidas, Kabir, Chaitanya, Dadu,

Kalandar, Nizamuddin Awlia, Bahlol and

Mirabai and others on the one hand, and of Saber,

Abu Ali
force.

others on the other,

were

in

part

due

to the time

Neo-Sufism and scholastic theology and repudiation of the orthodox interpretations of the Hadis

and the Quran are but the different features of the same movement or their reactions. In India, the " scholastics and spiritualists were all putting the

THE INDIAN BACKGROUND

world
to flames.

25

"

The mind
to

of

young Abul Fazl

in India.

was not

satisfied with the learning he had

He

intended to

move
"
for

Laban, Tibet, Bagdad "in

ever -expanding
intellect.

quest of goods

his

Badauni compares him to "a man who, having a light in his hand and not knowing what to do, came
out into the street in the day-time." Indeed the " the light of their intellect, made a scholastics, by

day of a night and a night of a day." Akbar appearing in that age in the midst of the scholastic
environments during the process of cultural fusion, was but the natural product of the spirit of the time

and not a mere accident.

U8UJ5

CHAPTER

II

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

The
of
birth of

Akbar marks
of
unification

the
in

consummation
the two greatest

the process

houses of Central

Asia,

those of Chengiz

Khan

Akbar combined in him all and Timur-Lang. that was best in the two of the greatest men
of

Central

Asia

in

the

middle ages.
in history

Chengiz

Khan, apparently of God and man, was not altogether devoid of finer elements in his nature. Without entering
into
it

known

as the scourge

a justification or vindication of Chengiz Khan,

may

be stated that, in religion, he gives the

conception
of

lie

to

the popular

the

great

conqueror.
3

In religious belief,
1

Chengiz was a Shaman.

"

He
"

*' is possibly a loose form of Buddhist Shramana Shaman which means a monk, though Encyclopedia of Religions, Vol. XI, p 441, " " Shaman is derived from native Tungus name for priest suggests that

"

"

or medicine
so

man much from the

Though
religion of

originally Buddhist,

Shamans have deviated

between the two

its

one hardly finds any similarity " Idols are worshipped in this form of religion but

Buddha,

that

special feature

is

the influence

of the

Shamans

(or priests).

These
practise

persons differ not very greatly from African rain-doctors.

astrology to have communication with

They

demons and

familiars.

Their main

power

lies

in

the fact that

to those
I,

unseen world as (Kennedy, Vol

the will of

p. 14.).

who The Shaman

they pretend to have information from the " are about to cause misfortune in the future
foietells the future

and declares
spell of

God

when he awakens (from

he remembers

his trance

under the

incantation or

herbs),

nothing of
are used

what has passed.

in the

Rythmic songs, prayers and adorations Kaiwamic.

by the Shamans

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

believed in
religions

27
all

God

but not in dogma, respected

often

and

was

present

at all

religious

ceremonies of his subjects, for, from the state point found it useful that the people under his authority should give evidence of their faith in
of view, he

God." 2
them
for

After the

conquest

of

Iran,

brought some learned

men

to his court,

Chengiz and asked

of

information on the doctrine

it

Islam.

He

did not find

inferior to

any other
to
is

religion

he
as

knew, hut denounced pilgrimage useless, saying that the whole world
of

Mecca
the

house

God and
3

that

prayers reach

him from everythe

where.
says,

Howorth,
the

in his history of

Mughals,

"Justice,

tolerance,

discipline,

virtues that

make up
and

modern
at

ideal of a state,

were taught
with

practised

his

court/'

In

keeping

his contemporary usages, Chengiz was absolutely careless of human lives "he had a general belief that all religions had more or less truth and more
;

or less

untruth in them."

"The

body

that

is

born

is

immortal.

It

goes

hence without home

a

"h
or resting place.

This

spirit

of

free-thinking

is

common
"

trait

in the family of the

Mughals
by any

of Central Asia,
belief,

they
of

are
2 3 4

not

fettered

restrictions

Felix Vayle, Islamic Culture, Hyderabad, Vol.

I,

1927,

17

Ibid, p. 18

Howorth

gives a fine description of the

Mughals
p. 13.

in their original

home.
5
6

Kennedy, History
Howorth, Vol.
I,

of the

Mughals, Vol.

I,

104

28

THE
7

DIN-I-ILAH1

dogmas."

An

eclectic spirit

They family of Chengiz. the Nestorian form), Christian (of

Buddhist services."
8

"

pervaded the whole

part equally in

took

Muhammadan and

Mangu Khan's

court

On one feast day, Mangu were performed." Khan's chief wife and her children entered the
Nestorian Chapel,
saints,

Howorth describes a scene of " in which Christian services "

kissed

the

right

hand
to

of

the

and then gave her

the

right
of

hand
the
his

be kissed

according to

fashions

Nestorians.

Mangu also was down on the gilt

eight

present and

with

spouse sat

throne before the altar."

is

Even Hulaku Khan, who

hundred thousand

said to have killed

men

at
10

the

tomb
to

of

Ali at Kerbela.

Bagdad, protected They were liberal

merce.-

enough
naries.

employ Christian generals and

in

Though
still

they carried the message of death

their eyes,

and destruction "

lands,
all

wha

:ever direction they turned

they carried to and

the

those

brought from knowledge they could cominquiry

mand."
instinct

A
in

spirit

of
*'

was

native

them.

people," says H.
of

Though not an originative Wells, "yet as transmitters

knowledge and method their influence upon enormous." 11 Kublei world's history has been
7 *

Howorth, Vol.

I,

p. 202.

Kennedy, Vol.
Howorth, Vol

I,

p. 27 p. 190

I,

10

Kennedy, Vol.

I,

30.

Outlines of the History of the

description of the

World by H. G. Wells,

gives a fine

Mongol

culture.

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

Khan, grandson
in
1

29

of

Chengiz,
of

sent

to

the Pope,

269, a mission with evident intentions of finding

action with the

some common mode

kingdom.
learning
to

Western

He
and
an

asked that one hundred

ability

men
was

of

should be sent to his court

establish

understanding.

Here

an

opportunity for the Popes to

fulfil their

ambition of

converting the great

Mughals had been previously made. attempts

Kublei asked
failed to utilise
for

to their faith for

which

But when

some men

of knowledge, they
for

the

opportunity,

papacy was
task.

then at

its

worst and struggling for existence.

sent

two

friars

were unequal
the

to the

The The

attempts

made by

Nestorians

and Catholics

proved abortive.

Inspired

by the great Chinese

sage, Chu-Tsi, Kublei

a Chinese name, for

Khan, the Mongol, accepted he was an Emperor of China.

tone
to

He
cult.

gave

wonderful
to

the

Shamanic

religion and respect began culture of the conquered and did not believe in He was the cultural superiority of the victors.

"He

the

kind to the learned,

to the artists

and poets, and

their

gave them

shelter,

irrespective

of

religion

and

tradition.

He

completely
his

identified

himself
of

with the interest of

subjects.

The

efforts

Kublei to revive Chinese

agriculture,

his

great

laws he struggle against famine, his financial ordered the printing of bank-notes and his works
of charity

deserve

admiration

of all generations. that

this

The

Chinese

historians

recognise

30

THE DIN-MLAHI
"
greatest

descendant of the
greatest ruler.
If
JL>

swordsman was

their

Kublei was great as a ruler of Chinese

soil,

he

was greater still as a ruler of Chinese soul. To decide what was the best among the religions of the people,
he called a council of the wise

men

of all belief s.

1;5

Thus came
possess

the

Muslim

divines, Buddhist

Christian theologians to the Imperial Court

Shamans, and we

a very fascinating
of

record of their discusthe

11

sions in the writings of Rubrukis,

of

ambassador
Christian

Saint Louis,

King

France.

The

Gospels were asked to be translated.

the great

Mati-Dhwaja,

Lama, was

at his court

and was afterwards

honoured with the seat of the Tibetan Dalai Lama.

great

lj from Tibet Lama, named Shakya Pandit

(probably of Indian origin), went over to his court, and is said to have delivered three lectures on

Buddhism
greatness
'

he ultimately convinced Kublei of the

of

accepted as
'

Phagspa

Buddha and was The the (or preceptor). Phagspa is credited with having invented a new
the teachings
'

of

'

alphabet for the use of Kublei 's empire, combining

12

Relix Vayle, Islamic Culture, Vol.

In

I,

p. [9.

China, Kublei had a precedent in Tai-Sing who called a similar council to decide the merits of Neostiian Christianity, Islam,
13

Buddhism and Laotzeism.

search of a
14

Beginning from Asok,

we

"
find,

Religious

conferences follow one upon the other at the court of the Asiatic rulers in

means of reconciling the different doctrines.'* Felix Vayle. Guillamme Baucher, a Persian, and Eaquette de-Melz, a French
mentioned
*'

lady, are also

15

in this

connection
Po-se-pa,

Sanskrit

Shiksh,"
"

Chinese

Bhaspa and Phagspa;

Acharya, meaning

preceptor."

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

the
script
10

31

of

the

Chinese,
of

Mongols and Zoroasa

trians.

This

spirit

enquiry,
of

tendency to
religious

free-thinking

and absence
the

a steady

background are mainly

of
of
beliefs

responsible for the changes

tribes in different parts

in

Asia.
;

The
in

Buddhism
stan, they

adopted South Russia and Western Turki;

Mughal Mughals

in

China

embraced Islam
profession, they
.

in

Muslim by
earlier

still

retain

Kipchak, though most of their

traces

of

Shamanism.
to

The Mughals

of

Ukraine reverted
Cossacks

Christianity,

nomad half-civilised The pliability of the Mughals to some extent continued even when they reached
and Poland
India

forming the tribes in Russia

hundred years of their stay in Islamic environments. If they had not embraced
after

two

Islam

before

they

came

to

India,

they might as
India

well have accepted the

its

religion of

with

all

merits

and demerits.
spirit

The same
line

characterises
early

the

paternal

Turks who accepted made it a condition precedent that, even Islam, when Muslims, they would not part with wine and would not kill cows By no means was their pro-*
of
] '

Akbar.

The

fession

of

Islam orthodox.\

Timur-Lang was so
and he
is

wonderful a personality that a thousand and one

fascinating
fables

grew around him

this
srript, see
I,

For a discussion on
of

the aiticle on the alphabet

Phagspa
17

in

Asia'Major

Kennedy, Vol

34.

Sachau's Introduction to Alberuni.

32
depicted
in

THE

DIN-1-ILAHI

most diverse

lights

temperament of the authors. an orthodox Sunni, and no

credit

according to the He is claimed as

a

less

Shia

some

him

to
;

be a Gazi

others
in

shun him as a
by others as a
or
less

Schismatic
of

he

is

hated

Europe as a scourge
truth
in

God and men.

too.

He
there

is is

cursed

pagan

And

more

every one of the epithets applied to him. His conquest extended from the Mediterranean
to the

Ganges and from Pekin

to

Moscow.

His

history has

certainly the spirit of

been written by the vanquished, and venom, which the vanquished

the
victor,

bore against
1R

has entered into

their

writings.
practically

The

Sunni
in

destroyed

Musalmans, whom he Bagdad and Allepo,

never accepted him as an orthodox Musalman and he was looked down upon by the Khalifas and

Ulama

as a pagan.

He

did not feel

the

much
him

rever-

ence for Mecca.

Khelafat,

Even
in

after

conquest of the
as

Say ids
of

refused

to

regard

monarch

Islam.

In his communications,

he

never styled himself a monarch of Islam, which isr orthodox Muhamthe custom with invariably

madans.
of

He styled himself, "I, Timur, a servant God/' He never changed his hereditary name

" *8 Harold Lamb, Tamerlane the Earth Shaker,*' a well-known work on Timur. Zafarnama, written by Sarafuddin Ali, under the patro-

nage of the Timurids,

i-Timur by
worthy.
79

is full

of

flattery.
is full

Ahmad
Lamb

bin

Abbas Shah

Ajaib-ul-Moqdur fi Akhbarof venom, and i* not trust-

Harold

has thrown interesting sidelights on Timur 's religion.

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

*'

33

Amir Taimur Gurgan." 20

He

never scrupled to
in his

destroy the Khalifa

and had the Khutba read

even hesitate
to

name.
title

He

did not

of Khalifat -ul-lillah to

assume the pose as the greatest comsuperiority

mander of the faithful, vindicating the of Timurid arms to those of Abbassids.

employed
Christians
courts.

He gladly
to

as his

envoys

different

contemporary that he was

not
his

an
of

claim of his panegyrists orthodox Sunni Musalman is

The

tenable.

The

circumstances
creed,
his

which

drew

profession

the Sunni

were purely
his

political.

Fariduddin Bey, in
J1

famous work,
occasion of

Mustahat-i-Sultanat,

states

the

Yusuf of Khaput, from the wrath of Timur, sought shelter at the flying court of Bayezid of Turkey. To Timur's demand for surrender Bayezid gave an evasive reply by
declaration of the Sunni creed.

introducing

irrelevant

reflections

on

his faith

and

orthodoxy.

This step drew from Timur a great profession of Sunni orthodoxy against the faith
of

Bayezid.
battle of

The

altercation
in
1

famous

Angora

ended in the 402 and in the death

of Bayezid.

orthodoxy
to

in

Then followed the vindication of his Rum, when the Ottoman Turks had
his

acknowledge

supremacy and accord

to

Amir wears a commander's crest which Gurgan means a son-in-law and it icfers family.
20

is

hereditary in his

to his ancestor

Nuyun

Karachar's marriage with a daughter of the family of Changiz Khan.

See Abul Fazl, Vol. Ill, p. 204. 21 Published from Constantinople, 1274 A.M.

5-1280B

34

THE
title

DIN-I-ILAHI

him the
of

of Khalifat-ul-lillah.

The
the
in

pretension

Khalifat-ul-lillah
till

continued in
their

house of
1857 after

Timur
t he

the end
22

of

dynasty

Sepoy Mutiny.

Musalman
believer
to

or

no Musalman

believer or non-

him, every one, who dared challenge The his supremacy, was to be put to the sword.
speeches which Timur delivered on the eve of his expeditions were always more political than reli2<J

gious.

The

peculiarity

is

that all his

wars were

fought against the Islamic countries except against

Georgia and India (where the reigning monarch was

a

Muhammadan

though the population was mostly

of

Hindu).

Professions

orthodoxy

suited

those

conquerors best, for religious susceptibility is easily touched and, when inflamed, it works wonders.

To

seems strange that he believed himself to be an agent of God on earth and that it was the
us,
it

commission of

God on him
to

to

conquer the world.

like

24

To oppose him was He would God.

go against the command of

believe

not

Shia that

the Khelafat belonged to the family of the Prophet

22

Parliamentary speeches in the House of

Commons on

the Sepoy

Mutiny, referred to in the Leicester University Lecture, 1924 (Islamic

Section/.
23
'

Institutes of

Timur
is

'

gives a clue to his mind.

24

A similar belief

ascribed to the Mughals in general that

for

God

created two worlds

to his son, Chengiz.

and kept heaven

himself and

gave

this earth

was the son

of Zeus.

The great conqueror of Thebes believed that he The great Corsican thought himself to be guided
of Destiny.

by the unseen hand

uige.

Kaiser Wilhelm

felt

a similar Divine

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

nor would he associate, like a Sunni, the
with the
suzerainty
of

35
Khelafat

Ka'ba.

It

would

be an
did not

irony of circumstances for the

in the least hesitate to build

man

who
25

twenty

turrets of

heads
pose
at the

of

believers

in

Allepo and Damascus

of true Faith

to

as the

champion
of

and

to

attempt

conversion

the

land of

non-believers.
star,

To

Timur,
Turki

ambition was his guiding

blood was

his delight, success

instinct,

was
its

his joy.

Timur's intrepid
thirst

with

insatiable

for blood,

could only be appeased with blood.

But Timur the man is drowned in the midst of Timur the conqueror. Below the blood of the Turk and Mughal that ran in his veins, flowed a current
of the mystic in him.

Behind the

turrets of

70,000

behind the graves of 4,000 human beings buried in Armenia, behind the wall of 2,000 Shaikhs of Seistan, Timur the man is lost
skulls,

human

"

sight of.

His anecdotes have been calumniated

by vituperation of the chroniclers of Persia and 20 They Byzantium whom he had defeated/' " was as prone as any failed to see that Timur medieval catholic, wherever he found a shrine, to
pray
at
it,

asking

protection

from the dead

21

saint

who might be

buried there.

They

failed

to

decipher in the midst of the ashes of destruction that Timur's order was to save colleges and hospitals.
25

E. G. Browne, Literary History of Persia, p. 160.

26
27

Felix Vayle, Islamic Culture, Vol.

I,

1927.

Kennedy, Vol.

I,

p. 76.

36

THE

DIN-l-ILAHl

Every evening after the turmoils of the war were over, he called the group of the pious and the learned men and had discussions with them, which 28 The bloody Timur spent most he prized much." " talk with green-tuibanned holy men of his hours in who had visited the Shrines of Islam and gained 29 Bin Arab Shah says that he sanctity thereby."
used to have books read to him every evening.

Timur
kingdom

tells

us
I

in

his

10

Institutes
I

"Every
the

which

reduced,

gave

back

government of that kingdom to the prince thereof, and I bound him in chains of kindness and
generosity
;

drew them
refractory
I

into obedience

and sub-

mission.

overcome by their own I devices, and appoint over them a vigorous, This version sagacious and upright governor/'

The

exactly

fits

in with

the

spirit

of

Timur.

To

the

refractory,
tion
;

he was a veritable instrument of destructhe

to

submissive he was

all

bountiful.

Before

he planted himself outside the city, raised a white flag as a sign of peace inviting submission if submission was not tendered,
a

conquest,

a red flag
nobles;
flag
if

was
yet
fly

hoisted, intimating

the death of the

submission was not tendered, black

as a signal for the burial of the city
;

would

and on the Dark Horses

enemy's
28

would gallop
Institutes

to

the

city

with unvarying consequences.

description,

For a

detailed

see

of

Timur, Vol.

II,

Davy's edition. 29 Harold Lamb, Tameilane,

30

p. 21.

Institutes of

Timur, Vol.

II,

(Davy's Trans.).

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

37

One can
the

only

wonder how

this

conqueror, in

midst of

his universal

pillage,

plunder

and

destruction, could care to take with

him

the learned,

even

in his

To him,

campaigns. the Shaikhs were as

much

a necessity as

the soldiers.

In war, the place of

the learned

was
cer-

assigned at the farthest and safest corners tainly not a happy compliment to them.

His

regard

for

the Shaikhs
In

and Ulama was

the
its

too uni-

versally

known.

destruction of Bagdad,
cruelties,

so famous in

history, so notorious for

he spared the learned.

of

This

peculiar personality

Timur

the Terrible

and Timur the

Mystic

is

indeed an interesting study.

mystic regard for

for the

Darweshes and Saints and an admiration

disregard of

learned went hand in hand with the cold-blooded

human

life.

in

Sir

Shah Rukh (1304-47) was interesting, though " another way. He desired not to extend," says "
Malcolm,
science
n

but to repair the ravages committed

by
of

his father."

This prince also encouraged

learning
brief, the

men
was

and

and

his

court

splendid."

"In
refined

Timur was

by

empire founded by the efforts of Mirza Shah

Rukh, who during a long period busied himself in repairing the devastation wrought by his predecessor

an extraordinary fact that the son of one so hard-hearted should be so kindly, amiable,
It is

&

Malcolm,

"

History of Persia," Vol.

I.

p. 487.

38

THE

DIN-I-ILAH1

gracious and friendly to learning,

and courtesy

to
1

all,

showing favour specially to scholars and

Abdul Qadir of Muraghah the musician, Queyamuddin the architect and engineer, Maulana Khalid the painter, adorned his court. T2
of parts.'

men

"

On Friday and Monday evenings,"

"
he used
heart
to

says

Bashi,

assemble those

Muazzam who knew the

Quran by

and caused them

presence."

to recite the entire

scripture in his

By-sundar,

son of Shah

Rukh, was a

great

Poets, artists, scholars and patron of learning. painters found a lord bountiful in him. They

came from
Ulagh,

Iraq,

Pars, Azar-baijan

and from

all

parts of Asia.

another

Samarkand his the famous astronomical

Ulagh Beg. "

Rukh, built at famous observatory and compiled

tables

son of Shah

known

as Zich-i-

The Timurids were no

83

barbarians,"
everything
civilised

Dr. F. R. Martin,

"

says

indeed

goes to

show
men,
their

that

they

were highly

and refined
art

real scholars, loving art for

the

sake of

alone without ostentation.

battles,

In the intervals

between
of
their

they

enjoyed
poetry,

thinking
of

libraries,

and writing

many

them having

composed

poetry that far excels that of their poets."

By-sundar was the founder of the most elegant

32

"

The

miniature painting

and

painters of

Persia,

India

and

" Turkey,
33

by F. R. Martin.

Turkhi, Trans, by Farughi, p. 266-67.

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

style
to

39

book production in Persia, well deserved be remembered as one of the greatest bibliophiles
of

of the world.

"

Abu
Omar
had a

Sayid

Mirza

sought
n4

"enlightenment

from Darwesh and ascetic."

Shaikh, father
of
liking for the poets

Babar,
recite

"had

a great

and could

poetry.

He

poetical temperament but was not solicitous of writing verses, spent most of his time in reading

books,

historical

and
iV>

poetical.

The

Shahnama

was
lent

often recited before

companion." Darweshes and Saints and often would

him and he was an excelHe had a great respect for

sit

at

their

feet for

wisdom.
son, Babar,
is

His
romantic

indeed one of the most

of

personalities
in

mediaeval Asia.
r'

He

combined
of

him

the blood of
of

Chengiz Khan and

tender mercies of his

two great houses Timur-Lanr. Left to the unkind tribesmen, he had to

at

Fargana against enemies which included, amongst others, his own uncle. T he Sunni Khalifa claimed his allegiance as he was
a Musalman.'
7

defend his patrimony

The Shia King

Ill,

of Persia

demand-

34

Atml

FazI, Vol.

p.

216

35

Ibtd., pp. 218-19.

36

Babat's

fall er,

Cmar

Shaikh, mairied the

sister of

Muhan mad

Khan, a regular descendant of Chogtai Khan, the head of Choglai tranch of Timurid house. For the genealogy of Muslim Kings, Lane-Poole ia
excellent.
37

For Khelafat pretensions on Muslims, see Hughes, Diction- ry of

Islam.

40

THE DIN-MLAHI

ed his obedience as the lord of the land under his

suzerainty.

Tossing like a wave in the midst of the stormy sea, he dashed six times against the

shores of his patrimony at Fargana and

was six times

swept out of it. It really of an ordinary man how,

situdes

passes the imagination in the midst of the vicislife,

and turmoils

of his

he could maintain
for

an equanimity of
of

spirit, sufficient

composing
intrepid

couplets or for reciting them.

spirit

In

him the

element of

Mongol was softened by the mystic a Turk; he was as much an orthodox

as

Musalman

an apostate.

Though punctual
formalities

at

his prayers, strict in

observance of

of

family customs, religion without magic and divination had but little influence over him. Babar had,
in his religious beliefs,

many

elements to which an
object.

orthodox Musalman would seriously

The

drew from Timur necessity political his profession of orthodox Sunnism (in answer to was equally responsible for Bayezid's reproach),
which
3

making Babar profess Shia doctrine of Shah Ismail. As a mark of his respect to his orthodox Shia 9 suzerain, Babar had to accept Shia-i-Taj,'' though was the term applied to indicate their friend
'

'

relation.

10

He

struck coins bearing the

Shia texts

immediately on his arrival in India.

coins bearing the
38

Babar struck
four

names

of the

first

Khalifas

See Buckler's lecture

Shi a-i-Taj

in the Leicester University, 1924.

39
40

customary cap worn by a Shia.

Buckle's lecture on Mahzar of 1579.

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

and the Khutba was read
Timurid family
is

41

in

his

name.

The

general character of the religious convictions of the

excellently depicted
' '

by Pringle

Kennedy
character

in his

famous work

Great Moghuls."
' *

One

History of the of the Mughal great factor

as
races... The

The

is

that
in his

he was not in his native steppes

religion

so

bound up

other

of Central Asia, though he had his omens and dreams, his witches and witchcrafts, lived on the whole free from much religious restraints. Nor

native

has his Islamism

caused

him
the

to

be

much more

bound.

He had

accepted the

but only very

partially

Muhammadan creed, Muhammadan social

it,

system which accompanied

retained
as
its

and

his

basis

steppes."
the forests. 4
N

Babar

and

much Humayun

of the social

life has law of the

were

never

happier in their palaces

than in their camps and

the

Babar hardly
social

followed
is

Sunni

orthodox
;

system which

a part of the Islamic creed

he enjoyed the prerogative of social freedom. He enjoyed wine cups as much as any other of 42 his family an enjoyment strictly prohibited.
Submission
to Shia creed

was enforced by

political

necessity while in Persia, and renouncement of the

same and
41 42

striking of the coins bearing the

I.

names

of

Kennedy, Vol.

pp. 12-29.

Sultan All Mirza, one of his ancestors, drank for 20 to 30 days continuously. Blochmann, p. 58. Timur'a wife drank wine openly a
;

Christia

ambassador (Sanjak) was present

in

such a party.

Davy's

Institute.

1280B

42
the
first

THE
four

DIN-I-ILAHJ

Khalifas,

were due
to

to

the

same

motive."

Religion seems

have had anything

but a powerful influence

regards submission to

upon him save indeed as the will of God and belief

was no
better

in the efficacy of prayer.

Humayun
no worse than

in point of religion

and

his father, Babar.

saint,

Though he was

under the influence of a

i-

he accepted the Shia-

Taj, and wore the Khelat (robe of honour) offered

of

by the Shia King

to
at

Persia.

He went
of a

so far as

make

a pilgrimage to the tomb

Shia saint

Ardbil in north-western Persia near the Caspian His change of the title of Sultanate of Sea.

Hindusthan

'*

to

Masnad-i-imarat,"
to

smacks

of a
If

complete surrender
father

Persian influenced"
in

his

had stetped himself

the

wine,
of

Humayun
Love men, and

fumed himself with

of books, association
visits to

smoke

opium.

with

the learned

tombs and
all

saints
in

the characteristics of his

line
fall

were

present

him.

His death from a

at

from the steps of

his

library

Delhi

is

an

eloquent testimony to his love of study. In short, a spirit of cultural eclecticism, almost
unfettered by the limitations of Islam,

had accepted
great

it

though they 50 years before, existed in the two

Central

houses

of

Asia

from

which

the

Chogtai family of India traced their descent.

43
'
'

They

Humayun

also venerated

L ight
in his

and his alleged apostacy has

"

been discussed by Dr. Tripathi

Administration," p.
1

Some Aspects

of

Muslim

!6.

THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND

continued
their

43
love of

old

social
their

system,
for

with

Shamanic customs,
literary

love

literature

and
with

men, with

their

drinking

bouts and
of

their
lives.

cruel

propensities
of

The Torah quoted, and when The kettledrum and

and disregard Chengiz Khan

put
tails

human
still

was

necessary,

into
still

practice.

horse

were

the signs

of the dignity of a Chogtai.

In the 14th and 15th centuries, so far as India was concerned a tendency towards a fusion and rapprochement between Hindu and Muslim cultures,
,

was already
then in

in evidence.

The

Sufi

teachers were

possession

of

the field, the

Hindu

saints

had prepared the soil, and seeds of eclecticism, partly conscious and partly unconscious, had been
sown.
great

The time was

ripe

for

the

advent of a
co-ordinate
priest

man and
jarring

a great ruler
of

who would
the

the

elements

two.

appeared in 1542 in the desert of

that cradle of Sufis
last

The Amarkot in

Sind,

wherefrom had sprung

for the

a mother

400 years myriads of saints. He was born of who had behind her a great legacy of the
!t

culture of Transoxiana.

in the

house of a Hindu
shelter
to

Raja

who,

out
It

of

pity,

had given

was no mere accident but a phenomenon, associated with a love for the Hindus which the great Emperor manifested.

Humayun.

44

Hamida Banu helormed

to

a very old and cultured family of

Transoxiana.

CHAPTER

III

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

After

many

trial

and a change, Humayun

1

recovered the throne of Delhi in

the

555, at Sarhind,
of the clutches

legacy of Timur-Lang.

Out

of the
freely.

Shah

of Persia, the father

and son breathed

;

But the span was short

to

before young
to the

Akbar had time

accommodate himself
huge

new
age

environments, he was called upon,

of fourteen, to perform the

at the early

task of governing

India, as yet a land of uncertainty for the family of

Timur, with enemies open and he might have to share the

father
at

secret.
fate

Any moment
his

of

grand-

father in India. But Fargana and fortitude and with assistance through courage of the iron hand of Bairam Khan, he surmounted
or of his

the

Panipat in 1556. But even after Panipat, the throne had so many
at

troubles

the

battle of

thorns by

its

side that

it

was impossible
being

for

any-

body

to stay there

without

pricked.

The

position of the Delhi

encouraging. Rajput Chiefs

1

Government was not at all Kashmir was independent. The

of

Central

India

were not only

The

first

refusal to strike

glimpse of the greatness of Akbar was shown in his Hemu 4< How can 1 strike a man who is as good as
:

dead."

Lane-Poole, Mediaeval India, p. 241.

The argument of Smith that Akbar killed Hemu, is not convincing. Smith's Akbar, the Great Mogul, p. 39; Tarikh-i-Afghana, E & D.,
Vol. V, p. 48.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

45

independent, they were waiting for an opportunity

to strike at the

Empire.

Guzrat and Malwa were

dynasty.

being ruled

by a

Muhammadan

The
little

Bahmani and
heed

the Vijayanagar

Kingdoms paid

Government. In the east, the Kararani and Lohani Afghans controlled Bengal, Behar and Orissa, owing but a nominal allegiance to the Delhi authority. The Shah of Persia still looked upon Akbar and Bairam as his deputies and claimed suzerainty. A firman of condolence
to the Delhi

contained direct references to these

tensions.

Imperial

pre-

were watching the course and of events at the centre from where the development
All

boy
of

Emperor's ejection was considered only a question of days and months. But Bairam, a friend

Humayun
the

in his extremity, fully justified himself

as

guardian
out
for

of

his
his

friend's

son,
2

though

in the
stretch

end possibly

Tartar

spirit

made him
But Akbar

the throne of India.

to the task
;

with an acumen and judgment hardly to be expected in a boy of his age, he managed the ugly situation with astute skill.

was not unequal

Maham Anaga, who had

in

the

harem

for

the

organised the conspiracy fall of Bairam, put her

at the forefront, herself

infamous son

Adam Khan

pulling the wires of intrigue from behind the veil. Bairam 's absence raised cupidity in the breasts
2

Smith

to contest

is of opinion that Bairam was honourable enough net the throne of Hindustan, He lays the whole blame at the

door of

Maham

Anaga.

46

THE DIN-MLAHI
and Jagirdars and even
of

of the refractory Chiefs

generals and kinsmen.

Akbar could not make

out
It

whom

to believe

and
task

whom

not

to

believe.

tradition of his father

for anybody with the and grandfather having been turned out of their respective patrimonies in Samarkand and Hindustan, with no Bairam to lead the armies to victory, and Akbar as yet within his teens. Akbar had a trying time indeed one defeat would
;

was indeed a hard

immediately be
revolts in

the

occasion

for
;

simultaneous

all parts of

Hindustan

one undiplo-

matic

move might
;

cost

him

the loyalty of his

left

own

Turki followers

one step to the

might bring

him face to face with currents that would sweep him away nobody knew where. He became convinced that the Afghans could hardly reconcile
themselves
to

subordination

to

the

youthful

Emperor who belonged

to a different race

and with

whom

they had no link of tradition.

free-lancers,

The Turko-

Mongol
the

followed his grandfather, were hardly willing to follow the lead of

who had

puny

kingling.

There was
first

little

possibility

of forming a solid block of the

Musalmans
of

against

the

infidels.

The

wave

the

invaders'

had ebbed away by this time. They were as much disunited as the Hindus had been
religious zeal

appearance in India. Fortunately for him, there was as little chance of his enemies making a common cause against him
during the days of their
first
:

each wanted to be great and independent.

The

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

force of disunion

47

was working everywhere.

Thus

number of his adversaries made the task of overcoming them one by one easy for Akbar. He thought of playing against the jealous Musalmans with the help of the valiant and much wronged
the very

Hindus.

Babar's instruction to
3
:

Humayun on
still

the

eve of his Indian expedition were

in his

very

fresh

mind
It,

"O, my Son, People

therefore,

of diverse religion inhabit India

....

..

behoves you that

You

should not allow religious prejudice to influence your mind, and administer impartial justice, having
regard to the religious susceptibilities and religious customs of all sections of the people.

You should

in particular refrain

from the slaughter

of

cows

You

should never destroy places of worships of any

community

The propagation

of

Islam will be better carried on

obligation than

with the faith of love and

the sword of supression."

with

There was before him a

leaf out of the political

philosophy of his great predecessor, Sher Shah. Sher Shah's government had acknowledged the
desirability of giving

an orientation

to the objective

of

Muslim rule in India. That great Indo-Afghan was the consummated link of history between the untrimmed Turko- Afghans and the civilised TurkoMughals of India. He was the embodiment and an expression of the assimilative forces that had
3

State Library

MSS-

of Bhopal.

48
for long

THE DIN-MLAHI

been progressively Indianising the Muslim newcomers. In him had blossomed forth all that

was
of

best

among

the pre-Akbar

Musalmans

of India.

He had

enunciated and

practised a
for

new

principle

political

philosophy
to

them

in

India,

which

go beyond the orthodox interpretations of the Shariat and to accommodate themselves with the unbelievers in the government of The fact of India which was mostly infidel.
importance about
not that there
this

recommended them

son of Sasaram
large

Jagirdar
in

is

was a

Hindu element
is
is
it it

the

ranks of his soldiery, them was a Hindu

separate
;

nor
;

that the
that

chief of
started

nor

he
the

inns

for

the

Hindus and
of
his

Musal-

mans was Indian

it is

that

the

spirit

administration
either

instead

of

being
of
his

Hindu

or

Muslim.

The

spirit

administration

was
'*

essentially

Hindustani/'
soil,

and not unavowedly Indian or The fundamental assimilativewhich had received

into the vast

ness of the

ocean of

its

thought and
in

discipline

successive
'the

streams of foreign invaders like the

Kushans,

Huns, the Sakas

operating

the

ancient

past,

was long

upon the crusaders of the Crescent by arms and governmental pressure. India force of Sher made the achieved what Persia had notIndians.

Musalmans
ing
it

Sher took a long time makin that subtle unconscious

to

for the

most part

way which history has repeatedly shown

characteristically India's

be

own.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

49

By

the

time of Akbar, long contact with the

unbending Hindus had

give up much of their tisation. Community
interests

made

zeal
of

Musalmans and heart for proselypolitical and economic

the
asserting
its

was
over

gradually

inevitable

superiority
idolaters

differences
iconoclasts.

of faith

between the

and the

The
dynasty
the

establishment

of

the great central Asian

beyond
of

India
soldiers

had
in

seriously
India,
to

disturbed
that

supply
services

so

the

Indian
the

Sultans
of

had

increasingly

requisition

the Hindus.

Constant Mongolo-

Turkish invasions

during the Slave

during the Khilji and the made for a wholesome union of political

hegemony and Toghluq periods had

interests

between

Timur.
shoulder

Hindus and the Musalmans against Hindus and Muhammadans had fought
the
to

shoulder

for

the

defence

of

the

Sultanate.

The Chogtai
of
;

invasion

indeed

had

driven Muslims into the arms of the Hindus.

necessity

The
in

the

hour agreed with the process of

jhe history

rapprochement

was

inevitable

consequence. Thus we see, in the Deccan, when a conspiracy was set on foot in the Bahmani King-

dom against Mahmud Gawan

the

for

Hindus joined hands

element.

with

being a foreigner, the Muslims to

political disturb-

fight the foreign

The

ances following the Chogtai invasion and the conse-

quent

rise

of

petty

chieftainships,

brought the

Hindus

into

prominence.

That the Hindus did

7-1280B

50
not

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

make
is

any

serious

attempt to found a Hindu

fact,

Empire
that

exp]ained by the

amongst

others,

the

Hindus did not look upon themselves as

a separate political entity and were willing to make common cause with the Muhammadan brethren.

The
the

idea

of

common Hindu-Muslim
Sher

rule

was
the

dream

of
to

Shah

but

unfortunately

he came

the throne

of

Hindustan in

evening of his life, and lived to rule only for five Adil Shah, though devoted more to the years.
culture of

Hindu music than to the affairs of state, had good sense of handing over the charge of his government to the care of an able Hindu, Hemchandra by name. Indeed, in the defence of the
general of

Sur dynasty, the services of this Hindu a Muslim ruler were invaluable.

By the time Akbar came to the throne of Delhi, the Hindu element in the Muslim administration had become a permanent factor. In social life, many of
the beliefs of the
citadel

Hindus had invaded the Muslim

directly against the

some

of those being

teachings of the

Muslim

religion.

Hindu

astrology

,,

divination, magic, so

much

decried by the Prophet,

were believed

in

by them.

"

The

miracles of the

Yogis were related by the orthodox writers with as perfect a coviction as could have been given to those
in the

Quran witchcraft was universally believed omens and dreams were paid the greatest attention Even Humayun had fashipned his audience to."
;

Elphinstone, p. 476, 9th edition.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

hall according to the

51

Hindu manner 5

it

had seven

rooms

named according to the seven stars. He used those rooms according to the influence of the stars. The visitors were allowed to use those
according
to

rooms

the influence of the stars

on

their life.

Culturally, socially

and

politically there/

was going on a process of fusion. To Akbar, an enemy, be he a Hindu or a^ Muslim, was an enemy of the state and he dealt with him as such. A defeated foe, be he a Hindu or a Muslim an enemy who had submitted

The engaged his greatest consideration. was laudable in a land where Bal ban's practice
punishment of Tughral Beg of Bengal, where Alauddin's philosophy of exterminating the whole
family for the fault of one rebel, were
the
still

fresh in

minds

of

men.

The

gift of

a Khelat or a

throne instead of death to a vanquished antagonist might well have amazed the Turko- Afghans. The

magnanimity of this young Emperor sprang more from his nature than from his policy. Before he .was twenty, he abolished the Jezia and the pilgrim
tax.

The punishment

of

Adam Khan

after his

misbehaviour with the family of Baz Bahadur of

Malwa and
5

the execution of Pir

"

Muhammad
:

left

Rampran Gupta,
"
(a)

(b)

" Mughal Rajbansha. p. 106 " for poets, travellers, ambassadors; moon-chamber the " for religious law-givers and administhe "mars-chamber
trators
;

(c)
6

the

"

"

mercury-chamber

for warriors

and

soldiers, etc.

Elphinstone, p. 372.

52

THE DIN-MLAHI

very deep impression on the vanquished that justice

.could

be expected even against the most powerful

)

noble of the court.

Liberality, justice

and paternal-

ism became the

in politics

spirit of the age}

This liberalism

which

in

expanded the mind of the Emperor future became congenial to the growth
of

and
birth

expression
in

liberalism

in

religion.

His
of
his

Hindu house,
7

the

sweetness

Hindu
of
his

consorts

in the

harem, the faithful services

the beautiful
Sal
8

Hindu generals abroad, and

episode of the Rani of

Wan

when she accepted

indelible impres-

Humayun
sion
finer

as her brother,

left

an

on

his

mind.

He became

convinced that the

elements of humanity might be found even

beautiful land
;

amongst the non-believers. The early life of Akbar

of culture,

in

that

had expanded his mind her glorious monarchs, and the constant changes of her The Shia political history had filled his mind.
Persia,

tendencies of the land of Persia silently penetrated into him. His early Shia teachers had brought
his

mind

to the better side of the Persian culture

by

their teachings in the

The

influence of
10

poems of the Persian mystics. Shah Abdul Latif and his lesson
lost

in Sulh-i-kul
7

were never
Akbar,
p. 178
J.

upon him.

They

For the wives of

see

Najatur Rashid

and Rampran

Gupta's Mughal Rajbansha, 8 Sind and its Sufis, by

9

P. Guiraj, p. 41.
little

Can we not
Sulh-i-kul

trace a

Shia influence in giving his sons the

all.

names Hasan and Husain

10

the heroes of the Shias?

means peace with

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

had broadened
his

53

mind

to

a sufficient extent and

traces of Persian

influences

on Akbar's

later life

were amply manifest.

Along with
liberal

his

liberal

political instinct
traits

and

Shia

tendencies, the peculiar

of saint

worship and tomb pilgrimage, which characterise the Timurids and Mongols of Central Asia, 11 find their
expression in Akbar.
Chittor,
saint

On

the eve

of the battle of

he promised a pilgrimage to the tomb of Ma'in-ud-din Chishti of Ajmer, should he be

12

vouchsafed victory. After the victory of Chittor, he actually walked a distance of 220 miles to fulfil

vow and to show his gratefulness to benign God and Saint. The mystic in Akbar would often
his

compel him
chant
for

"

to seek loneliness

where he would
praises of

the

"

Ya Hu," " Ya Hadi."

"
;

whole night
1
'

contemplative

peror sitting on a

Fazl

tells

us that,

God," By nature, Akbar was " in Badauni, we read of the Emstone lost in meditation." Abul " once in 1557, Akbar felt con"

the

strained by the presence of a short-sighted

man and

began chafe, assumed the posture

to

he rode
of

and, dismounting, communing with God."

off

This was while Akbar was only 14 years old. In 1561 when he was aged about 20 only, he said,
,

from the lack of

11

spiritual provisions

for

the last

12

Vide ante, Ch. II, pp. 36-37. Babar, on the eve of his battle with
a

to

make
13

Rana Sang, asked his vow with their hands on the Quran. Sufi mode of remembrance (Zikr). See ante, Chap. I, p.
II.

soldiers

22,

and

Badauni, Lowe, Vol.

pp. 202-04.

54
journey,

THE
"

DIN-I-ILAHI

my
J1

soul

was seized with exceeding

sorrow.

This event occurred long before he came in contact with the Sufi brothers. In his
element,
for

his ever-expanding soul was ever crying an expansion and enlargement. Akbar was 22 years of age when his twin sons, Hasan and Husain, died. He was anxious to

have a son and paid

at

visits to

the shrines of saints

purpose. Salim Chishti, a saint at Fatehpur, blessed him and promised him one, and soon after his Hindu confor the

Ajmer and elsewhere,

sort Jodhabai,

daughter of Behari Mai, conceived.

Akbar

sent the imperial consort to the

Khanqah

15

of

Salim Chishti and placed her in the care of the saint

where a male child was safely delivered. The child was named Salim after the name of the saint through whose grace the child was supposed to
have seen the
born
at light.

Soon

after,

another son was

house of saint Danyal and the child was named Danyal after him.
the

Akbar came to Sikri and stayed with Salim Chishti in his humble hamlet. He was so
In
1

571

profoundly influenced by saint Salim that he resolved to turn the humble hamlet into a celestial

Soon the place was examined immediately. by Akbar himself and the foundation was laid of a city as beautiful as dream and as Fatehpur
city
' '

woeful as
14

its

remains."

In

1572, he went out

Quoted

in Islamic
is

15

KVinnnaVi

Review, 1927 by Menon. mnnatf^rv where a Sufi resides.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

for

55

conquest of Guzrat, and while at Cambay, received the Portuguese merchants who came
the
to

pay

their respects to

him. This personal acquainin future.

tance

with

the

Portuguese Christians produced

immense consequences
But inspite of his
nature, inspite of
inspire
tical

innately

his early

liberal

wonderful mystic Shia influences,

of

the

attitude
traits

comprehensiveness of his poliand inspite of the broad central

his family,

Asian

of

Akbar could
Sunni

hardly
that

outgrow the circle

of his orthodox

sect

hovered round the royal court. knows no state clergy formally,

of the
limits

Though
still

Islam

the powers

monarch having been confined within the 10 of the Shariat, he had to depend on the
11

Ulama

for

the

administration

of

the

state.

These men had made almost a monopoly of some

of the very big
18
lJ

positions

of the

state,
21

such as the
virtue

Sadr,

Qazi,

Mir-adl

20

and Mufti,

who, by
to

of the very nature of their work,

had

be recruited
India

from the learned

class,

and learning

confined to Sunni theology.

was Bairam Khan, who was

in

himself a Shia, had, during his regency, appointed

16
17
18

means Islamic Sacred Law. Ulama means learned men.

Shariat

Sadr means the head of the

archbishop
in

religion

in

the court,

something

like the
19

Anglicanism

20
21

Qazi means judge. Mir adl is a subordinate member of the Judiciary. Mufti means a thiological expert who explains Law.

56

THE DIN-MLAH1
22

a Shia, Shaikh Gudai,

but he had to

go along

with Bairam Khan.

of

2:{

After a short term of office

Qilha, Akbar Nabi.

Khawja
In
his

Muhammad
usual
faith

appointed a

new Sadr named Abdu-n

believed in

and devotedness, Akbar the decisions and interpretations of

the Sunni Sadr,

the Sadr

Abdu-n Nabi.

His reverence

for

was unbounded, specially as Abdu-n Nabi had come from the family of the great lawgiver
of Islam,

Abu

Hanifa,

who was

universally

res-

pected as the greatest of

the reign of Akbar, the
2I

Muslim lawgivers. During

Sadr ranked as the fourth

officer

of the empire.

"

He was
;

the highest law

officer

tor
all

and had the powers which the administraand was in charge of general has amongst us
ecclesiastical

lands devoted to

and benevolent

purposes and possessed an unlimited power of conferring such lands independently of the King.

He was
The

also

the highest

law

officer

and might
25

exercise the

powers

of

the

highest

Inquisitor."

prestige of

Abdu-n Nabi was much

greater

22

The

Shia influence of Shaikh Gudai during the early years of

is

Akbar's reign
Badauni.

an interesting

study and

may be

profitably read in

Sadrs at the time of Akbar la) Sheikh Gudai 968 AH, (b) Khawja Md.Qilah 971 A.M., (c) Shaikh Abdu-n Nabi 986 AH., (d) Sultan Khawja 993 A.H., \e) Amir Fatehulla Shhaji 997 A.H (/) Sadr whose name coincides with the title, (g) Abdul Baqir, only Jehan mentioned by Abul Fazl but with no other details.
: ,

24

The

four officers are Vakil, Vizir, Bakshi

p. 270

and Sadr.

25

Blochmann,

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

57

than that of the other Sadrs of the Delhi Sultanate.

He had
Islam
bribery

been

to

Mecca several times and

learnt

the Hadis there.

His knowledge of the folklore of

was

great.

He came

to the

office, after

the

and

corruption of

the

religious

grants

("

Aymas ") had been discovered, "to set things right." Gradually, Abdu-n Nabi acquired such absolute powers that he conferred on the deserving people a whole world of subsistence allowances,
lands, pensions, so

much so that if the bounty of all former kings of Hind were thrown into one scale and
liberality

the

of

this

would preponderate."
ed the

age into the other, yet % And Akbar never

this

grudg-

gifts of this Sadr.

Akbar 's
law.

belief in

him and reverence

for

him on

grounds of religion gradually put the Sadr above From the point of view of Islam, nothing is
nothing
is

purely religious and

there
is

purely secular, and

hardly any difference between religion and This explains the absence of any partipolitics.

cular treatise

on

political

philosophy, and the con-

duct of the Prophet and revelations embodied in

the

Quran

are guides for Islamic

monarchs geneShariat,

rally.

Being the
Islam.

guardian
controlled

of

the
the

the

Sadr practically
side of

religio-political

The

reverence of

Akbar

for

the

Sadr was so great that he would bring him his 27 shoes and place them before his feet.
*6
27

Badauni, Lowe, Vol. H, p. 70. Badauni, Lowe, Vol. HI, p. 127,

8

1280B

58

THE DIN-MLAHI
Under the
influence
of

Abdu-n Nabi, Akbar

grew to be a very violent and orthodox Sunni. He even grew intolerant, giving orders for the mur" " der of the unbelievers and the term believer was applied to those Muslims only who would follow
the
interpretations of
that time, Shaikh

At

thinker

Abdu-n Nabi and his party. Mubarak of Nagor, 28 a free and theologian, who was much influenced

by the idea of the Millennium, excited the jealousy of the Sadr by his learning and prestige. The
Sadr Abdu-n Nabi and Mukhdum-ul Mulk Abdulla
Sultanpuri

represented

to

Akbar

that

"

Shaikh

Mubarak belonged to the class of innovators and was not only himself damned but led others to damnation." At that time, it was customary to get hold of and kill such as tried to introduce innovations
in

religious

matters
20

witness the case of

Mir Habsi and others.

of permission to
officers

"Having

obtained a sort

"

to

remove him," they sent police In bring him before the Emperor."

wrath, they polluted Mubarak's prayer room; down his house and burnt it not satisfied with this, they furrowed the plot of his
they pulled
;

their

homestead land and sowed seeds so that even the last remnant of the house was effaced. Saint Salim
Chishti,

when approached by Mubarak

for shelter,

found the Mulla party too strong and advised him to flee to Guzrat. Akbar, the faithful, would
Father of Faizi and Abul Fazl.

Badauni, Lowe, Vol.

II,

p. 198.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

not oppose such ruthless punishment of
less.

59
the
in
faith-

Faith,

of

course,

signified

faith

Islam

as interpreted by the

Sunni Sadr and the Sunni

devotion and

Mufti.
faith,

In pursuance of this extreme

he ordered many men, who held the Shia and Badauni tells us that doctrine, to be killed
;

Mukhdum-ul Mulk Maulana owing Abdulla Sultanpuri, many heretics and schismatics went up to the place prepared for them.'* In 570, Mir Hakim Moqim of Isphahan and others were
to exertions of
1

"

killed for being Shias.

30

Maulana Abdulla could

His tyranny did Badauni 3i narrates
congratulated

not brook anything

non-Sunni.

not spare even inanimate books.

an occasion when

his friends

him

narrow escape from death because he had expressed an opinion in favour of a book Rawatu-i-

on

his

Akab, which was looked down upon by MukhdumAbdulla was interdicted as a bigoted ul Mulk.
Sunni even by an orthodox Mulla
like

Badauni.

During

this period, in

some

instances, religious

considerations

Akbar even in weighed with political matters. On one occasion, his faith in and reverence for the Prophet and his family grew so
great that he did

not

kill

Muhammad
a

Mirak of

Mashad Zaman,

who
for

had
32

rebelled

Mirak was
killed.

along with Say id; but

Khan Khan
to

Zaman was
30
31
32

The

faithful

now used

Ibid., p.

128.

Badauni, original, p. 70.

According
p. 80.

to

Smith the

revolt of

Khan Zaman was

in 1667,

Akbar,

60
visit

THE DIN-MLAHI
the

Ajmer every year the new capihumble hamlet of Salim tal grew round the Akbar swept the dust of the mosque of Chishti
tomb
at
;

Salim.

88

By
and

this time,

Akbar had
Mirzas.

successfully

checked
followers

the insubordinate Afghans, unruly Turki

rebellious

The Hindus had been

into friends,

humbled, some had been transformed

others matrimonially
of

trapped.
in

success

was

pouring
of

Every year, news from all s ;side

uncertainty

the country was relieved

the

from

which she had been suffering since 1526. Now journeys were safe, and commerce was established.
Hindustan became a safe home
for

many who

found the sternness

tolerance of

Ottoman empire, the inthe Persian monarchs or the insecurity

of the

of the trans-Hindukush provinces too hot for

them.

The orthodox

great patron as the government

in Akbar a was being run on purely Sunni lines by Abdu-n Nabi and Abdulla No doubt the country was conquered Sultanpuri. by the sword of Akbar and kept by his diplomacy,
sects

of

Islam

found

still

the Mullas carried

of

on the government by
laws.

their

interpretation

the

devout

Muslim, Akbar
their
is

and would not grudge the

a sincere
in

As

Mullas

age-long privileges,
it

the

state.

Power

a jealous master,

tolerates

no

rival;

specially,
religion
is

power concentrated on the sanction of a dangerous thing, it is more often

33

Darbar-i-Akbar, p. 36.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

abused
than
not.

61

The

beyond the limits of their which were highly offensive from the
view.

Mullas often stepped authority and did things

state point of

Along with the expansion of Akbar was making a settlement

In connection with this work,
into the Sayurgal lands.
31

his

dominions
the
lands.

of

he made enquiries

He

found that

all

the

Sadrs had been guilty of bribery and corruption. It has already been observed that Shaikh Abdu-n

Nabi was put

' '

in charge of this important office

to

set things right."

The

firman granting land was

and the firman-holder took as much land as he could and kept it as long
often ambiguously .worded

as he

was able to open his Qazis and provincial Sadrs.

quiries
versal.

private

purse to the

After repeated en-

Akbar found
He,

that the malpractices

were uni-

therefore,

took

away

the lands from

the

Afghans and Choudhuris, transformed them lands and placed the rest at the hands of the Sadr for enquiry and disposal. Every one who held more than 500 Bighas, was asked to prove his title, in default of which he was to lose the lands; " the excess of all a general order was issued that lands above one hundred bighas should be reduced
into

Crown

to two-fifth of

it

three-fifths of

it

should be annexed
this

to

domain lands."
34

In

no time

was

to embroil

Sayurghal

is

a Turki word
it is

it

refers to land

granted for mainIt

tenance.
Jagir, for

Commonly,
it is

known

as

Madad-i-ma'ash.
is.

differs

from

not in lieu of service, as Jagir

62

THE
in

DIN-I-ILAHI
35
;

Akbar

a serious rebellion

the

disgruntled
;

Choudhuris

now combined

with the Mullas

to

war born
religion.

of politics

was added a war born of

settle-

As he
ments
of

proceeded with the business of

the

newly acquired

territories,

Akbar
whole

discovered that
grant-holders,

the Qazis used to take bribes from

after

and
it

examining
of

the

matter, he dismissed
of

many

Badauni that

was out

The charge Qazis. hatred against the

Mullas that Akbar dismissed them, is not borne out by facts the step was taken from a purely
;

financial
ftinction

point
of

of

view.

As he made no

dis-

religious beliefs in the recruitment of

public officials generally,

in the
/the

he made no difference

punishment, if they were found guilty. If Qazis were found guilty, he would not spare

'them.

Now Akbar
not
let off

Aymas
Sadr

ordered that the Qazis should unless the firmans were placed
for

before

the

inspection

and

verification.

For

this reason, a large

number

of

Aymadars came
place
If

to the court
their

from

all

parts of Hindustan, to

firmans before the

Sadr.

one

could

produce
official or

recommendations
of

from

but

; grandee without sufficient backing had to bribe Abdu-r Rasul, the personal assistant of the Sadr.

the court,

any important he was saved

men

There are instances

36

that

even the Mehtars (sweepp. 269.

Blochmann,

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

ers),

63

Faraschis (steward) and

of the bribe.
if

Syces (grooms) had

the bribe
fell

their shares

If

below

expectations, or

there

were no recommendations,

one had no chance of having one's "Ay mas" confirmed. But no one dared complain against
the

Sadr,

for

versally
36

known.

Akbar 's "

faith

in

him

was

uni-

The

insolence of the Sadr went

hall, just

so far that, even in the state

before the

*Oju,'

he purposely spilt water on the grandees standing near him, only to display the wide and un37 Even Badauni, controlled powers he possessed."
a staunch supporter
of

Mullas,

tells

us that he

was forbidden by

his friend
into

Amboa
or
silently

from entering

Mir Sayid Muhammad service under the Sadrs

from accepting any Madad-i-ma'ash.

Badauni
not
38

made

a reference to his

sufferings for

acting

up

to the advice of

Mir Adil Amboa.

After the conquest of the four great fortresses of

Mirth, Chittor,
tion

Ranthambar and Kalanjar, an invitafrom Itmad Khan reached Akbar for putting an
to the prevailing

end

anarchy

in

Guzrat.

Over and

above the consideration of the great wealth of Guzrat, and of her commerce, what attracted Akbar was its
geographical situation.
89

for pilgrimage

to

was there that the ships Mecca and Medina anchored.

It

36
37

Ablution before prayer.

Ain-i-Akbari, Blochmann, p. 269.

38

Badauni, Lowe,

Vol.

Ill,

p.

121.

Mir Sayid

Muhammad
ships

said

that the Sadrs

39

were tyrannical
100
ships.

egotists.

Jahaj-i-Ilahi

Sher Shah's

pilgrim

numbered

fifty only.

64

THE DIN-MLAHI

During his Guzrat expedition, Akbar made acquaintance with Portuguese Christians which was afterwards to develop into something very obnoxious to
the

Mullas.
his

In

this

war the Hindu Raja Bhagwan

Das and

adopted son,

Man

Singh, distinguished
the

themselves so
of a banner

much

that the

unprecedented honour
for
first

and kettledrums was

time

Bhagwan Das indeed an honour which was never conferred on any but a royal Chogtai
conferred on

family and not even on the most honourable families of the Muslim grandees. By
of

Timur's

now, Surat was conquered by Todar Mai.

third of June,
1

By

the

573, the

Emperor returned

to Fateh-

Ajmer. pur by way Smith has made a very significant suggestion

that
to

of

many

notable persons

came

to offer felicitations

Akbar on his success in Guzrat and one of them was Shaikh Mubarak, who made a significant speech
expressing the hope that the Emperor might become spiritual as well as a temporal leader of the people;
:he

suggestion pleased
it

Akbar who bore

(1579).

it

in his

mind
entiire

and acted on
theory
of

six years later

The

regarding Akbar 's religious on the assumption that from the very beginning Akbar had a mind to combine the roles of the Caesar and the Pope into one and that the

Smith

views

rests

'

'

speech of the
the idea
this hint

into
at

much persecuted Mubarak only put a definite form. In pursuance of

dignity,

spiritual

Akbar along with

Mubarak worked up

silently for six years (1573-79)

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

with
led
that
to

65

definite

end
of

in view.

This ultimately
called

the issue

what has been

(Mahzar) of
1

"

the

Infallibility

Decree

"

579, which Smith

to
40

makes so much
ended
in a

of

and which, according

him,

in reality the
political

But complete renunciation of Islam." " Decree was dictated by Infallibility reasons more than anything else. Religion

"

"

had indeed very little to do with its origination. Akbar never had any intention of giving up
or of

his

a prophet. Mubarak's religion posing speech was only in the usual language of Persian
as

came only Mubarak," says Smith, M1 to offer felicitations to Akbar on his Guzrat But Hosain Azad says that Mubarak conquest. came 'for some other purpose/ 12 Akbar was back to the capital, and amongst others Mubarak went to offer greetings to him, for
hyperbole.
'

"

**

by that time, through the intervention of Mirza Aziz Koka, they had been reconciled. In the mean time, Faizi also had won a place in Akbar 's court by his
literary attainments.

ed

to court in

572.
fail to

and he did not

of the family.

Abul Fazl had been introducAkbar was a lover of merit, mark the literary attainments
that the
of

Even supposing
were not a part

words used
customary

by Mubarak

the
if

addresses given by welcome-bidders,

40

we

take the

Smith

is

very definite

that

conclusions are otherwise.

The
I.

text

Akbar renounced Islam. But our from which Smith quoted has
Darbar-i-Akbar, p. 76.

been misread by him.

41

E.
76.

Association Journal, 1915.

Smith. Akbar, p.
9
1280B

66

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
other-

whole address of Mubarak, we may

wise.

interpret

it

The word used is (^V*). Mujtahid that the mean spiritual headship or was it before him being ignorant of the Sacred Law, Jam'at Akbar was asked to give his decision ? This speech
Does
that

"

"

had absolutely no connection whatsoever with

the

"Mahzar
"
Mahzar
Buckler

"

of

1579.

"

as the

"

Smith's translation of the " 48 is wrong. Infallibility Decree

while
is

was

right

Buckler's conclusion
political

that the

Smith "

was
"

Mahzar

wrong was a
;

document.

After the conquest of Guzrat, during the years

1

573-74, the system of administration was definitely

shaped. included
registers

A
the
of

very important

part

of
4

this

system
of

branding
royal
45

of

horses/

opening

soldiers

under

Amirs

and
into

Jagirdars,

and conversion of confiscated lands

Crown

lands.

About this time, Suleiman Kararani of Bengal died and was succeeded by his imperious son, Daud
43

See Buckler's Leceister University Lecture,

;

1924

Mahzar means

pronouncement, opinion, declaration

secondarily, petition.

H Branding of horses is very interesting. Lands were granted to Jagirdars and Amirs for keeping regular horses and soldiers in different
parts of the empire.

Instead of keeping soldiers and horses,

produced,

when

requ'ied,

they often untrained and stray horses as loyal horses

In order to stop this fraud,

and low

class street

men

as royal soldiers.

regular registers of soldiers,

with their fathers' names and addresses,

the

were introduced.
forehead.

Horses were branded with the royal mark on

This caused a good deal of discontent amongst those whose

fraud was thus stopped.

Ain-i-Akbari, Blochmann, p. 269.

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

67

Khan
royal

Kararani.

Daud

at

once renounced the nomiCourt and assumed

nal allegiance to the Imperial

dignity,

issued coins

had the Khutba read in his name, and seized the Imperial outpost at Zamani

in the Gazipur district .

Akbar personally proceeded to

meet the enemy. The story of his conquest of Guzrat was repeated. Along with the expansion of Akbar 's
dominions in the east
his vision also

expanded.

He

heard that Suleiman Kararani used to

every night in
sisting
to
1

offer prayers

company with some 50 persons conof the renowned Shaikhs and Ulama, and used
their

remain in
their

company

till

the morning, listening

exhortations.
in

to

commentaries and

After
state

morning prayers, he would occupy himself business and the affairs of the army and of
jects
;

his sub-

and

'

that

he had

his appointed time for every-

thing and never broke

In his natural spirit of
tried to imitate

through

this

good rule/

4G

unbounded devotion, Akbar

prayers.

And

Suleiman in his way of offering " the cell of Shaikh he ordered that

Abdulla Nyazi Sarhindi be repaired, and (he) built a spacious hall on all four sides of it." He also
finished the construction of Anuptalao.
ihe hall the Ibadat
47

He named

Khana.

48

46
47

Badauni, Vol.

II,

p. 203. to

The

writer

went

Fatehpur

There are
that
it is

so

many

stories
tell

nof possible to

to have local knowledge of the facts. and gossips current regarding Anuptalao which of them represents the real truth.

48

Ibadat

Iradat

Khana Worship Hall, vide Badauni, Vol. II, p. 204; not Khana (Hall of Desire), as some suggested sarcastically, nor lyadat
(Hall of Sickness

Khana

and Sympathy).

68

THE
Just at that time

D1N-I-ILAHI

Akbar learnt that his cousin Mirza Suleiman of Badakhshan was arriving in India. He was a great Sufi and was supposed to
have reached the stage of Sahib-i-Hal (J^ v-^l/). It was in this hall of worship that he arranged for
the reception of his distinguished cousin.

On Friday,

in the Ibadat

go Khana. It was a custom in mosques to have a Jam'at on Fridays when, after the prayer had
to

he used

to the

new Chapel and hold meetings

been said, the learned Shaikhs would discuss and give instruction in the words of God and in Tradition.

That the motive behind the construction of the Ibadat Khana was purely religious, is proved by the fact that it was open to followers of Islam only,

and amongst
the

Shaikhs,

them admission was restricted to Say ids, Ulama and Amirs in the
of

Suleiman Kararani, the reception of Mirza Suleiman of Badakhshan,

beginning.
the reverence

The example

and gratitude

for

Him

that gave of

him
the
of

victories, the idea of

turning the
*

Khanqah

Niyazi

Sarhindi

who had

joined the

circle

Mahadeva,' were the forces behind the construction The general notion of unsusof the Ibadat Khana. pecting readers is that he built a hall for discussion,

and

that

it

was

in this hall that the

two

Sufi brothers

manufactured the famous Din-i-Ilahi.

tion of the

The

condi-

period of his " For many life is excellently painted by Badauni. " the Emperor years previously," says Badauni, gained in succession remarkable and decisive
of
in
this

mind

Akbar

THE PENDULUM OSCILLATES

victories.

69
;

The Empire grew

'

in extent

day by day

everything turned out well and

'

left

in

leisure to

no opponent was His majesty had the world (kingdom). come into nearer contact with ascetics and

and he passed much of his time in discussing the word of God and the word of the Prophet. Questions of Sufism and scientific
[the
late]

Mu'in

discussions,

enquiries

into

Law, were the order spent whole nights in praising God

Philosophy and His majesty of the day.

the
;

he continually

occupied himself in pronouncing Ya Huwa and Ya Hadi 49 in which he was well versed. His
heart

was

full

of

reverence
feeling

for

Him Who
many

is

the

True Giver, from a past successes, he

alone in

of
sit

thankfulness for his

a morning

would

stone of an old

and meditation on a large flat building which lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent on the chest, In gathering the bliss of the early hours of dawn."
prayer
it is true that when he built the Ibadat Khana, he was a deeply devout man but ultimately strayed away from the Path and may we ask the reason
;

short,

why
49
'

Ya Hu and Ya Hadi
'

'

are the usual forms of Zikr of a Sufi,

II,

Vide ante, Chapter

I,

pp. 21-23; Badauni, Vol.

p. 203.

CHAPTER

IV

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

The
Ibadat

Khana was a
]

building raised on an

abandoned and dilapidated cell of Sheikh Abdulla Nyazi of Sarhind. He had been formerly a disciple
of Islam Chishti but ultimately

he
*

fell

back from

Islam and became attached to

deva.'
2

the circle of
at

Mahaand

local

investigation
site of

Fatehpur Sikri
building
'

has failed to discover the

the

numerous gossips
remains of the

natural in the midst of

the woeful
to hide

city of

dreams

'

have served

the real truth in deeper

the stray

and deeper folds. From references collected from Faizi, Abul Fazl,
others,
it

Abdul Qadir and

1

may

be confidently

The

historical precedents of the Ibadat

Khana :--

(a^
(b)

Indian religious councils of Asok, Kanishka and Harsha.

Chinese council of Tai-sing (7th c -ntury

Christianity,

A.D

respective merits of Nestorian

Islam,

weighed the Buddhism and

)

Laotzeism.
(c)

Kubbi Khan's

(13th century
II,

A.D.

famous council of
E.

Pekin,,

already referred to (Chapter

(d)

pp. 30-31).
(Tarikh-i-Daudi,
p.

Sikandar Lodi's council

445;

&

D.,

Vol. IV).
(c)

Sulairnan Kararani's council of 150 (Bad.,

is

II,

p. 203)

There

always an idea of Jam 'at (assembly)

in

Islam after

every

Friday prayer.

Debates similar

to those

held in the Ibadat

Khana were

also held in the time of Jehangir; the

Royal Library of Paris contains the

proceedings of these debates

Gentil
Letters, Vol.

amongst the documents presented by Cornel Memoires de literature academic royal des inscriptions et Belles

XLIX,
II,

1808, p. 716,

No. 89 and p. 71

1,

No,

18.

Bad..

p. 204.

The Plan

of the Ibadat

Khana 1575

A. D.

FwJ

Abul Fazal

8
[To face
f,

70.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

asserted that the
large building,

71

Ibadat

Khana was a
It

sufficiently

rectangular in shape,
at least

which could

accommodate

500 men.

had plenty

of

rooms and balconies. There were halls on all sides and the rooms were separated from one another by means of screens, tapestry and railings. Possibly its situation was near the Royal Palace, if
not
inside

the

palace

garden.

The

situation of

the Anuptalao, that mysterious pond,

which even

now exists inside the

mention of the

palace of Sikri and the frequent Ibadat Khana along with it, point

to the fact that the Ibadat

far

Khana was

situated

not

from

it.

The

idea of the building can be reconin the

structed with the help of references

Munta-

was an octagonal platform on which the Emperor had his seat. The four ministers Abdur Rahim, Birbal, Faizi and Abul Fazl each had his station in a differIn the centre of the Hall ent corner.

khabut Tawarikh.

be open

to

Every Thursday night, the Hall would the Jam'at (assembly) that attended the
Extra meetings were held on special
special meeting

royal prayer.

occasions.

a reception to

was called to offer Maulana Zia Ulla. 5 During this period, Akbar stood head and shoulders deep
3

Consult J.R.A.S.,

1917,

article

places to different classes of people

for position.

by Smith. The assignment of came after the quarrel of the Mullas

few more minor

details regarding the Ibadat

in

Khana have

been published by Father Heras

Vol. VI, 1924, p.
*

the Journal of

Indian History,

5.

Muslims reckon

their

days according to Lunar calculation.

So

Friday begins after sunset on Christian Thursday.

5

Bad.,

II,

p. 204.

72
in religion, so

THE
says

DIN-I-ILAHI
fi

Badauni.

He was

passing

through a period of extreme religious susceptibility. Since the birth of Salim. the Khanqah of Salim
Chishi had become his favourite haunt.
ent

At

differ-

hours of the day, he used to spend his time in deep meditation in a small hut close to his place
in

and count beads

in

the

manner
he

of a Sufi.
to

ordinary conversation,

used

Even talk on

God,

on

Piety,

on

Law

and

on

Etiquette.

Every night he used to converse with the Ulama and Shaikhs on those topics. For some months

Akbar," says Badauni, observed silence having stopped all egress and ingress in the face of mankind that he might
of

the

year

1575-76,

"

practise
in

the

retirement
7

of

monastic
the

solitude

his

own
Ibadat

garden."

After

construction
in the

of

the

Khana he became absorbed

attempt to find a

way

to

God.

Every Thursday night, the Ibadat Khana was decorated with flowers and vases, sweet scents were
6

Badauni,

II,

pp.

203*04.

There are

also instances of these reli-

gious discussions outside the Hall

of Worship.

The

Bharat ItihasL
illustrating

Samshodhak Mandal, Poona, has

are claimed

got three paintings

the

religious discussions with the doctors of different faiths

These pictures

Marathas

be genuine and were taken from Agra by the to Rev. Heras has published a fine though slightly inaccurate

account about the personnel of the doctor-? of faiths present, in the

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1928. The place of discussion in one of these pictures was a beautiful ridge on
the hillock of Fatehpur Sikri

a lovely spot overlooking the vast blue

the great

expanse, quite in keeping with the ever-expanding mind of convener. See post, Appendix B to Chapter IV.
7

Badauni.

II,

p. 203.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

strewn and incense burnt.
to the

73
distributed

Money was
it

learned and to
the

the deserving.

There was

a library inside
after

Hall and

is

known

that

the

Khan had been

conquest of Guzrat, the library of Itimad kept in the Ibadat Khana.

8

Nizamuddin and Badauni tell us that Shaikhs, Ulama, pious men and a few of Akbar's companions were the only people who were allowed to attend the Ibadat Khana discussions. These were on " all kinds of instructive and useful topics. Assemblies went on well for a time but soon a quarrel arose about the seats and order of precedence."' The quarrel for precedence became so vehement that "the Emperor was obliged to assign seats in the Ibadat
1

Khana himself."
Amirs should
the west, the
sit

His Majesty ordered that the on the east side, the Say ids on
the south

'*

Ulama on

and the Shaikhs

on the north." This did not put a stop to the quarrels which sometimes ended very disreputably.

on one occasion, owing to the behaviour of the Ulama, such a horrid noise and confusion had arisen that His Majesty got angry
Badauni
relates

that

and directed Badauni,

any Ulama who talked nonsense and could not behave

"

in

future to report

themselves properly so that the Emperor might

make

them

leave
to

the

hall/

Immediately
sitting

Badauni whispered
8

Asaf Khan who was

Badauni,

II,

p. 204;

Darbar-i-Akbar, p 81, gives a fine description

III,

of the Ibadat
9

Khana; Akbarnama,
p. 205.

p. 159; E.

&

D., Vol.

V,

p. 309.

Bad.,

II,

10-1280B

74

THE DIN-MLAHI
his side,

by
the

"
If
I

carried

out his

order,

most of

Ulama would have

to leave the

Hall."

10

the

Akbar wanted to have a good commentary on Quran and an order was given accordingly.
quarrel arose over
11

A great
were

interpretations.
for

Each
Dalil

Maulana would claim

(references)

authenticity

his
;

which others would not accept there hundreds of such Dalils with all their
in

differences

meaning

and

authenticity.

The
belief.

acceptance or rejection of an authority standing

on

tradition

was more
the scope

or less a question

of

Naturally,
beliefs

of

differences,

resting

on

and

disbeliefs,

training which an Islamic

in

was very wide. mind gets is a training

The

commands. Therefore the Mullas were dogmatic and intolerant of other men's Moreover the Mullas of the court would opinions. not generally accept any versions and interpretations
imperative

but their own, for fear of losing their prestige; they

would discuss not

U
11

in the spirit of a search after truth

but in quest of victory. So, more of ten than not the

Badauni,
II,

p. 205.

When
;

the revelations were

leaves, leather

made

to

the Prophet,

they were
difficulty of

written

down on
is

and 'stone.
were

Hence was the

collection

specially

many

of the reciters

killed at the battle of Badr.

Arabic

language in which dots play a very prominent part. So any change or displacement of a dot, made consciously or unconThis acsciously, makes a world of difference in the interpretations.
a
difficult

counted for the existence

of

of various

interpretations

some

textual difference
in
its

at the outset.

and consequently By the time of Osman, copies

Pyam-iits

of the

Quran

present form were distributed in public.

;

Amin by Abdulla Minhas

Nadvi.pp.
17-18.

Muslim Thought and

Source by S.

M.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

discussions were characterised
sides.

75

by

bitterness

on

all

The Maulanas went so far as to use their hands when tongue and logic failed to decide the The guardians of the Faith, Mukhdum-ulissue. Mulk Maulana Abdulla Sultanpuri and Sadr-usSudur Abdu-n Nabi, were the leaders in such
discussions.
position,

And they assumed, by virtue of their almost an air of infallibility which was
to

What Akbar could least many. conceit, and, most of tolerate, was pride and all, pride of learning. Against the usual and assertions of the Sadr and Mukhdum, dogmatic
disgusting

Akbar used
their pride.'

to

set

up learned
his

scholars

'

to

break

of

Abul Fazl, Mubarak, had made

12

brother of Faizi

and son

way

presenting Ayat-ul-Kursi,

by on the commentary

into the court

Quran.
of

He was
;

the Mullas

chosen to refute the arguments Haji Ibrahim and Badauni also

in

have been mentioned

against the Mullas

the role

of

disputants

on

certain occasions. feeling often

In course of the debates, personal

ran high

one day Khan Jalan told the assembly 13 that Abdulla Sultanpuri had given a Fatwah
;

against

pilgrimage and would not himself go to

flimsy

charge brought against the Maulana was that he used to avoid

Mecca on

grounds.

the
his

payment of the legal alms (Zakat) due upon Towards the end of each year he wealth.
Badauni suggests that Ayat-ul-Kursi was written by Abul Fazl's

w
father

Mubarak.
Badauni,

Bad.,
II,

II.

p. 201.

"

p. 206.

76

THE
to

DIN-I-ILAHI
all

used

make
14

over

his

property
out,

to his wife
it

but before

the year

had run

he would take

back again. The Mukhdujn-ul-Mulk had been found

able.
ible

assail-

"

conduct,"

out."

contempt" Badauni puts it, were found After the disgrace of Abdulla Sultanpuri,
as
of

His

villainy, sordid disposition,

the position

Abdu-n Nabi became unrivalled. Akbar's reverence for the Sadr was almost a proverb.

He

used to go

to the Sadr's

house

in order to

listen

to his lectures

on Tradition and stood barefooted

before him.
his school to

in charge of the distribution of the

Even Prince Salim was made to attend learn Forty Ahadis. He was already " "

Aymas

and

religious grants.

the Bengal war was over. In went on pilgrimage to Ajmer he reached there on the anniversary of the Saint.

By

that

time,

1576-77, Akbar

Akbar performed
recited

his

usual

circuit

and
and

visit,

the

Verses, offered

prayers

sat

in

meditation.

He

paid

the

entire

expenses

of the

caravan that was to

start for

the Haj

and supplied
Further he
pilgrim

them with

articles

for

the journey.
that

issued a general

order

every

would

new get his expenses from the state-treasury. department, called the Haj department, was opened
" Alms are due on every surplus stock or store which a Sunni at the end of the year, provided that the surplus has been in pospossesses
14

session

for

a whole year

If

the wife, therefore, had the surplus for a

it

part of the year

and the husband afterwards took

Blochmann,
p. 173, note.

back,

he escaped

the paying of alms."

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

in

77
over which

the year 983

A.H. (1576-77 A.D.),

superintendent called

he appointed a

Mir Haji.

To

this

post,

"

family.

he appointed one Khawja of Ajmer Six lacs of rupees in cash and kind,
at

twelve hundred dresses

were distributed
even offered

and numerous presents 15 He Mecca and Medina."

dresses
for

jewelled

the

nobe-1

men
of

of

Mecca, and gave orders

for the building

a Khanqah for the use of the pilgrims from Hindustan. His state duties would not permit him
to

Mecca though he had a mind to do so. 16 He followed the caravan bound for Mecca and
visit

clothed
piece

himself

with
half

the dress of a Haji

*'

half

worn and

piece

turbanned,
17
:

without

shoes/' reciting the verses of Quran

1

am

present,
is

There

am present, no God but God/

I

He had
15
t

fleet

prepared called
18

Jahaj-i-Ilahi

consisting of one
Badauni,
II,

hundred

ships.
III,

Then he gave
not
'

p. 246;

Akbarnama,
is

p. 271.

16
is

For a king, the pilgrimage

significant

not

incumbent
in

faraz.

It

that

no

Muslim Sultan
the
state

India ever

went on
"

pilgrimage to
longer permit
to

Mecca.

When
make
to

duties of

Akbar would no
he used
his
life."

him

to

these pilgrimages to Ajmer,

till

entrust

this

task

one of his sons

Nevill, p. 147.

the end

of

Vide Agra Gazetteer by

is

J&j
is
..

(Haj by a substitute)

allowed by the Hadis.

W
Akbar

The

usual cry

of the

pilgrim

-xJ

^AJJI.

Possibly
like

Lowe makes
to

a mistake in his notes

go to Mecca for fear does not bear out this suggestion.

when he says that people did not the original Persian of losing him
;

text

Sher Shah's

fleet

consisted of 50 ships.

78
a

THE DIN-MLAHI
general order that anybody might go on pilgrim-

age and that the Government would bear his exThis system continued for six years and penses.

was stopped only when Akbar found that the money taken from the treasury, on the pretext of the Hajis' expenditure, had been utilised by the Mir-i-Haj
(the

Superintendent

of

Pilgrims)

for

his

own

purposes.

During
of

this

period,

the administrative system

the

Empire had been remodelled.

of

After the

discovery

the corruptions of Qazis in the settle-

ment band

of lands, the duty

of
officers

was

transferred

to

new

called

Karoris.

We

have seen

in our last chapter

how,

in course of the distribution

of lands, the Sadr-us-Sudur,

his

the
of

Abdu-n Nabi, had lost balance of mind and temper and muddled whole affair. The discovery of the villainy the Chief Qazi and the mismanagement of
"
lands by the Chief (Sadr) of the state,
did

"
Sayurghal

Abdu-n Nabi,
on the
could
not
to

a great deal to bring discredit

the
state.
Still

theocratic

side of
their

Akbar
issued

outgrow
settle

influence

and

terms of the Jezia on nonorders Musalmans as the period of temporary remission

the

had already expired.

in

19

Jezia
for

1565,

temporarily

had been stopped ten years, and was now

sought to be revived.

During
W
Bad.,

this period,
II,

a discussion on the question

of Jezia

Badauni,
II,

p.

284.

Final abolition

was

in 1579-80.

p. 284.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

of marriage in Islam cropped

79
nature, extent
in Islamic

up

its

and

validity

formed quite a volume

Akbar was personally interested in the matter, so it received more than the usual attention As a strict Muslim, Akbar in the Ibadat Khana. could not legitimately have more than four wives but actually his harem contained a large number of
literature.

ladies
side.

from

all

parts of India as well as

to

from out-

According

Imam

Malik, the Chief Mulla

gave a Fatwah

(not by Niqah)aman number of wives he pleased; when might marry any the point was thrashed out to a nicety, the position of the Chief Mulla was found to be untenable and he withdrew his previous sanction by camouflage.

that

by Mu'tah

This annoyed His Majesty very much," The discussion gradually so remarks Badauni.
took a serious turn
sions
;

"

and

it

was proved

that

deci-

formerly given
the Master.

from thstandpoint
pleasing

by the Mukhdum were not of law but from motives of

As

a result of the dicussion

Qazi Vakub was

was,
it

suspended

and
in his

Arab Maliki was appointed

is

Qazi Husain This place.

direct

worth mention, the

in
this affair
at

first

Shia

appointment

the Qazi department.

Mukhdum
;

was a
at

great loser

by

(1576-77)

Maulana

Jalauddin of Multan, then

Agra, was appointed

Fatehpur Sikri and Yakub was sent to Gaur 20 Badauni suggests that as a mere district Qazi.
Badauni gives a good description of these discussions Munta-khabut Tawarikh, Vol. II, pp. 21 1-15.
20

in

his

80
from
this

THE DIN-MLAHI
forward the road to opposition and
open,

difference in opinion lay

till

and remained so
of the

Akbar was appointed Mujtahid

During these discussions,

Empire."

Akbar was profoundly

;

upset

by the

diversity

of Traditions

decrees of

the

Sunni
is

lawyers
refuted

and by the the very same

thing decreed by one

the
refutation
it

is

observance of

by another, and and emphatic that the strong amounts almost to non-belief and
so

consequently to eternal damnation, for Islam knows

no

alternative
to

between

belief

and

non-belief.

So,

he wanted

know what the

other sects of Islam

had
laid

to say in the matter.

He

held informal discussions

ultimately

with doctors of other sects and

the

he

Ibadat

and other
their

sects*

Khana open to the Shias, Mehdists The protagonists of the different

began
of
to

schools in

Islam

tear

each other with

fine-spun lore

traditions

and

decisions.

The

Shias were no less orthodox in their opinion

than the Sunnis.

The

vile

ous epithets

with which

reproaches and obnoxithe Shias uttered the

names

of

the

heroes of the Sunnis

of

were
sect.

really

painful to

a believer

the

Sunni

The

Sunnis again answered the charges of the Shias in 21 terms which were no less strong and disreputable.

Everybody

had

his

authority

and every body

claimed the same

authority for himself.

Naturally,!

21

Dabistan gives a full description of the SHia-Sunni disputes that

Ibadat Khana.
referred to.

took place in the

The Tabarra and Modhe-Sahaba

controversy

may be

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

therefore,

81

the

different

traditions

on which the

their conclusions, were first to be and then authenticated before they could verified, be cited. It was then that the comparative merits of the authors of the traditions were to be judged and could be finally accepted. Thus in finding out the truth, many unpleasant and undignified things were told, to the disgust and annoyance of this or that party. Even the Sahabis and the

Ulama based

companions
lives

of

the Prophet, their actions, the very

of

prophets

were
the

subjected
22

to
list

discussion
of subjects

and

criticism.

Mohsin Fani

gives a

that were discussed in

Ibadat

Khana.

They
23

were
1 .

Tradition

of

the

camel
L>4

straying

out.
in

Ascent upon the caravan of the Quraish

era.
3.
25 26

the

beginning of the HJjra

wives.
4.
5.

Demanding nine
from
their hus-

Separation of

women
first

bands.
6.
7.

The companions
the

giving

up

the body.
80

27

The appointment of The affair of Fadk. 29

three Khalifas.
of Siffin.

28

8.

War

22
23

Dabistan, Vol.
Ibid., Vol.
I,

I,

p. 99.

p. 100,

Footnote

1.

Ibid
25
26
27

Vol.
Vol.

II,

p. 100. Footnote 2
p.
79.
I.

Ibid.,
Ibid..

Ill,
III,
Ill,
I,
I,

Vol
Vol. Vol. Vol.

p. 59, Footnote
p. 99.

Ibid.. Vol.
Ibid.,

pp. 99-100, Footnote

p. 51,

I.

29
*o

Ibid

Footnote

2.

Ibid.,

Ill,

pp/59-60, Footnote 2

11-1280B

82

THE DIN-MLAHI

Now

the ever-expanding
satisfied

mind
the

of

Akbar was
of

no longer

within

limits

only

sectarian creed.

In that age of

scholasticism, the

scholars raised

the sleeping doubts

the

why and
of
that

wherefore of

everything

in

the minds

Representative of the
veil of belief that

age of Renaissance.
torn

The

had so long enveloped the mind

ruthlessly

asunder by the lovers of the Faith themselves and the sun of

of
intellect

Akbar was
began

now

to radiate his

luminous horizon.

And

the Ibadat

order of

Khana was no longer confined within the The Ibadat Khana which began as Islam
.

a Sunni assembly and, which after the discussion of the marriage questions, became a pan-Muslim assembly,

now

passed on to the third stage,

when
fact,

it

was

opened

to the

Hindus,

Sikhs, Jains, Zoroastrians,

31

Buddhists, Jews and Christians.

In

Fateh-

pur, for about four years, remained, for

all practical

purposes, the seat of the first great parliament of n2 In this, Akbar only imitatreligions of the world.

ed what was done by his great ancestor, Qubli Khan, in China ten three hundred and years
before.
33

The

difference

was only

in degree but not

in kind.

At about

this time, in 1576-77,

a very import-

ant event occurred outside India which

siderable importance to the
31

was

of conof

triangular relations
given in Mohsin Fani.

description of their debates

is

31
33

Felix Vayle/Jslamic Culture, 1930

See ante, Chap..

II,

pp. 29-30,

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

the
three

83
East
the

Muslim

Empires

of

the

Timurid Empire of Hindustan, the Shia Empire of Iran and the Khelafat of Rum. The great Shah Tahmasp of Persia was murdered in 576
1

and Akbar began

to breathe freely.

The irksome
Akbar.
of

pretensions of the Shia supremacy over Babar and

Humayun were
in

not

unknown

to

Even

during the time of Akbar, the pretensions continued

some form

or other.

The Shahs

Persia were

never at ease at the

growth of so important an

empire on the border, specially when the ancestors of the builder of that empire had been their
vassals.

But Shah Tahmasp knew that Akbar

than that of position was much more secure his grandfather at Samarkand or of his father
in

Kabul, Qandahar or Hindustan. Both sides waited for an opportunity, and it came to Akbar
with the murder of the Shah.

But the position was

from the diplomatic point of view; even if Akbar were to declare himself outside the Shia fold,
critical

he would automatically
Khalifa of
1

fall

into the grasp of the

it

Rum,

for

it

was

just as
all

had been in the

monarchs

5th-century Europe

when

Christian

were automatically under the religious suzerainty

of the Pope, all followers of Islam (except the Shias

who
part

think
of the

that

the

Khelafat

is

vacant) in any

world are under the Khalifa.

Already

in 1557, Sultan Suleiman had correspondence with Akbar by which he attempted to establish relations with the Ottoman court through the Turkish admi-

84
ral

THE
Sidi

DIN-I-ILAHI

Ali
take

Katibi.

84

Therefore,

before

Akbar

would

the final step of absolving himself Shia allegiance, he wanted to fortify his from the position aginst the Khelafat pretensions ; otherwise
it

might be for him merely a change from the Shia to the Sunni fold, a change not altogether for the better. So, in June, 1579, he had the Khutba read
in his

was done by his great ancestors, Timur, Mirza Ulag Beg and Babar by which they put themselves beyond the Sunni Khelafat
as
pretensions.

own name

He

adopted the

title

of

Khalifa-uzstyled
his

Zaman
capital

and
as

Amir-ul-Muminin

and

Dar-ul-Khelafat (abode of the Khalifa)^ " His coins bore the inscription the great Sultan,
the
the
exalted

Khalifa/'

Within three months

after

Khutba was

recited in his
of

name, he

indirectly

had the Ulama

pretensions
course,
of

the

state to authorise

him

to

take the final step of declaring himself

the

outside

the

Shia suzerainty of Persia.

this
it

Of

Akbar could have done

of the

without the
only with a

authority

Ulama, but he did

if

view

to lessening the opposition,

any, from the

Indian

Shias,

just

as

the

Tudors

took

the

English Parliament, not because they were weak, nor because they feared the Parliament, but because Parliamentary sanction would
help of the
fortify

their

position
religious

even against
allegiance

the Catholics
to

who

owed
court
'"

the

Pope.

Akbar 's

was

at that

time

full

of

Shias

who

Arnold,

Tnc

Caliphate, pp. 113-14.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

85

owed
Persia.

primary

allegiance

to

the Shia
the

Therefore, the sanction of

Shah Ulama

of

of

the court,

who

were both Shias and Sunnisat

that

time, minimised the chances of internal opposition. The document by which Akbar gained that diplo-

matic victory was

known

as

the

Mahzar, which

Smith erroneously translates as the Infallibility in the light of other Decree." But, judged
authentic facts, the

"

Mahzar was much more

85

political

than not and should be treated as such.

When Akbar was making

Shah,
his authority in India

plans to set at naught

the pretensions of the Sunni Khalifa

and the Shia was being challenged,

very slyly and effectively though, by the Sadrus About the year 1577-78, .Sudur, Abdu-n Nabi.
the Qazi
to

the

complained Sadr that a wealthy Brahmin had carried

Abdur Rahman

of

Mathura

3G

off the materials

Mas

id

which the Qazi had collected for and built a temple, and that when the
to prevent

Qazi attempted

him, the Brahmin used

insulting language about the Prophet. The Brahmin was asked by the Sadr to come and answer the

The matter was reported Abul Fazl and Birbal to bring to Akbar who the Brahmin and on enquiry it was found that the Brahmin had actually used insulting language about
charges but he did not.
sent

the Prophet.
35
36

J.R.A.S.,

Now, how should he be punished ? 1924, p. 591-608. See post Appendix A to this Chapter.
p. 128.

Badauni,

ill,

We

do not understand how Smith could

in the

have overlooked such an incident

development of Akbar 's views.

Was

it

done

deliberately

86

THE DIN-HLAHI
of opinion that

Some were
an

he should be

fined

and

be paraded through the streets on the back of 87 ass. The Sadr wanted that he should be
to death.

condemned
take
place

Whereas no execution could

the
direct

without

sanction

of

the

Emperor, the Sadr sought the required sanction of Akbar. But the ladies of the harem stood on

They wanted the Brahmin to be saved; the sanction of the Emperor was not forthcoming. The Sadr now thought that his position would be
the way.

much compromised

if

the

Brahmin

could

not

be

executed and possibly taking the matter as a personal question involving his prestige, he ordered

immediate execution of the Brahmin and the

man
the

was executed.
execution, the

Apart

from the

legality

of

work

of the Sadr

was highly against

it

the law of the state, as no execution could take place

without the sanction of the Emperor, and

a great principle whether the Sadr

involved

was above the law

VIII,

and

his

command was above

or

that of the

Had he been Alauddin

Henry

Emperor. he would

have given immediate orders for the execution of the But Akbar was a different man altogether Sadr.
and, instead, he held conversation with Abdul Qadir

and
37

other theologians, to

know what

the law

was

the disbelief in Prophets and non-Muslims and unbelievers who have submitted to the rule Saints by no ground for any breach of agreement between of Islam, gives Actually, according to Hanafi law,

the

Zimmis and
obligation

the
to

Muslims and

in

no

way

absolves

Muslims from
III,

their

safeguard infidel

subjects.

Badauni,

p.

129;

Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, note on Zimmis.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

on the
88

87

point.

Even

the highest knowledge of the

Tradition and

Law which Abdul

Qadir and others

brought to bear on the defence of the execution, could not justify the action of the Sadr in this case.

This incident resulted in gradual loss of the position of Abdu-n Nabi whose prestige had already

been waning owing to marriage and owing

the distribution of the

his decisions
to

on the Mu'tah
in

his

mismanagement
fall

Ay mas.

Badauni informs

us that

this is the

Abdu-n

Nabi

and no longer " would and Mukhdum-ul-Mulk

cause of his

occupy seats and nobody would salute them." To summarise what has been said in course
of the

development of
position
of

facts relating to

the religio-

political

the

events
the
the
its

during this period

Emperor, the central were the building of

Ibadat

Khana and
of

the religious discussions,

organisation
Karoris,

the administrative system with

of

and driving out

crown
of

the Qazis

from
of

the positions,
Jagir

branding regulation,
lands,

conversion

lands into

death of Shah

Tahmasp and consequent

and
the

recitation of the

Khutba

decree

Arabic

pretensions

1579 repudiating the Persoon the Timurid House of

all

had He had to encounter opposition from expected. whose interests had been touched all parties by his regulations. The Qazis were angry that
Hindustan.

But

was

not

as

Akbar

38

Bad.,

Ill,

pp. 129-30.

Ob
their privileges in

THE
the

DIN-I-ILAHI

distribution

of

lands

had

been taken out of

the

their

hands, and that they had

been supplanted by the newly appointed Karoris, monopoly of their judicial authority was broken
the
reservation
of

down by
as

the death

sentence
of

royal

prerogative,

the

principal source

their

income, bribery,

were ejected

had been checked and they from the lands which they had been
long
for

occupying so

without any authority.

This

was too much

been transferred

them.
their

been turned out of

to

Those Qazis who had offices, and those who had

began to eke out their living by starting Mosques and Maktabs. Every masjid had a maktab attached to it and
distant provinces,

the

Imam

of

the

extent of his learning,

his position.

mosque, whatever might be the was a teacher by virtue of These teachers began to spread all

sorts of untruths

and

half-truths

in course of

their

teachings and began to present

Akbar
to

in the role of

an apostate. After the

in

Jumma prayers, the Moulvis,

their

course of their

instructions

Jam'

at

(assembly), excited
easily

and

incited

the ignorant

and

inflammable mass against Akbar, quoting from unauthorised versions of the Quran or interpreting the texts in their
'

own way.

Kul (peace with all) policy of by the orthodox party as a surrender of Islam to the unbelievers and an attack upon Muslim religion. 30
39

The Sulh-iAkbar was presented

'

Smith, Akbar, p.

85.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

In that age of belief, the ignorant

89

and unsuspecting mass really believed that Akbar had become an unbeliever and many a gossip found their way before the public about the faith and belief of Akbar. In 987 A.H. (1579-80 A.D.) Mulla Muhammad Yazid Qazi of Jaunpur, who was a bitter Shia and who

was

intelligent

enough

to

understand
the

the anti-

Persian

implications

of

Mahzar, issued a

40 Fatwah sanctioning Jehad against the monarch " who has encroached upon the grants of lands Further the strict belonging to us and to God
' '
.

enforcement of the branding regulations, opening

up

of

the

register

of rolls

41

and the

fixing

up

of

the boundaries
areas of the

landholders

by cutting down the unauthorised and the principle of con-

version of Jagir lands into Khalsa lands had touched a very influential class of vested interests. They

now
off

focussed
provinces
of

all

their attention to distant

and

far-

Bengal and Behar

the

away from the

was
and
at his

The place Imperial eye. 42 geographically favourable as a plague spot

vigilance

the regulations of

Shah Mansur

cutting

down

own
*

initiative the

allowance of eastern soldiers by

;

Jehad

a religious war

the root of the

word

(j^-a.)

means

'

to

strive in the

way of God', i.e., for establishment of faith. The word has undergone many changes in meaning in different ages.

See ante, Chapter III, pp. 60-6 1. Bengal Afghans had never accepted the conquest of Panipat or Sarhind as the last word in their history of India, and they nevei hesitated to avail themselves of an opportunity of rising against the
*3

"

Timurids whenever any occurred.

12-1280B

90

THE DIN-MLAHI
in
43

Bengal and 20%' in Behar, by demanding of the general the refund cut, had made the

50%

soldiers

mutinous.

The Fatwah

of

Qazi

Yazid
to

of Jaunpur

was

further strengthened

by another

Fatwah
pour
tled
oil

of the

Qazi of Bengal which served only

on troubled waters.

We

find the disgrun-

Maulanas, the ignorant masses led by them, the refractory Jagirdars, the mutinous soldiers, all joined

and preparations began for the declaraSmith suggests that the tion of an open rebellion. revolt was primarily a religious revolt but his view It was primarily is not tenable in the light of facts. political and Mullas gave sanction to a war which
together

the religious sanction were not behind it, just as was the case on the eve of the French Revolution, when the unwilling
if

would have come even

and

hesitating

Tiers

Etat

received

the

Divine

sanction, through the

Lower Clergy,

to join the

war

against the Divine Kingship of Louis

XVI.
to look

The Orthodox
their ruler

party

now began

upon
as

Akbar's half-brother Mirza

Muhammad Hakim
of Patna,

and

started to

conspire against
Jagirdar

Akbar*

Masum Khan

Kabuli,

was

in

communication with Mirzfc

Muhammad Hakim and

upon

were always looked Bengal and Behar, for climate and distance, death. The Mughals considered them like the Andamans as spots of

of to-day.

No
to

soldier

would work

there without extra pay or allowance.

to Bengal and 50% promise an increase of 100% in salary asked to fight against Daud Khan. In to Behar soldiers when they were at Gaur. See Blochmann, thii war. no less than 14 high officers died L

Akbar had

p. 118, footnote.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

planned a
joint

91

attack from

the east

and the west

were

simultaneously.

The

conspirators

much

encouraged to find Shah Mansur, the Imperial Finance Minister, joining the conspiracy. The

Shah
Mirza

of Persia, inspite of his troubles, sent forces to

Muhammad Hakim,
of

for the

implication of
to

the Decree

1579 were not unknown

him.

Moreover the Shah was

bassadors had
already

aware of the

fact that

am-

been sent to Akbar 's court

afraid of

by the Khalifa

and he was

an intervention
44

from the van and rear by the Khalifa and Akbar.

As

Buckler

suggests,
this

the arrival

of

the

Uzbeg
possibly
46

embassies during

period

was

not

unconnected with the

political

events of the period.

the Indian
directions

So the Shah was anxious

and he promised help
in his Indian venture.
to

that
all

Sultan
possible

must be embararssed from

Mirza

Muhammad Hakim

Afghan Chiefs declared a rebellion. Masum Khan Kabuli was the ringHe was joined by Masum Khan Far anleader. khudi, Mirza Ma'in-ul-Mulk, Nyabat Khan, Arab Bahadur, Wazir Jamil, Baba Khan Kakshaal and Masum Khan Kabuli defeated Muzaffar others. Khan at Tanda. Akbar sent Todar Mai to reBy January, 1580,
the

cover

Bengal,

who

cleverly

occupied

the

very

44

E.

&

D., Vol.

V, Tabqat,

p. 407.

45

J.R.A.S., 1924, p. 603.

92
strategic

THE DIN-MLAHI
Teliagarhi Pass
46

known

as

the gate of

Bengal and checked the rebels from advancing further to combine with the armies of the other
leaders.

nor

of

Mirza Aziz Koka was appointed goverBengal and Shahbaz Khan was called

back from Rajputana. The gravity of the situaation may be measured from the fact that, inspite
of the

supreme efforts of the best generals of the time, it took Akbar four years to pacify Bengal. Farrankhudi even had followers in Oudh where

they

made

an attempt, though short-lived,

In

at

rebellion.

1580,

while the
47

was in progress, Nuruddin raided

rebellion
it

the officers the Punjab.

Bengal rebellion of Mirza Hakim under

Within one month

in

Mirza Hakim himself advanced

person and the

now

took a serious turn.

to

Akbar thought

move up personally to the north in The conspirator, Shah Mansur, February, 1581.
necessary

was

found out
the

and

executed.

Akbar,

Punjab

rebellion

Fortunately for could not assume a

serious turn

owing

to the imbecility

and incapacity

of the Mirza,

who

loved the intoxication of wine

that of

and women more than

war and the throne.

46 The pass lies between the Sahibganj (E. I. Ry.) hills and the It is strategically very Ganges with an area of six miles important the natural barrier of the river Ganges and the mountains would be enough obstacle to any that would attempt to cross over. Buchanan's
;

account of

Teliagarhi

was published by Beveridge

1894,
p. 21. in
It

in

the National

Magazine
Tili

(Calcutta), January,

says that the Raja

was of

caste,

having his seat

District

at
is

Dharran

Faizullaganj thana in the

Bhagalpur

But this
119.

not correct.

Akbarnama,

III,

p. 151.

Smith, Akbar, p.

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

93

Mirza Hakim was practically defeated by himself and Akbar, after pacifying Kabul, restored the

kingdom

to his half-brother

But how

through his sister/ should the rebels be punished? In his

unlike Balban and Ala-

inimitable way, of course

uddin who punished a whole family for the fault 49 of one, to make an example. Akbar sent for

Mulla Qazi of Jaunpur and his accomplice, the Qazi of Bengal and they were thrown into the
river.
50

Many

other Shias

to
* '

different places in

and Maulanas were sent India and many to Qandahar

exchanged
for

where they

were

horses

and

colts."
file

who

But Akbar did not punish the rank and joined the rebellion, for he knew that the

mass, narrow and bigoted in their outlook as they had been, were mere dupes of those still more

narrow and more bigoted Mullas. So with a view 51 and to reforming and remodelling the Mullas
to

bringing
root,
This
is

about

silent

and steady

reforms at

the
48

he introduced the following

an instance of Akbar *s astute
political

measures
He had

acumen.

not only defeated an

49

enemy but turned

that

enemy
107.

into a friend.

Lane-Poole, Medieval India, pp. 86,

Badauni, and following

50

him Smith, have made

interpret this

capital of

the

punishment of the Qazis.

tations as a
it

They

punishment and the deporIslam.

move

against the very

Church

of

But did they not

from the point of statecraft ? Knowing, as Akbar did, their deserve attitude towards him, it would have been a criminal folly on the part of

Akbar
51

if

the

refractory

and uncompromising Mullas were

left in their

positions.

Similar attempts were

made by
in
his

Khalifa Mansur in Bagdad and

he too was often

heretic

misrepresented

days and interdicted as an

and

apostate.

94
in

THE DIN-MLAHI
the

administration of the
:

Muslim Church

in

Hindustan
(a)

Mosques were not

to

be started in any and

at

every place according to the

(b)

sweet will of a Mulla.

Madrasas could not be established

place.

any

and every
(c)

Maulana, not duly qualified, would not be allowed to serve as an Imam nor would an unqualified

Mulla be permitted

to teach

in

Maktabs

and Mosques.
(

d)

Exclusive devotion to theology and Arabic

language was discouraged and subjects like Astro-

nomy,

Physics, Arithmetic, Poetry,

and History

(Chronology) were introduced in the curricula. The post of the Sadr-us-Sudur was abolish(e)

ed altogether in November, 1581, for the power of the Sadr was immeasurably great and unrestricted

and almost parallel to that of the Emperor as it was based on religious sanction. So he substituted the
Imperial

Sadr
(2)

by

six

Provincial Sadrs in (l)the

Punjab,

Delhi,

Malwa and
(4)

Guzrat,
near
52

(3)

Agra,
Sarju

Kalpi and Kalanjar,

river, (5)

Hajipur

the

Behar, and
this

At about
was a
52

(6) Bengal. time Akbar was

faced

with

another rebellion
sect of

known

as Ilahi rebellion.
called

There
'

Shaikhs

who

themselves

dis-

Smith, Akbar, p. 207.

angle

Badauni has discussed these measures from

But they were
at the

different

altogether as measures against Islam.

really

measures against rebellion.

after

time

the Bengal rebellion.

p. 269.

They were all introduced The Central Structure

same

of

Mughal

Empire by Ibn Hasan,

THE PERIOD OF QUEST

'

95
as the Ilahis.

ciples
*

but were generally

known

They used to utter all sorts of lies and nonsense.' Akbar had many of them captured and asked " " whether they repented of their vanities them
they replied, "Repentance
is

our maid-servant."

They were
and
were

sent to Bakkar (Sind)

and

to

Qandahar,

given to merchants in exchange for Turkish colts. But this did not destroy the rebellion and they continued to trouble for some years

more

we

find

tingents against

Akbar sending very them even in the year

to the capital

strong con1

585.

53

Akbar came back

1

on December

581

Khana.

and again resumed the debates of the Ibadat So long he had searched for the light but
r>1

had only found it through the eyes of others. He " now started an assembly called the Forty," " whose principle was to decide by reason." The
creeds that were

now

represented in

the Hall

of

Discussion were

(1)
'

Sunni.
Shia.

(2) (3)

Hindu.
Zoroastrian.
Jain.

(4)

(5)

(6)

Sikh.

5S

Badauni,

II,

p. 308.

For details of their doctrines, see Dabistan,

Vol
5*

I,

Chapter HI.
Bad.,
II,

p. 218.

96
(7)
(8) (9)

THE DIN-MLAHI
Buddhist.

Jew.
Christian.

In our next chapter

we

shall

discuss the
forces that
to the

comwere
meta-

parative influences of the different

working in the Ibadat Khana leading

morphosis of 1582.

APPENDIX
Muslim Rulers
of

A
Rum
Century

Hindustan, Iran and

in the Sixteenth

"Mahzar"
Whereas Hindustan is now become the centre and peace, and the land of justice and beneficence, a large number of people, especially learned men and lawyers, have immigrated and chosen this country for their home. Now we, the
of security

"

principal

Ulama who

are well-versed in the several

departments of the law and in the principles of jurisprudence, and well acquainted with the edicts
13-1280B

98
which
rest for

THE DIN-MLAHI
on reason and testimony, but are also piety and honest intentions, have duly
first,

known
Quran,
those

considered the deep meaning,

'

of the verse of

Obey God, and obey the Prophet, and who have authority among you/ and second'

ly of the
is

genuine Tradition,

Surely the
of

man who
is

dearest to

God on
;

the day

judgment

the

Imam-i-Adil

Thee

whosoever obeys the Amir, obeys and whosoever rebels against him, rebels

against Thee,'

and

thirdly, of several other proofs

;

based on reasoning or testimony and agreed that the rank of SuItan-i-Adil

is

we

have*

(just ruler)

higher in the

rank of a Mujtahid (authority on

F\nther
of the

points of law).

we

declare that the

king

of Islam,
in the

Amir

Faithful,

shadow

of

God

world, Abul-Fath Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar Padshah Gazi (whose kingdom God perpetuate) is a most just, a most wise, and a most

God-fearing king. Should, therefore, in future a religious question come up, regarding which the
opinions of the

Mujtahids

are

at variance,

and

His Majesty in his penetrating understanding an'd clear wisdom be inclined to adopt, for the benefit
of the nation,

and as a political expedient, any of the conflicting opinions which exist on that point, and
issue a decree to

that

effect,

agree that such a decree

shall

hereby be binding on us

we do

and on the whole nation.

"
Further,

we

declare that, should His Majesty

think

fit

to issue a

new

order,

we and

the nation

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

99

shall likewise be bound by it, provided always tha such order be not only in accordance with some

verses of the Quran, but also of real benefit to

the

nation

and

further

part of his subjects to

His Majesty shall to come, and loss of property and religious

leges in this.

any opposition on the an order passed by involve damnation in the world

that

such

privi-

"

This document has been written with honest

intentions, for the glory of

tion of Islam,

God, and

the
the

propagaprincipal

and

is

signed by us,

lawyers, in the month of Rajab of the nine hundred and eighty-seven (987 A. H.)." year
In

Ulama and

discussing

Akbar's

religion,

with some pre-conceived notions.

fully

Smith began Before he carehis

surveyed

all

the materials
his

in

he had formed
ingeniously and

own

opinions
his

command, and while

facts very

going through the work developed

spun

them

into

logically

connected

treatise to force the readers into his

own
that

conclusions.

The summum

of his findings

is

from the very beginning Akbar had an intention make him Pope as well as King and he only to
*
'

waited for a favourable turn of events which he

never failed to screw to his definitely shaped ideas.

Smith

tells

his readers

that

in

this

transaction
father

Akbar had
of

the services of Shaikh

Mubarak,

The persecution, to and Abul Fazl. which Shaikh Mubarak was a victim from the
Faizi
theocratic side of the
state, is

well

known

to

all

100

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Smith brought in Mubarak to support Akbar in his scheme for the eradication of the Mulla influence over the state and of
readers of Badauni. placing himself at
the State.
the

head of the Church and

Though each had his different angle of vision Akbar political and Mubarak personal the result was the same namely, the destruction of the Mulla party. So Smith makes Mubarak after his successful Guzrat come to Agra expedition and make a speech expressing the hope
Emperor might become the spiritual as well as the temporal head of his people.' " The suggestion pleased Akbar who bore it in 2 mind and acted on it six years later in 1579."
that
'

the

Thus
1

Smith very
1

slyly

connects

the the

speech

of of

congratulations of

572-73

with

Mahzar

579.

Indeed
;

the

Mubarak

at this

document was written by time he was the most learned

Akbar, so the task naturally

man
as

of the court of

devolved upon him.

interpreted

The

text

of

by Smith,

"

the document,

solemnly recognised

Akbar as being superior, in his capacity of Imami-Adil, to any other interpreter of Muslim law/' and practically invested him with the attribute of Here Smith was encouraged to find infallibility.
support in Badauni. But the view taken by Smith
the light
1

is

erroneous in
period

of

facts

during the momentous

For

details consult Durbar-i- Akbar.

1

Smith, Akbar, p.

16.

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

of
six

101

years

1573-79.

The

interpretations

as

advanced by the Badauni group of historians do

not
fit

in with other events of

Akbar 's

life
a

during
the
reli-

this period.

We

have narrated
nature of

in detail

gious and devout

period

Akbar during
the lace
of

this

when we
of

find

him untying
*
'

the

shoes of the Maulana,

sweeping the dust

of the

Khanqah

Salim Chishti

carrying out the orders of the Sadr as

act of merit to
that time the

do

so.

whole of
'

and ungrudgingly it if was an Did not Akbar place at the religious endowments
of

and

'

Aymas

in the

hands
after

the

Sadr

Even
of
pil-

in the year

1575-76,

the

so-called

hint

Mubarak, did he not make provision for the grims to the holy land of Mecca from the
treasury
practice
for
all

state

and
the

sundry
years
of

and

continue

the

during
?

so-called

Schism
the

(1575-80)
Ibadat
of

Did he not

at the outset confine

Khana

to the Shaikhs,

Ulama and Sayids

the Sunni creed

himself very
shrines
of

Did he not undertake only ? and strenuous journey to the long

of

saints

Ajmer
1

in

the

year

580 ?
'

578, the year before during the year the Mahzar, he chanted the Sufi formula of Ya

Even

hu,
of

Ya
the

Hadi.'
Decree,

Even during

the

famous year

did he not send Rs. 50,000 to the

Mecca ? Did he not propose to build a Rest House for the Indian pilgrims at Mecca
Sharifs of
3
'

See antes Chap.

Badauni, Vol.
II.

Ill,

pp. 120-21.

p. 203.

102

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

during that momentous period ? And such a devout man, in course of a fine morning on the
third day of the month of September in 578, manufactured the famous Decree which placed him
1

above the Ulama or the Shaikhs or even above the " the Quran, and which pronouncedly extended autocracy of Akbar from the temporal to the
spiritual side

and made him the Pope as well as

rendering
all

the King,"

opposition impossible! But no event in the relation between Akbar and

the

the Islamic faith during

period

is sufficient

to

The explain the issue of the Mahzar of 1579. the light of Badauni interpretation of the Decree in
is

apparently logical in the light of the

subsequent

must be remembered that Badauni events. wrote his Muntakhabut Tawarikh long after the When a Din-i-Ilahi was shaped and promulgated. not very difficult for him man finds an effect, it is
But
it

to connect the events with a

cause.

So, Badauni,

finding the promulgation of the Din-i-llahi, sought a background and found it easily in the declaration

of

the

Mahzar

which

preceded

it.

But.

Badauni

and following him Smith and

that

others

lost sight of the real issue

involved in the document.

the

We

may admit
not

biased

and
not

bigoted
like

Mullas could

or

rather

did

to

understand the intricacies of the

of the Islamic world, but

political

situation

how

could Smith,

who

had
lose

all

the

materials of history at his

?

command,
Possibly,

sight of the clear political aspect

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

as

103

we have already

suggested, he refused to

open

his eyes to the political side of the question, for that

would defeat

his pre-conceived conclusions.

Peculiarly enough, the historians of the

Muslim
in

Empire have interpreted

the light of the

the Indian

monarchs

That these

Indian events and currents only. monarchs had trans- Indian relations,

was

lost sight of

by the Muslim
theirs
;

historians.

The

fault is not

exclusively

in the

absence of

royal archives
difficult to

and news agencies, it was really have information from far-off countries.
Indian Muslim relations with the Perso-

Thus

the

Arabic Muslim Empires have not been properly

discussed in the Indian histories written by contem-

porary Muslims.

Had Smith been

Timurid

so inclined, he
1

could easily have explained the Declaration of

579

by reference

to the

relations with the Shia

Empire

of Persia

and the Sunni Khelafat

of

Rum.

As
as

Muslim sovereign, Akbar had automatic

with the Khalifa.

relations

The

Khalifa of Islam,

the

Law demands,
all

always claimed religious

followers
of

"obedience from
5

the

of the

Faith.

There

is

a fine scope of writing a History

of

Hindustan from the

Muslim standpoint explaining the current trans-Indian Muslim forces.

^

Indian History through

Dictionary of Islam

For the Khelafat pretensions over the Indian Muslims, see Hughes, As far back as 121 A. D., Sultan Iltutmish even
1

sought recognition from the Khalifa and the half-Muslim Turk became " " the Shamsuddin^-after his recognition by the light of the religion
Khalifa.

These Khelafat pretensions continued even

in

at the time of the

Sepoy Mutiny

the proceedings of the

trial

of the king of Delhi.

1914,

The

British

Government, during the early days of the Great War of

104

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Hence the
fruitful

dignity of the Khalifa

supplied

many

war amongst the followers of the faith as was the case with the Pope in Christian Europe before 1648. These pretensions supplied one of the main causes for the war between Timur and the Khelafat, ending in the famous battle of 1402 and the transference of the Islamic capital
causes for
(Dar-ul Khelafat) to
tion

Samarkand and

in the

of the

title

of

Khalifat-ul-lillah

assumpby Timur.

These pretensions continued in the family of Timur from 1402 to 1856. 7 To make this claim of Timur to the Khelafat more effective, possibly Abul Fazl
has purposely drawn the genealogy of Timur from Adam and the epithet of Khalifa has been associat-

ed with

all

the ancestors of Akbar.

After suggest-

ing the natural claim of the Timurid family to the Khelafat, Abul Fazl has drawn a parallel between
the horoscopes
8

of

auspicious birth of
to

Timur and Akbar so that the both of them equally fitted them

hold the dignity of Khailfa by heavenly ordination. Even an orthodox Mulla like Badauni used
the

Akbar.
grew
with
the

word Khalifa when he mentioned the name of Abul Fazl almost always associated the
afraid
lest

the Khelafat pretensions might

weigh
to

too

much
British

Indian

Muslims and
the

shake

their

loyalty

the

Crown.
integrity

Hence was
of

the

Khelafat

declaration of Lloyd-George regarding the Sultan Mahmud of Gazni, Yusuf bin

of

Tashfin of Spain, Saladin

Egypt and

Syria,

Nuruddin Omar of

Yaman,
7

Iltutmish,

Muhammad Tughluq and

Firoz

Tughluq
of the

of Hindu-

stan received investiture from

some Khalifa or other.

trial

See Parliamentary Proceedings of the

king of Delhi.

1856-57.
8

See Ain-i-Akbari,

I,

pp. 25, 42-43, 80, 128.

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

title

105
stress

of

Khalifa-uz-Zaman

to give

more

to

the claim and to

this

make

it

doubly

effective,

because

assumption of the dignity of the Khelafat was a great achievement which accounts for the prestige
of

Timur and
of

of his house. But neither the orthodox

Ulama
the

Bagdad and

Persia, nor the

Khalifas and

Shahs, ever accepted these Khelafat pretensions of

Timurid supremacy over Mecca and Bait-ulMoqaddas and treat this period as one of Schism in
the Khelafat.
In our opinion, the vindication of the

claim of Akbar to this proud position, once held by his great ancestor, supplied one of the foremost
considerations for the
of

promulgation of the Mahzar

1579.

Geographically speaking, the Persian Muslim Empire had very intimate connections with the

Timurid kingdoms
Hindustan.
led
to

in

Samarkand,
the

at

Kabul and
9

in

We

know

circumstances

that

struggle between Sultan Bayezid of Turkey and Timur, ending in the great battle of Angora in 1402. After the death of Timur, his immediate descendants were too weak to vindicate

the

their superiority to the

Persians or to the

Khalifas

of

Bagdad.

When

the Timurids were off the field,

the struggle continued between the Shia kingdom Shah of Persia and the Sunni kingdom of Arabia.
Ismail, the great ruler of Persia (1502-24), restored

the former

splendour and glory of the ancient

9 E. G. Brown, History of the Persian Literature under Tartar Dominion, pp. 196, 204. Beveridge contends that Timur was a Shia (J.A.S.B., N.S., XVII, 1921, pp. 201-04); but he is wrong.

14-1280B

106

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

kingdom and became a rival to Sultan Salim the Grim (1512-20). Ismail forced many of his vassals to accept the Shia faith, which under him became
the national faith of Persia.

But those that did not,

remained

kingship of Shah Ismail and looked upon the Khalifa of Rum as their
bitterly hostile to the

real ruler, just as

the

Catholics of England looked

upon Mary Queen

their Sovereign.

of Scots

and not Elizabeth as

his ancestral

To

get back

king-

dom

at Samarkand, Babar in 1510 and 1512 accepted the Shia suzerainty of Shah Ismail and agreed to wear the Shia-i-Taj, and to strike coins bearing

Shia

Babar thus became avowedly a vassal 10 of Shah Ismail, both spiritually and temporally.
texts.

However, Salim the Grim, as a part

of his anti-

Persian policy, massacred a large number of Shias, fought the battle of Chaldrain, defeated Shah Ismail

and ultimately transferred the Khelafat to the house of Osman by defeating the last of the 11 Thereafter Salim Abbasids in Egypt in 1517. issued a proclamation of hegemony over all Sunni
believers
all

over the world.

at

After the
felt

defeat of

Shah Ismail enough

1526,
to

Chaldrain, Babar

himself strong
of

chalk out his

to

own
strike

line

action.

In

Babar began

coins

bearing the

texts of the first four Khalifas

(Khulafa-e-Rashedun),

and had the Khutba read in his name. The 12 removal of Shia texts from the coins proved his
1

Tarikhi Rashidi, pp. 262-66; Memoirs of Babar, pp. 105-09.

" "

Hammer-Purgstall, IV, pp. 174, 178, 190-91. C. J. Brown, Coins of India, PL X, No. 1,

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

107

independence of the Shia Shah of Persia and the reading of the Khutba pointed to the fact that he

was beyond

the

hegemony

of the Khalifa of

Rum. 13

When
Humayun,
had

the

wheels of fortune turned against that unlucky descendant of Timur, he

to accept the Shia-i-Taj of

Shah Tahmasp, and

court.

undergo the formalities of the Shia

tically

Prac-

Humayun

had,

willingly or unwillingly, to

become a vassal of the Shia sovereign of Persia and accepted a commission to lead an expedition to recover the lost provinces of Qandahar and
Delhi under
the

command

of

royal prince aged only six years.

here that

the

duty entrusted to

Murad, a Persian It must be noted Humayun was to

;

reconquer the lost provinces of

but
it

Qandahar and Delhi was not an independent duty, it was only under a Persian prince. However feeble might have been the voice of the commander of six years,
acceptance of command under a child of six years proved the subordinate position of Humayun.
this

When Humayun
to explain his

failed

in

his

attempt,

he had
officer

conduct
to

just

as

an ordinary
his

would be required

do before

master.

After

the conquest of Qandahar, Bairam Khan, as Shah Tahmasp 's direct vassal, was given the principality

Qandahar, which was held by him on the same terms M as Humayun held Kabul and Delhi
of
.

13

Badauni,

I,

p. 336;

Memoirs

of Babar,

II,

p.

190; S. K.

Banerji,

Religion of
14

Humayun.
I,

Ain-i-Akbari,

pp. 241, 309; Tabqat-i Akbari (E.

&

D.,

Vol Vl,

p. 221.

108

THE
the relation

DIN-I-ILAH1

Thus
sixth

de-jare

between the
Persian

fifth

and was

Timurids and the

This
is

monarchs

rather feudal.

further corroborated

by the

continuance of the Persian orders and decorations

and by the
Imarat
period.

association of

the
of

title

of Masnad-i-

with

the

throne

Delhi

during

this

When Humayun

died, the

Shah

of

Persia

did

not commit himself to any definite line of action, for

he knew that so long as Bairam Khan,

ful

his

faith-

Shia

vassal,

was

there as the guardian of the

of

minor Akbar, the

or
less safe.

interest
s

Persia
policy

was more
could be

Bairam

Persian

read in the appointment of

a Shia Sadr-us-Sudur,
selection of a Persian
of

Shaikh Gudai,
scholar,

and
Latif,

in

the

Abul

as

the tutor

the
the
in

young
Persian

Emperor.

Diplomatically
light
in

speaking,
his
trust

Shah was
the
in

placing

Bairam,

and Bairam was

trend
of

intelligent

events.

When

enough to understand Bairam 's future was

he counted on the help of Persia and would probably have proceeded to Persia where
danger,
the

help of the

Shah was a

15

certainty,

but that

could not be only for his murder

struggle

in

Guzrat.

The

between the ward and the guardian was probably anticipated by Shah Tahmasp and this
letter

explains the belatedness of the

of condolence

15

This prospect of Persian assistance

1

is

conoborated

in

the light

of

vents of

580

when

the rebellion of Mirza

p. 119.

Hakim was backed by

the

Persian monarch.

See Smith, Akbar,

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

to

09
lfi

Akbar on the occasion of Humayun's death. When Shah Tahmasp found that the accession was an accomplished fact, he wanted to make the least use of it, by waiting and watching the trend
of events.

But the misfortunes of

Humayun had
time and,

finished the cycle of the

Timurids

for a

as

days passed,
the

higher.
of

Akbar 's stars rose higher and The Shah was always uneasy at the rise
in

Timurids

India

and would not

fail to

utilise the Mirzas of the border

and so we
of Persia

find the

inspiration
in 1573.

of

Persia

behind the Guzrat rebellion

did not

Naturally the master

like to see his vassal in

Hindustan grow stronger

than himself.
Fortunately for Akbar, by the eighties of the 16th
century the Muslim Empires of the Sunni Khalifa

and the Shia Shah fell into disorder.

died

Salim the Grim

;

in 1574 and was succeeded by Murad III Shah Tahmasp also died two years later in 576 and there began a period of anarchy and civil war
1

lasting

for

period

of

years

with

all

their

concomitant intrigues and plots so common in Persian courts. Murad sent an expedition to Persia

through Georgia, which on its way stirred up the Sunni vassals of the Shia Sultan of Persia. Even

16

Tabqat, E.

&

D., Vol. V, 276.

:

The

letter of

condolence came six

years after
of

Humayun's death the long delay in sending this letter condolence to Akbar may also be explained by the policy of wait
affairs

and watch adopted by the Persian monarchs towards the

Hindustan.

of

10

THE D1N-MLAHI

" 17 Akbar was invited to assist in restoring order." Akbar was very well acquainted with the deplorable state of the Khelafat's internal affairs.
of the
Inspite

outward glamour of the Khelafat, the Grand Vizir Sokoli was murdered in 578 and the Khela18 fat forces were defeated in Europe and Georgia.
1

Akbar heard these news possibly from Haji Abdulla and Sultan Khawaja who arrived in
Hindustan from Europe at that time. He also received embassies from Nizam Husain of Badakhshan

and from Abdulla Khan Uzbeg of Transoxiana and these embassies were not possibly unconnected
with the
affairs of Persia.
19

So far as Persia was concerned, the condition was no better. The great Shah Tahmasp was
civil war continued, and more than a decade to get to a settled position. The constant rivalry of the Sunni Khalifa and the intrepid raid of the border Uzbegs had placed the Persian Empire in an ugly position.

murdered
it

in

576 and a

took

Persia

weak to retain the proud position of the Safavi dynasty. The weakness of the Safavi Empire in Persia was just in proportoo
tion
to

The two monarchs, Ismail Khodawanda (1574-87), were

II

and

Muhammad

the

strength

of

the

Chogtai Empire in
for

India.

Here was the opportunity

fact of the Khalifa's

Akbar;
is

if

17

The
Ill, p.

invitation

to

Akbar

mentioned

in

Ain.,
18
l

31

Tabqat, E.

&

Vol. V, p. 407.
p. 259,

Hays, Modern Europe, Vol.

Badauni, Vol.
II,

I,

p. 278.

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

lie
it

now, would never come again, for a powerful monarch like Shah Abbas (1587-1629) would make his best
to

would not

avail himself of the opportunity

prevent

intrusion into his supremacy,

possibly

with success.

Conversant with the

affairs of

the trans- Indian

Muslim Empires, Akbar marked out his time for movement. Accordingly, he intended to devise some means of freeing himself from the politicoreligious pretensions of Iran and religious hege-

mony
that
if

of

Rum.
the

But the

difficulty lay in

the

fact

he would claim himself

of

control

Shia

Sultan

of

be beyond the Persia, he would

to

under the religious supremacy automatically of the Sunni Khalifa who was the accredited
fall

commander of the Faithful (Amir-ul-Muminin). Akbar proceeded very cautiously he began by

;

having recourse to

a very simple and long-trodden

path of repudiation of the religious hegemony of the Khalifa by having the Khutba read in his own name

had been done by his great ancestors, Timur, Mirza Ulagh Beg i-Gurgan and Babar. Akbar had been taken to task by the Ulama for this recital and Badauni tried to make a caricature of the
as

Khutba

recital

by Akbar,

whom

the chronicler,

with his usual

to halt in the

venom

against all innovations,

recital of the verse

made
comhis

midst of the

posed by Shaikh

Faizi, suggesting very

cunningly
to

that the failure to finish the verse

was due

heresy or his apostacy.

However, we have it from

12

THE DIN-MLAH1
versions
of

the

Abul Fazl

that

he finished the

Khutba, and

historically speaking, this

only a repetition of
great ancestors,

Khutba was what had been done by his

that
20

and Badauni even admitted

of
politics

there

was much
effect of

behind

the recital.

The

the

recital

had

indirectly

affected

the religio-political

Rum

supremacy of the Khalifa of and the Shah of Iran. 21 But he knew that the

Sunni party might be offended at this assumption, so he tried to lessen the opposition by assuming
the
less

offensive

title

of

Khalifa-uz-Zaman
'

done by Elizabeth when she changed to Henry VIII 's title of the head of the church But the recital of the the governor of the church/
as

was

'

Khutba, along with the assumption of the title of Khalifa-uz-Zaman, remained a sufficient challenge
*
'

to the

Khelafat pretensions of

Rum.

Thus, the

difficulty of the repudiation of the

Shia hegemony,

which meant automatic reversion of the Timurid Empire of Hindustan into the Sunni Khelafat of

Rum, was
title

solved by the assumption of the Khelafat

and

recital of the

Khutba.

Now

that the purely

religious

pretensions of the Khelafat were guarded

Akbar began to attack the politico-religious claim of the Shia Shah of Persia in his peculiar way. At that time Akbar 's court could boast of
against,

20

Badauni,

II,

p. 276.

21

Humayun was made

as a

to recite the

Khutba

in

the

name

of

Shah

Tahmasp

mark

of acceptance of the Shia creed.

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

at least
1 50 poets and Persian element

171
in

generals
the

from Persia.

The

administration

was

Instead of an open declaration unusually strong. against the Persian pretensions, Akbar himself had recourse to the Mahzar forwarded to him by the
theocratic side of the state

22

and indeed

it

was

devis-

to fix the position of Akbar Muslim world by eliminating him from the The Persia." religious and political control of introduction of the Mahzar would always remain a brilliant testimony to the great political wisdom of the monarch. The Mahzar was addressed to him

ed, as Buckler says,

"

in the

by the Mullas, guardians of the

like the

Faith,

who

did not
careful

Shias of

Persia, but

Akbar was

enough to see that the susceptibilities of the Shias and the Persians at his court were not wounded. It

was couched in phraseology was

might not accept.
the

Persian language, the also Persian apparently it conbeautiful

;

tained no single clause which

an orthodox Shia
giving

The Mahzar began by

Emperor Akbar
title

the dignity of the Imam-i-Adil

or Lord- just, a

which no one, be he a Shia

or

a Sunni, could object to.

Even Badauni, Abdu-n

Nabi and Abdulla Sultanpuri signed it. " One Hadis enjoins, Surely the man dearest
the day of judgment whosoever obeys the Amir,
to
22

God on
Badauni,

is

the Imam-i-Adil

obeys

Thee and

II,

p. 327,

"

His 'Majesty once ordered that the Sunnis

should stand separately from Shias, when the Hindustanis, without excepThe list tion, went to the Sunni side and the Persians to the Shia side."
of Shias at Akbar's court given

by Blochmann

is

moie

or less exhaustive.

15-12808

114

THE DIN-MLAHI

whosoever rebels against him, rebels against Thee." Next, the Ulama agreed that "the rank of Sultani-Adil
is

higher in the eyes of

God
slyly

than the rank

the

of Mujtahid.

"

Thus

very
that
of
is,

Imam-i-

Adil

of

Hindustan,
the

Akbar, was placed

above

Mujtahid
fact

Persia.

The Ulama

were aware of the

differences

that

there

may be some
of

regarding

the

interpretations
that
'

the
deci-

religious questions.

They wanted
political

the

sions of the Imam-i~Adil should be

of the
'

for the benefit

'

nation

and as a

expedient

and

opposition on the authority of the decisions of the Shia Mujtahids, which were based on religious pretensions, could

binding on the whole nation.'

Thus

the

be
*

easily shattered.

Mark
*

here the use

'

of the

words

for the benefit of the nation

'

and

'

as

a political expedient.' The word nation (public) was a new introduction in political terminology, for
the

Muslim

rulers in India,

previous to Akbar,
in

had never

thought of their rule

Hindustan

in terms of the people as a

whole except SherShah. Further, the decision might have been due to the
political necessity

which, of course, pointed to the necessity of doing away with the so-called political pretensions of the Shia rulers of Persia.

So

far as religion

freedom given

to

was concerned, there was no Akbar. He was bound to limit

he

himself to any one of the conflicting opinions of the

Mujtahids in case of variance amongst them

*

could not give any injunction

beyond

what has

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MUSLIM RULERS

'

5
'

been given already.' The question of infallibility did not come from Mahzar either directly or by
implication.

No

scope was given to Akbar for the

the

superiority of his intellect to that of

Imam,
orders

as

Smith would have us believe.

of

Rather the Decree

1579 circumscribed even the

it

new

of

Akbar by making
in

distinct that the orders

must be

where
'

Now accordance with the verses of the Quran. is the validity of Badauni's suggestion that
any
religious

the road of deciding

question

was

open' ? As we have pointed out already, Badauni's Muntakhabut Tawarikh, written long after the

Mahzar
tions

had been

promulgated and the innova-

introduced by Akbar, has been slyly connected with the event of 579 for which there
1

is

no

justification.
it

Therefore,

may

be

safely

said

that

the

Mahzar

1579 was a political document, both and by implication, and that it had no apparently connection with the Din-i-Ilahi, they being two
of
different things altogether.

And by

this

Mahzar

the
aii3

Mughal
in

pride in Timur's

Sunni

orthodoxy
23

his

triumph over Bayezid Yaldirin, was

vindicated by the descendants of

23

Akbar/
is

Dr. R. P. Tripathi's criticism of Prof. Buckler

not conclusive.

Vide Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, pp. 156-58. Shah Jahan was given similar powers too. Vide A. H Lahori, Padshanama, p. 7.

APPENDIX

Three Paintings of the Ibadat Khana

The
Itihash

paintings were published

of

in

the

Bharat

Sanshodhak Mandal
of the

Poona.

They were

amongst the booties

the

Maratha hordes from

Agra and have been found The in the archives of the Peshwas at Poona. originals are extremely realistic and very faithful

Mughal Court of

in portraiture.

They

look like real photograph of

the personages
paintings of the
colour,

whom

they represent as

do the

Mughal period generally. The touch, lines and scenery breathe an atmolife into

sphere of

the pictures.
the
of

They

portray

famous debates
life

that

in-

fluenced so

much

Akbar's

and

politics,

and

regarding which there

gossips
after

have

gathered

so

many

and myths. The pictures are all dated 1578 A.D. in which the Ibadat Khana

assumed its cosmopolitan form. So far as the place of discussion was concerned, the first two paintings represent the same
scenery a hill in the background from the top of which a waterfall descended into the midst of the debates and the

members took
are the

their

seats

away
of

from the
something
these

fall

and there
as

paraphernalia
exact

like

worship.

The
by

venue

of

debates,

suggested

Father Heras,

Akbar engaged

in a religious discussion

Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch, 1928.]

THREE PAINTINGS OF THE IBADAT KHANA

was an old garden

rather

at

the

foot

of

the

hill

and
remthe

near
of

to

the

place

where
Hiran
of the

exist

the
or

nants

once

famous
Nothing

Minar

Tower
now.

of Deer.

waterfall

exists

The

waterfall might have been

an

artificial

one, constructed to cool the atmosphere and water In the third picture, there the plants and trees.

was neither the was a thatched

been
of a
built for

hill

nor the waterfall.

Instead there

cottage which might have probably a Hindu Yogi. There in the absence

cool

spring

the

seekers

after

truth

sought

shelter

from the scorching rays of the sun inside The cottage was surrounded by trees the cottage.
to the
left

and behind.
beautiful
cast of

The lawn
plants

in

front

overlaid with
the whole

and creepers
picture
is

was and

nature in the

indica-

tive of a serene

atmosphere that characterises those

first

taking part in the debates.

Though
place
at
first

The
pight.

two pictures took the same place, they were not the same. one was at day time and the other at
the debates in the

In Picture

No.

the

ai^ seated on

the ground, in Picture

Emperor and the Prince No. 2, they are

in the
in

on a
front

dais.

Akbar and Salim have beards

Akbar and
Fazl.

Hindu
and

fashion.
of

The two bearded gentlemen

Salim
is

are

possibly

Faizi
differ-

Abul
in

There

marked
below

ence between

the

crammed and

supplicating

manner
and

the free

which the disputants atmosphere in which the

appeared

Sufi brothers

THE
themselves.

DIN-I-ILAHI

expressed
sincerity

An
in

extreme

sense

of

may

be read

the eyes

and expres-

sions

of Akbar. Amongst the disputants sitting on the ground, some were Muhammadans and some were Hindus but they cannot be identified
exactly.

An

old

man

with white

flowing beards

and a young Brahmin with beard shaved and

hair tied in the Southern Indian fashion are

rather

prominent.

In this picture,

of

the

eight disput-

ants no less than five are

Muhammadans.
still

This

shows

that

Muhammadans were
in

the

principal

partisans

extreme

Akbar 's search after God. In the right, there is a Hindu who cannot be
No.
2, those in front of

identified.

In Picture

Akbar and

Salim are

quite

different
is

persons.
certainly

with long uncombed hair

Sannyasi.
Dastur.

The one a Hindu

a Parsee

The

other

is

very likely

His long flowing white gown, his round cap (Pagdi), his long white beard are characteristic of a Mobed. His aquiline nose also denotes a
Parsee origin.

He

has

long

round ear-rings

This

is very likely Dastur Mahyarji Rana ^fio reached Akbar 's court in 1582. Akbar was at that

time under the influence of the

large extent.
I

Zoroastrians
traces

to

a
of

he

portrait also suggests

Zoroastrian influence.

There

are

several

dishes
four

with bread,
lights.

fruits

and other

eatables

and
other

Two

of

the lights on the Imperial dais are

covered with a wirebell or cover.

The

pair

2.

Akbar

in a religious

worship
Bombay Branch,
1928.]

Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,

THREE PAINTINGS OF THE IBADAT KHANA

is

119

manufacture resembling crude lanterns generally used on ceremonial occasions amongst the Hindus; the way in which the lights are
of

peculiar

placed,

bespeaks the Zoroastrian influence. The lighted lamps remind us of one of the Happy Sayings of the Emperor, "To light a candle is to com-

memorate the rising of the Sun. To whomsoever the Sun sets, what other remedy has he but this P"
Other
identified.

personages

in

the picture

cannot be
there
is

One thing is Muhammadan amongst

left,

peculiar, that

no
the

the

fourteen.

On
last

extreme

from the one

to

with ear-rings and cap

to the last

one seem
in

be Rajputs.
is
is

The

one

with

a bowl
the

front

perhaps a recluse.
possibly
a

To
Chief

the right,

extreme one
to

and so are the two next

him.

The

fourth one,

clean shaven, with a huge turban on his head

and

having an intelligent look, is a Hindu Raja. Just below him is also a Rajput. The last one in

wrapped all over the body and he has the look of a great has folded hands Hindu Yogi, and his bowl testifies to his renunthe picture
is
;

cie\it>n of

the world.

In this picture, the influence

is

of the

Muhammadans
No.
3
is
It is

the least.

Picture
three.
is

the

most beautiful

of

the

absent.

very striking that the Emperor himself There are seven persons debating, of

whom
centre

three are
is

Muhammadans
his

the one in

the

an Amir, and on
gentlemen,

two sides are two

like scholars

Muhammadan

who

look

120

';HE
their

D1N-MLAHI
give

and

white robes

them a

Sufi colour.

They may

be two brothers from Gilan

who

arrived

on the 20th year of the reign of Akbar Abul Path and Hakim Humam, both
position at
at

Hakim
in

high

court at that time.

is

the bottom

The left hand man Hindu and his looks are ex-

He has a cap on his head ceedingly intelligent. and a pyjama on. Just next is a Hindu Raja with his Rajput head dress and a royal robe.

On

the other side the bottom

man

is

beyond doubt
of hair

a European
the nose are

as his

complexion,

training

and beard show.

Rudolf

The

profile of his forehead

and

peculiarly

Roman.

He

is

very likely

Aquaviva. He holds a fruit, possibly floor. The taken from the assortment on the
serenity of his face

devout expression of his eyes are characteristic of the man as has been
dressed

and the

represented in the contemporary accounts. Next to him is another man who is

in a

robe which
is

is

characteristic

of

the

Buddhist.
at the

Smith

of opinion that there was

no Buddhist
in his

court of Akbar.

Badauni says

Mutakhabut

Samans along with the BrahiUi'.is were responsible for an immense change in Akbar' s
Tawarikh
that the

outlook.

The Buddhist
'

participation in the Ibadat

in

Khana
the

will

be discussed

the next

chapter

in

connection with
face

the forces at work.'

The

cut of

and the nose reveal a Mongolian

]

type

in this participant in the debates.

1

For details of these pictures, see the Bombay British Royal Asiatic

Society Journal, Vol. VIII. 1928.

3.

A religious

discourse with Rudolf

Aquaviva
Branch, 1928.]

Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,

Bombay

CHAPTER V
THE FORCES AT WORK
Section I

The Sunnis

at the

Court of AT^bar

By

birth,

Akbar was a Sunni.

1

The Chogtai

Turks had accepted Islam and that automatically The quarrel put them into the Sunni fold. between Timur and Byezid regarding the surrender

Kharput was the occasion for the 2 Indeed, this profession of Sunnism by Timur. profession of Sunnism against the religion of Byezid
of

Yusuf

of

was by no means actuated by any sense of religious belief. But what was a diplomatic move with Timur became a religious association with his successors. When Babar was placed between the Sunni supremacy of the Khalifa of Rum and the Shia domination of the Shah of Persia, he was forced to accept the latter, but this profession was by no means a matter of faith. As soon as Babar found turned o^nprtunity, he away from Shiaism. Humayun continued his father's faith, and at the time Akbar was born, Humayun was by faith and
ritual

a Sunni.

But

Humayun

also
;

had
it

to

accept the Shia-icall

Taj from Shah

1

Ismail

was purely a

of

Titus, Indian Islam, on Khilafat pretensions.

J.R.A.S., 1924, p. 574.

16

I280B

122
necessity,

THE DIN-MLAHI
f

His family remained strongly attached to the Sunni creed. This anti-Shia feeling in the
'

harem was
the

to
fall

a certain
of

extent
n

sudden

Bairam.

responsible for After the fall of

Bairam, Sunnism was again revived. The Sadrs-ussudur that were appointed were all Sunnis. 4 The

law

that

was followed
Sunni

in the state

was

interpreted

according to the

doctors

like the

Sadr-us-

sudur

Abdu-n

Nabi

and

Mukhdum-ul- Mulk

Abdulla Sultanpuri. Both were staunch Sunnis and were highly learned in Islamic law and
traditions.

Abdu-n Nabi was

the son of Shaikh

Abdul Quddos of Kango. He had journeyed to Mecca several times. His influence on Akbar was so great that the entire endowments and pensions
were
left in his

charge and he distributed

lavish hand, to

them
which
usual

only to the

Sunnis with a
object.

Akbar did not

Akbar

offered

the

and unbounded Ajmer. Akbar, pilgrimage ^devotion to Abdu-n Nabi, used to bring and unlace the shoes and took lessons from him in Abdulla Sultanpuri of the Quran and Hadis.

Namaj

(prayer),
to

Ramjan (Fast), Zakat

(Charity),

in his

r>

the tribe
*

of

Ansur was a

great
of

scholar.

He

received from

Humayun

the

title

Mulk,

most respected

of the

Mukhdum-uland was state,

*

in charge of the
3

judicial departrpent

of the

state.

J.R.A.S., 1924, pp. 600-01;

II.

Smith, p. 43; Cambridge History of

India,
*

For a

list

of Sadrs, see Blochmann, p. 272.

Badauni, HI, p. 127.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Badauni says, owing to heretics and schismatics went
tor

123

"

his

exertions

many

to the place

prepared

them." JLjnder the influence of the Sunni Sadr and Sunni Qazi the whole theocratic side of the state ran on purely Sunni basis.
This was the time
there were

when

in
to

and outside India

many
The
as

claimants

the dignity of the

Mehdi,
postors
.

whom

Sunnis looked upon as imSunnis looked upon these Mehdi

the

claimants

invaders

and
grew

destroyers
bitter

of

faith

and
their

their persecution

in

proportion

to the progress

the

Mehdists made.
traditions

To

defend

century-old

and

interpretations

which they took as the Sunni Ulama opposed

actual
or

citadel
all

of their faith, the

sorts

of

innovations,

imaginary,

and

religiously

guarded
party
to

against them.

Akbar,

in his usual impressionable-

ness and faith, became a silent or

these
persecutions.
this

active

The
period

peculiar
of

Akbar during
of Faizi

mentality of his life has been

to see

well illustrated in

Akbar 's

refusal

the face

who had been branded an

apostate on

the* eve of his Chitor expedition,

though Akbar was

extremely delighted to hear of his literary merits. The story of the persecution of the famous

Shaikh Mubarak and his sons are well known in

7

history.

Badauni himself admitted that once he escaped

6
1

See Darmesteter, for particulais of the Mehdi movement.

Blochmann,

p. 190.

124

THE DIN-MLAHI
'

death simply because

he

differed

from
of

Mukhdumauthor.'
it
8

ul-Mulk

in

his

appreciation

an

When

the

Ibadat

Khana was
Sunnis.
the

started,

was
to

reserved only for

the

Indeed,

it

would

be interesting
the
fall of

to

know

reasons

that led

these two pillars of the state.

We have already narrated in our previous chapters how the Sadr Abdu-n Nabi and Mukhdum-ul-Mulk
Abdulla Sultanpuri, in course of their discussions, behaved in a most undignified manner and Akbar

had

to caution
9
I

them with a view

discovery
of

to

mending
Sadr's

their

conduct.

The

the

real

character, in

an unguarded moment of

their quarrel,
jj

The caused a good deal of annoyance to Akbar Mullas had necessitated pride of the Sunni
Akbar 's bringing in scholars like Ibrahim Sarhindi and Abul Fazal andBadauni to 'break their pride.' 10 The questions of marriage and pilgrimage proved
that decisions

were given by the Sunni Ulama not from the religious point but from motives of self-inter11 est. By the murder of the Mathura Brahmin the
Sadr had transgressed a very important royal prerogative. The revenue arrangements and survey of
-

lands had proved that the Qazis were guilty of taking

bribes at the sacrifice of the governmental interests.
12

The
9

redistribution
Bad. HI, pp. 114.16. Bad.
II,

of

the Sayurghal

lands

had

p. 205.

W
11

J.R.A.S., 1862- Biochmann's article on Badauni.

Bad.

III.

p. 128.
19,

11

Blochmann, Ain.

pp. 268-70.

THE FORCES AT WORK

125

exposed the worst side of the character of Abdu-n

Nabi.
it

After the

discussion

of the marriage ques-

was decided according to the advice of tion, Badauni that decisions on marriage could be given
13 Some any of the Four Laws. Sunni Qazis were transferred from one place to Badauni says, another. from this time the seed of discontent was sown.' "The difference

according

to

'

amongst Ulama of whom one would pronounce a thing as unlawful and another by some process of argument would pronounce the very same thing lawful, became to His Majesty another cause of
unbelief/'
ted that
14

.Badauni had more than once admit-

the

Mullas had fallen

away

from the

proud dignity which they held

nefarious

previously, by their

conduct.

Mirza Aziz Koka,

who was
to

staunch Sunni and

before

who had

refused

appear

Akbar 'with his face shaved,' went to Mecca, only to come back disgusted with the Shaikhs and Ulama for their irreligious conduct* The Mullas were very much upset when Akbar allowed the the Ibadat Khana and their Shias to attend anger was kindled all the more when he threw the gate of Ibadat Khana open to non-Muslims.

They could not reconcile themselves to the idea of Akbar 's discussing the question of faith and religion with the Kaffirs. They felt themselves humiliated and injured. Further the distribution of lands and
13

Bad. Bad.

II,

pp. 212-13.
p. 131, footnote*.

"

Ill,

126

THE DIN-MLAHI

revenue by a Hindu Wazir, Todar Mai, was too much for them. 15 So^out of disgust and from a
spirit

of

vengeance and

self-interest,

the

Ulama

joined the rebellion in BengaJ.

of the Bengal rebellion
in
it,

After the discovery

participation

and the Mulla

attempts

were made

to eradicate the causes

rebellions, and naturally the measures adopted turned primarily against the Sunni Mullas who had figured prominently in that conspiracy.

of

future

Akbar

found
like

the

existence

of

so

powerful

a dignitary

that of the Imperial Sadr,

having

whole of the empire, too dangerous so he abolished the post of the Sadr and divided the Empire into six provincial Sadrs. 1G
religious control over the
;

Abdu-n Nabi was sent to Mecca with Rs. 70,000 on his return, when asked to submit an account, which he could not or did not, he was put into A few days after, he was found strangled prison. 17 a mob. by These were the Sunni Ulama who were so much against Akbar. The whole of our third and fourth chapters had been devoted to show the
religious side of that great

Emperor and his gradual Of course, turning away from the Sunni Ulama. the Sunni Ulama would not have been so much
against Akbar, but for the fact that their personal
interests
!5

had been

affected,

especially

by the

Bad., Chapter, IV.

Smith, Akbar, p. 358.

For Sadrs, see Central Structure of the

265-66.

Mughal Empire by Ibn Husan, pp.

W Blochmann,

p. 273.

THE FORCES AT WORK

transference of the sentence of
peror,

127

death to the

Em-

by cutting down their religious endowments and by the dismissal of many Qazis. So far as Badauni was concerned, we shall try to
discuss in a subsequent chapter of our treatise that

the fountain of his

venom

against

Akbar

lay in his
suffi-

sense of wrong that his merits had

not been

ciently recognised, while his college fellows like Faizi and Fazl had risen so high. Similarly, per-

sonal motives
levelled

explain

much

of

the

vituperations

against

Akbar by

the Sunni

Mullas, as

would be found
Fathers.
If

in the despatches of

the Christian

Akbar was driven away from the Sunni fold, it was not Akbar s fault but that of the Akbar began his Ibadat Khana with high Sunnis. hopes and the beginning offered great promise.
misreading of the liberal tendencies of the great Central Asian, their stubborn opposition
their
to the eclectic

But

tendencies of the age

their

as

manifested
of

in

Akbar,

and

misinterpretations
of

the
into
its

innate Sufi tendencies

Akbar 's mind came

hope, with
all

operation to

destroy that great

.

inevitable consequences

Section II

The Shias

at the

Court of Al^bar

main groups into which Islam is 1 Without divided, are the Sunnis and the Shias.
1

The two

Shias are the followers of Ali, the husband of Fatima, daughter

of the Prophet.

According

to the Shias, Ali

was the

legitimate Khalifa

128

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

entering into the

theological

differences

between
tell

the Shia

and Sunni creeds, we would only

is

our reader that the difference

really very acute.

The
there

difference
is

would never be bridged over unless

radical

some

change in the conception of

the

fundamentals of Islam.
first

The

Shias

never

accepted the

three Khalifas (Khulufa-e-Rashe-

din), neither the

Ommiyads, nor

the Abbasids, nor

the Osmanalis though they controlled the K'aba

and
of

Mecca.

The

Khalifa, holding the holy

of

places

Islam, was the accredited leader The Shia Sultans of Persia never

Sunni Islam.
submitIn fact,

willingly

ted to religious sovereignty of the Khalifa.

race,

geography and tradition separated the Arabs from the Persians so widely that only
culture,

bond

of

religion, without
to

any

common

head,

was not enough

weld them

into

one nation.

Temporary union there had perforce been between Arabia and Persia but that was the unity of the
Mongols and the Chinese.
Safavi

During the reign of

dynasty,
the

when a
of

succession of strong rulers

Persia,

occupied

throne

we

find

them

but he was superseded by

Abu

Bakr,

Omar and Osman. They

'

hold that
;

the Khelafat should devolve in the family of the Prophet by selection

must be confined to the family, for the Prophet no unworthy can be born.' According
if

by

election,

it

in the family of

truth

is

to

to them, the real be found not in the lines of the Quran but between the lines of

the Quran.

The

secret of Islam

was

told to

Imam

Aii.

Ali told

it

to

Hasan, Zafar Sadiq, Musa Qasim, Ali Musa Raza, Muhammad Taqi, Hasan, They believe that there will be a resurrection when the tru<

Imam would come

out.

THE FORCES AT WORK

129

extending their religious supremacy even over the

Timurid kings As we have

of

Samarkand

and

Hindustan.

already

pointed out,

Babar and
This
a very

Humayun
the Shia

had

to accept, willingly or unwillingly,

supremacy of the Persian Sultans.

Sultans continued
5

claim of the Persian

late

till

Indian history. During his stay Shah Tahmasp in Persia, Humayun's family had to observe the customs of the Shias. His wife Hamida Banu Begum was a

period of

at the court of

Persian lady of Transoxiana, daughter of the Persian

Sufi Shaikh,

Akbar Jami. His brother-in-law was Bairanr Khan, a staunch and orthodox Shia. This contiguity of geography and family associaAli
1

tion with the Shias had,

of coarse,

unconsciously

moulded, whatever may be the extent, the thought Akbar's childhood had passed process of Akbar.
in the

midst of ths folklore and traditions of that

;

mystic land
kings

the

names

of her heroic
spell

and legendary

had

cast their

magic

on the young and

When impressionable mind of that Indian Boy. he came to Hindustan along with Humayun and
Bairam, he continued
to

be under the Shia suzerainofficials or

ty of the Persian monarch, whose

2

deputies

W.

Erskine, Vol.

II,

p. 275.

From Hasan

to

Zainul Abedin there

After

were twelve such, Muhammad Baqir, Akbari and Abu Qasim. that there has been no Imam and the Khelafat is now vacant.
3

Political

Theory

of the Indian
II,

Mutiny by Buckler,

p.

83,

note

Cambridge History
4

of India, Vol.

PP

403-04, 411-12, 415-16.

Sultana Salima, the wife of Bairam, was the daughter and Gulrukh
of Babar.

Begum, a daughter
17

1280B

130
they were.
1556, he

THE DIN-MLAHI

When Akbar became

a Padsha in
Bairam,

was under

the virtual tutelage of

whose attachment

to the Shia Sultan of Persia

was

During the regency of Bairam, very pronounced. the whole religious administration of Hindustan
ran on
Shia lines and the Sadr-us-Sudur was a
Shia Maulana

named Shaikh Gudai. 5

to visit the

Akbar 's
in

religious tendencies were very well marked

that

early age

and he used

house of Shaikh

Gudai and take lessons from him in the Quran and the Hadis. The early Shia influence on himj was so pronounced that he named his first two
sons Hasan and
Shias.

Husain,

the

two heroes

of

the

When

the story of the ungrudging

painters,

patron-

age of Akbar to poets,

caligraphists
travelled
their

musicians,
b

and

beyond

Hindustan,

many
and

Persians

found
for

home

in

Hindustan
intellect

Akbar always
of
intellect,

offered a cordial

welcome

to the

men

he believed that

has no

Maulana Shibli gives a list of 51 poets from Persia, and Badauni mentions no less than 50 and Sprenger makes a still longer list. The fall of Bairam was the signal for the loss
caste.
1

of the

Shia supremacy of

Persia for

all practical

purposes though their pretensions about India conti7 With the fall of Bairam, his Shia Shaikh, nued.

Gudai, also
5
6 7

fell

from power.
life,

His
Ill,

place

was

For Shaikh Gudai's

see Badauni, Vol.

p. 122.

See Bad., Vol.

II,

p. 337.

J.R.A.S., 1924, p. 604.

THE FORCES AT WORK

131

supplanted by a Sunni Sadr and a great change

was

effected

in the theocratic side of the state

and

a period of intolerance, orthodoxy and persecution

Mukhdum-ul-Mulk Abdulla Sultanpuri who was the chief Qazi of the state was responsible for an immense number of deaths of the nonfollowed.

Sunnis and the age-long feud between the Shias

more accentuated by the overwhelming power entrusted into the hands of the Sunni Ulama of the state. Akbar, in his usual faith in the creed of the Sadr and Qazi of the state, completely lost himself and was often a silent
all

and the Sunnis were

the

party to those persecutions, as

order for the arrest of

we have found in his Shaikh Mubarak when he

8

was represented to be a Mehdi. During the supremacy of the Sunni creed (156478) in the state, the position of the Shias was anything but satisfactory.
participate
in

They were
of

not

allowed to

the

functions

the state religion,

and was it
Ibadat
into

the Ibadat
the

Khana was
discussions
their

not open to them.

But

problem of marriage
that

in course of the

Khana

prominence as
to

brought the Shias lawyer Imam Malik gave

direct sanction

the Mu'tah marriage.

to

When

the

Sunni Mullas
to

failed

satisfy

Akbar, he wanted

know what

matter.
of

say in the This accounts for the favourable reception

the other schools

had

to

the three Shia brothers, especially

Hakim Abul

Bad., Vol. HI, P. 118:

32
9

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
10

Path,

Hakim Humayun

and Hakim Nuruddin 11

who came from Gilan near the Caspian Sea. These three Ulama not only attracted the attention of Akbar by their theological learning but Akbar had The eldest of high admiration for them as men.
them, Abul Path, by means of his winning address, soon obtained great influence with the Emperor

though Badauni would like his readers to believe that Abul Path flattered him openly and comply' '

ing with

him

in all questions of religion

and

faith

and even going in advance of him, so that he was admitted as an intimate companion of His Majesty." Ultimately this Abul Fath got the dignity of a
thousand and had power of a Vakil, an unusual dignity for a commander of a " thousand. Badauni says, he was one of those
of

commander

principal

Islam/'
of

Akbar away from Hakim Humayun was so great a friend

influences
that

led

Akbar
meals

that
if

he often said that he did not

absent.
12

relish

his

Humayun was

A very

clever Shia,

Say id Nurulla,

is

mention-

ed along with the three Gilani brothers. appointed as Qazi-ul-Qazzat of Lahore

9

He was
on. the
Vol.
Ill,

Abul Fath.-Blochmann,

p. 424;

Bad., Vol.

II,

p. 211,

p. 233.
10

Hakim Humayun

Blochmann,
II,

p. 474.
p. 214,

"
mann.

For Nuruddin, see Bad., Vol.

Vol.

Ill,
;

p.

233; Bloch-

Titus mistakes Nuruddin as

Hakim

Humam

was the

Hakim Humam but, in fact, name adopted by Hakim Humayun and he was
II,

not a different person.

See Bad., Vol.

p.

214; Blochmann, p.

474,

No. 205.

Blochmann,

p, 474.

THE FORCES AT WORK

recommendation
very
doctrines
of
at

133

n Abul Fath.

He

wrote a

famous book

Lahore

in

defence of Shia

Another imporMajlis-ul-Muminin. in connection with the reign tant Shia is mentioned

of

Akbar both

in politics

and

in

religion

it

was
us,

Mulla

Mahammad

Yazdi.

Badauni
to the

tells

"

Yazdi by attaching himself

to revile

Emperor com-

menced openly
of the Prophet)

the Sahabis (companions

and

tried

queer stories about them hard to make him a Shia." Further

and

told

Badauni remarked that Yazdi along with Birbar, Abul Fazl and Hakim Abul Fath successfully
turned the
contribution

Emperor away from

of
that

Islam.

14

The

Persian

scholar

in the great
;

metamorphosis was really tremendous and the wide liberalism which was the greatest legacy of

Akbar
extent

to

Indian

Muslim thought was

with the

to a large

due

to his contact

Shias and

the

Persians.

Accepting the three fundamental prinvery root

in

ciples of Islam, these Shias struck at the

of

the

Sunni
It

beliefs,

traditions

and decisions
of
in a

generally.

doubts, of
spirit of

was an age of scholasticism, reason and the Persian schoolmen,

;

enquiry and no less in a

the

spirit

of

venom,

assailed

very

citadel

of

Sunni

belief.

The
inter-

attack
13

made by

the non-Muslims

might be

tion

the

Nurulla was appointed a Qazi-ul-Qazzat at Lahore on condihe would be allowed to decide the cases according to any of four laws sanctioned in Islam unthinkable at the time of
that

Mukhdum-ul-Mulk Abdulla Sultanpuri

i*

or Sadr-us-Sudur

Abdu-n Nabi.

Bad.. Vol. VI, p. 214.

134

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

preted as having been inspired by an ignorance of

Islam or by prejudice; but

when

directed

within

its

fold,

it is

more

subtle,

more

by one direct and

more
in

violent.
light

A
of

careful study

of Ibadat

Khana

the

tion,

Mohsin Fani proves that inspiraprophet-ship and miracles of prophets

and of saints in general were disbelieved by Akbar as a result of the controversy of Shias 35 He became convinced that a believer and Sunnis.
might remain Muslim even if he would not put implicit faith in the minute details of the Quran as demanded by the Mullas. The infallibility of the Hadis and the Fiqh had already been
in Islam

shaken by the Sunni discussions and disunions

in the early part of the Ibadat

Khana now
;

that the

Shias joined

it,

he could see through the ignorance

of the Mullas, their bigotry

their unchangeability, a stop to the unquestionand Akbar decided to put

and

ed submission to everything past in the name

religion

of

alone.

The

result
10

the

famous "Forty,"
this

was the formation of 'who vowed to decide

things

according to reason only (Chihil Tanan).'

owing to the influence of the learned Shias, Akbar was by no means a he liked the Shias because of the freedom of Shia their intellect, because of their polish, and last but
But inspite of
spirit
;

new

not the least, because of

their

dignified

manners
in the

amongst
*5

all

nations

that

were represented
IV, pp. 97-1 15

See Appendix
Bad., Vol.
II,

A to Chapter

16

p. 318.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Ibadat Khana.
festivals

135

adopted some of the Persian not because he hated Islam but because it

He

He adopted Asian Turki them as he had adopted some Central 17 The customs and some festivals of the Hindus.
was
natural in the days of eclecticism.

insinuation of Badauni that the non-Sunni festivities

were introduced
wilful

in order to insult Islam,

is

due

to

misrepresentation and

distortion of facts to

represent

him

in the role of

an apostate.

Section III

The Hindus
Akbar 's

at the

Court of Al^bar

To

start with,

position

was very

critical,

had been between the high-handedness of the sturdy Bairam Khan and the intrigues of the wily Maham Anaga and her nefarious son,
placed as he

Adam
Bairam,

Khan.

To
to

counteract
court
the

the

influence

of

he had

good grace
either.

of the

petticoat, but

he could not

trust

So he

was
into

in

need of an alliance somewhere

else

and he

availed himself of the

first opportunity by entering matrimonial alliance with Behari Mai of

Amber
teen.
17

he was hardly a boy of nineOf course, by the time Babar had arrived in
in 1562, while

In a subsequent chapter,
that

we

propose to discuss the different

out
their

festi-

vals

and customs

Akbar inaugurated and point

historical

background. 1 Smith's suggestion is that the intrigues of the harem wete due to " Buckler also holds the " pro-Moghul feeling against Shia Bairam. a similar view. Behind this pro-Mughal feeling, was the ambition of

Adam Khan

engineered by

Maham Anaga,

foster-mother of Akbar.

136

THE DIN-MLAHI
officers of the

Hindustan, he found that the

revenue

department, the merchants and the artisians were all Hindus. As years rolled by, Akbar came to realise
that against the

Pathan

spirit

of

stubbornness and

the Turki
alliance

tendency of insubordination, the Hindu

by

his

had stood him in good stead. Dictated foresight and by a spirit of toleration and fair

play as taught by his teacher

2

Abdul

Latif of

Persia

(Sulh-i-kul

policy),

he experimented
Jezia
in 1564.

Muslim system
sovereign
it

of

upon the As a Muslim

5

with the tradition of Indian Islamic rule,

payable His courage of conviction stood by him in good stead and he attempted that bold
the unbelievers.
1

was

of course sacrilegious to remit

dues

experiment.

With Akbar
"
place,"
believers."
as his

the dicta
it,"
is

were,

"recognise merit
in

wherever ye find

"right man
not
the

the
of

right

intellect

monopoly

the

He

unhesitatingly chose Rajput princes

generals
to

and raised
first

Tansen

(originally

Hindu)
ed the
the

be the

musician of the court.

Daswa

Nath, son of a Kahar (palanquin bearer), was appointfirst

painter of his

court

Mahadev became

physician and Chandrasen the first surgeon. His court was full of the learned Hindus like Madhu
first
2

Reference

may be made
to deal

to the instruction of

Babar

to

advising him how

in the Indian
3

with the Hindus.

Dr. Sayyed

Humayun Muhammad,

Review, August, 1923. See Shibli's Moqalat-i-Shibli, Vol.

suggestion that Jezia
little

1 ,

and

al Jezia

by the same author.

The

was stopped

at the instance of his

Hindu

wife has

truth

behind

it.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Saraswati and

137

Ram

Tirtha.

fl

Amongst the famous

less

Nine Jewels of his court no

Hindus/'

than

four

were

The

greatness of

the

Indian Timurid
it

Empire, in whatever direction

ture,

we take

art, litera-

music,

sculpture,

painting,

organisation,

government and army was as much due to the Hindu contribution as to the Imperial patronage.
But the orthodox section of the
state

Mullas could

not and did not like idea of equal treatment between 7 the believers and the non-believers.
It

must be said
the

to the credit of

Akbar

that,

even

during

period

of

Sunni influence under the

regime of

Sadr and

Mukhdum, his orthodoxy and

in

patronage for the Sunni creed did not degenerate

into anti- Hindu prejudice

the

field

of

politics.

Discrimination
the
faith

was made amongst the believers of and persecution was reserved for the

5
6

See Appendix

A at

the end of this chapter.

Names of Nine Jewels Abdu-r Rahim, Raja Todar Mai, Man Singh, Birbal, Taiisen, Hakim Humam, Mulla Do-Piyaja fictitious?), Abul Fazl,
f

Mr. P. Chowdhury) is not supported by a painting that exists in the library of Lala Sri Ramdas at Delhi
to

Faizi.

Mulln Do-Piyaja (according

where.the
occurs.

name

of Do-Piyaja

is

absent and that of one Abul Hasan

is

mentioned and
his absence.

in the place of Taiisen, the

name

Possibly the picture

was drawn

after

Miyan Kokultash Tansen's death and hence

differently
at all
;

of

the fact that

The names of the Jewels are told all members might not be present

that

is

due

to

times in the court.

So the
7

circle of

Gems

contained different

men

at different times.

Todar Mai, a very tried officer of Sher Shah, was appointed Finance Minister, the Muslim grandees petitioned against the appointment and were only silenced by Akbar's snub (Kennedy Vol. I, p. 206.), " Have you not appointed in your estate the Hindus in the department
of accounts
?

When

"

18-1280B

138

THE D1N-HLAHI
suffer-

non-Sunni believers of Islam though Hindus ed the customary minor disabilities.

During the
to

first

period of the Ibadat Khana, the

Hall was not open to Hindus

and was confined

to

Sunni Muslims only,

who used

prayers with the Emperor. the other sects of the Faith were invited
cussions.
It

say their In the second period,

to dis

when
fied

the ever expanding

was only during the last period mind of Akbar, not satisof

with the ever circumscribed limits

the sects

of Islam,
*

wanted
at

to

quench

his thirst for

knowledge
of
that

by drinking
all

the

fountain of

the savants

climes,' as

dreamt by

Abul

Fazl

the

Hindus were admitted

into the Ibadat

Khana along
Faizi

with representatives of other Faiths.

The Books

of the

Hindus were

translated.

translated Yoga- Vashishta, Lilavati, Nala-Damayanti

and Batrish Singhasana Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi translated the Atharva Veda Mulla Sheri took up
; ;

Hari-Vansha
were

the

Ramayana and

the Mahabharata

jointly translated

by a group of eminent scholars

including Akbar himself.

He

called

many
find

other

Hindu
of

learned

men

to his court

and we
Bhatta,

mention

Madhu

Saraswati,

Madhusudan, Narayan Misra,

Narayan

Hariji Sur,

Damodar

Ram

Tirtha,

These pandits Narasingh, Paramindra and Aditya. " " the first class in Akbar's were counted amongst
court

"

who

"

as

Abul Fazl puts

and

"
it,

in the light of

His Majesty's perfection, perceived the mysteries of

the external

and

internal,

in their

understanding

THE FORCES AT WORK

and breadth of
their

139

views fully comprehend both realms of thought and acknowledge to have received their spiritual power from the throne of His Majesty.
'

'

Amongst
of

other

Hindus who had adorned the court

Akbar, we find
Bhatta,

Ram

Bhadra, Jadrup, Narayan,

8

Madhu
The
often

Sri

Bhatta, Basudev Misra, Bidya

Nibas, Gopi Nath and Bhagirath Bhattacharyya.

stories that are

current in

Northern

India

very interesting things about Akbar's connection with Tulsidas, Dadu and Surdas. Tulsidas
tell
is

by Akbar to show some of his miracles but Tulsidas humbly submitted that he had no miracles to show and he was an ordinary devotee of Ramchandra. Akbar had
said to have been requested

heard so
that

many things

about the miracles of Tulsidas

he became greatly disappointed and ordered that Tulsidas should be put into prison till he showed a
miracle. Tulsidas in prison began to repeat the
of

name

monkeys, the descendants of Hanuman, the famous devotee of Ramchandra, infested the houses of Agra and Sikri,
It is

Ram and Hanuman.

said that

and the people were so much troubled by the

incursions of the

due

to

monkeys that they believed it to be sympathy of the monkeys with Tulsidas, a

fellow devotee of their ancestor

Hanuman.

Every-

body interpreted the

das.

affair to

be a miracle of Tulsi-

Thereupon the Emperor released Tulsidas from the prison and gave a general order that
Ain No.

Ain-i-Akbari.

30,

Blochmann, pp. 537-47.

140

THE

D1N-I-ILAHI
killed in the

monkeys should not be

the tradition
is still

Empire.
9

And
for

observed in Hindu India.

Akbar

is

said to have conversed with

to

Dadu

40 days and was much delighted

tional side of the saint.
10

see the devo-

The

details of the conver-

sation are

known

to historians.

songs (dohas) are

liked

whose mystic a joy to millions of Hindus, had a long interview with Akbar and was much
Surdas, that blind saint of India
still

by him for his music. Akbar appreciated merit, and he knew how to pick it up and recognise
11

it.

onePurshotham, who had written a commentary on the book Khirad had a long private interview with him and afza, he had asked him to invent particular names for
that
'
'

Badauni mentioned

12

all

things in existence.

Another Brahmin named

of

Devi,

who was one

"
3;j

the

interpreters

of

the

Mahabharata,
sitting

was pulled up the wall

of the castle

on a charpai till he arrived near a balcony, which the emperor had made his bed-chamber." While thus suspended he instructed His Majesty
in the secrets

and legends

of

Hinduism,

in- the

Grieraon, notes on Tulsidas, p. 61.

Ramtanu

Lahiri Leclures, C. U., 1920.

his real

K. M. Sen says that

Dadu

was a Muslim, and

name was Dayood.

Puruko tham,' Vol. II, p 265. find in Badauni reference to two other and they gave to Akbar the seciets of their
'

U
12
13

Bharatbarsha, 1338 B. S.

Badauni wrongly wrote

Charpai
'

Indian cot.
'

We

men

raised in

Charpai

tenets.

THE FORCES AT WORK

process of worshipping idol, the
stars
fire,

141

the sun
the

and the
unbe-

and

of revering the

chief gods of

livers,

Ram

such as Brahma, Mahadev, Vishnu, Krishna, and Mahamaya. His Majesty, on hearing

further as to

people of the country prized their institutions, began to look upon them In the opinion of Badauni, Devi with affection.

how much

the

was responsible
tion of the soul.

for
Jt

Akbar's belief in the transmigra' '

ed by

his

Akbar was very much impressconversation with Devi and not a day

passed but a

new

fruit

of

this

loathsome tree

ripened into existence."

He

gave private

interviews

to

many Hindu
:

yogis and enquired of them the following

(a)
(fc)

The Hindu

articles of faith.

Their occupation.

(c)

The

influence of pensiveness.

(d)
(e)
(/)

Their several practices and usages. The power of being absent from body.

(g)

Alchemy and physiognomy of the Hindus. The power of the omnipresence of the
soul.

live for over

Through them, he believed that men might a hundred years and followed some Hindu and Buddhist practices, which might pro-

long his longevity.

The idea f the transmigration of the soul was Bad., II, p 265 one of the cardinal beliefs of some sects of Indian Sufis though quite
14
t

against Islamic conception.

142
Birbar,
'

THE
'

D1N-I-ILAHI
'

that

accursed Birbar
'

of Badauni,

15

that
to

of Badauni, who had come dog the court of Akbar in 980 A.H. (I 572-73 A.D.),
hellish

was
he
'

made Kabi Rai

tried to

(the

treasure

of

poets)

for his talent in

composing

verses

and

satires,

and

persuade the Emperor to worship the

Sun and

Stars.'

He

said that

"

since the

Sun gives
products

light to all, ripens

all grains,

fruits

and
of

of the earth,
therefore,

and

supports

the

life

mankind,
of

that luminary
;

should be

the object

worship and veneration and be turned towards the rising and not towards the 1G that man should setting Sun, which is the west
that the face
;

should

venerate

fire,

water,

stones
to

and

trees

and

all
;

natural objects even

down

cows and

their

dung

that he should adopt the sectarian and

cal thread."

Brahmanihe

Several wise
said,
light

men

at court

confirmed what

Sun was the greater by representing that and the benefactor of its inhabiof the world
patron of Kings,

"

tants, the

and
the

that

Kings
of

are

his

vice-regents.

This was

cause

the
17

worship paid to the Sun on the Naw-ruz-i-Jalali, and of his being induced to adopt that festival for his accession to throne." the celebration of

Every day he used

16
J6

to

put on clothes of that partl-

Bad.,

II,

p. 335.

This

turning

away from the west has a sly away from Islam whose sacred place is
turinpr

icference to
at

Akbar 's
west

Mecca

to the

of Hindustan.
17

Bad.,

II,

pp. 203-5.

THE FORCES AT WORK

cular colour

143

which accords with

18

that of the regnant

planet of the

day.
in

The very presence of the Hindu wives

harem was responsible many Hindu customs
for

Akbar's
of

the

introduction

into the

Chogtai harem.
all

The Hindu wives

poses.

of the

Muslims were

dead
pur-

to the family of their fathers for all practical

They

could not go back to their

relations

fathers,

nor were there any social

between the

two

The Hindu wives were given Muslim names and their children were named
families.
fathers.

after their

They

were

not

burnt
their

but

were buried
exist in

in

Muslim fashion
places.

and

tombs

But inspite of their changed environments, the family customs and the social psychology of the ladies could not be altered so

many

easily.

The Hindu
to

princesses
their

in the

harem were

allowed
customs.

follow

own

socio-religious

Yodha Bai was allowed to have her own Hindu cook. The road connecting the Mahal of Yodha Bai and the appartment of the Emperor was
and could not be used by others her Mahal a Tulsi plant, a place
(sacrifice

entirely separate

and she had in for Horn and Yag

18

and

rituals).

Brahmins

Humayun
is

did the

same

so far as the audience

chamber was con-

cerned. This belief in planets and their

of

man,

an old

trait

shaping the destiny of the Turki-Mughal charactei. There was a

in
that, so

movements

belief in the family of

Chengiz

long as they worshipped the stars

;

and the and

their

planets, theirs

was the ascendency they

to

fell

away from power

proud position when they ceased

Dabistan, Vol.
II,

worship the planets and

the stars

p. 121,

44

THE DIN

I-ILAHI

could be employed to perform

her sacred

duties.

Generally the Emperor

ladies

used
in

to respect the

Hindu
their
in

and held them

that

great

esteem
tells

for

sweet devoted nature.

Jahangir

us

his

Memoirs
whole
ladies

life for

Yodhpuri Begam one hair of his. 19 Along with these

could sacrifice her

harems permanently.
marriage of

many Hindu customs entered the Muslim As for instance, during the
Salim with the
daughter of Raja Hindu customs were observed
"

Bhagwan Das, many

on such as lighting the fire and strewing dried rice that the it But must be remembered the litter.

Hindu wives was proportionate to the liberalism of the monarch concerned. 21 Akbar had In Akbar's time, it was the largest.
freedom allowed
to

the

from the beginning a high respect for the Hindus. He was the first of the house of Timur to be born
in

Hindustan.

His

birth

in

Hindu
were

house
as a

while his father was flying away

fugitive

from India

when even
speak
of

his brothers

hostile,

not

to

other

Muslims
his
life.

had a
If

very
father
his

wholesome

influence

on

the

could not have any

gratitude to his

opportunity

of

showing

benefactor's race, the son had.

At

W Jehangirnama quoted by Smith

20

p. 225.

"

Laj

"

dried and fried

grass,
light
,

rice.

Even

at the

time of Aurangzeb's

marriage

paddy,

(Pradip)
p.

and husker
(Anecdotes

were used
of

in

welcoming the bride.

Bad

III,

352.

Aurangzeb,
for

by Jadunath
*1

Sarkar.)
J

For the Hindu wives of Akbar, see.

R.A.S.,

1869,

and

Hindu

customs amongst Muslims, see Qanun-i-Islam by Herklots.

THE FORCES AT WORK

145

the beginning of his reign while he was placed between the crackers by Bairam and Maham Anaga,
it

was the help

of

Behari Mai that carried him

through. His long and varied experience had proved to him that Hindu help was essential in the administration of the

land of the Hindus.

Nearly

50%

Akbar 's army were manned by the Hindus and the revenue department was practically a monopoly of the Hindus so he could not be blind to the sentiments, traditions and psychology of such a major section of the state. He was fortunate enough to have the lesson of Sher Shah before him. Indeed, Sher Shah had only anticipated the advent Like a wise man, Akbar adjusted of Akbar. himself to the change of circumstances and regarded the Hindu princes as partners in the adminisHis empire tration and not as mere subordinates. on co-operation and mutul adjustment. was based
of
;

In their

blind fanaticism,

the

Mullas refused

to

understand

Akbar

and

interdicted

him

as

an

and even branded apostate or as irreligious him as a Hindu. He was not blind to the faults
of

Hinduism

as

he was not blind

to those

of

Islam.

He

Hindus asked him

did not unhesitatingly believe what the to believe about their religion.

saw, he examined and he believed or rejected. Akbar's views on the Hindu conception of the
doctrine
of

He

Incarnation
the

was
of
at

very
the

excellently
in

put

through
1783B

mouth

the philosopher

course of the
19

discussion

Ibadat

Khana,

146

THE
first

DIN-I-ILAHI

"

You

say

that,

acknowledge one God and then you having descended from his solitude,

he assumed a great body; but

with a body which
tangible matter.
In

God is

not clothed

belongs
like

to

contingency and

manner, you attribute wives to your Gods. Vishnu, who, according to some, represent the Second person of the Divine Triad and according to others, is ackowledged as

supreme God, is said to have descended from His Station, and become incarnate at different times,
the
in the

forms of a

fish,

a boar,

a tortoise and of
of

men.

When

he was

in

the state

Rama,

his

wife was ravished

from him.

He was

ignorant
the

and acquired some

disciple of

knowledge by becoming

one among the sages of India, until he was freed from body; in the form of Krishna,
he was addicted
yourselves
this
tell

to lust

and

deceit of

which you
in

many
there

stories.

You

state that

incarnation,

was

little

of the

wisdom

of

a supreme

God and much

of the corporal matter of

Krishna; thus you compel mankind,

of justice are superior to all sorts

who

capable
to

of animals,

worship a boar, a
of a

and you adore the form Mahadev, whom many organ acknowledge to be God, and the female organ as his wife. You seem not to know that irrational
tortoise,

male

as

cannot be

the

creator

of

the

rational

that the

one uncompounded is incompatible with division, and that plurality of the self -existent one is absurd.
Finally

by the worship of a mean

object,

no

per-

THE FORCES AT WORK

faction

147
spirit of free

can accrue

to the

noble."

22

His
trait

thinking, a legacy of his ancestral

'

from Central

Asia, led people to suspect that

'

the

Emperor was

gentile

(Hindu), which he was not.

which he introduced amongst the

the

The reforms Hindu commuview and

of

nity sufficently illustrate the breadth of his

wisdom

of his conception.

In his restrictions,

which he

put

on the
is

unrestricted

burning

Hindu widows, character, and

thropist
after.

reflected

the

human

side of his

in

him we

anticipate a

philan-

like

Lord

William Bentinck

250 years

He

encouraged the marriage of the Hindu

whose marriage those widows, especially of had not been consummated. Many Hindu festi'

vals like

Rakhi

'

(thread) symbolising
'
'

bond

of

unity

and friendship and Dipabali (Dewali, the lights) were followed with due eclat in the same way that he followed the custom of using horsetails like a Turk and the Quesek like a Zoroastrian, and celebrated Christmas like a Christian.
festival of

But inspite of all his social eclecticism and Hindu sympathies, he was nothing but a Muslim.

Section

IV

The Zoroastrians

at the

Court

During the acrimonious debates of the Ibadat Khana, Akbar was convinced that greatness was
not the monopoly of any
particular

religion

and

22

Dabistan,

I,

pp. 73-74.

148

THE DIN-MLAHI
all religions

higher truths might be found amongst

and peoples. He, therefore, invited reputed saints from all parts of India. As far back as in 1573, during the siege of Surat, when his army was
Kankara Khari, he had made acquaintance with Dastur Mahayarji Rana, the principal teacher of the Zoroastrians at Navasari, which was

encamped

at

then the great centre of the Zoroastrian priesthood

in India.

The

great

knowledge

of

the

Mobeds

and Zoroastrian theologians was almost a proverb in Hindustan. Even Abul Fazl had, before he joined
the court of Akbar, thought of sitting at the feet of

the learned priests

of

the Zoroastrians and those

learned in the Zend-Avesta.

Ibadat

After

576,

when the

Khana took

its

cosmopolitan form and,

according to Falix Vayle,

parliament of religions in
the
great

became the first the world, Akbar invited

it

when

theologians

of

Navasari,

through his

governor of Guzrat, Shahabuddin Khan, and Dastur Mahayarji Rana arrived at the court in

He had long conversation with Akbar FazL 1 and Abul The Emperor and his chronicler learnt from " the peculiar terms, ordinances and rites Dastur
1

578-79.

There

is

a very popular story in Guzrat regarding a

miracle of

Mahayarji Rana.
metallic tray

By

force

of

magic a Brahmin raised

sun by means of
his

in the sky
is

which resembled a second sun.

artificial

Mahayarji Rana

said to

have brought down the

incantation.

prayers and

Akbar was much

surprised at this miracle.

in local dialects of

There are innumerable ballads

this story.

Guzrat concerning

THE FORCES AT WORK

and ceremonies
all

149

of the

Zoroastrian creed
the sun

above
fire."

the virtues of the worship of

of

and

Influence

Dastur
is

found that he
trians to

Mahayarji Rana was so proregarded by his fellow Zoroas-

have converted the Emperor to Zoroastrianism. But Prof. Karkaria, at a meeting of the
Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay on the 8th of
asserted
that
it

August, 1896,

was

not

Dastur

Mahayarji Rana nor the Indian Zoroastrians that changed the mind of Akbar, but it was Ardeshir

and the Persian Zoroastrians

for the leaning of
2

that

were responsible
the Zoroastrian
satisfied

Akbar towards

Prof. Karkaria's

view was that the Emperor was not

Ardesir
all

Dastur Mahayarji Rana and he invited and this Persian Ardesir was responsible for
with

of

Persia

the

changes in

Akbar.
court
of

He even
Akbar.

doubts
But

if

any

Mahayarji Rana ever visited the

Modi, in his famous article in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXI, p. 69, cleared the doubts raised by Prof Karkaria and
profusely quoted from contemporary Muslim authors
(Vol.
11,

Dr

like

Badauni

p. 261)

and Abul FazHAin., Vol.

16th-century Parsee
to

writings in the

p 184> and from the Prayer Books (Tansen's Songb,

I,

Marathi Ballads, Hindi Dohas)

the
court
of 'Akbar
in

show

that Mahayarji actually visited

1578-79 and

influenced

Akbar's religious
(1782)
to the

practices.

Later books like

infidel

says," several

Momalik-i-Hind by Golam Bihist and impious Parsees who were devoted

magic*' were responsible for leading Zoroastrians of Guzrat claimed that

their creed

Akbar away from Islam. The Akbar had been converted to

to their

and rendered eminent

services

religion, for

which

his

name has been

associated in Parsee Prayers along with the

names

of Ardeshir

Fazl say that

this

Bagchan (Artaxerxes of the Greeks) Akbar had adopted some Parsee

to

Badauni and Abul

rites

in

1580-81

was due
in

the existence of the Parsees at the court of

and Akbar at

that period.

On

the other hand, Ardeshir of Persia

It is

came
of

to the court

of

Akbar

1592.

absurd that Akbar's adoption of Zoroastrian

practices in

1581-82 should be

due

to the influence

one

who visited

150
cult.
2

THE
But
the

DIN-I-ILAHI

arguments advanced by Prof. Karkaria are too shallow to warrant such a suggestion.

the

influence of the Navasari Mobed, was gradually drawn towards the Emperor

Under the

ceremonies of the Zoroastrians.

Another, Azar Kaivan,

also mentioned

with his disciples

1681 and

was
1685.

between the years

at

He had
Dastur

long conversation with the Emperor.

Patna.
3

His

headquarters were

Kaikobad, son of

Mahay arji Rana,

of

visited

Akbar and made

4

a favourable impression on the Emperor.

the people

Though
of

Persia

had accepted the Faith

Arabia, they

still

clung to their ancient ceremonies

Iran in

and

festivities

of

glorified.

In -the

land of

whose monarchies they Iran, Akbar had, in his

for the
festivities of the

early days, developed

an unconscious love
in the

mystics and the mysterious

country

where he had drunk deep

land.

folklore of the
fire,

Moreover, the Central Asian cult of

sun

and

star

Turk,

worship was in the vein of Akbar and every whether he is a Musalman, a Christian, a

Laotzian or a Buddhist, has a secret love for the

the court ten years after.

Moreover

this

Ardeshir did not come to

India to attend any religious discussions which were almost closed

that time
in
;

by
no

but he was sent by Shah

of a

Abbas

to assist

Mir Jamaluddin

his composition

work

called Ferang-i-Jehangiri.

There
visit

is

truth in Karkaria's suggestion that

court.

Ma hay arji Rana

visit

did not

Akbar's

On

the other hand, the

Farman granting 200 bighas

of

of land to

the family definitely proves the

court.
3 *

Mahayarji to the Emperor's

Institute of
/bid.

Cama

Magazine, Vols.

20-21.

Vols. 12-14.

THE FORCES AT WORK

manners of the cradle of
glory of the sun, fire
his race.*

151

When

the

Akbar the and star worship, they found in Akbar a congenial and willing hearer. Further, there was Birbal, Emperor's fiiend, with his cult of fire. There were the Hindu ladies in the harem 6 Horn with their and sacrifices to the fire. Gladly Akbar accepted some of the festivals of the
Zoroastrian Mobeds wanted to propound to
'
'

'

'

Christians

in

580-8

the

Persian

festivals
list

and

Persian holy days entered into the royal

of holi-

days, and he adopted a calendar according to the

manner

of theZoroastrians.

In 1589, he introduced
'

the Solar Era, Tarkh-i-llahi, as

he had
'

now been

converted to sun and star worship.

speaking, there
5

is

But really no causal connection between the

revival of ancient Turki

Even Kamal Pasha intended the

festivals in the

names

manners and
6

dominions of Ankara.

Almost every great man of ancient times worshipped one of the Thus Moses worshipped the Saturn, therefore Saturday is holy " on which account day for the Jews. Jesus worshipped the Sun, Sunday is sanctified by him and finally his soul united with the Sun.'* " Muhammad held Venus in So the Christians hold Sunday as holy
stars.

veneration,

wherefore he fixed Friday a sacred day." Yudhisthir also worshipped the Sun and all his greatness was due to that Luminary. Sauras (followers of the Sun) are a sect cf the Hindu. King Ferosh of
Persians was
threat

believer of the Solar cult.

Akhetatan of Egypt was a

force.'
to the

fanatical worshipper of the Sun, the life giving

Chengiz Khan
worship of the

and
7

his family felt

that

their

greatness

was due

Stars

and the Luminaries For details, see Dabistan, Vol. II, pp. 105-21. Tarikh-i-Ilahi was introduced at the instance of Mir Jamaluddin. work on
financial

In his recent
political

Tarikh-i-Ilahi

by Mr. Brendy (Poona,

1933), the
It

and

aspects of the Era have been discussed

has

hardly any connection with the religion.

at its highest

The

Zoroastrian influence was

during the years

1579-85 whereas the Era

was introduced

in 1589

152

THE
cult of

DIN-I-ILAHI

Sun
lit

Akbar and
to

the Tarikhi-IIahi.

He

order-

ed, according to the Parsee custom,

"

the

fire to

be

up and never

wear robes of
the the sky.
8

different to

be extinguished." He began to colours on different days of

the
'

week according

position of the stars

in

He

took the girdle and

'

ring of
*

the

Zunnar.' Quseke and Akbar began to prostrate himself in public before the Fire and before the Sun and when the

Parsee Mobeds called

"

lamps were lighted in the evening the whole court was required to rise up respectfully." 10 The prostration of

Akbar before the Sun,

1]

the lighting of

Fire inside the harem,

the acceptance of the girdle

and

wearing of coloured dress according to the days of the week, the introduction of Parsee festivals, the adoption of the Solar Era with ancient
ring,

the

Parsee names, have

of

all

been interpreted as signs

.

Akbar 's conversion

But inspite of
all

to Zoroastrianism

these,

even

if

they

were

true,

Akbar did not accept Zoroastrianism, nor

His disgust against the
spirit

Christianity, nor Shiaism.

conduct

of

the

Mullas and his innate

of

enquiry had carried

8

him near

to every
of

one of these
belief

Humayun
HI, p. 51.

did the same in

his Hall
in the

Audience and

in

Astrology was not an innovation

house of Timur.

See ante

Chap.
9
1

XXI. Rehatsek's translation Vol. of J.R.A.S., Bombay, ' * It is also a Parsee is correct. Zunnar as Brahminical thread
'

custom.
10
11

Smith, Akbar, p. 164.

Akbar *s

fire

Den was

in

the

harem

Blochmann,

p.

210,

footnote.

THE FORCES AT WORK

religions, so

153
of

much

so that

the followers
flatter

each

of these

faiths

might

easily

themselves

as having converted

who, Mogol,' according to some of them, had ceased to be a

'the
great

Muslim.
influence
priests.

But

it

must be said
it

to

the credit

of the

Zoroastrians that, after Islam, theirs

was

greatest
their

on Akbar and
tells

had been through

Badauni

us that Akbar
of

"
repeat

now began

to

the

name

the

Sun
It

in the

bring the sun to his wishes."

may

midnight to be so, for

he had learnt by his contact with the Hindu Yogis that supernatural agencies could be brought to help

human

actions

by means
after,

of

12

repetition

(Zikr).

Bhanu Chandra Upadhyay came to the court, he was asked to " " and a disc compile the Surya Sahasra Nama was prepared containing these 1,001 names of the
two years
in 1582,

When

sun.

According to Badauni, Mulla Sheri presented to His Majesty a poem composed by him
*

entitled

Hazar Shu 'a,' which contained one thouin the praise of the

sand verses
of
12

Sun. 13

The

praise
34

the

Sun may

also
of

be found in the Quran.

do not cease

The Hindu system

'

Yoga has been adopted by many Amerito

cans and Europeans; but they

*

be Christians on lhat
long
'

score.

before

The idea of Jap was ingrained in Indian Sufism. Akbar, he came in contact with the Zoroastrians, used to repeat
Hadi,' as the Sufi foim of repetition.
Bad.,
II,

Ya

Hu, Ya itional form

13

In 1582,

it

was an addBad.,

p. 203. in the praise of the sun.

II,

Mullah Sheri composed a verse

P. 346.
14

Quran, Chap.
20

XXX,

Sura Shams.

I280B

154

THE DIN-MLAHI
the praise of the

Thus

Sun and

the other luminaries

did not remove Akbar from the pale of Islam.

As

regards Fire worship, the liberalism of already allowed great scope to the Hindu ladies of
the

Akbar had

harem
'

to

follow
'

their religious rites

and they

performed Horn sacrifice inside the harem. Hom-Kunda' There was also a permanent
'

Fire

Den) inside the harem. When the fire cult of the Hindus, with which he was long associated,

was coroborated by the Parsee

supported by his friend
believe in

Mobeds, and was Birbal, Akbar began to

the efficacy of bringing the elements of

Nature under his control.

The wearing
Zoroastrians

of the girdle

and the ring

of

the

by no means proved that he had adopted those marks as his acceptance of the creed. This was only to show honour to the Zoroastrians

and

Mobeds
to

as

he had done

to

honour
in their

the

Christian Priests,

when he appeared
Similar

own
was

costume

receive them.

honour

shown to the Hindu Yogis when he used the 'Tilak' mark on his forehead. As has been already pointed out, this was only to create an atmosphere
congenial to
faiths with
15

the understanding

of

the respective
for

which he was dealing

the

time

being.

15

Badauni

Payne, Jesuits at the Court of Akbar, Chap. II, re costume. tells that Akbar used to shave the crown of his head
soul
p. 305.

like
it.

Buddhist Lama, in the belief that his

.

might pass'through

II.

THE FORCES AT WORK

155

The

introduction of the Persian festivals

under the circumstances of time. His court

of the Persian element
festivals

came was full

he himself had seen those

;

days in Persia his mother was a Persian lady from Transoxiana. The Parsees in Hindustan and the Persians in Iran in their
in

his

early

common
other

cradle

had followed the same

of the Parsee festivals

festivals

and the acceptance

was,

in

words, a partial acceptance of the Persian customs. The great names of the mystic Persia

and the
glamour

still

greater

fame

of her mystic kings

had a

for

him.

May we

further suggest that the

adoption of the Persian festivals was due to a motive

of allaying the feeling of discontent

created in the

minds of the Persian elements in the court after the blow had been aimed at the Persian supremacy by

The same spirit of toleration the Mahzar of 1579. and equality of treatment that is responsible for the inclusion of the Hindu, Muslim, Parsee and
Christian festivals in the holiday
list

of the British

Government in India, characterised the spirit of the Government of Akbar, when he adopted such festivals as the Persian Naw-ruz and Shariff
,

the

Hindu Rakhi and Dewali,

in his official
list

the Christian
of holidays.
16

Mass

and Christmas

16

Festivals that
(i)

were celebrated under the charge of the Kotwal

'the

Naw-ruz when

great world-illuminating luminary entered

the ign of Aries*

at the

commencement

of the Farwardin (Maich)

156

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

The

acceptance of some

of

the

formalities

of

the Zoroastrians, did not bring

their religion.

him

into the fold of

very fundamental principle of their religion * was questioned by Akbar he attacked the very
;

The

conception of good and evil emanating

said to the

from

which was the cardinal basis of their faith/ " You admit the existence of Mobed, Yezdan and Ahrman, in order that Yezdan may
evil,

God He

not be said to be the author of

assert

but

you

also
evil

that

Ahrman sprung
all just

forth

from the

thought of the

from good and

Just
;

evil

therefore, he sprang originated from God, the All

;

Lord

you are

therefore,

wrong

in the

fundamental

principle, the very

your religion,
astrian

most fundamental principle of and wrong must be every branch

it."
17

which you derive from

still ?

Was Akbar

a Zoro-

(H)
(

19th of the

same month

festival of the glorious

sun

ill)

Feasts

3rd of Ardibishist (April). 6th of Khorbad (May).

10th of

Aban

(October.)

9th of

Azr (November).
(January),

2nd of Bahman

15th of Isfandaraad (Feb.)

(iv)

Illuminations
called Shaban)

Naw-iuz, Sheriff, Bharat (8th of the Arabian

;

on morning following illumination was celebrated a festival and kettle-drum was to be beaten on an elephant's back.

month

"

Dabistan,

I.

p.73.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Section

157

Jains at the Court of Afybar

creed

During the early Muslim period, Jainism was a of the South though it was not unknown to
In early

Northern India.

Muslim

histories,

we

find

but scanty references to Jainism, as the Muslims 1 Abul Fazl knew did not come into clash with it.
its
it

doctrines as he

was not Khana was opened to came in. But from modern
historians

knew many unknown to Akbar.

the

other things,

and

When

the Ibadat
Jains also

the non-Muslims,

scanty information
debates,

on

the Jain participation in the

even many

completely ignored the sphere of Jain influence in the thought world of Akbar. Elphinstone, Von Noer, Malleson and even Bloch-

mann
tion.

failed to notice the Jain aspect

of

the ques-

In a

spirit

of forgetfulness,

they did
Jain
;

not

mark
in
in his

the mention of the

names

of the

Gurus
al-

the

long

list

of

the learned
list,

men

of course,

tremendously long
classify the learned

Abul Fazl did not

time,
attention
in
1

ways
or

men
first

according to religion

territory.

For the

was
to the

drawn

in Jaina

Shashana of Benares

3
1

Jain influence

on Akbar.

Since then the historians

have begun
1

to search for definite information about

Mohsin Fan! who attempted a voluminous

religions of

treatise

on the manners

and customs and of

Asia

in the 16th century did not consider

Jainism to be of sufficient importance to Dabistan.

2
3

embody

its

doctrines in the

Ain

HI. pp.

188-210.
1

Jaina Shashana of Benares, 1910, pp.

13-28.

158

THE

DIN-I-ILAH1

Akbar's contact with Jains.

humanitarian
ascribed
to

And
of
4

a good deal of the

regulations

Akbar

have been

Smith attempted with the Jain influence in a chronological manner but his facts are rather scanty and the Jain
to the Jain influence.

deal

on Akbar's personal than Smith supposed it to be.

influence

life

is

much more

period of the Ibadat Khana, when the institution assumed a cosmopolitan character,

During the

last

invitations

were sent

to leaders of different creeds.

His search

for the Elite

was postponed

for

a time

owing

to his preoccupation in the

Mirza rebellion in
the
east.

the west and'feudo-religious outbreak in

'having heard of the virtues and learning of Hiravijaya, he ordered Sahib Khan, Viceroy of Guzrat, to send him to court,' as he had done 4 years back

After his return

from Kabul

in

1582,

when he had
Navasari.

invited

Dastur
at
first,

Mahayarji Rana of

There was,

much

hesitation

if

he would

accept the Imperial invitation, for a

Jain

recluse has nothing to

do with King
the

or

Royalty.

However,

in

obedience to

Viceregal farman,
at

Hiravijaya visited the

Viceroy
the
his

Ahmedabad and
The Viceroy

was persuaded
'

to

accept

Imperial invitation

in

the

interest

of

religion.'

offered

him

rich presents

and

cost of the journey but

inspite of every pressure the saint, true to his

own

creed, firmly refused everything.

*

Smith, Akbar, p. 166-68.

subject.

K. P. Mitra has done some good work

on the

THE FORCES AT WORK

159

The

party included

Hiravijaya,
Suri.

Bhanuchandra
started

Upadhyay and Vi jay sen

They

on

foot

with such scanty garments on as their order allowed them and without any guard or guide. They covered up the whole distance on foot from

Agra and were received with all the pomp of Imperial pegeantry. Hiravijaya became a guest of Abul Fazl till such time as Akbar would
to

Ahmedabad

find leisure to converse witli them.

Akbar had long conversation with them on

1

Jain

philosophers specially on the doctrine of non-killing.''

in

the

This brought in Akbar a profound change Turki spirit of blood-thirst. 6 Regulations

regarding the non-killing
if
7

issued by His Majesty

were so wide and thorough that

anybody did not

know

the

name

of the author of these regulations,

he would immediately conclude that they were issued by a Jain or Buddhist monarch and not by a descendant of Timur or Chengiz. 8

"

In 1582, the

famous tank
fish

called

Dabul
offered

at

Fatehpur which abounded in

5

was

to

Smith was of opinion that the discussions of the Ibadat Khand

after
1582,

were closed

but

the picture as has been

described by
taking part in

Father Heras shows Rudolf Aquaviva and Jain

religious discussions.
in 1582.

Gum

left Agra in 1583 and Hiravijaya arrived must be dated between 1582 and 1583 when the discussions must have taken place.

Rudolf

So

this picture

6
7

'

Happy
'

Sayings,' Ain.
'

III,

pp. 380-400.
Bad.,
II.,

Regulations of non-killing.
Hiravijaya Kalyan
to the influence

p. 331.

mentions that stoppage of animal

Indian Historical

slaughter
1933

was due
p. 137,

of Hira.

Quarterly,

160

THE DIN-MLAHI
pond." hunting was stopped and royal
at that
9

Hira so as to stop fishing

In

the

same

year,

fishing
*

was much
release

restricted.

In 1582, the

the Emperor issued orders for of prisoners and caged-birds and prohibit*

ed

'

the

killing

of

animals on

certain

10

days.'

were extended and disobediwas made a capital offence. ence to them Hiravijaya was given the title of Jagat-Guru or
In 1583, these orders

world-teacher.

After this, the saint

his

thought that
that

he had finished
retire.

work and wanted

of

he should

The

influence
of

the

profound
credited

in the eyes

his

followers

Jagat-Guru was so that he is

with having converted the Emperor to

In 1584, the
visited

Jainism.

saint

repaired

to

Guzrat;

on

his

way he

Allahabad.

His

colleague,
at court

mained
'

and Akbar

Bhanuchandra Upadhyay, reis said to have read

Surya Shahasra Nama' with him. The colophon that is given below, from the commentary on the

Kadambari,
the
9
10
'

testifies to

the fact of
n
:

Akbar 's reading

Surya Shahasra Nama'

Rev. Heras, British Royal Asiatic Sociely, 1928

Smith, Akbar, p.
kill

Bombay
Islam

167.

There are

also Sufi

sects 'in

who

do not
11

animals and are

strict

vegetarians.

This colophon is almost the same as in the Lekha-Likhan-paddhati,

a manuscript copy of which, dated Bikram

Sam vat

1711
at

was seen by
Barigaloie in

Hiranand
1933
to
c
;

Sastri with the Jain

is

Muni

Sri Vicaksanavijaya

the difference

that the latter

was written

at the

time of Jahangir,
of

whom
title

(and not to Akbar \ attributes

*

the conferring

the

title

Khushphaham
the

on the Jain monk Siddhi and Nadir-i-Zaman on the said monk.

also the conferment of

THE FORCES AT WORK

'

161
12
:

Surya Sahasra

Nama

'

with Bhanuchandra

The

point of interest

is

that

Sun worship

is

rather a cult of the

Hindus and Zoroastrians and

not of the Jains, but the fact is undeniable that the praises of the Sun were read with the Jain Muni. Possibly the scholarship of Bhanuchandra
attracted

Akbar and he
13

availed of

the services of

scholar in the matter.

In
1

587, the Emperor

issued

orders
1

the slaughter of animals for nearly

year.

80 days

stopping in a

In

590, one Siddhichandra

14

visited
title.

Lahore and was honoured with a

12

Akbar at He was

^'
13

(tt)

The Surya Sahasra Nama which Akbar used

to

read has been

published by Hiranand Sastri in Indian Historical Quarterly Review,

1933.
14

This Siddhichandra

is

possibly

the

Santichandra

of

Rev

Heras.

21-I280B

162

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

placed in charge of the holy

in

places of the

Jains

the

empire.
hills

The

tax

on

pilgrims

to

the
15

Satrunjaya
In
1

590, the temple of

Satrunjaya in
secrated
to

was abolished in the same year. Adiswara on the hills of the district of Kathiawar was con-

Hiravijaya.

The

occasion

has been

memorialised by a long inscription which contains

details of the favours

shown by Akbar

to the Jain

Guru.

We

do

not

hear

much
Jain

of

the

Jains after

the death of Hiravijaya in 1592,

starvation
certain that

when he
saints.

died by
it

as usual

with

But

is

Siddhichandra lived

at

the
title

court

of

Jahangir and was honoured with the ' * i-Zatnan and Khushphaham.'

of 'Nadir-

Section VI

The Sikhs

The Gurus

at the time of Akbar were Das 1552-74 A.D. Umar Ram Das 1574-81 A.D. Arjun 1581-1606 A.D.

Akbar had come to Hindustan, Sikhism was not a very famous creed it was only

By

the time

one amongst many.

the disciples
liance

In

almost

all religions,

it is

the early saints that keep the torch burning amongst

;

so also

it

was

in Sikhism that the bril-

and attainments of the

"

early

Gurus

attracted

Smith, Akbar, pp. 166*68.

THE FORCES AT WORK

followers into the fold and kept
these Gurus,

163

them steady.
'

Of
an

with

Umar Das had some Akbar, in whom Umar Das

listener.'
*

conversation

found

attentive

This conversation with

throws some
light

Umar
on the

Das,

who

died in

574,

Akbar even before the building of the Ibadat Khana. Guru Ram Das is said to have been held in The Emperor gave him great esteem by Akbar. a piece of land, within the limits of which he dug
spirit of

quest in

a reservoir, since then well

'

Pool of Immortality/

known The Sikh

gift

as Amritsar or

accounts slate

that possession of

Akbar 's

was disputed by a

Vairagee (recluse)
site of

who

claimed the land as the

an ancient pool dedicated to Ramchandra, But the Sikh Guru the tutelary deity of his order.

was himself the true The Vairagee could representative of the hero.' produce no proof and Ram Das dug deep into the
replied

haughtily,

he

earth

and

displayed
reservoir.
3

the

ancient steps
*

of

he
'

Demi-God's
that Sikhs

But Father Heras says^

were known

to

Akbar
4

than the discussions of the Ibadat

established himself at Lahore.

much later Khana, when he The conclusion of

only
If

Father Heras

is

against the existing evidence.

the

digging of the Pool at Amritsar was done by

1

Ram

Cunningham, History
Dabistan, Vol.
II,

of the Sikhs, p. 52.

2
3

p. 375.

Malcolm, Sketch,

p. 29

Cunningham, op.
Asiatic Society,

cit.

p. 50, footnote.

Journal of the Royal

P. 292.

Bombay

Branch,

1928,

164

THE DIN-MLAHI

Das on a piece of land granted by Akbar and if Ram Das died in 581 he must have made Akbar 's 1581 while Akbar estabacquaintance before
1

lished

himself
it

at

Lahore much

later

than

1581.

cannot be true that the acquaintance Therefore, of the Sikh Gurus with Akbar dates after the
establishment of Akbar at Lahore.

Guru Arjun welded

he who, during
Sahib.
If

the Sikhs into a religious

It

brotherhood with their centre at Amritsar.

this

was

period, arranged

the

Granth

the

mission of

Akbar was

to unite all

Hindustan by one religious bond, he should not have allowed a new religion to grow and develop
in the midst of

On

myriads that were already existing. the other hand, he allowed every man, every

community, nay every religion to develop in its own way and even helped its growth. Tolerance of

Akbar was so helpful to the growth of Sikhism in the time that, to use the word of Mohsin Fani, of Guru Arjun, Sikhs could be found everywhere
'

throughout the country.' saintliness and devotion

In
of

the

Punjab,

the

Guru
'

Arjun

was

almost a proverb. During the rebellion of Khusrau he beseeched the help of Guru Arjun not by any men and money, but through prayer.' It is said
that

Arjun had helped him through his prayers and when Khusrau was defeated, Arjun had to pay
very dearly in prison.
3

Dabistan,

II,

p. 270.
cit.
,

Cunningham, op.

pp. 52-60,

THE FORCES AT WORK

In his

165

account,

Mohsin Fani placed Sikhism

amongst the most well established religions of India and he has devoted a large space to describe it.

position

of

eminence

for

Sikhism would have

been impossible had not Akbar looked upon it with favour. His conversation with Umar Das

and grant

of

testimony to

land to Ram Das were eloquent Akbar 's sympathy towards Sikhism.

Section VII

Buddhism
deal
of

There

is

yet

a good

doubt

if

the)

Buddhists played any part in the discussions of the The existing evidence does not Ibadat Khana.
directly

go

in favour

of Buddhist

participation

in

the Ibadat Khana.

Buddhism
scarcely

in India

was almost
tells us,

a dead religion by that time.

for a long

Abul Fazl
any
trace

time

past

of
'

the
It

Buddhist

monk

has existed in Hindustan.'

was

living a life of exile in the

different corners of

India, in

Nepal.

Ceylon, in Kashmir, in Tibet and in But the philosophy of Buddhism produced

a great volume of literature in Hindustan, and was eagerly read by scholars in that age of Renaissance.

When Abul
in Tibet.
2

Fazl

was pining
he thought of

for

satiation of his

intellectual thirst,

visiting the

Lamas
detailed

In

fact

Abul Fazl made a

Bombay Branch,

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,

1928,

New

Seriet, Vol. VIII.

166

THE DIN-MLAHI

study of the Buddhist doctrines in their different forms and he found that Buddhism, though it had

away from the land of its birth as a creed, was strewn and diffused in the thought-world of India. Modern historians have failed to notice any influence of Buddhism in the thought process of Akbar and, in the absence of any direct testimony
fled

corroborating the same, Elphinstone,

Von Noer and

Smith have not marked any influence of Buddhism on Akbar. Nizamuddin is silent about the Buddhists,
nor could

we

expect him to

mention them as he
great scholar.

was a mere

court chronicler

and not a

writers do not mention anything about the Buddhists as they have not done in case

The Portuguese

of the Jews, Zoroastrians

writers

and

Jains.

The

Christian

were busy with

the Ibadat

their

own

mission of converrecord what

sion

and had no time

or inclination to

others in

Fani does not

disputants in
lonly

Khana were doing. Mohsin bring in the Samans in the role of Abul Fazl has the Ibadat Khana.
that the Buddhists
3

on one occasion mentioned

had come along with others into the Ibadat Khana and has not given any account of the Samans. Samans Badauni has mentioned the only
'
'

once along with the Bramhans, as being responsible But Macdonald is of for the changes in Akbar.
*

opinion that the

Samans

'

referred to, are a Central

;

Asian people and not Buddhists

whereas

Lowe

Akbarname, Vol.

Ill,

pp. 252-53.

THE FORCES AT WORK

in his notes
is

167
'

says that
'

the
*

Saman

of

Badauni
is

a Buddhist
of

Saman
is

and the word

'

a loose
believe

form
that

the

Sanskrit

Shraman.'*

We

Macdonald

not correct.

The

discussions were
of

held in India and naturally the representatives

religious

currents

in
If

India or originating in India,

should be invited.

he could

invite a religion like

5

Sikhism or a minor sect

should be no reason

like the C/iarfca^s,

there

why such an important 'religion of Indian origin should be omitted. If the Samans referred to by Badauni were a Central Asian people,
*
'

as

Macdonald would have us

Indian

believe,

why

should

they

be invited to the exclusion of so important a

origin.
*

religion of

Moreover the Central

in India, nor

Asian

'

Samanism

had no followers
any
'

was

it

mentioned
4

in

of the religious
'

books with
'

which Akbar was conversant. Further the mention and Brahman Saman of the words together
by Badauni,
of
is

significant.

Badauni referred

to

contributions of both in the transformation of thought

Akbar jointly. To quote Badauni, "And Samans and Brahmans brought forward proofs based on reason and traditional testimony, for the truth of their own, and the fallacy of our own religion and inculcated their doctrine with such firmness This joint contribution may and assurance/' be due to the joint participation of savants having
*

Badauni,

II,

p. 264, footnote No.

Ill,

1.

Akbarnama, Vol.
Badauni,
II.

pp. 252-53.

p. 264.

168

THE
in

DIN-I-ILAHI

much
Hindu
4

common

as

was

actually
*

the

case
'

of

Otherwise and Buddhist philosophy. and Badauni would have discussed the Samans Further Badauni says Brahmans separately. that Akbar used to shave the crown of his head in
'

Buddhist manner.

May
get

be that Buddhists were not

it

to

be found in
possible
to

the mainland of Hindustan but

was
or

some from

Tibet,

Ceylon

Kashmir as he

did actually invite Christians from Goa, Jains from 7 Ahmmadabad, or Mobeds from Navasarai or Iran.

charge of the affairs at the time, was deeply versed in Buddhist philosophy and it was in the fitness of things that Abul Fazl
Fazl,
in

Abul

who was

should invite the Buddhist savants.

8
'

Abul

Fazl

promised, in his Ain No. 77, to write a detailed as a religious guide to the treatise on His Majesty people' but he could not unfortunately fulfil his

promise and thus

*

we

lost the

opportunity of know-

ing

first

hand/
is

There

yet another direct proof of the Buddhist

participation in the discussions of the

IbadatKhana.

In picture

No.
9

3, described

IV,

we meet with

Appendix C to Chapter a picture of a Buddhist Shraman.

to

Father Heras

identifies the disputant

the

right

side just above the Christian gentlemen

Idhist

as a Bud-

Shraman.
7

But no
J. J.

details

about the Buddhist

J.R.A.S.,

XXI,

Modi, p.

69.

Blochmann, p.

162.

Royal Asiatic Society Journal,

1928.

Bombay Branck

THE FORCES AT WORK

contribution to the Ibadat

169
available.
It

Khana

are

may, however, be confidently surmised that the Buddhists are not less responsible than the Jains
promulgation of the regulations regarding the non-killing and similar humanitarian works in confor the

nection

with administration.
10

Beyond

that

we have

no

definite information

about the Buddhists at the

court of Akbar.

Section VIII

The Jews
us that the

The Dabistan-i-Mazahib informed

Jews were present
the role
of
in the hall of in

worship and took

course of debates. disputants Mohsin Fani records the part played by a Jew in the midst of the debate between a Shia and a Sunni.

the

which a Jew was introduced by the author does not prove that they were held in great There was a good deal of ill feeling esteem.
But the way
in

between the Jews and Muslims

the debate between

a Jew and a Christian was always characterised by as much bitterness as the quarrel between a Shia

and a Sunni. Often in the debates, the Christians were silenced by the Jews who disbelieved the
virgin birth of Jesus nor did they accept Jesus as

prophet.

So

far

as

Akbar was concerned, he had not

much

respect for Judaism as could be gathered from

iO Jahanara saw the glass panes of Khwrabag of Akbar decorated with paintings of Buddha. Butenschon, Life of a Mughal Princess, p 87.

22-1280B

170
the story of the
eight

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

philosopher

turning
1

a stick

into

and reducing the eight serpents into means of magic. The Jews claimed a prophethood for Moses and based the greatness of Moses on his miracles by ^hich they were charmed. But Akbar almost entirely rejected
serpents
the former stick by the
so-called

miracles

of

prophets as a class.
direct contribution of

We

have no evidence of any

Judaism to the constructive side of Akbar's faith and beliefs inspite of our posssosion of numerous
'petty details.
2

Section VIII

The
:

Christians at the Court of

A^bar

General Remarks

acquaintance with the Christians dates as far back as 572-73 on the occasion of his
first
1

Akbar 's

conquest India about

of Guzrat.

The Portuguese had come

quarters of

to

three
short

century

back.

Within

this

influence felt
proficiency

period of time they made their their naval in the south-west coast
;

made them

indispensable

to

many

of

the coastal states of India from Guzrat to the

of
of

Bay had come in pursuance Bengal. they trade, but when they found opportunities for

No doubt

employment
them.

in different states, they gladly accepted

During his Guzrat conquest, Akbar was

Dabistan, Vol.
/lid..

II,

Section

II,

Chap. X,

Vol.

II,

p. 71.

THE FORCES AT WORK

convinced
of
art.

171

the superiority of their naval

mechahe

nism and

As

shrewd man
1

of

affairs,

was not blind

seat of piracy

to the significance of the

occupations in the

south,

which was

at

Portuguese once the

and trade combined.

with
the European nations, along

As

is

usual

with these
the priests

traders

and

adventurers

also

came
all

and missionaries, mostly

Jesuits, with

their zeal for

making new

converts.

During the seize of Surat in 1573, the Portuguese came to the defence of the
resistance useless

Dom

city. Finding Antonio De Noronha 2 sent

Antonio Cabral "with instruction

to

make peace/'
not
refuse
curio-

As was
sity

usual

with

Akbar,
In

he

did

the proposal for peace.

his

unbounded
Europe."

Akbar

"

made

enquiries about
of

the wonders

of Portugal

and the manners

Jesuit

About

1576, two

missionaries

came

Anthony Vaz and

character

Peter

Dias.

Bengal, Their personal

to

made

favourable impressions

on Akbar.
Christian

The Emperor

sent for the Vicar General of Bengal,

Julian Pereira, to question

Accidentally people, their civilization this was the period when the Ibadat Khana had

him about and religion.

the

been
1

built,

and heated discussions amongst the

occupations during that period were Goa,

The Portuguese
;

Chamtheir

bal,

Bombain, Bassein, Sea, the Persian Gulf the pilgrim hands to a large extent.
2

Daman, Dieu

their fleet controlled

the

Arabian
in

traffic

of

Muslims

also

was

For

Dom

Antonio's

details, see

Hosten,

Journal and Proceedings

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1912, p. 217.

172
different
sects

THE
of

DIN-I-ILAHI

were continuing and the ken of vision of Akbar was from day to day,
Islam

growing wider and

circumscribed

wider.

The

limits

of

any

sectarian

doctrines

meet the ever

expanding the great Seeker. The Vicar General Julian was educated enough to satisfy the cravings of not
In 1576, one Pietro Tavaers, a Portuguese
officer in his

could hardly demands of the soul of

Akbar.

employ, also proved useless for the purpose of Akbar. By 578, the relation between the Imperial
1

governor

and the Portuguese

strained.

authorities

of

Goa

became very much

Antonio Cabral,
peace in
1573,

The Viceroy Dom

the

who had concluded

was sent
the

former

to negotiate again.

At

Emperor had a talk with him Fatehpur Sikri, about the Christian civilisation and faith. But he
also

could

not

improve

upon the information

already supplied by

his predecessors.

The Vicar

General suggested that the Emperor might invite the Christian Fathers from Goa who would be able
to

give

him

the information that he might require

3

about Christianity.

Accordingly, the king sent one of his officers Haji Abdulla Khan with his interpreter Dominio Parez to bring the learned men of Christianity

from Goa.

The motive

of

Akbar

in inviting the

Payne, Akbar and the

Jesuits,, p. 16.

Du

Jarric says that Julian

had some disputes with the Mullas regarding

religion.

THE FORCES AT WORK

missionaries
of the

173
in the text
4

may

be beautifully read
deal
of

Farman
is

issued to the Priests at

Goa.

There
the

a good

controversy amongst

historians regarding the motives of

Akbar

in

invit-

Portuguese missionaries from Goa. The colour which has been given to the motive of Akbar, has been according to the angle from which histoing
rians

have looked

at

the religious changes of the

historians

Emperor.
their

The Muslim

generally

inter-

preted history in terms of facts.

interest

They

concentrated

on the actions of monarch and not

their currents

on the course of events or on

cross
currents.

and

So the Muslim
letter of invitation

historians rested

content with the

supply us with any clue

except indirectly

to

and they did not the motive of Akbar

and

incidentally.

The Portuguese
to

writers of this period

were as a class not historians

were generally confined

and

their

writings

religious reports

and despatches.
often

The
to

Jesuit

mis-

sionaries

did

not

care to verify the truth of

the

information
to

which

came

them.

Stories

came
all

them and the Fathers accepted them in credulity and put them in their despatches.

Often they could not follow the native language in the absence of an interpreter often they did not
;

verify the half understood facts but merely

entered
the later

them

in their letters

and despatches.

To

historians, they serve as materials of history.

For text of the Farman, see post, pp.

186-87.

174

THE DIN-MLAHI
writers

European
rials as

generally

treat

these mate-

invaluable sources of history.

their historical

But without

minimising

importance,

we would
;

be taken very cautiously firstly because they were not political documents secondly they were at variance with one another
suggest that they should
thirdly

they have not been

properly

annotated

further they are not yet complete.

We may

accept

them
ported

as

materials

for history

when

they are sup-

by other evidences

either direct or highly

circumstantial.

description of

example Vasco da Gama's 5 the land of Zamorin he saw the

for
;

As

Hindu

priests with their

white dress, blowing conch-

shells lighting candles and lamps at the altar, and Vasco da Gama mistook them for Christian

and

priests.
1

He remarked
there

in

his Travels

that in the

5th

century,

were Christian churches

It

and

priests in the

land of Zamorin.

took Europe

about 200 years to correct the mistake to which

Vasco da
wrote so

Gama

led the

historians.

During the

reign of Akbar, the Fathers heard so

many letters and sent so that they made their confusion worse confounded. On their way to Sikri, one of the Fathers heard that
issued orders for the
destruction
of
all

many stories, many despatches

Akbar had
mosques.

up

all his

Another learnt that Akbar had given wives keeping only one and distributed
his
courtiers.

the rest

amongst

third

remarked

See discussions in the Introduction.

THE FORCES AT WORK

that

175

Akbar was going to Goa to be baptised but he could not do so in the capital for fear of a rebellion.

Some heard at Bijapur that Akbar died a Christian. The credulity of the foreigners only excites and needs no comment. The Fathers laughter
came
to

convert

the

eager to have stories

Emperor and they were too saying that Akbar had separat-

ed from Islam.

And

there

are

historians

who

put faith in the

Portuguese versions as
Fathers in the

much religiously as did the One such is the famous Gospels.

Whenever
there

Dr.

V. A. Smith.

was a wide
versions

difference

between the

Portuguese

and

native versions, he rejected the native ones

because
Smith's
very

they were not written by the Fathers.

references to original Portuguese sources are

wide

places, and he had not properly handled the sources even when it was not difficult
in

many
to

for

him
the

do

so.

He
so

laid
in

on

Jesuit

testimony
;'

his

immense work

weight
'

Akbar
of

the Great
Jesuit

Moghul

his investigations

the

ought to have been more thorough. the Payne is very right when he remarked that perfunctory nature of Smith's investigations is all
sources
' '

the

more astonishing

in

weight attached to

view of the immense "

testimony.

Jesuit

Smith's
like

references are often misleading

on

and inaccurate
point,

For a

detailed
II,

description

this

see Hakluyat Society

Journal, 1888, Vol.

Part

I,

252,

176

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

those of Dr. Gastav

piled
the

Von Buchwald who had comunfinished volume of Von Noer's Kaiser

*

Akbar.'

The

peculiar
'

mentality

of

Smith when

he rejected the authority of Abul Fazl on the capture of Asirgarh as forgery and wilful distortion
of
facts'

has evoked strong censure from recent

7

writers
'

of
'

Jesuit

history.

Smith often

refers to

but he had not had more than a fragmentary acquaintance with Guerreiro's work and,
therefore,

Relacam

he
to
it.

often

committed
Dr.

mistakes while
is

referring

His note on Relacam

very in-

accurate.

Similarly

Gustav

Von Buchwald

cannot be excused for the damagingly wrong versions of

Akbar which he gave apparently bearing on Relacam. His study was so shallow that he mis-

took the very identity of Akbar and Jahangir and the facts of one have been thrust on the shoulder
of the other.

Jahangir invented a method of sealing letters with the images of Christ and the Virgin. But Dr. Gustav

took this method of sealing

letters

as having been

invented by Akbar and on this flimsy datum, he " Akbar regarded himself built up a theory that
as of
In Chap. IX higher rank than Christ/' Dr. Gustav introduced the story of a discussion in

which Akbar was the chief speaker on the divinity of Christ, but it took place two years after his
death.

Dr. Gustav ante-dated

this

discussion

by

Payne,

ojt>.

cif.,

Introduction, p.

XXXV,

THE FORCES AT WORK

some twelve
1595,
years,

177

making

it

occur on the 5th May,

of

the date on which the third mission reached

Akbar's court. 8

Further mistake

Dr. Gustav

was

that

he made Guerreiro one of the disputants

whereas Guerreiro was not a missionary and was

never in the East.
of the

Such instances

of colossal mistakes

the
shall

modern authors who depended wholly on Jesuit versions might be multiplied. Only we
mention Smith,
for

he

is

regarded as the most

important authority on

Akbar.

Smith
it

relied

on

Du
first

Jarric's Historia

and has taken

as a piece of

But if Smith had gone through the few pages of his work more carefully, he would have found from Du Jarric's own version
history.

that he did not claim himself to be a historian.

*

Historia'
is

is

in

no sense an
to
last

original

work and

H's "
it

fro 01 the first

a compilation,

a series of

exlracts

and

abstracts
tells

Du

Jarric himself a history of the

from the writings of others." us that he wanted to compile

missions

Jesuit

and not of the

is

country in which they were located.

To

"

quote Payne,
as

Historia

essentially

religious

work, and treatment,

religious

both
not

in

theme
treatise

such,

as

and on
treat

general history, it the facts mentioned

must be regarded/'
therein

To

as

infallible

evidence

Payne, op.
Ibid
,

cit.,

Introduction, p. xxxiv.

Introduction, p. xxxix. For detailed criticism, see Payne's

Introduction.

23

1280B

178
of history, as has
cal.
10

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

been done by Smith,

is

unhistori-

On

the whole,
the

the nature of

the missionary

work determined

scope of missionary writings.

Their writings were meant to keep the authorities informed of the progress they had made in their
mission,

namely
the

the

condition
of his

of

Akbar's

mind,
the
'

possibility

conversion
in

and

chance of spreading the Gospel

the

the land

Mogor.' The reports were full of gossips relating to Akbar's so-called apostasy
of

great

up had
the

to the

moment
lurking

of

his

death,
of

the

missionaries

Christianity.

hope converting him to Akbar's sympathetic attitude and

respect

shown
the

to

Father

mistaken

by
of

Fathers

Aquaviva were who had only the

knowledge

European religious intolerance of the 16th century and who could not dream of such liberalism of a non-Christian, unless he was a
confirmed believer
in the

doctrines of Christianity.

the

was monopoly of Islam alone, misjudged Akbar because he was liberal enough to find more or less
believed that truth
truth in all religions

Similarly the Mullas,

who

as

was done by Chengiz.

So

we

find mucli similarity

between the Portuguese

10

But

it

must be

said to the credit of

Du

Jarric
;

that

he compared

Historia of

Guzman and

Relacam
bit

of Guerriero

he

is

much more

judicious

and methodical though a

more moralising.

THE FORCES AT WORK

and Mulla versions
of vision

179
their

of the story

though
lies

angle

was

different,

their interpretations

were

the same.

But the real Akbar

built

behind the

bars of

the cage

by

the

Jesuit Clergy

and

Muslim Mullas.

Now to resume, what was the motive that lay behind Akbar 's invitation of the Jesuit Fathers ? Some say that the motive was purely political.
According to them, Akbar did not like the domination of the Indian seas by the Portuguese
;

their

control of

the

eastern maritime

traffic

was
the
too

offensive to Akbar, the

humiliation to which
subjected,

pilgrims

to

Mecca were
the

were

Emperor, and Akbar 's motive them neck and crop out of India." As the matter was net easy, Akbar had recourse to a tortuous policy of diplomacy and friendship '* " His friendly missions, sent avowedly combined 1J
annoying "
to

was

to turn

' '

with

the

innocent

object

of

acquiring

leligicus

instructions

and purchasing European

political

curiosities,

had a
in

sinister

purpose

also,

and were

utilised as

De

means of espionage." As is mentioned Sousa, there was a suspicion in the

of

minds
11

of the governor

Goa

that

the Fathers

Father Xavier, whose letters generally supplied the sources of

Du

Jarric,

wrote

in a letter of

Dec

4,

1615, that

Akbar had embraced

Hinduism and died

This mistake on the part of one who was present in the third mission anvJ who could see things for himself, betiays a lack of knowledge of contemporary events and as such should
in that faith.

not be taken as reliable source of history.

Smith, Akbar, p. 202.

180

THE
be
kept
as

DIN-I-ILAHI
13

might

hostages.'

According

to

Maclagan, Akbar wanted the Jesuit Fathers to be used as priests for religious services to his European
11

employees,
authority
of

Maclagan
Catrou
16

-further

suggests

on the

that

Abul

Fazl, finding that

Islam could not be

made
give

a national religion in India,

Christianity

advised

Akbar

to

chance.

Maclagan made too much

of this fantastic theory of

and

asserted that before the introduction

Din-i-Ilahi,

Akbar wanted to experiment upon India a third religion besides Hinduism and Islam. Maclagan's view is untenable in view of the fact that if Akbar 's motive was political unity based on religious unity,
he should not have allowed religious freedom
to all.

Some

Fathers in their wild conjectures suggest that

Christianity

was predestined
chance in
absurdity

for

India

and Akbar
what was
is

wanted

to give a

advance
of the

lo

inevitable.

The

proposition

apparent to wish is the father of thought/ But Payne with much greater sanity attempted to combine 'motif political with motif religious' of
too
'

need any comment.

To them

!3

De

Sousa, Oriente Conquistado, Vol.

is riot justifiable

II,

p. 150.

in

employed and they were too much scattered in the Empire to demand the services of bishops from Goa. If such motive did at all exist, it must have been mentioned in the text of the

14

This

as the

number

of Chirstians

Akbar 's

service

was

too small

Farm an.
!5

Histoire

Generale

Edition

1705, p. 96.

Abul Fazl had then

'

been 4 years
cnly end a

and was a young man of 20, and still a full-b^cded IVutljnn, moreover he \v?s never found
in the court

biathi'

to

have

been

favourably chspcsed towards Christianity.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Akbar
close
critical

181

in inviting the Portuguese

missionaries.

study of the

view

of the

Farman of invitation and a phase of Akbar 's mind through

at

which he was passing

convince
religious

that

period of his

life,

us

that

the

invitation
political

and secondarily
spirit

was primarily and was in

consonance with the

which characterised the

period.
;

temperament
period ot
of

Akbar during that conquest was practically over

of

The
creed

the influence

the

orthodox professors of the

;

Sunni

was ebbing away

ground owing to their undignified vituperations on the companions of the Prophet and on the Sunnis. The Zoroaslrian Daslur Mahyarji Rana had dazzled

the Shias

had

lost their

Akbar

by his Brahmins and

personal

magnetism
with
this

and

the

Yogis,

century-old

ph losophy and the Tantras, had made a favourtheir sacred books able impression on his mind
;

had

filtered

into

Akbar

mind

through

trans-

lation.

Stray acquaintance

made with
lover
of

lay Christians did

not satisfy the insatiable thirst for knowledge of the

Sufi

mind

of
10

Akbar

wisdom

as he

was

desired to have his ken of and enlightened through discourses vision expanded with the Christian priests whose Sacred Books

by nature.

He now

had

been referred
the

to

in

the

Quran
If

as

Ahli

Kitab or

Revealed Books.
"
sa>s,

the invitation
"

Biochmann

Akbar was a

Sufi at heart,

p. 210.

182
to Tulsidas,

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Dadu, Surdas, Mahayarji Rana or Ram Das before theFarman to Goa, or to Hiravijaya and

Bhanuchandra
political

had not been actuated by what reason have we to surmise motives,

after,

a poiltical motive
Christians
relations
?
It

behind
be

the

invitation

to

the

may

that there

were

political

between the Mughals and the Portuguese,

inspite of

and

that

the

existence of the religious

missionaries at court, political amity

lished.

was not

estab-

(Akbar like Asok had not ceased to be a king because he had become a religious devotee.)
not deprive

The co-existence of religious and political relations did

Akbar
of the
sincerity

that lay behind

the spirit of the

invitation.

Specially

the

way

in

which Akbar received the missionaries on their arrival and treated them during their stay, did not
justify the

remark

'

that

a tortuous duplicity

'

was

guiding all the transactions of Akbar in his relations with the Portuguese.

As

usual in

Europe

of

the 16th

century, the

monarchs were almost all seized with the motive of proselytisation, and a wave of religious zeal
explains

many

of

their

political

actions.

Behind
the

the action of the political authorities,

both politics
of

and

religion

co-existed.

Any

one

two,

without the existence of the

other,

was

sufficient

enough

to decide in

favour of

the

acceptance of

the invitation.

But so

far as the missionaries

them-

selves were concerned,

many

of

them were
'

sincerely

anxious for the conversion of

the

great

Mogor

THE FORCES AT WORK

183

and evangelisation of the dominions of the Mogor.' 17 At best it was so up to the end of the second mission in If they were to some extent 59
1 1
.

utilised for political

ties,
it

advantage by the Goa authorithe clergymen were generally unconscious and

inspite

was

of

them.

As Moreland
is

observes,
religious
to
all

the mission

was

the combination of the

the

and

political

motives which
the

key

activities of

century and much

plicable

Portuguese during the sixteenth of their conduct which is inex-

from

traders' point of

view finds an excuse

though not always a justification in the missionary zeal by which the rulers of the country were 18 We do not fully agree with distinguished."

" Akbar was influenced Payne when he says that, by both religious and political motives and the
former was quite as strong and real in his
in

case

as

theirs."

We
did

would rather put

actually
his

it

in this

way
political

that

Akbar

derive

some
it

advantage

from

direct

contact

with

the

Portuguese missionaries but that

was

incidental

and was hardly ever premeditated. On the other hand, Akbar was often misunderstood and misjudged because of the Portuguese aspect
of the question

beginning, the Portuguese

There were opinions that from the had no belief in the

great

conversion of
17

the

Mughal and

that

the

Similar attempts have I-een made by the Christians from time to time in the Turki House, see ante, Chap. II, p. 62.
l

Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 200.

184

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
start

mission was entirely political from

to

finish.

This view has been

porary

taken

generally

by contemtravellers

English

trade

writers

and

because they were actuated by a feeling of jealousy

and hatred against the Portuguese,

at
this

who
Indian

were
seas.

time
to

dominating
if

the

According

them,

trade

guese movements,

politics

was behind the Portumust be behind the

Emperor's. The perspective of the English meichant man was the L.-S.-D. in the 16th century; so
they could not
their

follow

Portuguese currents in
the
services
of
in

all

details.

Of

course,

the

missionaries, at

least

the

later

stages

of

the

missions, were utilised for securing commercial and No doubt the plans of the political privileges.

English
visited

merchant
trade

adventurer

Mildenhall

who
of
his

Akbar's court in
a

1603
for

with the object

himself

obtaining

facilities

and
by

countrymen were

for

time frustrated

the

Portuguese missionaries.
political

But

to ascribe to

unalloyed

motive from beginning

of

end

shows
betrays
like

absence of knowledge of court events and

a lack of insight on the part
Fitch, Terry

early

writers
it

and Roe.

It is

indeed true that

the

was

the political authorities to

sent,

whom

Farman was

because the religious missionaries were under

the political control of the governor of

political authorities at

Goa and

the

Goa were
of
their

primarily concerned

with the extension

cial facilities

country's
to

commerpolitical

and were

fully

alive

the

THE FORCES AT WORK

advantages

185
their

which might accrue

authorities

to

trade.

So

far as the political

were concerned,
'

they welcomed

the appeal of

Akbar

for

instrucfor

tions in the doctrines of Christianity

as

much

religious
'

as

for

political

offered

But the existence of

opportunities which it political incentive by

no means demonstrates the insincerity of a religious Had diplomacy been the whole issue, a urge. shrewd man like Akbar could easily have had
recourse
to

than this

means much easier and slow, long and tedious process.

other

shorter

Since the beginning of

the

third

mission,

the

Portuguese

missionaries

had

actually

become
offence

political agents,

and there were occasions when both

and Pinherio
gave
great

Father Xavier
to

Akbar, as for example, in the siege of Asirgarh in Khandesh. But Akbar was magnanimous enough to forgive and forget. If his intention was
to

punish them,

it

was so easy

for

him.

The

Portuguese missionaries lost their prestige in the estimation of both the rulers and the ruled when they

So long as the mission was represented by men like Rudolf Aquaviva, they commanded the respect of all and sundry, but the

meddled

in

politics.

Fathers

who

followed, were as unworthy

the

of

their

sacred trust, as were

Qazis of

the

Mughal

Empire. By the time of Shah Jalian, they ceased to be any thing more than political hirelings in clergymen's gown and were treated by the Mughal
authorities as such.
24-12&OB

Our

conclusion

is

that

the

186

THE
I

DIN-I-ILAHI

motive of Akbar in

580 was primarily religious

as was that of the missionaries that

first

composed the
primarily

mission

but

the

motives of the Portuguese

authorities
political.

at

Lisbon

and

Goa were
derived by

The advantages
political

Akbar were
objectives

much

less in

proportion to the religious

authorities

gained

by the

and as such
sefving

they flattered

themselves that they were

the cause of Jesus.

The

First

Mission

1580-83 A.D.

The Farman
"
In the

name

of

God.

Letter of Jalaluddin

Muhammad
God. the Order
I

Akbar, King
of St. Paul.

placed in the seat of

To
Be

the Chief priests of

it

known

to

them

that

am

a great

friend

of theirs.
I

have sent

thither

Abdullah

my

ambassador,

and Domenico Perez, in order to invite you to send back to me with them two of your learned men, who should bring the books of the law, and above
all

Gospels, because I desire to understand their

the

truly

and
;

earnestly

perfection

and with

great urgency I again demand that they should come with my ambassador aforesaid, and bring
their books.

For from their coming I shall obtain the utmost consolations they will be dear to me,
;

THE FORCES AT WORK

and
I

187
possible

shall

receive

them with
1

every

honour.
instructed

As soon
in

as

shall

have become well

shall

the

law,

and

have compreif

hended

its

perfection, they will

be able,

willing

to return at their pleasure,

back with great Let them not fear

and I shall send them honours and appropriate regards.

me

in

the

least,

for

receive

them under

my

pledge of good
of

faith

and assure
Abdulla

them concerning myself." With the above Farman

invitation

Khan reached Goa

received with

September, 1579, and was honours reserved for the royal

in

governors of Portugal. honours was apparent.

The motive behind such

For reasons both
political

and

religious the invitation

was accepted.

Rudolf

Aquaviva and Monserrate, along with a converted Persian Christian Eenriquez to work as interpreter,
formed the mission. 10

They
1

started

on the

17th day

of

November,
day
of

579,

and

reached

Sikri

on the

last

February, 1580.
the

The

splendid reception offered by

Emperor
in

was

typically

The King

in order to

Mughal show honour

in

grandeur.
priests

to the

costume, unique Portuguese appeared honour indeed. He assigned them residence in

the
royal
palace,

though

at

later stage

they

changed

their

abode

themselves to a

lonely

quarter

19

For a short

life

of Aquaviva, see "Smith, Akbar, p.

170

and

foi

Monserrate,

p. 171.

188
of the city.

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Their food

was supplied

from

the

They were exempted from offering the 20 customary prostration when visiting the Emperor.
royal table.
In the
court,

they

had

their

seats

by the

royal

cushion.

Often the Emperor would show familiartiy by taking walks with Aquaviva

much
with

arms on

his shoulder.

to talk to
arrival,

them
21

that

The King was so anxious on the very night of their

till

he kept them questioning

a

2'oclock

in

the morning.

copy of the Bible with respect and also some pictures which he kissed. He
accepted

Akbar

had

also a chapel

built for

them

in the

palace.

He

Murad under the tuition of placed Monserrate, while Abul Fazl instructed Monserrate
Prince
in Persian.

We

have

no formal record of

the

debates

between the Mullas and the

not of any of those
that

priests, as

we have

had been held

the doctors of different faiths

in

amongst what we get except

Stray
references
of

the

Dabislan-ul-Mazahib.
the extracts

in the Dabistan,

from the reports

of

the

Fathers

and

the

pictures

the

Mughal
nature
of

court acquaint

us with some details of

the

of their conversations

and debates.

The day
The

^ The
21

Sijdah was not compulsory

it.

for

all.

Sayids

weie

exempted from

Akbarnama,

III,

Beveridge, p. 399.
is

This extreme impafience for conversation with the priests

that

only
of

an outward expression of the storm

Akbar.

was raging

in

the

mind

THE FORCES AT WORK

their arrival

189

passed in reception,

formal exchange
with

of greetings

and

private

interviews
first

Akbar.

On

the 18th of March, the

formal debate was

held, the second on the 4th

6th of April.

After that

mention of debates.
mation as
in different
to

We

and the third on the there is no chronological have no definite inforand discussed

the exact points raised

But the nature and subjectmatter of the debates have been gathered from
debates.
the contemporary
letters

and

despatches.

that Aquaviva was the divine origin Muhammad had acknowledged of the Gospel, he was inconsistent in refusing to

main "

point

of

The when

acknowledge the "

contended,

divinity of

Christ."

Further

he

Gospel having been foretold in the Old Testament must be superior to the Quran
the

which was not." 22

(i)

The subsequent points of disputes were the character of Muhammad's heaven, (if) the
:

outside witnesses of Christ's divinity,

(iii)

the two
of

natures of Christ

and

(iv)

the

inconsistency

the

Quran

in its varying attitude

towards the character

of Christ's death.

De Sousa
debates
:

adds
the

certain

other

subjects

of

(v)

absurdity

Christians
Bible, (vi)
tion,
(vii)

had
the

tampered
doctrine
of

of imputation that with the text of the

Trinity and Incarnalife

the

personal

and

views

of

Muhammad.
22

Commentaries, Memoirs, A. S. B, 1914,

p. 24

(fc).

190

THE DIN-HLAHI

The
had
to

fathers generally used very

strong words

in their debates

regarding

Muhammad, and Akbar

of the

warn them more than once

danger

which they invited by such conduct.

priests

However, the

could not explain the birth of Jesus, who according to them was the son of God and according to Muslims might have been the son of Joseph,
the carpenter, with

whom Mary was

married.

They

could not fully explain the Trinity. 23 On the whole the Fathers had a very willing and sympathetic listener in Akbar though not him;

self

ready

to

be converted, he gave permission

to

the priests

to

make

conversions in

the

Empire.
priests

He
With
Fazl.

himself

showed
Christian

honour
pictures
courtiers,

to

the

by accepting
his

with

reverence.
their

sons and
the

he

visited

chapel and had

Bible

translated

by

Abul
to

In the translation

he asked Abul
Chr/s/u,"
9

Fazl

use:
usual
*

"Ainamevay Gesa
Christian

instead

of

Bismillah~ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim

in order to

create a

atmosphere

in the

subject

of

study of Christian doctrine.

This

liberal attitude of

Akbar's mind

towards
to

the Christian Fathers

and the concessions given

interpreted

them

in various

ways have been

by the

22

The famous

story

of

the

fire

ordeal between the

Muslims

and

Fathers to prove the respective truths of Islam and Christianity needs no comment in the face of the wide diffeience of the facts as narrated

by Badauni and by Monserrate.

Vol. HI, p. 363.

See Beveridge's note

in

Akbamaina,

THE FORCES AT WORK

191
24

orthodox Muslims as his virtual lapse from Islam.

The
this

Christian priests

in

the

despatches

during
of

gave a favourable Akbar that he was almost willing

period

impression
to

be converted
to
25

to Christianity

but for the

fact

he would have
a
to

give

up

all his

wives

if

he became

Christian.

Some

asserted that
if

Akbar promised

become a
of

Christian

they could prove the

Divine birth

Jesus and
2fi

explain to him the significance of Monserrate went so far as to say that Trinity. Akbar promised to become a Christian even if it would lead to his abdication only if the Priests could explain to him Trinity and he promised to go to Goa for conversion on the pretext of
7

pilgrimage to Mecca."

Similar gossips
to

half-sense,
to

and nonsense
partly

were sent
to

Goa and
for

Europe

owing
that

the

misreading of Akbar's mind

the

and temperament and partly

pupcse of
doing

showing

the

mission

was

actually

14

The

attitude

of

the ladies of the harem

towards

Christianity
'

was not what the

priests

deserved or desired

Akbar 's mother

to

whom

he denied nothing* wanted Akbar to tie the Bible round the neck of an ass and show about the town of Agra, just as the Christians tied a copy of the Quran round the neck of a horse and

showed
Al-Coran

it

round the town of

saying,
"if
it

Ormuz
were
ill

but
in

of his mother
it

Akbar refused the request the Portuguese to do so to the

became

not a

tempt of

any

religion

King to requite ill with ill, for that the conwas the contempt of God and he would not be

revenged upon an innocent Book." Laval, Hakluyat ^oc Journal 1888, Part
56
27

I,

252.

Maclagan, op.

cif

pp. 33-34
S.

Monsenate, Mem. A.

Vol.

Ill,

1914

folio

42

(a)

192
their part of the

THE DIN-MLAHI
work
near
successfully.
If

the priests

who were
be excused,
tures

so

to

Akbar could make such

conjectures, the ordinary people living far

if

away may
conjec-

they

made even wider

in their bigotry

regarding

the religious

views of that august

monarch.

The Mullas

and

disgust,
inter-

and people
if

in their ignorance

and blindness

preted his liberal tendencies as having been actuated

not

by love
in

for

Christianity, at least

towards Islam.
raging

Just at

by hatred that time rebellions were

in the East

Bengal and Behar

in

and

in the

Punjab and Kabul

psychological

the
of

West.
unrest

28

During

that

many
fuel of

and uncertainty, wild rumour got current which added

discontent to the flames of civil

moment

religious

war engineered by the disgruntled jagirdars, ejected Qazis and soldiers whose pay had been reduced. According to Guerre iro, Akbar stopped all corres28

Monseriate, commentaries,
said that the
rebellion

Mem.

S. B., Vol.

Ill,

1914

Folio

42 (a)

was

against

Akbar' s

leaning towards
rliat

Christianity.

Smith, on the basis of the Jesuit testimony, said

religious in origin.
1580,
for

these

rebellions

were

EW

is this all

correct

The

rebellion

began
foi

in Januaiy,

some time

past

Priests

which preparations had been going on came on 28th February, 1580. So there
of
at

can be no causal connection between the attitude

Christianity

Akbar
later

towards

and the
to the

rebellion

May be
owing
to

that

stage

more

fury

was added

rebellion

concessions

having been

granted to the Christians

To

accelerate the
lo

movement
leniency

of the rebellion,
to

the Mullas gave wide publicity

Akbar 's

Christianity.

The

priests, too, misinterpreted

the liberalism of

Akbar and embodied

flattered

the popular
that they

gossips

into their

despatches and
to

themselves

were winning the great Mughal

the

Croat

from

th*

Crescent.

THE FORCES AT WORK

pondence with the
tent of the public.

193

priests for allaying the discon-

But

we do

not
In

know wherefrom
the

Guerreiro got his information.

portrait

very

same

occurs.

where we meet Aquaviva, Hiravijay also Hiravijaya came in 582 so the discussion
1
;

must be dated not before

not correct.
out of
serrate
If

582

thus

Guerreiro

is

Akbar stopped correspondence fear, Akbar would not have taken Monwith him as a tutor of Murad to Lahore.
the

On
(1)
if

way

to

Lahore,

Akbar asked MonCross

serrate to explain to

him

Why
Why

did not Jesus

all

come from

the

he was the Son of

(2)

powerful did Christ allow St.

God

Thomas
at

to

put

his

hands

into his

wounds

What was meant by (3) hand of God ?

(4) (5) (6)

sitting

the right

Celebacy of the Clergy.

(7)

The The The

Last Judgment.
Status of Paraclets.
relation

between the Quran and the

Gospels.
After return from Lahore the
tinued
attitude

discussions

conthe

again,
of

the

subject-matter

being

(a)

distinction

the Quran towards unbelievers, (fe) between Grace and Faith, (c) the Son-

ship of Christ.

Back
the rituals
25

to

Sikri,

the

Emperor adopted some

of

and

formalities of the Christians such as

1280B

194
'
'

THE DIN-MLAHI
;

Bells

as he
'

had adopted the

*

'

'

Rak.hi

of the

Hindus and

Quese^
the

of the Zoroastrians.

at

between the Portuguese Governor in Guzrat had beMughal come definitely strained. Rudolf Aquaviva informed the Emperor of this quarrel between the Portuthat time the relation

At

Goa and

guese and the Mughals, and Akbar was

at the

"

shocked

news."
'

Smith

in his

work made too much

'

of this quarrel

and attempted

to

prove

the perfidy

of

Akbar
at

as early

as February, 1580.

Says he,

the very

moment when
in

the missionaries

w ere
r

approaching his court invitation addressed

authorities
of

response to the

friendly

to the Viceroy and other he had organised his army to Goa, the European ports." Smith very intellicapture
129

gently

wove

the

facts concealing the point of sore

It

was not the Mughals that opened hostilities but the Portuguese. Gulbadan Begam in 1575 was proceeding to Mecca but the Portuguese detained her ship near Daman and compelled her to cede to them the village of
between the two.
Butsar.

When

the

Begam

returned
'

from Mecca,
to

she ordered the

village.'

Imperial

officers

retake the

Daman

Kutubuddin, Governor, attacked where the village of Butsar was situated.

the

This was a petty affair and even Monserrate ' admitted that the ordinary quarrels between the

Muhammadans
into

and

the

Portuguese developed

avowed

hostilities.'

When
to

the

position

of

the

Portuguese was reduced

difficult

straits,

THE FORCES AT WORK

the Fathers were informed
'

195

of

this

and Aquaviva

complained to the Emperor who was really shocked to hear the news and he regretted very
'

had begun. He said and that he had no knowledge of the affair as a senior official of a high rank, Kutubuddin, had acted on his own initiative/ The Fathers

much
'

that

the

hostilities

'

desired
'

Emperor should rebuke the Governor which Akbar refused to do, for as he
that

the

said,
acts

he could not well censure his viceroy for

of serving

done with the intention

Inspite

the

public
the

interest/

of the fact that

Akbar knew
in

compelling renounce Butsar, inspite of the fact that the Portuguese were committing piracies in the

guilt of the Portuguese of

to

Daman

Gulbadan

Western Seas, inspite of the disadvantages to which the pilgrims were subjected by the Portuguese the

Emperor
recalling

enough the troops from Daman

gracious
30

was

to
;

send orders

his

commands
the

were obeyed immediately.

30

If

Akbar was actuated by a motive

of destruction of

Portu-

Akbar once sent Todar Mai guese he was powerful enough to do so " to submit report as to how the port (Surat) could be taken. in 1572

He

reported that the capture of the fort could be very easily effected
na,
III,

(Akbarna

Bib. Indica,

Beveridge, p 24

His

fleet,

as

is

given

by Mukherjee (Indian Shipping, II, Ch. II), shows that it commanded If his intention strength enough to sink their entire fleet into the sea was all perfidious, he should not have ordered Kutubuddin to recall his Smith wanted that Akbar would be as docile as a troops from Daman. after the Dewani of 1765, so that the Portuguese would Mughal Emperor
have an easy go into the main land

Smith would have been glad

if

Akbar would have btvn

priests while the
pirates.

lost into the

sea of ielit?ious discussion with the

Empire be

sliced off the Indian seas

by the Portuguese

196

THE DIN-MLAH1

The

mission stayed

in

India

for 3 years

and

they grew impatient

when

they

saw

that

Akbar

was moving like a mirage. At times they found him so near to Christianity that they thought his conversion only a matter of hours and days. They more than once proposed conversion, but Akbar
instead
off

of

curt

and blank
the

refusal put the matter

of

without offending
'

feelings

the priests.
*

When
great
'

after three years of

continuous efforts

the

Mogor was not converted, the Provincial of Goa grew impatient and asked the Fathers to return
with a discretion to stay,

The

they found it desirable.' immediate occasion lor the break-up of

if

the mission

was the
the

active part

which Akbar took

Priests,

in a discussion in tavour of
for

between the Mullas and the

former
;l

in

defence of

Islam.

Though
of

some time
tae
final

the actual break-up of the

to

mission was postponed owing

the

intervention

Abul

Fazl,

dissolution

was only a

Aquaviva desired to go back In the to Goa but Akbar wanted him to stay. it was mutually arranged that Akbar should end,
question of
days.

send an embassy
of Spain

to

Europe

to congratulate Philip

II

on

his accession to the throne

of

Portugal

and

that

Father Monserrate would form a

member

of the party along with

Abdulla Khan and Muzaffar

By then, Akbar had received an embassy from Queen Elizabeth of England who sent one
Khan.
31

Du

Jarric,

Payne's Translation, p. 35.

THE FORCES AT WORK

197

Newbury with a
intreated

request that he might be

"
honestly
re-

and received*'

and promised "to

compose the same with as many deserts as we :w can." Father Aquaviva was allowed to return to Goa in May, 1583, on condition that he would
return to Sikri after

some

time.'
?

53

Was

the mission a failure

it

We

think

was

not, at least

happened of the missions to The distinct services rendered by Kublei Khan. the missions were
:

compared to what Chengiz, Timur, or

( 1 )

Permission was granted to

make

converts

and build Churches.

(2)

Permission was granted

to build hospitals

in India.
(3)

Portuguese prestige in the central and local

32

Fitch, p. 44.

The

political object of their

embassy was
a natural

to

form
of the

league against the Khalifa of

the

Rum, who was

enemy

Christians of Europe.

Another embassy was

;

the leader of Christianiiy

ally against

to be sent to the Pope, motive might have been to secure an

Rum

sions of Constantinople

Already Akbor ha i repudiated the Khelafat pietenand declared himself Khalifa-uz-Zaman and his
This proposed
recitation of

Kingdom

as

Dar-ul-Khelafat
to

Rome was
'Mahzar'
33

corollary
of 1579.

the

the

embassy to Spain and Khutba and issue of the

in

He

returned with a family of Russian

slaves

the service of
after.

the harem.

Aquaviva was

killed

by a mob near Salsette soon

Du Jarric,

Payne's Translation, p.

43.

It is interesting to know that Akbar had an adopted son, a Christian boy named Zulqarnain he was brought up in the harem with great He ultimately became a governor of a province in the time of care.
;

Jahangir and Shah Jahan.

198

THE DIN-MLAHI
was increased
by the stay of the

government

Fathers at the Imperial Court.

Their stay encouraged other nations of Europe to try their luck in the land of the Mughals.
(4)

The Second Mission

1591

A. D.

After
1

the

583, there

was a

departure of the first mission in lull in the Christian activities

till
1

for

about 7 years
at the

590.
of

Possibily the death of

Aquaviva

hands

the

mob

served

as

brake to the march of the missions.

During this period only two Christians, Newbury and Fitch,

;

are heard of at Fatehpur Sikri

but their object

was
his

not

religious."

In

1590, one

Greek sub-deacon

named Leo Grimon

country, appeared
at

on

his

way
a

back

to

the royal
as

court at

Lahore.
of

sense Abul Fazl pictured Grimon and knowledge. He received high honours, and was put in charge of translation of some Greek

man

During that period many Firingis and Armenians arrived at the court. On his way back,
books.

Grimon was charged with two

letters

addressed to

34

Only two

letters of 1590

and

of 1591

by the Provincial

al

Coa and
J.R

the General

Secretary at

Rome
The

supply us information regarding the

events of the period

1896, Vol.

These

letters

have been reproduced

in

AS

LXV,

pp. 62-63.
its

first letter

of 1590 spoke of the arrival

its failure.

of the mission

and

departure and that of 1591 narrated

THE FORCES AT WORK

the

199
of

Viceroy

of

Goa and
are

to

the head

the

Society.

The
first

letters

really beautiful

and are
that

much more
ing the

strongly- worded

than the one precedasserted the

mission.
the

Grimon

prospects
further

of

mission were favourable.

that the

He

King had destroyed the minarets and mosques which were being used as The King stables. dismissed all his wives and shew genuine respect for Christianity/ 3r
advanced
'

'

Akbar even celebrated

Virgin
respects
in
'

the

day
"

of

assumption of

590 by bringing

out
(>

and paying
report
of

to

Our

Own Lady/

The

Grimon roused enthusiasm

to a pitch
for

of the

Fathers of

Goa

and there were innumerable applications

to

appointment
of

the

missions even

from the

students
Fathers,

the

College.

Unfortunately
di

two

Edward Leioton and Chistopher

and a

lay Brother

Vega, were chosen along with a Brother

Estavas Rillerio.

Work
The

of the Mission

the King.

mission was very honourably received by They were provided with residence in
palace.

the royal

All necessaries

of

life

were

35

The

Possibly

story of dismissal and distribution of his wives was fantastic. Grimon misunderstood the regulation of 1587 when Akbar issu*

ed his 'Ains' regulating the marriage. more than one wife unless the woman
36

In

no case men should marry

'

is

barren or diseased

Maclagan,

op. eft, p. 48.

Smith, Akbar, p 253

200
supplied

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

from the royal household. A school was started under their direction for the royal
children and children of
of

the nobility.
in

The

report

the

Provincial
that

written

November,
without

1591,

showed

the

Fathers

were given definite

court

instructions not to leave the

com-

pleting their

work

or without

the

express permis-

sion of the superior authorities.

instructions the missionaries

But inspite of the

to

suddenly returned

Goa within one The reason

mission
is

year of their arrival.

not

sudden break-up of the mentioned anywhere. Maclagan

for
this

suggests that the Fathers returned

when
King

they were

opposed by

a strong

section
that

at

the court

and
no

when

they
of
it

thought

the

had
*

intention

suggests,

is

As Smith baptism. possible that the Fathers were faintaccepting

hearted/
take

These
the

Fathers
for

were

not

fit

to

up

task

On

the report of

which they had been sent. Grimon, the Fathers had probably

concluded that Akbar's mental conversion was already complete and he was only waiting for a
priest to convert

him

formally

They grew impatient

remoter

when

by giving baptism. they found that the

growing

chance of conversion was

every day

for the Unfortunately Fathers, the Emperor was at that time very busy with wars in Sind and had no time to listen to the

and

remoter.

debates on religion or to attend to their sermons. They took it as apathy or antipathy towards

THE FORCES AT WORK

Christianity
retired.

201

and soon

lost

heart in the

work and

The second

mission was entirely

fruitless.

The Third Mission

1595-1605 A. D.

The sudden
at

collapse

of

the

second mission

amongst the authorities Akbar, too, was not at all pleased with the way in which the Fathers fled away from their post. However, he was
created great dissatisfaction

Goa

as well as at

Rome.

enough to extend a fresh invitation through an Armenian Christian. The Viceroy was eager to accept the invitation, of course for political reasons though the religious motive was
courteous
not altogether absent.

The

Provincial

was

hesitat-

ing

owing

to the failure of

the previous missions.

Ultimately with the consent of the authorities of Goa,

was accepted and the acceptance was subsequently ratified by the King of Spain.
the
invitation

This time

men were

chosen very cautiously

for

reasons both political and religious, fell on Father Jerome Xavier, Father

and the choice

Emmanuel
an
of

Pinherio and

Brother

Benedict of Goes with

the
tour

Armenian guide who had conducted

Rudolf Aquaviva.

The mission started on December 4, on the way met Murad, but he took no
the doctrines.
26

1594, and
interest in

Du

"

Jarric says,

He had no

respect

1280B

202
for the

THE DIN-MLAHI
mosques of
1
;: '

Muhammad

which he seldom

attended/

After a strenuous journey coveiing over 5 months, they reached Lahore on the 5th of May,
1595.

The
till

history

of

the
in

Third Mission
three well-defined

may be
periods
:

conveniently studied

the end of Akbar's

life

as

Mclagan has done

Lahore period
Tourist period

...

2.
3.

... ...

Three years and 6 months. Two years and 6 months.

Four years and 6 months.

Agra period

Unlike on previous occasions, the King avoided fiequent religious discussion for he feared misunderstanding unless the Fathers

could follow

Persian.

During
pursued
took
'

that time

on various topics was The recent Portuguese conquest of Chaul

discussion

excited admiration of Akbar.

The King

of

Spain
8

much

interest in the progress of the

mission/

for their services lo

God and man/ Akbar showed,

good deal
of leniency in his

in his usual catholicity, a

dealings with the priests.

the cushion reserved for

gave them seats near himself, and the Prince

He

attended their chapel, showed reverence to pictures and clasped his hands. He went on his knees like a
Christian prince

when

the priests recited their Lita-

nies, wore the reliquary, which had the Virgin portrayed on one side and Angus Dei on the other. He showed his collection of European books and

37

Du

Jarric, p. 57.

38

Rehatsek, Calcutta Review,

LXXXII,

1883, p. 9.

THE FORCES AT WORK

gave them
started
for

203

for the

use of the priests.

royal

A school was
Lahore which
of Princes.

the

children

at

exercised

some

influence over a

number
all

He gave

written permission to baptise

those

who

liked to be baptised.

Salim has been portrayed as "a firm friend and protector of the mission/'

Though
'*

regular religious debates were

'
'

no longer

held,
of

disputes occasionally took place and

setting his

we

hear

Akbar

Chronoligist
the

to dispute

with

Father Xavier regarding

possibilities of

God

having a son."

Akbar as Akbar as given by the Christians definitely portrayed "At Lahore there was no mosque a non- Muslim.
During
that

period the description of

and no copy of the Quran people were killed for Whatever the King s actual faith killing cows."
;

was,

it

was not

Islam.

He was
of

a Hindu (Gentile).
<Vertas)

He

followed

the

tenets

Jains

He
the

worshipped the
founder of a

Sun

like the

Parsees

He was

new

faith (secta pestilem et perniciosa)

and wished

to obtain the

name

of the Prophet.

He

had already some followers, but these were only obtained by bribery (sued auro con up/us). Nothing

was

from him, at any rate, than the religion 10 This picture of Akbar is rather of Muhammad."
further

modelled on
Maclagan, op
io

the

information

supplied by

Leo

cit.,

p. 54.

Maclagan, op.

cit., p. 55.
I,

Compare Badauni,

II,

p.

2CM-206

Ain

Blochmann, Ain.,
p. 262.

Vol.

p. 204,

and Finherio as quoted by Smith,

204

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Grimon and
Akbar
as

looks like translation of Badauni.

The

motives of both were the same, namely to paint

the lines
outside,

an apostate though from different angles, of force met at one point. A man from
;

who

did

the Emperor, and customs with the

not understand the tendency of confused the eclecticism of manners

religion itself
;

they misunderfor

stood the

shell

for

substance.

The reason

this portraiture

show that Muslim and

lo
'

'

served a twofold purpose, namely the great Mogor had ceased to be a

that the void caused

filled

Islam might be

by his lapse from up by Christianity. That

in-

Akbar was a Muhammadan following the cumbent Islamic religious duties is proved by
fact of his offering prayer personally after the

the

death

of

Abul Path Gilani and

after

of

and
In

the

period

of

which

Nizamuddin during Leo Grimon

of of
his

spoke.
1

597, while

Akbar

sat

on the throne
the
festival
41

palace at Lahore
'

celebrating

the

Sun,

fire

came down from heaven/

*

The

missionaries were so superstitious that they

fire

attributed the

to the anger of

Heaven
After

at

the
fire,

King's irreligious presumption/

the

Akbar
is

is

said to have

repaired to

Kashmir and
It

took with him Father Xavier and Brother Goes.

suggested by Smith that after the

fire

of

Lahore
to

Akbar

ceased

to

apostatize

and

returned

41

Maclagan, op

cit.,

p. 55.

Cu

Jariic,

Payne's 1 lanslalion, p.

74.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Islam.
42

205
both the

Of

course,

owing

to the illness of

was no progress for sometime in their work. By November, 1597, the priests returned. On his way back Salim was attacked by a lioness
priests there

was saved by the Saviour's will,' as Jairic " in order that the Church might increase says, " 4n and many souls win salvation.
but

'

The
but the

Fathers had by

now completed two

Akbar
of

years

much
distant

desired conversion of

inspite

of his acceptance of

some

the

Christian rituals

was as
asked

as
to

them

'

But the King of Spain remain by the spot no matter one

ever.

died or re-called.'

Von Noer

suggested that Akbar

did not accept Christianity as he

was disgusted

lo

hear of the Inquisition at Goa.^

admits, there
is

But as Maclagan
'

nothing on the records to show that

1

he had heard of the Inquisition.

12

Smith, relying on this story of the

fire, built

up the theory

of

the
If

actual lapse of
actually

Akbar from Islam

to

for

17 years
file,
it

from

15/8 to 1595.

Akbar returned
instead

Islam aftei the

might have been

the

just in

the fitness of things that

Akbar shouM have dismissed

Christian

mission

Akbar look the missionaries to Kashmir and continued So in our opinion, there was no 'falling off' his lavcurs to the priests nor 'coming in' of Aklar so far Islam was concerned.
;

4:1

Payne,

of>. cit.

p. 81.

He

"
says,

Prince Salim publicly expressed his

devotion to our Lord and our Lady and placed their pictures, on which

he delighted to
of

t?aze in his

own chamber."

The more

the conversion

Akbar seemed remote, the fairei grew the picture of Salim. The hope son. of the missionaries was now transferred from the father to the " God would one day work in him a great Father Xavier hoped,
miracle," meaning
'

conversion.'

For details see Maclagan, op.

p. 486.

cit..

Chap. IV.

Von
45

Noer, Kaiser Akbar, Vol.

cii.,

I,

Maclagan, op.

p. 66, footnote 17.

206

THE DIN-HLAHI
Tourist Period

(/598-/60/)

Akbar though an old man now, personally went Deccan campaign and as usual, took Father Xavier with him Brother Goes remained at Agra. He was much troubled by the people but the
to the
;

authorities protected
1

him.

During that time (July

599)

Father Xavier complained that in course of

conversation, the
'
'

"

Emperor

had shown much

impatience and did not listen to the Christian priests But Akbar had been struck with the death properly.
of Prince

Murad
zeal

just

month before and

it

was
with

not possible for

the

him

to attend to the discourses

same
of

and fervour with which he began them

and

which we heard so much.

after, the

But soon

Deccan where the

Emperor had to go to the power oi Khandesh was causing

him some
seige

anxiety.

He moved
the
great

personally.
of

The
Portupoli-

of Asirgarh,

fort

Khandesh,
of

was a very important point in the history

guese missionary
tical

activities in India.

Here the

side of the priests', undertaking

was revealed

in

an ugly and unseemly manner. In need of an " called on Xavier and Goes to artillery, Akbar
write to the Portuguese at
tions but

Chaul
the

for

guns and munifaith."

Xavier refused on the plea that such

to

action

would be contrary
According
less

Christian
of

The

duplicity behind the

to

refusal
Jarric,

Xavier

was

apparent.
forces

Du

the

Khandesh

had no

than seven Portuguese defending

THE FORCES AT WORK

the fort of Asirgarh.

207

Beveridge and Smith suggested that the motive of Akbar behind the Deccan

campaign was jhe complete destruction of the the conduct of Akbar was Portuguese and that
'

only a treachery cloaked in friendship towards the

Christian priests.'
foul,
to
4 *5

If

the conduct

of

Akbar

was

to

same charge is no less applicable the Christians, who, while professing friendship the Mughal Emperor and enjoying the Mughal
think the
in all its

we

hospitality

grandeur and splendour, were

their

using

their

forces

against

hospitable

hcsl.

This refusal of Father

so

Xavier embittered Akbar

to

much
to

that

he would not permit the Fathers

After the
fall of

come

his presence.

Asirgarh,
of
till

Akbar, grace, forgot Xavier and excused the priests

then too small
siege
of
for

in his usual

the

duplicity

for they

were

Akbar 's wrath.

the

During the
officers
* '

Asirgarh

seven

Portuguese
;

were about

to be punished cruelly but they were saved by the request of Xavier, to whom they were handed over/' Still it is the treachery of Akbar
!

Father Pinherio arrived

received in the

soon

after

same cordial way. discussion with him on the ceremony of

the Pope's
foot

was Akbar had a

and

the kissing of

by the

Holy Roman Emperor and

46

he one-sided view of Smith regarding the comparative value

of

the historical accounts of

Abul

Fazl,

Faizi Sarhindi,

Xavier and
in his

other Christian priests has been completely answered

hy Payne
fall

masterly note on Smith's conclusions on the cause of ihe

garh.

of Asir-

Payne,

of>. cit.

Chap.

II,

note.

208

THE DIN-MLAHI
this

the significance attached to

form of obeisance

owing
foot."

to the
47

"

Cross worn by

the

Pope upon

his

Before leaving the Deccan,

Akbar again
"
for the

sent an

embassy

to

Goa

for

an

alliance

despatch

purchase of precious stones and other objects." 48 Goes went with the embassy and returned to Agra with

of skilled craftsman

and

for facilities

for the

Father Antony

Machado

in 1602.

The Agra Period (1601-05) Akbar came back to Agra in May, 1601 from the Deccan, soon after Goes and Machado also reached. The number of missionaries was now the largest in Akbar 's court. Some time after
,

Pinherio returned to Lahore but not before he had

received a Farman.
n

sion to the Christians

ting

The Farman granted to make conversions,

*

permispermit-

such of his subjects as desired to embrace r Christianity to do so without let or hindrance/

'

47

Maclagan.
Ibid..

of>

cit.,

pp. 251-58.

PP

58-59.

Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, 1916, The Mughal Farman, by Felix Vayle. 50 If Akbar had become a Muslim again after the fire at Lahore, as has been alleged, it is inconsistent to say that he would give a general

49

permission for conversion

to Christianity, after his

we have
come

told before,

Akbar

neither ceased to be a

coming back.' As Muslim nor had he

of the Din-i-Ilahi,

'

back.

Mirza

Azam Khan, who was\ member

opposed permission to the Christians for conversion why ? A member of the Din-i-Ilahi remained as much a Muslim as any other follower of
the Faith

and would hardly

tolerate concession to

any,

other than

the

members

of the brotherhood.

THE FORCES AT WORK

Mirza

209
of the Din-i-

Azam Khan who was

the
*

member
Farman
'

Ilahi strongly protested against the permission.

After

grant

of

this

the priests

thought that the task of conversion and evangelisation of the land of Mogor had become easy.

Lahore they found a strong Viceroy, Quliz Khan, who has been described by the native
But
at

historian
'

51

feared in

and learned old man, Hindustan as were formerly Nero and

as

pious

Diocletean.'
altogether
character.

The
Quliz

hatred of the priests

could not

obliterate the better side of Quliz

Khan's

Khan
*

treated Pinherio with court-

esy, said a priest,

at Court.'

though he was not treated well

That Quliz Khan was not very orthodox is proved by the fact that he allowed his wife, The opposison and daughter to visit the church. tion which Quliz offered was not against Christianity
but against the political designs of the Christians with which Quliz was conversant during his Viceroyalty of Guzrat,

and which was gradually becoming prominent, partly owing to the indulgence given by the Emperor at Court. What Quliz Khan would not understand was the attack by the Father on Muhammad and that aroused the Viceroy's
frenzy.

Hence was the dark picture of Quliz Khan by the priests. Over and above the displeasure of the Muslim Governor, Pinherio was displeased with " for attacking them for their alleged the Hindus,
51

Ain.,

I.,

Blochmann, p,

34.

27

1280B

210

THE

D1N-I-ILAHI

immorality and infanticide."

hatred by alleging that

The Hindus returned " ate human flesh Christians

and fattened up young men to be sold in Portu62 The relation between guese lands and so forth." the Christians and the Governor became so much 5th September, strained that a day was fixed, the
1

1604, for the arrest of

the
Christians
at

all

wives and

children

of

Lahore.

But

it

could not be

carried into effect

owing

to

the transfer of Quliz

Khan to Agra. In his absence, his son Say id Khan and Mirza Abdur Rahim governed. The liberal
spirit of

Akbar had by then done its work and Sayid Khan was liberal enough to attend the he ate with them and listened to Christian church
;

their

Gospel

stories
53

and

their

discourse

upon

religious subjects.

When

Quliz

Khan came
' '

back,

Pinherio

was

very glad to see

him

forbidding deduction of the

usual commission on a grant of a thousand xupees which the Fathers received from Akbar," and

expressed

great

glee

at

the
for

misfortunes of the

Hindus who opposed him

some time back.

At Agra, Father Xavier had opportunity of having discussions with Akbar and we have record
of these discussions
in

Terry's

Voyages
not

to

East

India

divided under fourteen heads.

But inspite

of their best attempts they could

*f

make Akbar

Mac lagan, op
/bid., p. 61.

ci'f.,

p. 60.

54

Terry, A.

Voyage

to East India,

Ed. 1777, pp. 419-22,

THE FORCES AT WORK

believe
in

211

the
of

divinity

of
to

Christ.
his

He

ascribed

the miracles

Christ

knowledge of the

science of medicine.

So the troubles of the Christians did not come from the Muslims but from quarters unexpected

and unsuspected. Christians began

At Lahore a group of Armenian look upon the Portuguese Fathers with suspicion. The cleavage was created by
to

an English merchant adventurer Mildenhall, who acted as an ambassador from Elizabeth of England
to further her political

ends.

Mildenhall's advent

was

the signal

for

a series of quarrels between the

Portuguese and the English

into the ports of the

who

coveted

entrance

Mughals. Inspite of the greatest

Portuguese Fathers, Akbar was
grant the English
the

opposition
'

of

the
'

merrie enough

to

right

of entrance into the ports of the

Mughals

in 1604.

Towards the

later

portion of the third mission

when

the Fathers

they set Probably in the autumn of 1603, after the murder of

mirage,

found Akbar receding like a their heart on Prince Salim.

Abul

Fazl,

when Salim was

in

an open

rebellion,

Xavier paid a visit to Salim at Sikri then a We have no direct information as deserted city.
Father
to the object of the visit but there is

much
55

scope for
after,

speculation with regard to the

visit.

Soon

we no doubt found Xavier and Machado following Akbar when he was marching against Salim to
55

Smith, pp. 291-92.

212
Allahabad.
ciliation

THE
In

DiN-i-iLAHi

November, 1604, the happy recontook place between the father and son
In

amidst universal rejoicing.

the

September, 1605,
leaving
the

Emperor departed from

this world,

priests to

make

their final

and

to attempt to finish

experiments with the son the half -achieved mission

of their predecessors.

CHAPTER V
APPENDIX

THE HINDU LEARNED MEN AT THE COURT OF AKBAR

(In the light of

AbulFazl)

Class

I.

Madhu
Bhat,

Saraswati,

Madhu
Nara

Sudhan,

Narayan Misra, Hariji Sur,

Damodhar
Singh,

Ram

Tirth,

Class
Class

11.

Ram

Parmindra, Aditya. Bhadra, Jadrup Narayan.

III.

Thelogians.

Class IV.

Narayan, Madhu Bhatta, Sri Bhatta, Bishnu Nath, Ram Krishna, Balbhadra
Misra, Basudev Misra,

Baman

Bhatta,

Bidya Nibas, Gauri Nath, Gopinath, Krishna Pandit, Bhattacharyya, Bhagirath Bhattacharyya, Kashinath Bhatta-

charyya.
Class

V.

Bijay

Sen

Suri,

Bhas Chand.*
mentions
Bhairam),

Physicians.

Mahadev, Bhimnath, Narayan, Siwaji

(Tabqat
also

Musicians.

Durga Mall, Chandra Sen (Surgeon). Tansen, Baba Ram Das, Sur Das,

Ranga Sen.
*

Bijmy Sen Suri and Bhas

of the Buddhist group.

Chand have

also

been mentioned

in

the

list

214

DIN-MLAHI

HINDU COMMANDERS

(In the light of Tabqat-i-Akbari)

Number

in Charge.

1.

Bihari

Mai

...

... ...
...

5,000 5,000

2.
3. 4.
5.

Raja Bhagwan Das

Man

Singh

...
...

5,000

TodarMal

4,000
...

Raja Rai Singh Bikanir Raja Jagannath

...
... ...

4,000
3,000

6.
7.

RajaAskaran
RajaLankaran

3,000 2,000
of

8. 9.

Madhu Singh
Singh)

(Brother

Man
2,000 2,000 2,000

......
...

10.
11.

Raja Kanga

... ... ...

...

Raja Gopal
RajaBirbal

12.

2,000 2,000
1,500

13.
14.

RajaSurjan
Raja Rupsi

(Bairagi)

15.
16.

of Jagat Singh (Son

Man

Singh)
... ...

1,500

Rai Monohar

...

700 (Ain)
1,000 (Ain)

17. 18. 19.

Raj Singh (Son of Askaran)

... RaiPatraDas Ram Das (Kachwaha)

700
...
1

20. 21.

Medini Rai (Chauhan)

500 (Ain) ,000, 700 (Ain)

1.000

RajaBhoj

...

HINDU LEARNED MEN AT THE COURT OF AKBAR 2 5

1

NAMES OF OTHER HINDU OFFICERS MENTIONED CONNECTION WITH AKBAR *S MARCH TO

AHMEDABAD, 1573
1.

IN

2.

Jagannath. Rai Sil.

3.
4.
5.

Jagmal Pat war.

Birbal (Birbar).

Raja Dip Chand.

6.
7.

Man

Singh Darbari.

8.

9.
10. 11.

Das Kachwaha. Chand. Sanwal Das (possibly painter).

Jadu Kaith Darbari. HarDas. (Is he Patr Das?) Tara Chand Khawas (painter).
Lai Kalanwant.
of
(Is

Ram Ram

12. 13.

he Mia Lai

"

musician

"

Blochmann,

p.

612

?)

14.

Parmanand, a

relation of

Todar Mai
Ill,

in

charge

of the fleet (Beveridge Ain.,

p. 97).

CHAPTER

VI

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

1575-95 A.D.
In the midst of the sea

of religious discussions,

Akbar did not lose sight of his Empire, its organisation and administration. The problems of the Government were growing wider and Imperial Since 1526 A.D. the Central wider every day. Government at Delhi was passing through a course
of uncertainty
;*

unstability of the Sur

Empire had

been supplanted by a steady and settled system. The Empire was now an abode of peace and
plenty.

The

reputation

of

well-settled

firm

of beyond government Hindustan and the Empire attracted peoples from from Persia, all climes and regions, the Shias Turks from Central Asia, Uzbegs from Badakshan,
limits

reached

far

the

Zoroastrains from Guzrat,

Nepal and Kashmir, Jews from Sur in and Christians from

1

Buddhists from

(a}

Humayun's
SherShah,
Jalal

flight, 1540.

\b>

1540-45.
I

(0
(dt
(e)
(/)

Khan

Islam Shah), 1545-54.

Khan, 1554. Mubariz Khan (Adil Shah),

Ibrahim Shah,
1555.

Firoz

1554-55.

(g)

Sikandar Shah, 1555.

(M
ii)

Humayun, 1555-56. Akbar (Bairam), 1556-60.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

217

European countries. The gates of Hindustan were open to all and the benevolent spirit of the Empire and the ungrudging patronage of Akbar served as
;

incentives to all.
of organising the
assisted

Akbar himself took over the task army, and in this he was ably

He placed the Rajput generals. provincial administration under Raja Man Singh, the administration of revenue under Raja Todar
by
his

under Abul Fazl, the Sadr and Qazi administration under Sadr-us-Sudur and
Mai,
the
secretariat

Mukhdum-ul-mulk and
under Shaikh
Faizi.

No department
her limbs.

the department of culture of the state

was

left

untouched and Hindustan was

life in all

pulsating

with a

new

But the hand of Akbar was not a touchstone to

turn every thing as he
created a
of
of

expected.
of

The system

of

branding of horses and opening up of

roll register

good
led
to

deal

opposition

in the circles

feudal

lords.

The
the

survey
2

land

dismissal of

and settlements many Qazis and

reorganisation
of

ejectments Jagirdars. of the judiciary ended in the

1

of

The

dismissal

many
cf
of

bribe-taking Qazis.'

The

feudo-religious-cum-political

rebellion

Bengal and
tions

Behar

necessitated

appointment

Hindus and the promulgation of many new regula4 and orders against the Mullas.
1
3 *

Ain., Blochmann,
Ibid., pp. 111-14.

pp. 203-09.

See ante, Chapter IV,

28

p. 56.

1#OB

218

THE DIN-MLAHI

"

The mismanagement
"
Sayurghal
lands and
5

in

the

distribution

of

"

Aymas

"

led to the trans-

fer of the finance

Sadr-us-Sudur.
dari

department from the hands of the "

The

introduction of the

Mansab-

the
the

Hindu element in army which was now manned over 50% by " 6 Kaffirs/' The co-ordination of the different
system brought a large
formula of court formalities. 7
social,

"

elements represented in the court ushered in a

common

Soon the
attacks

economic and

political

regulaof

tions introduced

by Akbar became

the

target

by the orthodox sections of the

state.

They
was
the

desired

Akbar

as a

Musalman

sovereign to pursue
vision
all

a pro-Muslim policy.
exclusive

Their angle of

and orthodox, and they interpreted regulations of the Emperor in an orthodox

*'

light.

They

asserted,

In Islam there

is

nothing purely
8

religious

and

nothing purely

political."

The

MuIIas interpreted the whole existence of a man,

irrespective of time, place
* 6

and circumstances from

See ante, Chapter IV, p

Erskine,

57.

An Empire

Builder in the Sixteenth Century, Introduc-

lion
7
5

Ain., Blochmann, 65 (i) 7 rouble arose out of the definition of " Injunction."
four things
(a\
:

It

may

mean

(b)
(o*
f

rfi

The Revelations of God -Quran. The Sayings of the Prophet -Hadis. The Legal Decisions and Juristic Precedents The Decisions of the Assembly Jam 'at.
in cipretations

Fiqh.

There are many

infallibility for itself, to

of

the Injunctions, each

claiming

the exclusion of

all others.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

the standpoint of the

219
of

Quran

To many

them,
in-

non-observance of the minutest details

junctions whether
or

of

the

Fatwa

amounted
to the

from the Quran, Hadis, Fiqh from Islam. to a lapse

Mulla conception of the Religion, Islam is so rigid that there is no scope for compromise from any standpoint whatsoever. The Laws

According

are so rigid that any

faithless
if

man

could be proved

to to

be

a shrewd

Mulla

simply
points

likes

do
of

so, for there are ever so

9

many

in

a man's

life.

So

far

Akbar was concerned,

curtailing

pension of the Mullas and Qazis, the liberal interpretation of the problems of Islam, withdrawal of
the vested judicial
theocratic side of
rights

from the hand of the

offered

the

state

innumerable

opportunities to the Mullas for giving adverse verdict

on Akbar.

10

The charges

of apostasy or

irreligiousness

that

have been levelled against Akbar would not have come had he not attacked the Mulla interests from
the secular point of the state.

we have
the
life,

depicted in the
character,

By way of example, Appendix to this Chapter,

and motives
critics

events

of

Mulla

Abdul Qadir Badauni, a and one of the bitterest

view of
9

great

Mulla of the age of Akbar, which

of

will illustrate our reflections

criticism.

on the Mulla point

A man ceased to be an orthodox

his ankle, according to

Muslim

if

he wears a

per; a

ma

below
*

some orthodox
80.

school.

See ante Chapter IV, pp. 73

220
Let us

THE DIN-MLAHl

now

give a

list

of

the regulations
11

that

were promulgated by Akbar chronologically,

that
it

so

maybe

easily followed

by the readers.

1575-76 A.D.

(1)

(2)

Mu'tah marriage was allowed. Chronogram of the seal was " inscribed Allah-o-Akbar"
nstead of usual
' '

Bismillah'

ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim.'
(3)

Order was issued

to write a

(4)

Commentary on the Quran. The Atharva Veda was taken

up
for translation.

576-77 A.D.

(1

Pilgrim department

ed

was openwith a Superintendent

of Pilgrims (Mir-i-Haj).

1577-78 A.D.

(1)

Royal hunt was stopped.

(2)

Khutba was read name.

in

Akbar 's

578-79 A.D.

(1 )

Tajuddin introduced Sijdah

court.

at

(2)

Coming
court

of

the Christians to

and Abul Fazl under-

took to translate the Bible

with the headline,

11

The

Hijri dates

have been synchronised with Christian dates by

Prof. Brendiy.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

221

Aye name weye Gesu

**

Chrisiu

"

instead of

Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim.

"
(3)

Madad-o-ma ash
be
scrutinised
of the
fixed.

was to and the " "

"

boundary was to be
(4)

Aymas

The

"Mahzar"

or

the so-

called Infallibility Decree

was

presented.

1579-80 A.D.

(1)

Shaving of beard was permitted

by a Fatwa

of

Haji

Ibrahim.
(2)

Hakim-ul-mulk
the

was

sent

to

Mecca with Rs. 50,000

Sharif s.

for

1580-81

A.D.

(1)

The oath of allegiance was demanded and the so-called

four degrees were defined.

(2)

The

Nauruz-i-Jalali

was

cele-

brated with great eclat.

1

581-82 A.D.

(1 )

The

rebellious Shaikhs

and

Mullas were transported to

Qandahar where they were

exchanged
1

for colts.

582-83 A.D.

(1

(2)
(3)

was promulgated. Tarikh~i~Alfi was begun.

Din-i-Ilahi

Wine

selling

was

restricted.

(4)

Prostitutes

were segregated.

222

THE DIN-MLAHI
(5)

Boars and dogs were reared up and meat of boar and tiger
allowed.
dress

(6) Silk

and

gold

were

allowed to be worn.
(7)

(8)

Marriage was regulated. Sradh after death was

couraged.

dis-

(9)

Azan, Prayers, Fast, Pilgrimages were regulated and

spurious Qurans were descentres of troyed in the
rebellion.
*
'

(10)

Reading of Arabic was

dis-

couraged amongst the mass

and

curricula
.

of

education

changed
(11)

Names of Ahmad, Muhammad and Mustafa were

stopped.

(12)

"The Assembly
(Chihil
lished.

of

Forty*'
estab-

Tanari)

was

583-84 A.D.

(1)

Animal slaughter
lated.

was

regu-

(2)

Mosques were

changed

into

stables in centres of rebellion.

(3)

Poor houses were started with

separate establishments.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

(4)

223
taking

Dice play and

interest

were allowed.
1584-85 A.D.
(1) Ilahi

Era was introduced.

basis
of

(2)

New

computation of

almanac was accepted according to the sun.

1

585-86 A.D.

(1)

Hindu

social

manners

were

introduced in

Royal harem
marriage
of

during
Salim.
(2)

the

The dead were

Brahmins
were

to

be buried

with heads towards the east.

(3)

allowed

to

decide litigations of Hindus.

(4)

"Allah-o-Akbar" was
instead
of

intro-

duced as mode of greetings

"

Alai^um-us-

Salam."
1586-90 A. D.
(I)

Flesh of cows

and

buffaloes

were prohibited.
(2)
(3)

Sati

was discouraged.
was
1

Circumcision

not

to

be
too

done before 2 and was optional.

1591-92 A. D.
(1)

that

Badauni summarily referred

to

many
specific

regulations

but

no

mention was made.

224
1

THE

DIN-I-1LAHI

592-93

A.D

(1)

Regulations were
ing the burial
of a

made
or

regard-

cremation

"

Darshaniya."
to

(2)

All

marriages were entered into register.

be

1593-94 A.D.-(l) Freedom of building a church

(2) Toleration

was granted to Christians. was granted to

religions.

all

Islamic Canons of Test of

Law

now proceed on were anti-Islamic. regulations

shall

We

to test

how far these What are the canons

There are
:

of test according to Islamic principles?

usually four kinds of Injunctions

1
.

Religious.
Social.

2.
3.

Cultural.

4.

From

the point of etiquette.

Of the
(a)

religious groups there are different grades

(^>j-*)

incumbent such as Prayer, nonobseivance of which will mean lapse from Islam. (b) Wajeb C-r^l;), a religious duty but not incumFarz,
bent,

non-observance of which

is

sin, not

amount-

ing to a lapse from Islam, such as Korbani, sacrifice of animal on certain days, (c) Sunnat-i-Mul&ada " " Do as Muhammad did and asked

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

his followers to

225
this

do.
is

Non-observance of
a
sin

kind

of

injunction

but
in

not

as

solemn as
accord-

Wajeb,
ing
to

such
a

as

Tarabi
process.

Ramzan

fixed
(actf'y*

(d)

Sunnat-i-Ghair-

Mu'kk.ada

^c

u^L.),

actions

which

were

performed by the Prophet but not insisted upon by him, non-observance of which did not amount to
a
sin,

such as

Namaz-i-T uhajjud

prayer after
to
is

2 o'clock at night. So far as the injunctions that relate

culture

society,
definitely

and

etiquette are concerned,

it

Hadis that they are in no way binding and changes may be allowed according to time,
stated in the

and circumstances. The Khalifas (Commanders of the Faithful) have proved by their life and actions that changes and departures might be allowed as might be demanded by time, place and circumstances. The treaty of Badr is an eloquent
place

testimony to what the Prophet himself did to meet the convenience of the conquered Jews.

Even amongst

the injunctions that are

:

"

'

Farz,

incumbent, there are two groups what may be done or (f) Halal
tioned by the Shariat.
(H) I Jar

may

not be

done, such as eating of flesh

as sanc-

am

what
of

must
a

not

be

done,

such as idol worship, wine drinking.

The
makes a
regulation

infringement

haram
but

regulation
of

man

laps 3

(rom the

faith

a halal

makes a man an ordinary

sinner.

29 -1280B

226

THE DIN-MLAHI
Discussions

has been pointed out, the Ibadat Khana was built in 1575, and soon after discussions followed.
It

As

was an age
spirit of

of

Scholasticism

and Renaissance.
of the

The

the age

was the quest

why and

wherefore of everything, not always in a spirit of protest, but most often in a spirit of enquiry.

Many

obsolete,

naughty

or innocent

problems were

introduced as
4 *

gymnasium Crowds of the learned men from all nations came to the court, and were honoured with private After enquiries and investigations conversation. which were their only business and occupation day and night, they would talk about the profound points of science and subtleness of revelation, the
curiosities

apples of discord in the intellectual Badauni says, of the Ibadat Khana.

and wonders of nature, on subjects of which large volumes could give only an abstract summary.
of
history
'

'

Mutah

Marriage Allowed

1575-76

Thus
ately

"marriage"
12

was

one

of

the

first

questions debated upon.

Akbar had many

;

Fortunately or unfortunwives as many as any of his

predecessors had, much more than the orthodox number but as a pious Sunni he could not have more

than four

at

a time.
1*

The
II,

traditions
1884,

on the point
263.

Badauni,

Lowe, Ed

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

were
so

227

many and
to

so

divergent.

Akbar was

permitted

marry

number according
Qazi of the the same.
State.

beyond the prescribed of the Chief to the Fatwa And there were precedents for
bin Laila
liberal

had as
ever

One of the Mujtahids Abu many as nine wives from too

Quranic verse,

an

marry whatwoman you like, two and two, and three and 13 Badauni related four/' three, and four and
interpretation of the
interesting
details concerning the discussion
in the Ibadat

"

many
on

this

problem

decreed,

"

by Mu'tah

(not

marry any number of wives Akbar invited Qazi Yakub, Abul Fazl, Ibrahim and Badauni to a discussion near Anuptalao where
Badauni gave "
his opinion as follows
:

Imam Malik by Nikah) a man might he pleased." One night

Khana.

The

conclusion which must be drawn from so

many
is in

contradictory traditions
:

and

sectarian customs

a word this

Imam Malik and

the Shias are un;

animous

upon Mu'tah marriage as legal and the great Imam (Abu Hanifa) look Imam upon Mu'tah marriage as illegal. But should at
in looking Shafii

any time a Quazi of the Maliki sect decide that a Mu'tah marrige is legal, it is legal according to the common belief even for the Shafiis and Hanafis."
This

much.

view of Badauni pleased Akbar very But Qazi Yakub was much annoyed with

this decision

and openly
13

expressed his dissent.

Badauni,

II,

p. 213.

228

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

The Emperor thereupon dismissed

appointed

Yakub and

Qazi

Hosain
that

in

his

place

who

im-

mediately decided
legal.

Mu'tah marriages
of

were

This led

to

the dismissal

and discomfiture
this

of the

Sadr and
road

many Qazis " Mukhdum. From

opposition and
says

day forward
opinion

the
lay

of

difference in

open,''

Badauni.

14

Thus the dissensions grew after Badauni 's decision and Akbar was not responsible for the decree on
marriage.

Allah-o-Akbar

in the Seals

and Dies of

his

Court

1575-76 A.D.
In

place

of

usual

"

Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-

Rahim

"

Akbar wanted
it

to substitute a

"
simpler,

shorter phrase of sweeter

sound

Allah-o- Akbar."

Before he decided

finally,

he enquired
liked the
that

how

the

people would
but
Haji

like

it.

Many
suggested

substitute

Ibrahim

the

phrase

"Allah-o- Akbar"
it

had an ambiguous

might mean Allah is great or Ibrahim "Ala suggested Haji

meaning as 15 Allah is Akbar.

Zil^rullahae

A^bam."
1* 15
16

16

Akbar

was

very

much

displeased

Badauni,

II,

p. 213.

/bid., p. 213.

Literally
title

it

means,
or

The

of Zill-ullah

"To remember God Miadow of God was

p. 230.

is

the greatest thing.

"

already assumed by

Sultans like Iltutmish, Balban, Firoz, Shershah.

Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi by

Ziauddin Barni, pp. 70-75 and Tabqat,

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

that his

229

"
told,

words had been so distorted and he only no man who felt his weakness would claim

Divinity."

This showed the angularity of Haji of humility that ran through Ibrahim and spirit

Akbar.

Commentary on

the

Quran

1575-76 A.D.

Qazi Jalaluddin

was asked

to

write a

com-

mentary on the Quran along with other Mullas. Badauni says that this led to great dissensions

amongsl them and sharply divided the theocratic into two Thus par;y groups. unconsciously Badauni gave Akbar a compliment. The marriage
debate had exposed the diversity of interpretations of the sacred texts and variety of texts themselves.

Indeed Akbar was

justified

in his desire to

have

an authorised commentary, all the more so when " he found that the commentary led to great
'

dissensions.

If

Mullas differed so

much amongst

themselves, certainly Akbar would incur the wrath of one or the other party of the Mullas according
as he

would accept or reject and comments. Later on we

their interpretations

shall

find that

it is

these interpreters

responsible for

"

"

their conduct were more Akbar a way from the leading so.

who by

path

if

he had done

230

THE DIN-MLAHI

Translation of Sacred

Hindu Books

1575-76 A.D.

The Atharva Veda was given

to

for translation

Bhawan, a Deccani Brahmin; Shaikh Badauni and Haji Ibrahim also took part
Besides
the

Faizi,
in
it.

the funny comments made by Badauni on Atharva Veda, he took Akbar to task for Badauni in his fanatitranslating Hindu Books.

cism refused to observe that long before him, the Hindu religious books and philosophy and no fess

Greek had been

slation.

filtered

into

Islam through tran-

Harun-al-Rashid, and Shah Mansur were

translators
;

famous

a peep into
17

Sultan

Mahmud's
in

or Alberuni's archives,

even of

orthodox Firoz

Tughluq's would convince

opposition

us that Badauni

was only

out-Islamising

Islam and that

too not in a spirit worthy of his knowledge.

Pilgrim Department

Opened

1576-77 A.D.
Sincerity
this

and devotedness
is

of

Akbar 's

soul during

period

very well illustrated by organisation

17

Names

of Sanskiit books translated

by Alberuni may be found

in

Sushan's Introduction, E.

&
'

D.,

Vol.

VI,

Appendix

to last

chapter.

See
aur

my article,

published in

Bulbul,' Calcutta, in 1936, July

and " Arab

Hindiwthan Ke Taloqat

"

by Yusuf Suleiman Nadvi, Allahabad.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

231

of the pilgrim department at the expense of the state

which has already been

18

referred
is

to

in

chapter

III.

Haj (pilgrimage)
of

a Muslim

means

and
the

an incumbent duty for no Indian Muslim

pilgri-

sovereign not even

to

Aurangzeb, undertook a

Akbar it must mage be said that, if politics prevented him from undertaking a journey, he gave all facility for the same to
Mecca.
credit

To

of

all

of

his subjects.

The

pilgrim

department of

Akbar will ever remain a glorious chapter in the life and achievement of the greatest of the Muslim Kings of Hindustan. He had his own fleet for " " which contained pilgrimage named Jahaj-i-Ilahi
one hundred ships.
19

Kamargah Hunt
1577-78 A.D.

While on
the

his usual royal hunt,

he had a trance
This
is

and he immediately stopped

beginning
of his

royal hunt.
of

prohibition

animal

slaughter.
for

Akbar

has

been much

condemned

stopping animal slaughter and this has been ascribed to the Buddhist and Jain influence. But

chronology

tells

humanitarian

us that the background of these regulations may be found in the

the

innate contemplative humanitarian instinct of Akbar,

not

traced

to

Jains

and Buddhists
not
63-64.

who
to
his

came

after 1880.

Trances were

new

W See ante, Chapter III, pp. " Badauni, II, pp. 260-61.

232

THE DIN-MLAHI
life,

experience. Late in
cried out in

the

big as that

feed on

it

agony oi soul, of an elephant so that all world might " There was no question of Jain and
in

"

Emperor is said to have Oh, had I the body as

Buddhist influence
slaughter,
it

the

stopping

of

animal

came

as a matter of course.

Khutba Read

in

the

Name

of

Afybar

1577-78 A. D.

As

has been pointed

out

in the

Appendix

to

Chapter IV on the so-called Infallibility Decree, the recital of the Khutba had a deeper significance than

an ordinary

recital of the

same.

Sijdah
1

578-79 A.D.
21

In this year, as Badauni says, Shaikh Tajuddin called (Prostration) and introduced Sijdah

it

Zaminbos
the

(kissing

the
to

ground).

reverence

due

Looking on a King as an absolute

called the
face
of
of

"

religious

command, he
Ka'ba-i-Muradat

the

king as

(Sanctum

desires)

and Qibla-i-Hajat (Goal

50

of necessities)."

Akbar
Khutba was
Firoz

See ante, Chapter V,

p. 94;

J.R.A

S.,

1924, p. 594.

read in personal names by almost

all

the Sultans of India including

Shah, even by some provincial governor*.

Lane-poole, Coins of Bi.

Museum,
'1

pp. 73-75.
II,

Badauni,

pp. 266-67.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

has been

233

for this Sijdah. V. A. Akbar almost claimed divinity by demanding Sijdah which was due to God only. Blochmann suggests that ** starting from divine right theory of kingship, Akbar almost claimed

much maligned
that

Smith says

divinity

in the

end."

Mulla Sheri wrote a

has laid claim

satire,

The king

this year

To

be a prophet.
will

After the lapse of a year, please God,

He

become God."
is

Now
God
that

the question

is,

whether Sijdah
to

claimed by

only and
it

is

due

Him,

or precedents

showed
next

was

sometimes offered to

men

too.

The

point

is,

whether Akbar introduced

it

as a religious

command or as a court many other customs.

claimed by

custom, as he did introduce

could be

Really in the orthodox

sense, Sijdah

and is due to God alone and But in some sacred books there are to none else. " references against this view. Sijdah is due to

God

only

God and
and

to

one

who

has been

"

made complete "

into

whom
to
22

has been breathed

My

(God's)

inspiration."

obeisance
Iblis

As such, angels were asked to make Adam. They did obeisance but
In this sense as
is

did not.

Shaikh Tajuddin

held,

"

if

obeisance

due

to

one

who

is

complete,

Quran, edited by

Muhammad

All,

Note on SijdaH,

30-1280B

234
certainly

THE
the

DIN-I-ILAHI

most perfect
it

King who is the Insan-i-Kamil or the " and man, is a fit subject for Sijdah

is

called Sijdah-i-Tazim.

light Shaikh Taijuddin brought forward some apocryphal traditions and practices of some of the disciples of Shaikhs of India. 23 Yakub

Possibly in this

of Kashmir, one of the greatest of the authorities

religious

on

matters also
into

entering

the

supported the view without logical discussions. Apart from

the questions,

whether

Akbar

as the

shadow

of

God

or as the

most
let

perfect

man was

entitled to

Sijdah or not, Sijdah

is

us accept
to

the orthodox view that

offered only
is,

God and

to

none

else.

Now

the question

Akbar was a
custom.

whether Sijdah introduced by religious command or a simple court

Ain. No. 74
24

AbulFazl

in his

in connection with

"

Taslim."

described Sijdah After narrating the

and a new mode of was introduced by Humayun, etiquette Abul Fazl passed over to SJjdah. This shows that it was a part of the court customs, and it had very
Taslim
court
that
little

custom of Kurnish,

connection

with religion,

if

any

at all.

Abul
form of
be
it

Fazl said that

some people objected

to this
it

obeisance and

"His Majesty
the

ordered

to

dis-

continued by

ignorant

and

remitted

to all

ranks, forbidding even his private

attendants

from

13

Jn Islam

" Kings alto are called Zil-1-ullah," shadow of God.

158-59.

54

Ain., Biochmann, pp.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

using
for
it

235

in the

Darbar-i-Am.
to

25

It

was only allowed

"the

eclect
'
'

do so."

And
.

he called

it

Zaminbos

(kissing the ground)

Now
ground

to Sijdah as

a family custom
in

Kissing the

was a ceremony
;

the maternal side of

Akbar

when Kayuk Khan was chosen as the " the members of the assembly prostrated Khaqan
multitude out-

themselves nine times, and the vast

side at the

same
three

time

beat their

foreheads to the

ground
of

Kayuk and
another

followers

then went and did

obeisance

times to the sun.

"

2(

At

the time
table

Akbar,

new custom

of

dinner

was introduced when Akbar 's Central Asian cousin Mirza Suleiman came from Badakshan to Hindu" " " " 27 stan. Kettledium as and Horsetail military honours were already Jn vogue and were
given
to

Beharimal

they

were
so

Central

Asian

honours.

Moreover
anti-Islamic,

if

Zaminbos was
as early

obnoxious and submit to that

late as
28

why
Even

should Badauni
as
1

formality?

577 and as

1593,
25
till

Badauni

offered

Zaminbos.

The
'

text of

Zamibos was introduced

custom
during
till

in India

the time of

Firoz Tughluq.
the

Similarly

by Balban and it was continued was a common Polos

'

court

Sultanate

period.
to his

Islam

Shah Sur would

noble-

not be satisfied

he had received homage

Tripathi,

shoes by the

men
p. 61.
26

of his court.

Some Aspects
163.

of

Muslim Administration,

Howorth, op.
Badauni,
II,

cit. I,

p.

W
28

p. 220.

J.R. A.S., 1869, article

by Blochmann. Sayids were also exempted

from Sijdah.

236
the
that treaty

THE DIN-MLAHI
with Ranthambhor
in

1569

showed

the proud Rajput

to

House

20

should not be com-

manded
up

make

the prostration (Sijdah) on entering

30

the Royal presence.

And

this treaty

was drawn
did exist in

12 years before the so-called apostasy of Akbar.

treaty definitely proves that Sijdah

This

some form

or other long before the promulgation of

.

the Din-i-Ilahi

Translation of the Bible Undertaken

1578-79

AD.
the translation
to this translation

Abul Fazl
of the Bible.

was entrusted with

Orthodox objection
three grounds
:

was based on
(i)

Why
The

should he go in
translation

for the translation of

the Bible, a Christian Scripture?

(ii)

was made

because he be-

lieved in the doctrines of Christianity

and did

it

in

order to propagate that faith.

(HI)

The

translation of the

Bible

"
"

Name Wey

Jesu Christu

"

began

with

instead of usual

Bismillah-ir

Rahman-ir Rahim."

Badauni being a student of history should not have taken exception to the translation of the Bible,
for translations

were

common

sacred books of other religions in Central Asian and Arabic houses.

of

In our chapter on Central Asian Background, we have shown that a love of culture had pervaded the
19
3o

Smith, Akbar, p. 99.

Ibid., p. 99.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

family of Chengiz and

237

Timur and

it

was almost

instinctive in those families.

Discussion on religions,

acquaintance

with other nation's Revelations and

attempts of Kublei

Khan

to find

common

synthetic

formula would always shine as glorious examples of inquisitive Central Asian minds.

Now

the Semitic

Arabs excepted, Khalifas

like

Omar, Mansur, Harun-al-Rashid, have

butions to make. Sultan

their contri-

Mahmud, Mansur,
of
Firoz,

Falaki,

Alberuni

(the

scholar),

Khalid Khani and Zainul

are

Abdin, a court writer

their collections

famous

for

from Scriptures of other nations. So, by tradition Akbar made no departure from Islamic Canons when he ordered the
translations
translation of the Bible.

and

Then Badauni wanted

' *

his readers to understand

that

His Majesty firmly

believed in the truth of

to

Christianity

and wishing

Jesus, ordered prince

in

spread the doctrine of Murad to take a few lessons

Christianity

under good auspices and charged

translate

Abul

Fazl

to

the

Gospel."

Now

the

Christians arrived

on the 28th

of February, in 1578,

and Akbar ordered the

translations

of the Bible in

March. Was he so completely influenced by the Jesuit Fathers that within less than four weeks of their arrival he believed in their doctrines and
wishing to propagate
lated?
It
;

them, had
strange

the Bible transfor

looks rather
least

man

like

Akbar
life

at

subsequent
it.

readings of Akbar's

do not support

238

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Badauni's great proof of Akbar's apostasy is that Akbar asked Abul Fazl to begin the translation " " with Ai Name Wey Jesu Christu and omit " "
Bismillah-ir

Rahman-ir Rahim
1

Faizi further
la

completed that couplet adding

"

Subhanaka

SiwakaYahu."*

Badauni intended his readers

to believe that the

change anticipated the anti-Islam and proved the But far from it. pro-Christian in Akbar.

Christian

title

was given
of

to the Christian

Book

in

order to create a
attend

Christian

atmosphere
the

as he did

the discussions

Hindu

Yogis with

up, or of the Jesuits with PortuIf he had done it only with guese costumes on. the Christians there might have been some reason
lit

Hindu marks on Mobeds with fire

his forehead, or of the Zoroastrian

way of Badauni. But he did it with every faith he came in contact with to create Thus when the Bhagabat Gita local atmosphere. " Om the head line used was was translated,
for thinking in the

Sachchidanand.'*

B2

Akbar even after the translation, says Badauni, was that especially on Friday " he would sit up there the whole night nights
of

The tendency

continually

occupied

in

discussing

questions

of

31

Mir Taqi

Similar passages were the

common

fashion

amongst

free thinkers.
12

his

Rahim began his Madanastak with Sri Ganesh Ahmad began Samudrika Ganesh and Ahmadulla invoked Sri Ram, Swaraswati
; ;

and Ganesh

in his

Nayika Bhed.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

religion

239
ns

whether

fundamental
tells

or

collateral,"

Soon
of

after this

Badauni

us,

"Akbar

distri-

buted a charity of

five lacs of

rupees to the Sharifs

Mecca through Hakim-ul-mulk." The tendency of the mind of Akbar as characterised during this period definitely proves that Akbar could not have
been actuated by so deep a
as to order the translation of
belief in Christianity

the

Bible.

Badauni 's

statement

is

self -contradictory.

578-79 A.D.

During this year Madad-o-ma'ash were reorga" " was issued. Mahzar nised and

The

significance of

these

actions

has

already

been elaborately discussed in Chapter IV and they were more political than religious if at all.

Shaving of Beard Permitted

1579-80 A.D.

Shaving of beard was permitted by a Fatwa of

Haji Ibrahim.

This was a social custom, the infringement of which did not amount to a lapse from Islam.

Regarding the shaving of beard there was a discussion and there were some apocryphal traditions
in
its

favour as

advanced by Haji Ibrahim.

section

No
of

doubt the orthodox

shaving of beard.
33
3*

did

not approve

Badauni,

II,

p. 262.

Leicester University Lecture, Buckler History Section, 1924,

240
But
if

THE DIN-MLAHI
the shaving of beard

meant a lapse from Islam, we think more than half of the Muslim world has lapsed from faith.

The Oath

of

A llegiance and

' *

Four Degrees

1580-81 A.D.

The promulgation
tion of the

of the

Mahzar and

the

recita-

Khutba had

great political

significance.

Akbar was conscious

in

that a flutter

had been created

all

many

circles.

He
In

intended to guard against

it

was a time of great Islam, contingencies. murders and mishaps. Shah Tahmasp political had been murdered in Persia Vizier Sokoli in Rum
;

was

assassinated

the Ismailia assassins had created

of

a terror in the

minds
officer

had broken out and

his

in Bengal,

own

Already a rebellion Behar and in the Punjab Shah Mansur was found to
;

men.

have been implicated in it. Akbar did not know where to place his confidence, and where and when

So he wanted a formal declaration of allegiance by means of Oath of Fealty. It was a sort of Test The test was the readiness to sacrifice ProAct.
not.

Honour and Religion indeed the best To begin with, this oath treasures in a man's life. 35 had nothing to do with his religion of allegiance
perty, Life,
it

was purely a

proclaimed that
3*

Smith cunningly they were the famous four degrees

state
affair.

Oath

of Allegiance

was common

in the

Abbas id period

of Khela-

fat History.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

of his
Din-i-ilahi.

241

But he did not mention the

;

dates of the two events

four degrees were

defined

on the 25th of February, 1581, and the Din-i-Ilahi was promulgated in 582 (February). So this
1

difference in time, the oath preceding

is
50

the

religion

and

Smith has quoted from Badauni he has referred to a letter from incidentally Mirza Jani of Thatta. We have already pointed
very significant.

out that Badauni wrote his Muntakhabut

in
1

Tawarikh
for

592-93 and

as

such

it

was easy
the

him

to

connect the two.

initiation

May
it

be that in

form of
four

the

formal

declaration

contained

similar points, but

does not necessarily follow that

they were meant for all and sundry, as Badauni himself admitted in the next line that the courtiers

only used to recite the Declaration.

In this year,

the

Ilahias

were arrested

for their

alleged apostasy from Islam

and punished.

This

proves beyond not tolerated by Akbar.

doubt that heresy against Islam

was

Nauruz~i-Jalali

Celebrated

1580-81 A.D.

This Persian
festivity

festival

was celebrated with

in this year.

great
this

and ceremonies
in

Probably

was

to allay

the Persian Shia discontent which might Persia

have developed
of his Khelafat

owing

to

assumption

title
36

some time back.

Akbar, p. 215.

The

Persians

Smfcfc,

31

1280B

242
were
at

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

the back of the rebellion of Mirza

Hakim.
in

So gorgeous Persian ceremonies were celebrated

exist

order to soothe the feeling of discontent that might

amongst them.
Expulsion of the Mullas
1581-82 A.D.

The
that

Smith was behind the expulsion of the guardians of Islam,

of

insinuation of Badauni

and

the
its

Mullas,
full

the

anti-Islamic feeling of

Akbar had

play.
37

But,
it

as has

Chapter IV,

was the

been pointed out in rebellious Mullas who had

made

his throne tremble,

and

it

was they who were

is

expelled.

A rebel was a rebel

;

whether a believer or

nonbeliever

the sting of an arrow of a believer

not sweeter than that of a non-believer.

Fortunate

were these Mullas that they were not trampled under foot of elephants and that Akbar was not Alauddin.
1582-83 A.D.
This year was really a vital one in Akbar's life. Badauni mentioned about a dozen and a half
regulations
in
this year

by which he

tried to

prove

that the promulgation of the Din-i-Ilahi

was accom-

other socio-religious changes partly as adjuncts to the new creed and partly as measures

panied by

many

against Islam.
3T

Sec ante, Chapter, IV, pp.

1 1

14,

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

243
in the

Though
year,
really

they have

all

been placed
the

same
;

they were not of

same year

without a diary at hand and writing history long after, Badauni placed all of those regulations together,
in

order to

give

more

force

to

his

conclusions

regarding Akbar's deviation from Islam.

take

We

shall

up some important regulations of this year, and shall try to show that inspite of them, Akbar was not an apostate even if these regulations had
really

been promulgated by him.

"

" A Ifi Era The Era of One Thottsan d Thousand Years introduced
1582-83 A.D.

of

change was introduced with a desire of slighting Islam, why was not the monogram on
If

this

coin

made compulsory? In both new and old monograms

monarchs

his
;

coins,

we

find

we have

instances

of Islamic
places.

using non-Hijri eras in

some
;

Even Muhammad used Rumi era himself Hijri was inaugurated by Khalifa Omar and the It had Hijri era was not a religious injunction. with his commandments. Another no connection reason for starting the new era was his attempt to
introduce more astronomically scientific
of

era
is

instead
astronoto

the

current

lunar

Hijri

era

which
of

mically

defective.

This

attempt

Akbar

change the mode of computation had precedents

in

Omar Khayyam,

the great astronomer-poet of

244
Persia
era

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

who

tried to

bring

some changes
of

in

Hijri
cal-

owing

to the

fundamental defects of lunar

culation.

Alberuni, the great scholar

Ghazni,
58

drew
also

attention to this defect of lunar

of computation
in

calculation.'

The mode

Hindu almanac was

changed in 990 A.H. That clearly proves the angle from which Akbar brought in the changes in the defective system of both Hindu and Muslim
Tarikh-i-Alfi

Eras.

1582-83

A.D.
be
written.

The
from
the

history of

,OCO years was to

Akbar ordered
the

that the date

should be calculated

death

of

the

was accepted by the orthoAs Badauni says that Akbar 's ground for dox. " " was making the change was that the flight
flight,"

"

Prophet

and not from

as

derogatory to him, so the date should

commence
is

with his demise.

of

Right or wrong,

it

matter
in his

opinion.

But there

was much boldness

conception and more in the execution.

Wine

Selling Regulated

1582-83 A.D.

Use of wine was allowed officially by Akbar, a Muslim King. Badauni 's great objection was that Akbar being a Muslim sovereign should not have
formally allowed wine in
36

the

face
art.

of

the

strictest

Encyclopaedia of Religion, see

Omar Khayyam.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

injunction to the contrary.

245

Badauni, inspite of his

great knowledge of history, forgot that in the Turko-

Mughal

families,

wine was almost a family

trait

and

blood-element.

Timur, the Turk, was a confirmed " the woman in Timur 's harem drunkard and V) Abu Mirza had almost a wine-jar in his drank/'
stomach and he could drink
stretch.
for for

21

days
career,

at a

Babar was notorious

his

drinking
as

bouts.

Even

Akbar " 10

in

his

early

Jahangir narrated,

raised

drinking
of

ceremony
the
court

almost to

an art."

The grandees

only vied with each other in getting near to their ideal, the Sultan and each was a miniature edition
of

his

master.

In

Gibbon's phraseology,

'*

the

wine of Shiraz had always prevailed over the laws of the Prophet." Attempts were made by some monarchs from time to time to regulate or prohibit
wine but
to

no purpose.
could not

Balban

inspite of his
it;

in-

human
it

efforts

abolish

Alauddin
lo

inspite of his barbarous ordinances failed

check

So Akbar

like a

wise
Better

man
"

the

"
Impossible
Instead of

without attempting " tried the Possible

Good."

he would allow wine

making the whole of India dry, on medical grounds, and

for

made
ments
39

elaborate
its

arrangements

restricting

and
and
at

controlling
for

sale

and

laid

down

severe punishcarousals

excessive
One

drinking,

Davy's

Institutes.

Christian Priest, San jan,

was present

such a function.
*

Smith, Akbar, p. 114.

246

THE
41

DIN-I-ILAHI
his attempt

disorderly conduct.

Thus
;

was

to bring

drinking within limits

of course his

measures were
re-

not completely successful

mained as

"

wet

"

as

her best attempts to

make

and Mughal India America is to-day inspite "

her

of

dry/'

Prostitutes Segregated

1582-83 A.D.
Regulation
of prostitutes.
of

wine was followed by regulation The prosperity and population of

great attraction to those
to

the capital

was a

"

devil's

agents."

city atmosphere uncontaminated, he segregated them in one corner

In order

keep the

of the city

and

built for

them what

is

known

as

Dancing girls be taken home under certain conditions but might no prostitutes. There was a register in which

Shaitanpura or the devil's quarters.

names of all prostitute-hunters were to be entered. Thus was effected a great check on the new
entrants
fault
at

least;

for

this

legislation

Akbar's
with

was indeed

that

he

was

"

cursed

reason."

Dogs and Boars Reared up

1582-83 A.D.

Badauni was almost wild with rage when he narrated the story of dogs and boars, the most
41

Harun-al-Rashid used to lake wine on medical advice (Arabian

Nights).

Bu Ali
"
(treatise

Senai,

the

great

Arabic

scholar,
for

in

his

famous

"

Qanun

on medicine), praised wine

medical reason*

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

unclean things for a believer.
42

247

Animals were there were kept in the Zoo for hunting purposes Badauni mentioned other kinds of animals too. the dogs and boars, for their presence meant only
;

defilement in Islam.
chitas

There were camels, bears,

dogs,
boars, buffa-

(leopards),

elephants,

mules and many varieties of birds, as loes, Abul Fazl informed us. There could be no objection to a king's maintaining a Zoo. Hunting was a passion in the Timurid family. Akbar had 43 caressed dogs when a child at his father's place.

Hunting dogs were always kept in the family. " Timur had his falcon, his dogs as his compa"
nions
in his

hunting excursions.

Dog

racing

was a

fashion in the 16th century India,

44

and as such there

were dogs kept and maintained by the grandees of the age In Fiqh there is a discussion whether
a

game hunted by a dog could be taken the decision was that it could be taken.
dog was not always unclean. were tamed for hunting and
householders.
In
for

or not

and

In that case

Arabia dogs
protection
of

Regarding boars, Badauni told that the Hindus persuaded him that boar was one of the ten forms,

which the dlv n

;

So Badauni 's
<* 43

sly

assumed in coming down." suggestio i was that by allowing

ty

ll>

Badauni,

II,

p 314-15.
1,

Akbarnama,
Badauni,
II,

Beveridge, p. 589.
69.

Badauni,

II.

p. 314.

248
boars, love of

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Hindus was expressed. But so far as Akbar's belief in incarnation was concerned, the
discussions of the Ibadat

Khana were

explicit that

he

did not believe in incarnation

idea
of

and laughed at the " the All Perfect assuming the form of an
fish or

animal

(a

a boar)."

4G

The speech

of the

Philosopher,

therefore,

contradicts

what Badauni
rearing

wanted

his readers to believe.

The

up

of a

dog or keeping boar in a royal zoological garden had no connection with his Din-i-Ilahi.
Flesh of Wild Boar and of Tiger Allowed

1582-83 A.D.

Indeed

this

kind of meat was allowed not for

for

the Muslims but

the

Hindus.

Hindus were
In

permitted

to take flesh of

those

kinds of meat.

the

Ramayana,
dainties.
If

hunted wild boar was one of the

47 Tiger meat was allowed in Central Asia. Badauni had mentioned the occasion when

the regulation
of those for
tion

was introduced and

also

the

names

they were meant, the complicawould have been removed. During the

whom

Chitor expedition (1568-69), the army included heterogeneous elements and principally there were

Rajputs and Turks; amongst the former, boar meat was sanctioned and among the latter tiger meat was

46

Dabistan,
Firdousi,

II,

p. 91.
II,

Shahnama; Badauni,

p. 317 (Original).

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

sanctioned and not for Muslims
in

249
This

general.

permission was given long before his alleged so it had no connection with the Din-iapostasy Ilahi. Badauni in order to give more force to his
;

apostasy, placed the event in the year of the Hahi.

Din-i-

Use of

Silk

<*

n d Gold was Allowed

1582-83 A.D.

There are decisions against the use of silk and But the Prophet himself once gold no doubt. wore silk which came from the Roman Empire.
It

was a
to

military necessity at the

soldiers

time of Khalifa
to

Omar
owing
ed,

that

were asked

give
it

up

silk

the very nature of the

that

stuff

contain-

time they were generally at war. followers were denied the ordinary luxuries of body and in the time of Omar the people were debarred from using silk. But as soon as
for at

The

Muslims had strongly entrenched themselves in their position, Khalifas like Mu'awiya, Rashid and others began to enjoy luxuries of body and used to wear silk. Sher Shah presented to Shaikh Byram
the

a fine piece of Bengal silk/ 8

The Sadr

of

Akbar's court used

Islamic people

to

wear

silk

and

permitted the use of silk where

in large quantities.

it

was produced changed their

them-

dress almost in every country they domiciled

4*

Pringle Kennedy,

of>. cif., I,

p. 209,

32-12808

250
selves in.

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Babar himself introduced the Kazal-bash

(red cap), a Persian custom,

amongst

his

49

troops.

use of a chapman down to the ankle is not Arabian custom but was introduced from Persia an

The

and
These

Turkey
within

long

after

Muhammad's
"
group and

death.

are of course

occasional

commandments
lapse
is

"

falling

M'ashrati

no defection from Faith.

Marriage Regulated
1582-83 A. D.
In Islam, of course marriage
in age except puberty.

has no restriction

Any

one that can produce

permitted to marry and any woman who 50 can bear a child is a fit subject for that contract. a child
is

But

at the instance of

Prince Salim,
1 ;

51

Akbar pro-

mulgated this regulation in 582 it is improbable for Salim to promulgate this regulation as he v/as
at

that

time only

3 years of age, unmarried

to

and

was not mature enough

reaching
regulation

understand

the far-

implications

of
1

was put
'*

in

This marriage laws. 582 like many others in

1 '

order

to

prove

lapse of Akbar.
1

However, the

law was that no boy below 6 and no girl below 4 should marry and that a cousin or a near relation
1

should not be married because in that case the

49

Erskine

of>.

cit.,

p. 244.

80

Muhammadan Law by D. F. Mulla, Akbarnama. Vol III, p. 503,

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

52

251

sexual appetite was small. Really, what the social reformers have found and decided in the twentieth
century,

the

great anticipator did

four

hundred

years
'

earlier

and he
'

is
.

a criminal because he was

cursed with reason

Feast at Death
Birth

Discouraged and that

at

Encouraged

1582-83 A.D.
because he was out to Akbar had done something in accordance with the Law. Here is an instance to the point. The death feast for Muslims in India was an Indian custom and has no connection with Islam where it was un" 53
criticise

Badauni must
if

do so even

lawful.

There can be no sense," said Akbar, in offering food which is material to the spirit of he could not certainly the dead person, since
experience any benefit fiom
fore,
it;

much
of

better,

there-

would
' '

it

be, on the day

any one's birth

to

make

that

a high feast day."

at birth-feast

And

Hadis

enjoins that

one goat to be sacrificed for daughter and two for a son." Anniversary were always observed in Central Asian feasts That is a custom indeed. Prophet's families.
birth
is

always celebrated in
p. 315.
p. 424.

"

Milad-un Nabi."

Badauni,

II,

Herklot Qanun-i-Islam,

252

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
their

Many Muslims
in

celebrate
of

own

birth
It

imitation

of that

the

Prophet.

days has no

connection with Mazhab.

Prayers of Islam,

Azan and Haj Stopped

1582-83 A.D.

"
said
said,

Pilgrimages were

henceforth

forbidden," so

Baduani.

"

But were they ? Again Badauni Friday prayers were not stopped." Baduani's
is,

statement

therefore, self -contradictory.

61

Once
Fathulla
to

more he
of
offer

said that the

new Sadr Sayid Mir

appointed in
1

Shir az,

who was

582, used

Shia prayers in public.

Soon

after

Badauni
Mu'azzin
house
50

mentioned of Shaikh Arif Hosain, the

(criers for prayers), calling for prayers

at the

Abul Fazl near the portico five times a day. Akbar himself offered prayers after the death of Abul Fazl long after the Din was promulgated. 56 Akbar said prayers personally on his grave. Badauni would have been true had he said that prayers and Azan were stopped in the unauthorised mosques, built during and after rebellions in Bengal and Behar and instances can be found in the life
of
of

the

Prophet

when he

ordered the demolition of

unauthorised mosques as he did at Medina.

M
65

Badauni.

II.

p. 3 6.
1

Darbar-i Akbari, Hosain

Azad
I8I. foot

Tabqat-i-Akbari,

E 6

D, Vol. V, p.

note

I.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

So
cerned,
of the
far as
it is

253

stopping of the pilgrimage was cona distortion of facts. After the discovery

embezzlement of the pilgrim grant by Mir-iAkbar stopped grants to pilgrims for some Haj,
time.

We

know

it

from

Du

Jarric that the

Third

Mission (1594) while proceeding to Lahore, saw a large number of people going to Mecca on pilof

grimage from the port of Guzrat. Even the ladies the royal familes were found sailing towards

Mecca long
titution of

Din was promulgated. His insJahaj-i-llahi will ever remain a monument

after the

of his

achievements.

Nizamuddin
or

"

says,

Akbar
the

appointed Mir-i-Haj, to conduct a caravan

leader

of

the

pilgrimage
like

from

Hindustan

caravans from Egypt and Syria to the Holy place.

design was carried out and every year a party of enlightened men of Hind received provision for
their

The

journey from

the royal
"'

treasury

and went

under an appointed leader from the port of Guzrat

to the

Holy places."

Arabic Reading Discouraged and Curricula

Changed
1582-83 A.D.

The

regulation

read

thus

"

The

common

people should no longer learn Arabic because such

57

Tabqat-i-Akbari,

E &

D, V, p. 391.

254

THE DIN-MLAHI
58

people generally cause mischief."

bited
for

It

was

prohi-

the

common

people,

who

half educated

as they generally were, often half

understood and
intricacies

more often misunderstood the

of

the

Arabic language with its pun and play on dots. They should be easily led by the Mullas to believe
disbelieve anything to suit their convenience as has been the case during the Bengal rebellion. The Maulavis in charge of the Madrasas attached
or
to

Mosques were
e

of the type

of

Abdu-n Nabi and

Ab Julia
th
their

Sultanpuri.

Mullas during the

The demonstration given by Ibaclat Khana discussions of

their

understanding of Arabic language with

of

differences

interpretation

was not

very

en-

couraging/
a
a

Akbar had seen

the baneful effects of

exclusive attention to theology.

spirit

Being infused with

to substitute

of Renaissance,

Akbar desired
of

curricula

with

introduction

philosophy,

astronomy, medicine, mathematics, poetry,

novels
of pure

and other

cultural subjects

in

the

place

literary Arabic.

In language, he

than to

gave more attention to Persian Arabic and Hindi and extended royal

patronage to the
Persian being the
of

development of pure Persian,

common
and

language of the scholars

poetry, of

art

of literature.

The

fulness

53

The Far man

of 495

A. H. ran

"
thus,

Prohibit the basest people

arose from

from learning science

these people.*'

in the cities

because often insurrection

Dabistan,

II,

p. 99.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

of

255

Akbar's Empire was overflowing and Akbar's age

was the Augustan age of Persian literature in India. According to Abul Fazl there were over 50 poets
1

from Persia alone not

Persian.

to

speak of Indian poets in

fancy for
fault with

no crime if Akbar had taken a It was purely Persian words and phraseology to
Badauni found
to
-

the exclusion of Arabic alphabets.

Akbar

that

he asked his poets

-

exclude
^
)

^* purely Arabic letter (> ^ henceforth &\ &-& was and

-

Ji>

w>

written

41>1

<J^I

1 his play upon words and dots was a characteristic Faizi wrote a famous commentary of the age.

on the Quran where no dot was used on the top and another where no dot was at the bottom.

"

"
Qurans

were Destroyed

1582-83 A.D.
Yes,
they

were.

But which ones

the un-

authorised ones written and distributed by mischief

makers during the rebellions in Bengal and Behar and not all Qurans. The description of the Pries ;s of the 1st and 2nd Missions pointed out that qurans
were destroyed between 1578 and 1584. the period of the Bengal rebellion and just
That
after.
is

is

This synchronism with the per;od of rebellion a It was measure against significant.

rebellions.

Even Khalifa Osman did destroy un-

authorised quranc.
**

copy of the Quran which

II,

Badauni,

p. 316.

256

THE DIN-HLAHI
not

was

a version

of

the

real recitation of the

Prophet from the Message brought by Gabriel was no Quran and its destruction was no crime.

Names

of

Ahmad, Muhammad, Mustafa

at Court.

Not Allowed
1582-83

AD.
No, Akbar's own name

Was

it

compulsory

was Jalaluddin Muhammad.

courtiers of that
is

There

name

in his court.

were many But this much

of

true that he discouraged the association

those
is

sacred

names with
due
It

frail

mortal beings.
of

This

not certainly

to

his hatred

the hallowed

names
frail

of Islam.

was a

Sufi

mode
is
it

not to associate

human

beings with that sacred

name

of the

Prophet.

Orthodox custom
is

that as soon as the

name
the

of the Prophet

uttered,

should be followed

with usual

"

Sallallaho."

In ordinary conversation,
is

name

of a

man like Muhammad

uttered,

cer-

tainly the
fore,

customary epithet is not mentioned. There-

it was better that the sacred name was dropped.

Even Badauni advocated a similar idea when he had to utter the name of Fatima in connection with " To call such miserable an unchaste woman.
wretches by
the

name

of

our

blessed Prophet's

daughter would indeed be wrong," says Badauni. And still in the same breath, he would curse

Akbar

for

doing so.
11

61

Badauni,

II.

p. 324.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

257

The Assembly

"
of Forty

was Inaugurated

1583-83 A.D.

was an intellectual assembly of the wise men and had behind it a purely Islamic tradition, known as The Chihil Tanan or the The forty Abdals.
It
' '
'

'

* '

'

After

the death of

Muhammad,
Earth
felt

the last of the long

that she could

series of prophets, the

no

longer be honoured by prophets walking on her God promised, so runs the story, that surface.
there

should

men, Abdals,
Earth remain."
It

always be on earth "Forty holy for whose sake He would let the

was

clear

from the discussions

in the Ibadat

the authorities, for they were so

on and so varied. many So this body of intellectuals was inaugurated who " decided questions, as Badauni tells us, according
that

Khana

no absolute

reliance could be placed

to

reason and not

by tradition/'
of culture as that

In that age of

Renaissance,

a child
of

Akbar was,

it

was in famous

fitness
**

things
It

he should form the

fitting

Forty." of the Ibadat Khana.

was

the

culmination

Alms Houses were

Established with Separate

Establishments

1583-84 A.D.

Badauni was so uncharitable

33-1280B

that

he

could

hardly brook the idea of even humanitarian regula-

258
tions
if

THE
that

DIN-I-ILAHI

humanity concerned the non-Muslims. Akbar only carried on the work of Sher Shah
established Poor
in

when he

Houses
of
his

for

the

Hindus

separately

imitiation

great

predecessor
establishspirit

Sher Shah

who had

started

separate

ments
of

in Sarais.

That showed the

catholic

Emperor and the sympathetic sentiments of that great ruler of men. But Mulla Badauni would not appreciate it, for, to him humanity meant
the

only Muslim humanity.

Dice Play and Interest Taking

1

583-84 A.D.

If

dice

harm.

play was for play's sake, there was no But if it was on stake basis, certainly
within the Mazhabi group

Akbar

infringed an important injunction of religion.

it

But was

Ilahi

Era was Introduced

1

584-85 A.D.
it

Indeed
scientific

it

was

was a purely

political

and

era in

consonance with the

spirit of the

It had no age of Scholasticism and Renaissance. It showed his breadth connection with religion.

of

vision

and length of wisdom.

Prof. Brendry
Ilahi

has exposed the myth of apostasy behind the

Era in his book on the

"

Ilahi

Era."

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

Salim's Marriage and

259

Hindu Manners

1585-86 A.D.

The
are

festivities

at

the

marriage of Salim were

the

mostly Hindu.
generally

The customs and usages of mothers

followed

during
of the

marriage

ceremonials.

The

elasticity

temperament has allowed them to and customs of any country of higher culture wherever they had gone. In China the Turks accepted
Chinese manners,
Arabian,
introduced
in

Turko-Mongol accept manners

Russia Russian,
Indian.

in

Arabia
Rezia

and
the
;

in

India

Sultana

paraphernalia

Royal umbrella as a monarchical Sekander Lodi introduced the

in

system
kings.

of
It

weighing

gold

like the ancient

Hindu

was a purely

social

matter where no
in.

religious implication should

come

The dead

to

be Buried with head

towards the East

1

585-86 A.D.
the
there

Akbar indeed looked upon life-giving force of the world and

Sun
is

as

the

no doubt

that he gained some miraculous powers by Yogic Preference of one direction to another practices.

was due to the influence of these occult practices. Akbar himself slept with his head towards the
east.

260

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

This has been interpreted by the orthodox as a mark of slight, for Akbar allowed the dead to stay
in grave with their feet towards the west
in

which

direction

lay
to

Mecca.

What Akbar
to the east.

did had no
Incidentally
to

reference

Mecca but
his

and unconsciously
Mecca,
it

action

had a reference

being towards the west of India.

to

Brahmins Allowed

Decide Litigations

amongst

Hindus
1585-86 A.D.

This

is

just

the
It

official

recognition

of

Sher

Shah's procedure.
to

requisition
trials

judicial

was no new thing in India in the services of the Brahmins Even extremely involving Hindus.
different

orthodox Muslim Sultans in

India

parts

of

had done

it.

The angle

of vision

shown by

Abdulla Sultanpuri during the trial of the Mathura 62 Brahmin only convinced Akbar of the necessity
of such a step.

Badauni
bitterly

felt

this

appointment of

Hindu Pandits
"

especially because they came

after the dismissal of the

Muslim Qazis.
the

"
Allah-o-Akbar

Introduced in

Mode

Greetings instead of
1

"

of

A s-Salam-o-A lai^um

585-86 A.D.
it.

Yes, Akbar did

of

Was
has
II.

it

not a social custom

Akhlaqi group
6*

As

been noticed before,

Badauni,

p. 128.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

261

changes had often been made in manners and customs of Islamic peoples in different parts of

world where they

It

settled or

made
1

conversions.

was introduced in 585-86 and the Din-iHahi in 1582-83. no immediate It had necessarily connection with the Din-i-Ilahi as it came four The whole trouble came from the years after. " Akbar." Was it used as an adjective word "' " '* the great or did it refer to Akbar meaning But it was no crime for the son of personally."

Humayun
was not
the law

to

have the name "Akbar"

for

which he
violation,

responsible.
fell into

Even

if

it

was a

the Ma'sharti (social) group

and

not Mazhabi (religious) group.

1586-90 A.D.

These were the years of war in Sind in which Akbar was personally busy and no new regulations
have been ascribed
to these years.

"

Sati

"
Discouraged

1590-91 A.D.

The burning

of

widows on

the funeral pyre of

If Akbar was a their husbands was discouraged. believer in Hinduism, he should not have stopped But he did it a sacred custom of the Hindus.

only

to

prevent a cruel custom whether

Hindu

or Muslim.
belief at all.

And it had no

reference to his religious

262

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Circumcision was to

fee

Done

not Before 12th

Year and that too Optional

1590-91 A.D.

was a Jewish custom adopted by Islam. Akbar 's regulation was that it should be made optional and should be done, if at all, at an age when boys could understand what it was. Here Akbar gave every man a choice and opporIt

have a play of his reason. Indeed the child of Reason as he was, he could not deny it
tunity to
to others.

against Islam.

According to the orthodox section, it was But Akbar had been cursed for

having his

own

reason.
is

The

circumcision

only

social

custom

adopted to suit the hygienic condition of the Semitic This law of circumcision was not adopted people.

by

all

Aryan

Christians

even when they

were

converted to Islam.

1591-92 A.D.

Badauni said that many new regulations were introduced this year but did not mention what they
were.

This was the time when Badauni was under

orders of suspension
for

overstanding leave and

producing a false medical certificate from Hakim Ain-ul-Muluk of Delhi. If there was any very objectionable regulation, certainly he would have

mentioned them.

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

263

"Cremation of a Darshaniya
1592-93 A,D.
Dr. Smith, quoting from
fantastic

Badauni, says that a

'

regulation

was made

for the

disciples

(Ilahian) chelas.

"

If

any of the

whether

man

Darshaniya disciples died, or woman, they should have some

uncooked grains and a burnt brick round the neck of the corpse and thrown into river, and then they
should take out the corpse and burn where no water was." 68
it

at

a place

The
Badauni

regulation quoted above

left his

has no meaning.
;

sentence half finished

out what he

when he
left
I

could not

make
"

meant,

he

the

entire regulation untold with the

remark,

"

cannot

mention here

ignorance or wilful omission?

to

This ceremonial seems

effect to this regulation,

be peculiar.

To

give
:

two things are necessary

not be entombed
river.
;

( 1 )

The body must

(2)

There must be a
definitely

Now we know
also

what Akbar himself

said about the last rites of Birbar.

The body was

Therefore,
at

cremated

in

certain

cases.

least in those cases

where the body was cremated, the regulation became necessarily ineffective.
w
Smith, P 219.
.

264

THE DIN-HLAHI

a river was not always to be found where a In such cases the regulation Darshaniya might die.

And

became
If

ineffective.

was actually put into practice, of course if there was any such one, Badauni So our should have mentioned the whole of it.
this regulation

conclusion
or

is

that the quotation

was
it all.

either

distorted

Badauni did not understand

Registration of Marriages

1592-93 A.D.

One man, one wife regarding marriage. being the law, a record and registration was
inevitable
if
it

This was a corollary to a previous regulation " "

was meant

to

be

effective.

And
alone.

Akbar meant business and not pious wishes It was a pure administration of affairs.
Toleration Granted to All Religions

1593-94 A.D.

The

root

of

troubles

lay

in

his

policy

of

universal toleration.

The Mulla

section of

Islam

claimed thai Islam was the only repository of truths and hence there was no scope of compromise with
other
faiths.

examples of
W
Quran,

Does not the Quran bristle with rl the highest form of toleration dees not
;

II,

259.

"Cultural

Fellowship" by

A. Chakravarti,

published by Thacker Spink, Calcutta, pp. 34-39,

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

the example of

265
spirit

Muhammad
battle

typify

the

of

compromise

after the

of Badr?

When

he

granted the Jews and Christians right to stay and worship in the Darul-islam did not the Quran " " ? There is no compulsion in Religion assure,
If

the

latter

converts,

in

order

to

suit

their

convenience changed or distorted his teachings, Islam was not responsible. Akbar in preaching
universal toleration
of the

Prophet

in

was only following the path its true spirit and perspective.
of

The

forces of time, the spirit

Renaissance,
of

the

Sufi tendencies of the age,

the teachings

Shah
saints

Abdul
were

Latif

constant

association

with

the

of different creeds of the age

all

and

his innate

nature
the
of

responsible for that open

of

preaching of
in

principle

universal

toleration

the

land

Hindustan

erst

while torn asunder by the

bitter

attacks of orthodoxy.

Freedom of Building Churches

1593-94 A.D.

To

the Christian

priests,

Akbar granted the

it

right of building churches.

belief in Christianity or

Was

actuated by his

by

his spite against

Islam?
of these

Or was
indeed.

it

a part of the Din-i-Ilahi?

None

He

did not believe in the doctrine of Christian-

ity in its entirety.

This

is

proved by his questions

34-1280B

266
to the

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

clergymen in the Ibadat Khana.

Christian

Fathers could not satisfy

him so far as the Trinity, the Sonship of God and Virginity of Mary were concerned. Earnest and long attempt of saints all but proved like Rudolf to convert Akbar
futile.

There was no question of

spite

against

Islam

when
plained

Islam

was

pitted

against

Christianity.

Instances are not rare

when

the

Akbar 's bias More than once Akbar had

of

"

clergymen com"
Christianity.

against
to

warn

the Christian

priests of the

danger of using unguarded language Further Badauni against the Mullas or their faith. " and Smith said, after the Lahore fire, Akbar

had turned back

to Islam."
in

If

so,

how
after

could he

have been actuated

1592-93

he
to

had
grant
?

returned to Islam, by spite against Islam

to the Christians the

right

of

building churches

Therefore, neither was there any lapse from Islam, nor was there any coming in, nor any spite against
Islam.

So

far as

concerned,

may

permission to build churches was we ask if it was a part of the Din-

churches for Christians? certainly not, as has been pointed out previously in Chapter IV.
i-Ilahi to build

Was

not

Azam Khan
oppose

an Hahian

Did he not

strongly

this rpeasure permitting the Chris-

tians to build their churches ?

From

the above discussion of the regulations of

that

Emperor Akbar, it is clear had Islamic background.

most of
of

his

Some

"Ains" them ha'd

THE PERIOD OF LEGISLATION

267

precedents in the actions of Khalifas or Sultans that preceded him. Others were allowed by the Shariat ;

"

for reasons of State

"

many more were

conditions

necessi-

of the by Empire and such changes were permissible in the Muslim dominions inhabited by non-Muslims. 65 It
tated

the social or economic

not proper to brand Akbar as an " because he promulgated those Ains." apostate Of course, Badauni did brand Akbar as an
is

therefore,

apostate

and there was personal

bias for his

doing

so as has been metioned in the appendix following.

Tritton,

Non~Mulim

Subjects in Muslim Empire, Introduction.

CHAPTER

VI

APPENDIX
BADAUNI AND HIS
'

MUNTAKHABU-T TAWARIKH'

Abdul Qadir,
pupils of
all

and Abul Fazl were the the famous Shaikh Mubarak in 558, and
Faizi
1

three

were

brilliant scholars.

Faizi specialised
in

medicine and poetry, and history, and Badauni

in

Abul Fazl
in

theology
logic.

grammar and

In 1573,

Abdul Qadir was introduced

debate against
attracted
'

to court

and
of

he accepted a Madad-i-Ma'ash.
In

course of a

Ibrahim

Sarhind,

he

first

the attention of the

Emperor who was much

pleased to see the range

of his theological learning/

And

he was selected
'

often to debate in the Ibadat

Khana

to

break the

pride

of

the

learning

of

the Mullas.'

Abdul

Qadir took much

of

interest

and
the

displayed consider-

able knowledge in the naughty and subtle problems

Abul "the high opinion, which Akbar had formed of Abdul Qadir 's learning and disputational powers, was transferred to Abul Fazl whose boldness of thought and breadth of opinion dazzled the court and excited the jealousy " and envy of the Ulama. 1
theology.
into

But

after

introduction of

Fazl

the

court

J.

R. A.

S., 1869,

Bloehinaim'e

life

of

APPENDIX
In the beginning,

269
that
to

Akbar thought
end he regretted
*

Badauni
find

was a

Sufi but in the

that

2 Badauni was only a A bit sun-dried Mulla/ of Badauni s mind could be read in his reply to Akbar 's question enquiring as to why he v/anted

to join the expedition against

Rana Kika.
*

Badauni
joming

proudly
the

declared

that

his

intention in
8

war was

to kill the infidels/

The

first literary

production of Badauni was Kitab-ul Ahadis dealwith the excellence of ing, among oilier things,
'

expedition

against the

infidels/

Badauni

was

entrusted with translation

Mahabhaiat along with some other scholars and for this he cursed his lot that he had to write the names of gods
of the

of the infidels

Badauni's mother

died in

589

he

took

leave

and

went

home

with

MS.

copy of the Khirad Afza, a very favourite book of Akbar. He overstayed leave by one year and moreover lo~i u A e copy of Khirad Afza and dared
not appear before the Sovereign.

At

last

on

the

recommendation

of

F'aizi,

Badauni was allowed to appeai before His Majesty at Lahore and was restored to favour (1 591-92).
In 1593,

Abul Fazl helped

on the day
for

Badauni
of

to

attract

favour

of

A kbar

Nau Ruz and was

Mutwali
*

recommended
A in,

the post of a
N.
2.

of the

Blochmann,
II,

p. 104,

Badauni,

pp. 233-234.

Ibid., p. 234.

Ibid.,

p. 329,

Blochmann,

p.

104 N.

M utwali means keeper of a ehrine or holy place.

270

THE DIN-MLAHI
of Ma'in-ud-din at
to

tomb him
ul

Ajmer.
for

But Akbar liked

literary
gifts

stay

at

court

his

and

entrusted

him with
In
1

the task of translation of

Bahr-

Asmar.

593-94, Badauni

completed the
hear that his

third part of the T'arikh-i-Alfi.

In 1595, Faizi died

to

and Badauni was much relieved

rival
at

court, in religion,

nay

in life,

had

left

the

world.

Mulla Badauni
7
;

expressed

his

devilish
life,

venom

for,

if

he could not beat Faizi in

he

Akbar liked Badauni in spite of his lurid taste and bitter orthodoxy for his Till the end of his life (1595?) literary merits.
must do so
at his death.

Badauni continued

in the court of

Akbar.

Badauni' s Angle of Vision

From
of

a brief sketch of the

life

of

BaHauni

at

the court of Akbar,

we have
1

seen him as a holder

bighas of
land, as

Madad-i-Ma'ash of
of

,000

Imam

Wednesday
as

prayer, as a soldier against

of

Rana Kika,
the

translator

books,

whereas his
laureate
of

rival in school

had

risen to be the poet

Empire, his junior comrade was the highest naturally he lost the balance dignitary of the state
;

of his mind.

On

more

than one occasion, he

that of

'deplored his lot

Faizi.
8

and envied

Abul Fazl and

'

Badauni,
in

II.

p. 420;

III,

pp. 414-5.

"

A dog

has gone

from tit*

world
*

an abominable
II,

state.

He was

a miserable hellish dog.

"

Badauni,

p. 271.

APPENDIX
In his childhood

271

Badauni had been trained on

His maternal

the lines

of

an

orthodox Mulla.

grand-father
recitation

of

Muluk Shah taught him grammar, the Quran and Islamic law. Once
pay a
visit to

Badauni

set out to

Shaikh

Muhammad
*

Ghaus, a highly revered Mulla of the age. As soon as Badauni saw that the pious Shaikh rose

up

to

do honour
'

to

Hindus
Badauni

he
'

felt

obliged to

forego the

pleasure.
9

styled

Sufism as

nonsense

in

connection
tolerate

with

Sharif

Ami.

Badauni could not

Sunni
;

anything that was non-

Sunni,

when a Shia was wrongly murdered by a Badauni had not a word of sympathy for
he immediately consigned to no other reason but that he was a Shia.
innumerable instances when Badauni
facts

the dead Shia

hell

whom

for

There

are

concocted
conclusion

or

distorted

them

to

suit

his

As for spoke only half truth. example, Badauni interdicts Akbar for having given permission for the use of boar meat against laws of the Shariat. But he never mentioned
or

whether the permission was given to Muslims or to anybody else and what was the occasion for it.

The permission was indeed given

soldiers

to the

Rajput

boar meat was permissible and the occasion was the Chitor expedition where

amongst

whom

both
the

Hindu and Muslim same ranks. Moreover,

soldiers

fought

in

the

permission was

J.R.A S. 1869, Blochmann'

life

of Badauni.

272

THE
'

DIN-I-ILAHI
*

given not only for

boar meat

but also for tiger's

meat which was

regards the

permissible

among Turks.
cow's

As
flesh,

regulation
that

forbidding

Badauni said

Akbar had stopped killing of cows in order to show his love for Hindu wives, and that he was actuated by an anti-Islamic feeling.
But the entire regulation taken as a whole reads

"
otherwise,

Nor

flesh of

cows, buffaloes,

sheep

and camels be taken, for they are domestic animals." But honest Badauni only mentioned cows,
for the

mention of the buffaloes, sheep and camels

his

would defeat
of

of half quotation
*

A glorious example purpose. was regarding the reconversion a Hindu woman who had fallen in love with
She

(Hindu woman) should be 10 taken by force and be given to the family/ But Badauni did not menlion ths other part of
a

Muslim.

the regulation which dealt with

"

Muharnmadan lady nor should a Muslim woman who had been in

a

love with
Islam.

Hindu be prevented
According
to

from

joining

"

Badauni

Akbar

had
the

ordered the

destruction of mosques.

But Badauni

did not mention the date of the regulation and

occasion for
it.

The whole

regulation

would have

been

clear,

had he mentioned thai the regulation

came

Bengal rebellion when those mosques of rebellion (unauthorised) were used as centres
after the

10

Dabittan,
/bid.

II,

p. 413.

APPENDIX
such as the Masjid-i-Zarar in
Prophet.
In his

273
the

time of

the

blind

fanaticism

and

spiteful

venom
lost

against

Faizi

and

Abul

Fazl,

he had

the

balance of

his

intention of Badauni

judgment and we think the real was not so much to revile the

Emperor as to revile the wickedness of the sons of Mubarak. In reviling them, he had to revile the more than he possibly intended to, only Emperor to show the length of the apostasy to which the Emperor had been led by the designing brothers/ In his anger Badauni sometimes said that Akbar was a Christian, another time that he was a fireworshipper and a third time that he was a respecter of cows/ that is, he was a Hindu. "Akbar
'

'

believed,"

said

Badauni,

"

in the

truth
to

of

the

Christian religion

and being willing

spread the
to

doctrine of Jesus, ordered prince

Murad
Jarric

take

few lessons
to translate

in Christianity

and charged Abul

Fazl

says that Akbar took some lessons in Portuguese himself so that he could follow their discussions in original.

the Gospel."

Du

Soon

after

Badauni said

worshipper and uttered

Akbar was a sunone thousand and eight

that

names

of the

We
fact that

Sun every morning. should not lose sight of the

important
1

when

he began to write his Muntakhab in 590 the charge of he was labouring under
the court

absenting himself from

without leave,

when he was
35

liable for the loss of a favourite

book

I280B

274
of Akbar,

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

named Khirad Afza, and when he was refused an interview at Bhambar after the discovery of his forgery of a certificate from Hakim Ain-ulMulk of Delhi. What better things could be expected of him at a time when his whole On the other hand one existence was at stake ? of early years was enjoying the of his comrades
reputation of being the chief poet of
the

age,

and

Indeed he another the chief uatyl of the Empire. was suffering from the complex of jealousy against
his

school

mates.
his

injustice

that

merit

Smarting under a sense of had not been properly

Badauni's hand
could

recognised and respected,

not give anything better. Badauni dared not publish his

'*

Cream

Muntakhabat

"

of History

during his life time;

when

the

book was published during the reign of Jahangir, " at the baseness of the he became so infuriated he ordered the son of Badauni to be lies that
imprisoned and his property to

be

confiscated/'
all

He

further

took

an agreement from
* 4

the booksell

sellers of the capital that they

should not
says,

the

book.
said

12

Even Khafi Khan

and which
it

Badauni has

many

things regarding the

quite incredible
to repeat or

Emperor which are would be improper

Indeed
it

commit

to writing.

if I

should

retain

one-hundredth part of them

would be

disrespectful to his
12

memory/'
2, p.

13

Ain, Blochmann, Footnote

104.
I,

"

Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul Lubab, Vol.

196.

APPENDIX Badauni was a cynic by nature. respect even for the nearest ties of "
tionship.

275

He had no
human
rela-

Relations

are

like

scorpions in the

harm
by

they do, therefore, be not directed by father's

or mother's brother.
father's
is

For verily sorrow

is

increased

brother,

and

as

for

the

mother's

brother he
If

destitute of all

good

qualities."

these be the ideas of a

man
the

about his cousin

or uncle, can

we

expect anything better than

what

he wrote about Faizi or

the

Hindu official of Emperor, we mean Birbal? Nowhere Birbal

adjective

has been mentioned without his favourite

hellish

dog," most disgraceful aspersions on Birbal that 14 This is the he had incest with his own daughter.
cast

a wretch.

"

In his

venom he

man who
is

wrote the history

of

true

that

tongue
tries

may
to

lie

Akbar; indeed it but pen cannot, and

is

however
to

one

do so he

unconsciously

found between the

lines of his

pen.

To

be

fair

could only quote Major Nassau " it would be Lees and join with him in saying
grossest

Akbar, we

piece

of injustice to the
15

dead Emperor

to

present the public

his

with Abdul Qadir's

review of

character
it.

and no other/'

And V. A.

Smith

has done

H
15

Badauni,

II,

p. 312.

J.R.A.S., Great Britain, 1868.

CHAPTER
THE
DIN-I-ILAHI IN

VII

PROMULGATION

Significance of the Promulgation

The

Sufi creed of the Din-i-IIahi

1

was promulAccording

gated in the beginning of the year

to Bartoli there

582.

mulgation of

was a formal council before the pro" 1 old Shaikh the Din-i-Hahi, and an
to

(Mubarak) was sent

in

proclaim in

all

quarters that

a short time the law to be professed throughout the Mughal Empire would be sent from the court

and
it

that they should

make themselves ready

it

to take

for the best

and accept

with reverence whatever

The

authority of Bartoli regarding the formal council

It

should
or

not

go unchallenged.
referred

has not been touched

Christian
or

by Nizamuddin
native
authors.

Abul

Fazl, nor by any contemporary

Badauni

incidently

to

a council meeting for renovating the religion of

is

the

Empire.
?

But what

that council

Was

it

the

occasion for

the

Mazhar
should

Badauni

who

nevei spared

Akbar

for his religious opinions,

its

have given more details on the council and

proceedings

on

the other

hand

Bartoli

who compiled
to Bartoli

a book in 1663 A.D., three quarters

referred

of a century after the alleged council meeting, gave the account

to.

Moreover according

one

of

the Shaikhs, a most distin-

guished old man,

'

whom

Smith identified as Shaikh Mubarak

was sent
Shaikh

to proclaim

in all quarters the

coming

of the

new
:

creed.'

Now

Mubarak was at that time a man of 82 years was it possible to send him to all quarters at such an old age to proclaim the coming
religion ?

THE
it

DIN-I-ILAHI IN
2

PROMULGATION

277

do not know anything more about the embassy of Mubarak moreover the tone and language do not fit in with the Happy Sayings
might be.
;

We

of

'

Akbar,
I

Why
am

should

claim to guide
3

men

before

myself

guided/

Principles of the Din-i-llahi

Smith

says

that

the

principles

of the system

were not properly defined and there was a good deal of uncertainty as to its meaning till 587 Really it was undefined,' as it was no new religion
1
.
'

it

was the summing up

any written
scope for
treatise

of the old.

In the absence

of

much

on the subject there was Von Noer is of imagination.

that of

opinion that the system was like

the

Freeto

masons
declare

or Illuminati.
it

So

it

was not necessary

in

public.

Badauni also says that the

religion

Mujtahid of
pository
of

the

new

was
of
to

the

only

re4

the

fundamentals
relates

the

faith.

Badauni 's narrative

rituals
lities

only

the

exterior

of

the

creed

and described the

forma-

Badauni gave his reader hardly any new information about the principles
2

observed by Akbar.

The language

of

the proposed

embassy sounds exactly

'

like the

Biblical story of Jesus corning with

new

religion,

Lo

Comes
not

Light.'
it,

The whole passage

and
3
*

of Bartoli (pp. 175-77) has a Biblical touch

in

round
fit

is

most un-Mughal

atmosphere.
'

The language does

Sayings.'

in

with the Mughal colour.

Akbarnama, Appendix,
Badauni,
II,

Happy

p. 349

278
of the creed.
fied

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Like an ordinary Mulla he identithe fundamentals with the collaterals, and

formalities

were

mistaken

for

principles.

Abul

Fazl in Ain No. 77 on the subject of His Majesty as the spiritual guide of the people," began in a
Sufic strain but left the subject with

"

a pious wish,

should

my

occupations

allow sufficient leisure

of life be granted
5
* '

and should another term

is

me,

it

my

intention to lay before the

' '

world a separate

volume on the
'
'

subject

gave him no leisure, nor to him and we have lost a separate was granted volume on the subject. The Portuguese missionaries who visited the court during this period had
their

"

occupations another term of life

His

peculiar

mode

of describing

things,

they

generally mixed up gossip with

often than not deprived truth of
its

fact

which more
if

essence

there

was

The only author who narrated the fundamentals of the Din-i-Ilahi was Mohsin Fani
any.''

who

has described a part of it in his famous "Dabistan-i-Mazahib. The Dabistan did not directly
of the system through the
in course of

discuss the Din-i-Ilahi but has indirectly expressed

inner principles
of

mouth

the Philosopher
of

a dialogue.

The
Shah

authority

Mohsin
son of

Fani

was

Mirza

Muhammad,
directly

from

Azam

Baigh Khan who knew it Khan a member of the Din-i-

5
6

Ain, Blochmann, p

166.

East India Association Journal, London, 1915, p. 29S.

THE DIN-MLAHI
Ilahi.

IN

PROMULGATION

279

Mohsin Fani was a sympathetic observer unlike Badauni or Portuguese priests ; and there is a touch of romance in his way of speaking a thing.

The Philosopher
the

of the

Dabistan
of a

Emperor

at the

end

represented debate where general

who

the

champions of other

faiths

were present, pro:

pounded
(1)

the Din-i-Ilahi in ten virtues

Liberality

and beneficence.

(2)

Forgiveness of the evil doer and repulsion of anger with mildness.

(3)

(4)

Abstinence from worldly desires. Care of freedom from the bonds of the
worldly existence and violence as well
as accumulating precious stores for the
future real

and perpetual world.

devotion in the
the

(5)

Wisdom and
actions.

frequent
of

meditation on

consequences

(6)

Strength

of

dexterous

prudence in the

desire of marvellous actions.

(7) Soft voice, gentle

words, pleasing speechwith brethren,

so
that

es for every body.

(8)

Good

treatment

their will

may

have the precedence to

our own.
(9)

perfect alienation

perfect

from creatures and a attachment to the Supreme

Being.
(
1

0) Dedication of soul in the love of

God and
all.

union with

God

the preserver of

280

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
of

The whole philosophy

stress

Akbar was

"
:

The

pure Shast and the pure sight never err."

Great

was thus
of

laid

purity

outlook

on purity of individual life and on affairs of life. Practices

* '

Akbar and his Happy Sayings as quoted by Abul Fazl, bear out the truth that lay behind Akbar 's philosophy.
followed by
In discussing the Sufi system of

Akbar, we canceremonies
of brotherhood

not

lose sight of

its

rituals

and

priests,

and

practices, initiations

and symbols

of the Sufi creed, for they are the concomitant parts

of the system.

Indeed in every religion whether

primary or subsidiary, formalities are given as prominence as the ideal to be worshipped.

much The
The
based
the

development of a religion has

the religious experience
difference

in

its

background
is

of

the

propounder.
for

amongst great
worship
is

religious systems

not on any
object

difference in the ultimate ideal,

of

but what they differ

almost everywhere the same, in, is in the form of worship.

on the path but not on the destination. Really speaking the formalities and rituals are no ends in themselves, but are only means to some

The war

is

end.

But unfortunately the history of religion has shown that the forms apparently are regarded as
of

ends,

and ends lose themselves in the labyrinths forms and more new creeds have developed not
;

by way

of difference of

fundamentals but

by the

Ain, No. 77, Blochmann, p.

166.

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI IN
of

PROMULGATION
formalities,
rituals

281

way

of

difference

and

ceremonies.
Priests

was no priesthood and " that is why Blochmann Akbar solely opines, on his influence and example, had estabrelying lished no priesthood and had appointed no proper
In the Din-i-Ilahi, there
'*

persons to propagate his faith."

Von Noer

there was no priesthood in the Din-i-Ilahi it being confined to the select few." But to us it appears

"

says,

Din was never regarded by Akbar as a new religion and therefore, there was no need of a separate priesthood and separate church so natural and so
that the

common

to the

promulgation of a new

faith.

More-

is no priesthood and it has been condemned in unequivocal terms by the orthodox. From Islamic point of view, Akbar is justified in

over in Islam there

not having any priesthood in the system.

Tajuddin
of

was the expounder

creed.
10

of

the

exterior

rites

the

The

Mujtahids
Faizi.
11

were
the

Abul
is

Fazl
to

and

his brother
learnt

Azam Khan
of

said

have

the rules

new

order from

Abul
fact

Fazl

who
of

according to
rules
of

Badauni, was the

discipleship.
In

repository

the
priests

separate

were not

necessary

nor a

A in,

BIocKmann,
I.,

p, 212.

Dabistan,

p. 94.

Badauni,

II.,

p. 349.

36-1280B

282 mosque,
follower
attained
capacity.
for
it

THE DIN-MLAHI was a

Sufi

order of Islam within

Islam depending on individual

experience
to

of

the

and was only open

a
certain

men who had

to enter into

stage
'

of

development based on
'

Akbar before allowing anyone

the

order

made

'

'

clearing search
12

and

' '

every

strictness

and reluctance was shown by His Majesty

in admitting novices."

Of

course

it

could not be

fact that all those

who

entered into the order were

without

exception,
in

actuated

by a deep religious

conviction; royal favour was the prime " object, though His Majesty did everything to get Nor did Akbar himself this out of their heads/'

some

play the part of a Pope, as Smith would have his

readers believe,
for
I

Akbar himself used

to
I

say

"

am

myself 13 Like his great Indian predecessor guided." Asok, 1800 years back, he issued a general order to all state officials to look after the spiritual deve

Why

should

claim to guide

men

before

lopment of

"

all subjects.

The Governor ought

not to oppose the creed

and

religion of the creatures of

God

in as

much

as

a wise

man

chooses not his loss in the

affair of this

should he knowingly tend to perishable world, perdition in the religious world which is permanent

how

and

eternal ?

If

God
our
if

be with his
controversy

faith,

then thou

thyself

carriest

against

God

and

God

fails

and opposition him and he know-

M u

Ain, Blochrnann, Ain/No.

Ibid, p. 1*3,

77, p. 165,

THE DIN-MLAHI
ingly

IN

PROMULGATION

283

takes

the

himself a rule

wrong way, then he proves to of erroneous profession, which

assistance, not
acts,

demand
diction
;

pity

and

enmity or contrawell, bears friendhis

for

he,

who
* '

and thinks
In the
to

ship to every sect/'

officers

14

were

required

same Farman show veneration

by
in the

those

who

were

distinguished

devotion to

incomparable God,
Toleration

and pray
' '

morning and
instructions.

evening and at mindight.

was the

basis of these

Du Jarric informed God ought to be

veneration."

us that

Akbar

often used to say,

worshipped with every kind of Unconsciously his doctrine of non-

inter ventiofi in religion

the propagation of the

was the best missionary for Din as Akbar conceived it.

the

Again he
might
not by
if

says,

"If
creed
15

people

wished

it,

they

adopt his

that religion ought to

and His Majesty declared be established by choice and

Indeed, the Quran says that

violence."

God wished
but

the whole

world
not

might have been

willed
it,

Islamised
right has

when God has

to

what
Islam

compel people to come to by force Badauni says that some people Akbar why he did not make use of the the most convincing proof such as Shah
;

man

asked

sword
Ismail

at Persia

had done.
I,

Akbar
p. 429.

replied,

"Confidence

U
'*

Dabistan,

p. 97

and

Payne, op. cit. p. 25, footnote; Dabistan, I, p. 97. " There ! no compulsion in religion." Quran.

284
in

THE
as a leader

DIN-I-ILAHI

him

was a matter

of time

and good

counsel,

Are not five-sixths Salim, Akbar said, mankind either unbelievers or Hindus? If
actuated

and he did not require the sword.." "

To
all

of

were

by motives similar to those which thou ownest, what would remain to me but to destroy " them all ? (Shea and Troyer, p. cxlvii.)
Initiation

The

fitness of the intending entrants

was

tested

by his readiness to sacrifice Property, Life, Religion and Honour. It was not that each of the Ilahians

would be
treasures
sacrifice

in

a position
lire

to

sacrifice
;

all

those four

of

all

at

one time

some

might
stage

one and some two and so on.

The
"

of

the entrant

was

styled

in

a
called
' '

nomenclature

peculiar to the order

and was

Degree."

They were
"

stated to

have obtained
according
as

Two

"
offer
lh

One Degree
were
in a

Degrees
to

they

position

one or

more

of those

precious

possessions.
as

"

oath of

These four degrees were defined " in 1579 when the Din-i-Ilahi fealty
of,

was not even thought

the throne.

as

marks of

loyalty to

When
in

the Din
the

was promulgated they

In

were included
politics
16

preliminaries.

Islam,

and

religion

were often combined.

So

In Sufi

orders also are four stages according to the position,

in his devotional life.

which the Murid attains

See ante, pp. 23-24.

different stages

In the Tradition (Hadis),

Muhammad

mentioned of

spiritual order of a

man 's

life.

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

PROMULGATION
of
loyalty in
in

285
politics,

what was defined as marks

became

stages in

Badauni says,
irrespective of

"

spiritual

eminence

religion.

courtiers
their

of all shades

and creeds

names down

put their as faithful disciples of the throne/'

religious

opinions

Before introduction

into

the order the

entrant

was examined and

for initiation.
17

if

found

fit,

would be admitted

on Sundays.
the

The new entrant was introduced The intending was to approach

Emperor with his turban on the ground and on approaching the Emperor should bow his forehead down to His Majesty's feet. Abul Fazl says, ihe tuiban is the sombol of "this is symbolical conceit and selfishness, so putting off of the Turban
;

symbolised the putting

off of pride

and conceit."
raised

19

The Emperoi accepted him

the ground

as usual with Sufi as his disciple

mode

of initiation,

and

and put the turban on his initiation was by batch of twelve and by turns. They were to offer Zaminbos io the Emperor.

him from head. The

Symbol

of Brotherhood

and the Chelas

"
Chelas,"
Jl

The

"

"
Initiated

was

called

an

Indian teim meaning

"
disciples."

They formed
and

a brotherhood
M
18
ll)

amongst themselves,
I,

had a

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri,

p. 60.
.

Akbar was born on Sunday and died on Sunday Am Blochmann, p. 165. About the inscription
Disciple
is

there are

various opinions.
20

common

Sufi

tenn.

The

llahias

whom Akbar
"
Chclas."

defeated near Afghanistan in 1564 also called themselves

286

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
*
'

in which the shast common symbol called 'Great Name' was engraved and the symbolic " motto of was inscribed. The Allaho Akbar
4
'
' '

' '

teaching
'*

inculcated

was

the

pure Shast

'

'

and

the pure sight shall never err."

Shast

The word
round
"
the symbol

"

Shast

"
literally

means
1

"
anything

either

"

a ring or a bow.'
of
It
1

was

like that

be called

Swastika.'*

The shape of which may fairly ring was wrapped in clothes

studded with jewels and was worn on the top of the

symbol of Brotherhood. On the Shast,' Badauni says that picture of Akbar was engraved. But others say that it " contained only Hu," the Great Name which
turban.
It

was
*

their

might signify
(a)

Allah.

(b)
(c)

As Samad

...

A I Haiy
Alqayyum Ar Rahman Ar Rahim Al Mumin

...

(d)
(e)

...

The Eternal. The Living. The Everlasting. The The

' '

Merciful.
Protector.

(/)

...

the

Qazi Hamadani says that " " "

the great

name

' '

is

word

Hu

or

He
'

God
'

because
Shast

it

has
to

91

Lowe

fctanslatad

Shast as

fih hook.

is

also

used

signify a girdle worn by Fire-worshippers or Hindus.

THE DIN-MLAHI

IN

PROMULGATION
it

287
that

a reference to God's nature as

shows
of

He
"
are

has no other
is

at

His
22

side.

Again the wor'd

epithets
' c

"

Hu

not

derivative.
it.

All

God
is

contained in
tion
is

Possibly Hamadani's interpreta-

true particularly because

Hu

"

a Sufi

term and in his early youth Akbar used to chant " " " " these Sufi terms Ya Hu and Ya Hadi
near the Anuptalao.
this familiar

And

it is

quite probable

that

word should

be repeated in his new

Sufi order.

Rules of Conduct amongst the Disciples

To
used
called
to

the

Emperor,
'

the

Chelas
'

were

to

offer

Zaminbos and
'

The King prostrate before him. Darshan from his window give them
Darshariiya Manzil
23
'

(House of Royal If a member met another he was Appearance). " " to greet him with and the other Allaho Akbar " was to respond with Jalle Jalalahu."

Ain, Blochmann, p.
Ordinarily
cipleship, e.g.,
of

162, F.

N.

2.

a believer introduced

himself

by the

tree

of

dis-

Ahmad,

disciple of

Alam,

disciple of Byezid,

disciple
is

Khabdin ending
83

in the

name

of that disciple to

whom
"

he

sworn.

But an llahian would introduce himself by his symbol

Shast."

Sychophants and flatterers had come for alms and and assembled in front to have a Darshan some " came with a sick baby, others with barren daughter. many were " This may be true. Akbar, by his cured by his miraculous powers. Smith says,
favours in the morning
;

"

constant association with the

powers and used them for the good of some instances of such cures.

Hindu Yogis, had developed some occult Abul Fazl gave hit subjects.

288

THE

D1N-I-ILAHI

Prayer

That there were prayers in the system is evident from his own examples. Probably Akbar offered
prayers three times and not five times in the ortho-

dox manner.
death
of

Akbar

offered
is

prayers
the

after

the

Abul
Advice

Fazl as

custom

with

Muslims.

to provincial

ordinanced prayer three

governors definitely times a day morning,

Abul Fazl had his own on his portico criers (Mu'-azin) for mosque were there. No separate mosque was prayers There was the same raised for the Ilahians.
evening

and

y4

night.

Fazl

Quran for all deemed it

;

till

the

last

day of

his

life

Abul

a part of merit to copy the Quran.

of*' As-Sallam o-alai~

The usual customary form

"
t^um

and

"

"

Alai-T^um-ns-Salarn
that

were changed.

Abul Fazl explained

Akbar

in laying

mode

of salutation intended to
their

remind

down this men to think

to

of the origin of

existence
grateful

and

keep the
25

deity in fresh, lively

and

remembrance."

Practices of an llahian were

(a)

Not

to feast after death,

(b) to feast of life

(c) to

(d)
(e)

during life, avoid flesh as far as possible, not to take anything slain by one's ownself,
butchers,
fishers

not to eat with

and bird

catchers,
24

Dabistan, Vol.

I,

p. 97.

Ain, Blochmann, pp. 158-59,

THE
(/)

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

PROMULGATION
pregnant,
old

289

not
20

to

cohabit

with

and

barren

women

nor with

women

under the age of

puberty.
his

be burnt or buried according to Akbar lamented that religious practices. " the dead body of Birbal had not been brought to 27 it could be burnt." his capital so that

A disciple could

own

26

Dabistan, Vol.

Ill,

p. 91.

Ain, Blochmann, pp. 204-205

37

I280B

CHAPTER
THE
DiN-i-lLAHi IN

VIII

MOVEMENT
for the

The measures adopted by Akbar gation of the Din-i-Ilahi were much

time, at least

propa-

in

advance of

the Inquistition

by 200 years. In Europe, the fire of had set ablaze its religious firma-

ment
the

the prelude to the

drama

of contest

between

Roman

Catholics

and

the Protestants that

was

to

come within the next half a century, was being arranged. The Jesuits in order to increase their
brotherhood had fallen from

with which
recourse to
Jesus.

proud principles had begun, and often had conspiracy and murder in the name of
they

the

In Islam, the bloody traditions of the blood;

thirsty Ismailis

were not yet forgotten the Shia-Sunni contest between the Safavi neighbours and their
Sunni
rivals of

Rum

were but too well known

persecution of
1

to the

circle of Indian brethren.

The

systematic

the Mehdists
1

continued throughout the

the Christian era.
traditions

5th and

6th centuries of
terrible

In

the

midst of those
it

and unholy environments,

that

required

no
be
that

small

Amount

of courage of conviction

and length

of liberalism, to say

"

religion

ought to

established

by choice and not by violence/ and

1

Ain, Blochmann,

p. 169.

THE
what
Islam

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT
to

291

right has

man

to

compel people
vast

come
at

to

by

force."

With

resources

his

command
cried out

if he simply wished he could have it, turned at least half of India to Ilahism. Indeed he

claim to

agony of his soul, guide men, before myself

' '

in the

"

Why
am
"
' '

should
?

guided

and not
of the

Cuius Regio, Bias Religio

is

Religion

King

the religion of the subject." like his

2

European contemporary? " The famous " Forty

1

582

after being

ability

which he reorganised in disgusted with Mulla unchangeand rigidity, had its own contribution to make.

No

even Smith has drawn any infer" ence from the famous Forty" and the Din, both
historian, not

coming

at the

same

time.

They were
debates
in

very
the

closely

related to each other.

The

Ibadat

Khana were no longer as frequently held as they were at the beginning. The discussions and decisions
on knotty points
' '

of
' '
;

law were
there

now

being done there

was no need of a propaForty by decided ganda henceforth everything was to be " Free by reason and not by authority." Like the it was a grouping of the few masons enlightened bound together by common political allegiance, minds
' '

The

by the idea

of ultimate

good

to

humanity, breathing
centre,

the spirit of the great

man who occupied the we mean Akbar, who was the embodiment

of

the

forces of the liberalism of that age of Renaissance in

Air, Blochmann, p.

197.

F.N.I.

292
India.

THE
That
is

DIN-I-ILAHI

why

there

is

no

roll register

nor any
of

definite statement as to the size

and extent
his

the

brotherhood.
not
insist

Abul Fazl
to

said that the

into

Emperor did
even
for

on conversion

order

"those
their

who used

spiritual

acknowledge power from the

in

to

have received
of
his

throne
of

Majesty."

They stood

need

no conversion

though they were intimately connected with the The members of the Din-i-Ilahi circle of Akbar.

may

be divided into two groups

those

accepted the creed in all aspects, internal as well as external forms. (b) those who accepted the "Sfiasf" only.
(a)

who

its

Of
tioned,

the

initiated

disciples

have been

men-

(1)

Shaikh Mubarak. Shaikh

Faizi.

(2)

(3) Jafar (4)

(5)

Beg. Qasim Kahi.

Abul

Fazl.

(6)
(7) (8)

Azam Khan.
Abdus Samad.
Mulla Shah

Muhammad

Shahadad.

(9) Sufi

Ahmad.
Khwaja.
stray

(10)

Mir Sharif Amal.

(11) Sultan

3 A list has been prepared from contemporary authors by Blochmann.

references from different

But he did not mention Prince

Salim.

THE
(12)

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT

293

Mirza Jani Thatta. (13) Taki Shustar. (14) Shaikhzada Gosla Benarasi.

Sadar Jahan. (16) Sadar Jahan 's son, no. (17) Sadar Jahan's son, no.
(15)
(18) Birbal.
(19) Prince Salim.

I.

II.

It is

very

significant

Birbal also called Birbar,

only one of them, was a Hindu. Badauni

that

says that

Akbar was not

4

willing

to

include

the

Hindus

as far as possible.

Of the second class, 'there were many', says Abul Fazl. They were given "Shast" in batches
of twelve
test

on Sundays and had before they were introduced

centre for intiation

to

pass

the usual

to royal

presence.

No other

has been mentioned

proselytising creed but

it was not a was only a Sufi order. As has been pointed out there was no separate mosque for them, and prayers were offered at least thrice

for the Ilahians.

This proves that

daily.

The Contribution
Din-i~Ilahi.

of the Ibadat

Khana

to

the

The principles

of the Din, according to

This statement of Badauni and the actual absence of Hindus

that

in the

circle of the Ilahians definitely refutes the suggestion

political

there

was a
the

move

of 'Imperial unification' behind the

it

promulgation of

Din-i-Ilahi.

If

were

so, there

would have been

deliberate attempt to

get the

Hindus

into the fold.

294

THE

DIN-I-1LAHI

many, ware thrashed out of the fire of the sions of the Ibadat Khana. This is indeed
far as the destructive side

discustrue, so

of

the

Din-i-Ilahi

was

concerned.

destructive phase, the Din has a with the Mulla orthodoxy, their causal connection The abuse and misuse of immobility and pride.
In
its
'

power and position as discovered during the distribution of the Ay mas," the embezzlement of
their

the

pilgrim

grant by

Mir-i-Haj
;

proved that
their

all

that glittered
in

was not gold

of

and

participation

the

rebellion
to

Bengal and Behar shew the

intolerance

length

which

religious
affairs.

could be
dis-

brought in

political

The

religious

putes of the Shias and Sunnis in the Ibadat Khana had led him to doubt the infallibility of both and

convinced him of the necessity of a

new

outlook.

The
Faizi

Sufi brothers

and

their

father

Mubarak,
by
the
in

Sarhindi,

Abul

Fath,

Tajuddin

light of their intellect

had served as torch-bearers

the midst of the darkness of doubts.

ciations with

Constant asso-

had proved to him that God might be perceived even by the saints of other religions. Time, spirit and Central
the
saints of other creeds

Asian mysticism had given a romantic touch to all his actions legacy of his heritage and his early
;

political

vicissitudes

pressionable
there

mind more imand more accommodating. Even if

his

had made

in the Ibadat Khana, would have come in some form or other. changes His birth in a Hindu house, his early association with

were no discussions

THE DIN-MLAHI
the polished Persians, his
his Central

IN

MOVEMENT

295

own impressionable mind,

heritage, the liberal
spirit

Asian mystic
forces of
1

of the age, the

Renaissance, the

Mehdi

movement

of the

Oth Hijri and the influence of the

contemporary Sufis and Saints had moulded his mind. That in India such a profound change of outlook would come was almost a certainty.
Peculiar circumstances
of forces

and favourable combination

that mystic child of

had veered round

Central Asia, born in the mystic land of Sind and

nursed in a mystic association of Iran, and the child

became the

Change. form of the Change was conSo far as the actual cerned much depended on the influence of Sufi
brothers, the

priest of the

Mehdi movement and

general
liberal

personality

of

Akbar.

tendency of time coupled with intellectual ferment could have produced no other form except a very eclectic, elastic

The

and universa one.

"

His soul synchronised with the

pantheistic ecstasy of the Vedas, the universal charity

of

Buddhism, the grandiose poetry of the Solar cult and the profound beauty of Islamic mysticism/'
Nine out of ten commandments,
if

not

all ten,

were

extremely universal and could be found in almost

every religion.
in other

Without going

into

their places

religions,

we may

quote
other

the

followSufi
that

ing

from

the

writers, both in

Quran and and outside

eminent

India, to
in

show

they were absolutely Islamic

ideology.

conception

and

296
(1)

THE DIN-MLAHI
Original Text from Dabistan
:

Translation
A

Liberality
:

and beneficence.
*' Ss A/
I

Arabic parallel passage

'
-

^rxJ

& U/

H*

A*

&' &

l^ii-U

^^ ^^.f

[j

JUJ

cannot attain goodness unless you spend most beloved things of yours.
Translation
:

You

(Al-Quran). Persian Sufi thought

Translation

Try

charity,

Oh

brother

try charity

You
(2)

will

get relief

from

terrible

misery.

(Sadi.)

Original Text from Dabistan

Forgiveness of the evil-doer and repulsion of anger with mildness.

Translation
:

Arabic parallel passages

^so
x

%
-^

..r x

^
X

e/ '

Translation

And

those restrain

their

anger
of

and pardon men, and Allah loves the doers good to others. (Al-Quran.)
Persian Sufi thought
:

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI IN
4A>

MOVEMENT
|

297

su>

du>

jJb

Translation
I

tell

thee

what

is

forbearance,

Whoever gives thee poison, give sugar. Whoever by force tears thy heart, give him gold as mine gives. Be not less than shade-giving tree. Whoever throws a stone at thee, give him fruit.
(Sadi.
(3)

Original Text from Dabistan

I

JLJJ

Translation

Abstinence from worldly desires.

:

Arabic parallel passages

M
/

/lA
that
this

Translation

Know

world's

life

is

only sport and play.

(Al-Quran.)
:

Persian Sufi thought

38

I280B

298
Translation
:

THE DIN-MLAHI

Save thyself from the love of the world.

Drink not the heart's blood for bread and money.
(Bu Ali Qalandar.)
(4)

Original text from Dabistan

j)

freedom from bonds and violence as well as accumulating precious stores for future real and
Translation
:

Care of

of the worldly existence

perpetual world.

Arabic parallel passage sAx x xxyAxxuu

ju

Ju

ju

xA *
'
x^

xAx

Translation -^This worldly

:

life

is

nothing but
life
if

sports

and the other world

(Al-Quran.)
:

is

the real

you

think properly.

Persian Sufi thought

Accumulate your goods as far as you can, but if you have no accumulation you will be ashamed. (Sadi.)
Translation
:

(5)

Original text from Dabistan.

THE DIN-MLAHI
Translation
:

IN

MOVEMENT
devotion
in

299
fre-

Wisdom and

quent meditations on consequences of action.

Arabic parallel passage

xA
y
Ju/A

/
s.

...JBJJ w
x

JbJ| x

Translation

The

pious meditates

on conse-

quence of every action.

Persian Sufi thought
:

(Al-Quran.)

<3Ju)

Translation

He

is

blessed

who

looks

the

consequence
Masnavi.)
(6)

of

actions.

(Jalaluddin

Rumi

Original text from Dabistan

tjJlc

Translation

Strength of dexterous prudence

in the desire of marvellous action.

Arabic parallel passage

Translation

Marvellous

things

have

been
(Al-

expressed

if

you only think them wisely.

Quran.)
Persian Sufi thought
:

300
Translation
;

THE

D1N-I-ILAH1

Below the

curtain of

the cycle
(Sadi.)

of the world, look at the lights that shine.

(7)

Original text from Dabistan

Translation

Soft

voice,

gentle words

and

pleasing speeches for everybody.

Arabic parallel passage

Translation

Speak with gentle and pleasing

words. (Al-Quran.)
Persian Sufi thought
:

Translation

Oh

brother

If

you have wisdom

speak gentle and sweet words. (Fariduddin

(8)

A ttar.)

Original text from Dabistan

>v

1 ranslation

Good

treatment

with

brethren

so that their will

may have
:

precedence to our own.

Arabic parallel passage

Translation

Prefer (them)
afflict

before themselves

though poverty may

them.

(Al-Quran.)

THE

D1N-1-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT

301

Persian Sufithought

Counting

of beads, spreading of
(are

napkins (before

Namaz) and hermit's gown

service of brethren
(9)
(is

no worship) but the

(Sadi.)

the only worship).

Original text from Dabistan.

Translation

A perfect alienation from creatures

Supreme Being.
:

and a

perfect attachment to the

Arabic parallel passage

0Atf0Ax/AAsxA*

Translation

Fly to Allah,

surely

am

a plain

warner from Him. (Al-Quran.)

Persian Sufi thought
:

Translation

For thy salvation, give up the world. Attach thyself to God with faith. (Shamsuddin
:

Tabrizi.)
10.

Original text from Dabistan

Translation

Dedication of soul in the

in the

love of

God and

union with God,

the Benefactor*

302

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI

Arabic parallel passage

x

x\

\n

x x

xAxxA

Translation

Tell,

O, prophet,

All
life

my

good actions, all my sacrifices, all my and death are for Allah who is the
all.

preserver of

(Al-Quran.)
:

Persion Sufi thought

b
Translation
friend
:

^
with
the
to

If

you

desire

to

meet
life

(God)

dedicate

your

your Soul

(God) (Fariduddin Attar.)

commandment was concerned Vedantic touch. The eternal craving of it has a the human soul for a union with the lord and the
So
far as the last

ultimate sublimation
strict

with him

has no direct and

background though many Sufis have stretched Quranic verse no. 163 chap. VI. part III
Islamic
as quoted above to

mean some

thing like that, and

life

accepted

As
for

and philosophy. it as a a Sufi, Akbar cried with brother Sufis like Sadi,
creed in their

Rumi,

Jami,

Hafiz

and
;

Shamshuddin

Tabrizi,

and the Happy Sayings as quoted by Abul Fazl clearly illustrated the view
union with
point of
of his

Him

the great questor.

life,

Regarding the practice

own

we

find a

profound influence of his

THE DIN-HLAHI

IN

MOVEMENT

303

Hindu, Zoroastrian, Jain and Buddhist associates. As an inquisitive inquirer endowed with the spirit
of

reason,

he

learnt

the

Hindu

alchemy and
like

medicine and
his Central

cultivated their

Yoga system;

nomy

Asian ancestor, he believed in astroand astrology; and after his association

he believed that
life

with the Zoroastrian Mobed,

might be lengthened by lightning fire or by the repetition of a thousand names of Sun. Following
the Buddhist custom, he used to shave the crown of
his

head thinking that the soul passed through the

brain.

He

turned

into a vegetarian

later in life;
;

meal a day, slept for 3 hours daily these were actuated by a desire to lenghthen
took one
life

all

his
if

and there was no question

attempted a process
to

of apostasy
life.

man

lengthen his

The
what

reader

must

make

distinction

between
Ilahian

Akbar himself followed and what an

expected to follow.
into the Din-i-Ilahi

was

Much
owing

misconception has crept

to

misunderstanding of
practices
;

Akbar 's personal practices and follower's and for that Badauni is responsible.

The
follow

practices

which he asked
Islamic
in

an Ilahian
origin

to

were mostly

or

had

precedents in the actions of

Islamic monarchs
sanctity or authority

one or more renowned

In chapter
' '

or saints.

behind his
there

Ains
is

'

'

VI, the has been

touch

quoted.

No

doubt that
life

Sufi

throughout his

and actions, but this would have

branding Akbar as an apostate,

been no ground

for

304

THE

DIN-I-ILAHI
interest in

had he not touched the Mulla

bution of religious

the distri-

endowments and turned Them

out of their privileged position.

They Regarding court customs ceremonials were mainly Persian setting on Indian stage acted by a Turko-Mughal of Indian birth. Akbar had
;

spent his early

life

amongst

the

Persians,
of the East

who
and

were

in that

age

the French

men

were famous

for their culture

and refinement. From

them, he imbibed a love for refinement and finish. Thus many Persian festivals, manners and customs

were introduced.
that those Persian
spite

There

is

no reason

to

suppose

customs were introduced out of

His Persian mother,
teacher,

against Arabian Islam.

association,

Persian

Persian

Persian

kinsmen, Persian courtiers had cast a spell on that mystic Central Asian boy born in that age of
transition.

He had

a genius for selection of

men

and

appreciation of talents
to

and

if

he found that

a Persian deserved

be appreciated, he gave him

religious

what he deserved.
spite
for that mystic

Indeed, not out of

but out of love for Persia, "the meet nurse"

child
of the

duced Persian customs and

desert that he intromanners and it had

no connection with
said of

his

apostasy.

many

Khalifas of

may be Arabia who when conintroduced

This

adopted and Persian customs and manners.

quered
Persia

many

In the 16th century India, religious

tual

and

intellec-

upheavals were extremely favourable towards

THE
the

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT

305

development of Sufi orders. Already there were 72 sects in Islam and the Mehdi movement had
created a
of
stir

in the

minds

of

men. The wide scope

commandments, freedom of worship and eclecticism in practices of daily life have given the
the
fraternity a distinct Sufi

Like an orthodox
unity of

Islamic

touch peculiar to the age. Sufi, he believed in the

felt

God
"

like

a Hindu, he

the

universal
fire

presence

of the

Deity.

To him
the

the symbol of
in

and sun
letter

the Supreme Being represented of creation in the vast expanse of nature/'

he was a Mobed, and the Jain principles of harmlessness and sanctity of animal life had almost
as
if

made him
of

a royal ViJ^shu. The Persian etiquette the formula of the daily life and manners formed

an

Ilahian generally.

He was
tion

even more
basis of

eclectic in

manners. Tolerasystem.
beliefs

was the

the

whole
spirit

The
and
Sufi
;

Quranic
the

verses

breathe a

of toleration

Quran was the back-ground of his thought gave him his inspiration for

tolerance

and

not the Mulla interpretation of the Sacred Verses.

Now
of the

the

question

is,

whether the
of

adoption

manners and customs

the contempoiaiy

world and

their inclusion into the list of the court

formalities signified his lapse

5 (a'

from Islam, 6 or whether

life

Ref.

Risal-i-Shibli.

The Prophet

himself adopted the firing machine during his

lime.
lb;

Chapter on Tarajman, p. 4. The Sahabis adopted many foreign

Persian,

social

manners and spoke

foreign languages

Hebrew and

Syriac. Fathul Bui dan, p. 474.

39 -1280B

306
toleration

THE D1N-MLAHI
granted to

non-Muslims
Din-i- Islam
Sufi order

is

enough
not
its

to

brand him as an apostate.

The Din~i-Ilahi or new religion it was a

;

was
with

own

formula
to
in

in

which

all

the

principles

enunciated are

be found in the Quran and in the practices

the

insist

contemporary Sufi orders. Akbar did not on, nor did he like his own practices of

daily life to be followed

by

all

Hahians.

Many
and
the

of his

regulations

and

practices

had no connection with

earlier

the

Din.
later

Some came much

than the Din-i-Ilahi.
cut 8 years prior to the

some
of

were
coin
of

The
Din,

dice

the

was

Taslim
years

Allaho

Akbar

was

formulated

four

after.

that

The gradual changes and adoptions showed the Din was no clear-cut system of religion
had

and

no
by

distinct ethical

code

beyond

that

formulated

the

Ten commandments.
economic and
if

Thus
life

changes

in the

social,

political

of the state

would have come even

the Din were

not there.

The

participation of

the Jains, Sikhs, the

and Christians was

between
1

1582-92,

Din

was evolved
to

early in

the

court.

582 before they had come So the Din had but little or no
those faiths.

connection with

The Din was no

of

Khalifa

Mamun

introduced

many laws

Ardesir of

Persia.

His

ministers were

more Zoroastrians than Muslims.

Many Hindu customs

weie

introduced in royal paraphernalia such as, Royal umbrella, weighing against gold by orthodox Muslim Kings long before Akbar
in India.

THE
religion

DIN-I-ILAHI IN

MOVEMENT
of
it.

307

outside

Islam,
it

nor cut out

An
;

Ilahian never regarded Ilahian

as a separate religion

an

was

often as orthodox

as

a Mulla.

When

toleration

was given khan, an

was granted to the Christians, permission to them for making conversion. AzamIlahian, grew furious and vehemently
it.

protested against
Din-i-Ilahi,

Faizi,

the

Mujtahid of

the

made
after

conversions of the Hindus into

the
of

Islam

even
it

Din was promulgated and

merit to

regarded

an

act

copy the Quran.

of

Some

suggest that

the death

Abul Fazl was

procured by Salim as a protest against his father's religion for which Abul Fazl was supposed to have

been responsible. But this is not warranted by the way

Jahangir
Jahangiri,
forgot

in

which

spoke of "

his

father

in

the

Tuzuk-i-

My

father

never

for

moment

God."

There were personal motives with

Salim; a feeling of jealousy, a sense of insecurity and complex of inferiority to Abul Fazl served as

prime motives of the murder. Bir Singh Bundela, a Hindu, did the murder and not a Muslim. Had

been purely a religious protest why was not a Muslim hired for it ? Smith wants to say that Akbar
it

ceased to be a Muslim at least for a time and quoted

Akbar's own speech to support his view. This misconception of Smith was due to his misreading
of the text of the Ain-i- Akbar i.

The

India

Office

copy from which Mr. Yusuf AH quoted gives a In an open meeting of the true version of the text.

308

THE

DlN-I-ILAHl
in

East India Association

London

in

which both

Dr. Smith and Mr. Yusuf

Ali were present, Smith

was shown

his mistake.

The formula
but God,

of

the

Din "there

is

no God

and Akbar is his representative" as " Badauni says, was not a general creed of the Ilahians, but was meant only for the harem." Even if it were meant for all Ilahians, there would be no
to

necessary opposition

Muslim

Kalema

(Ref.
in

Hadis), as has been suggested by Mr.

his
It

Yusuf Ali

famous

article in the E.I.

Association Journal.

does certainly
6

Akbar's attitude
of the time in

imply a gloss which indicates towards the millennial ideas

which he was confirmed by the warring dissensions on open problems of religion 7 in the Ibadat Khana. May be that he was to some
extent

by a motive similar to that of Erasmus, the Ilahians are as much non-Muslim as 8 were the Covenants of Scotland non-Christians.
attracted

composed by Abul Fazl under instruction from his great master on a temple in Kashmir, illustrates beautifully the soul and craving

The

inscription

of that master

mind

6
7 8

E.

I.

Association Journal, London, 1915, pp. 296-298.

II,

Badauni,

pp. 201-202.

Even during his own time the practices of Akbar were misinterpreted by the orthodox class. Abdwlla Khan Uzbeg wrote to Akbar charging him with apostasy to which Akbar replied refuting thope
charges which have been pieserved in the letters of Abul Fazl,
Daftar-i

called

Abul

Fazl,

compiled by his son-in law.

THE
O, God,

DIN-I-ILAHI IN
in

MOVEMENT
I

309
that
I

every temple

see people

worship Thee,

and

in

every language

hear spoken people praise Thee. Polytheism and Islam feel after Thee.

Each
If it

'

religion

says,

Thou

art

One,

without

equal.'

be a Mosque,
prayer and
if

people murmur Thy holy it be a Christian Church

bell

people ring

Thy

from love of Thee.

Sometime I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometime the Mosque, But it is Thou whom I search from temple to
temple.

Thy

eclect

have no dealings with

:

either

heresy

or

orthodoxy for neither of them stands behind the screen of Thy truth.
to

Heresy

the
:

heretic,

and

religion

to

the

orthodox

But the dust of the petal belongs to the heart

of the perfume-seller."
Indian Antiquary, Col. Wolesey Haig, History of Khandesh.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sources
I

Original
i
1

Secondary
I

Indian (Incl. Turki^

'_

Foreign
|

Post-Akbar Non-Indian authors

|

Modern
authors
!

Jesuits

Literary Archaeological

Numismatic
Pictoiial

Jesuits

Non-Jesuits

Books

Periodicals

Original Indian
1
I

Akbarnama by Abul
by any
to the year
1

Fazl

history written

historian

is by on the

far the

best
It

subject.

comes up
(2)

602

Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazl

to

may
;

be regarded
of a very

as

supplementary
(3)

Akbarnama

it

is

high value.
official
It is an Tabqat-i-Akbari by Nizamuddm. chronology it does not deal with Akbar's

religion directly.
(4)

up to the year 1593-4. Muntakhab-ut Twarikh by Abdul Qadir

It

covers

Badauni.

This

is

very valuable
religion.

source

book

for the study of

Akbar's

He was

a staunch

Mulla and belonged to the anti-reform party in the state (up to 595-6). 1924 A.S.B. Tr. has been used.
1

(5)

In

marriages of

Najatur-Rashid by the same author Akbar are mentioned.

the

BIBLIOGRAPHY
(6)

3
of

Tarikhi-Alfi

"the History

Thousand
rooted
1

years'*

by Maulana

Ahmad
of

written under orders of

this

Akbar.

The

genesis

book

lay

in a belief that Islam

was coming

to a close

000

years after
(7)

Muhammad.
Jahangir-nama

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or
It

by
of

Jahangir.

gives

some

description of the Din-i-

Ilahi specially of the formalities

and ceremonies

initiation of the disciples.

(8)

Waqiyat-i-Jahangiri,
interesting

by Jahangir;
of

It

gives

some
(9)

incidents

Akbar's

life

and

throws light on his religion.

Humayun-nama and Babar nama

give

some

interesting information on the heredity of Akbar. Malf uzat-i-Timuri written by Timur him( 0)
1

self in

Turki.

It is

available in Persian
full

and English
it

translations.

Though

of self praise,

throws

much

light

on Timurid family customs. by Qasim Hindu Shah

It

(11) Tarikh-J-Ferishta
alias Ferishta.
is

widely known in India because it was the source-book of Elphinstone. But it cannot be very much relied upon as the
very
author

depended more on unrecorded

taking
sufficient

traditions

without

pains

to

scrutinise

them.
probably by Mohsin Fani about half a century after Akbar's This book contains very interesting diadeath.
logues of
the
(12) Dabistan-i-Mazahib,

written

Ibadat

Khana and maxims

of the

Din-i-Hahi,

312
(13)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Akhbar-ul-Akhyar
for
to 1572.

by

valuable
India

a knowledge of

Abdul Muslim

Haq
saints

is

in

up

(14) lstalehat-i~Sufia

by Ziaul Indabi;
of
Sufi terms.

it

is

of

help of

interpretations
in

The book

was published

1322 A.H.

Jesuit Sources

Portuguese accounts
relies

(Jesuits)

on

Jesuit authorities too

V. A. Smith much. The Jesuits

were hardly reporting or observing as historians. They were primarily missionaries and largely fortune-seekers.
(1)

"The

Their visions were often prejudiced. Mission to Akbar" first Jesuit

published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal J914). It is a translation of Mongolicae Legationis corn-

men tarius by
(2)
1

Monserrate.
of

Monserrate's account
in Journal

Akbar

written in
of

582 published

and

Proceedings

1912. The Bengal in Relacam has become famous in this connection.

the
Asiatic Society
of
(3)

Persian

Far mans

granted to

the

Jesuits

Moghal Emperor published by Hosten. In them the motive of calling the Portuguese to the
by the
court of
(4)

Akbar may be found.

is

Peruschi

the

earliest

printed

authority

for the missions.

(5)

Bartoli

supplies valuable,

though second-

hand, materials

on Akbar 's

religion.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
(6)

313

De

Souza's account

is

of a later date, publish-

ed in

1710 and contains the account of missions

Payne's famous work
in

from 1564-1585.

"

(7)
is

Akbar and

"
Jesuits
reliable

work

which Payne made a very

scrutiny of Smith's Jesuit sources.

He

has proved

that Smith's Jesuit references are misleading.

Maclagan's recent publication (April, 1932) Mogor" is a book of consi''Jesuits and the
(8)

derable interest but

is

not absolutely faultless.

Non-Jesuits Sources
In

these

sources, occasional references

may be

found about Akbar and the Mughal Empire, sometimes, fantastic but they have very little connection
;

with Akbar 's religion. The prominent of them are Fitch, Mildenhall and Roe.

SECONDARY SOURCES

Modern
(1
)

Writers

The book Elphinstone's History of India. was published in 84 when the sources of Indian
1
1

history were not

written,
(2)

it

Though ably does not satisfy a present-day scholar.

fully

worked

out.

Von
is

Noer,

the

great

German

historian of

Akbar,

possibly one of the few European writers

who have written eastern chronicles

40-1280B

with respect and

314
reverence.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Smith has put him

in

the

roll of

panegyrist like
(3)

Abul

Fazl.

Smith.

"Akbar the Great Mogul," by V. A. He does not generally praise an eastern

monarch nor can he brook any other praising an eastern monarch. He is a great historian no
doubt but he
(4)
is

biased and anti-east.

the
original
histories

The

translators of

of

Mughal such as Blochmann, Gladwin, Raverty, Mr. and Mrs. Beveridge, Lowe, Briggs
the
often left very interesting notes

and others have

the religious

on

views of Akbar.

Of them

certainly

Blochmann and Beveridge

(5)

are very useful.

E. G. Browne, Literary History of Persia.

find references to Sufi doctrines.

In

it

we

(6) Titus,

Indian

Islam.

This book

written

from a Christian's point of view and

with interest.
(7)

may

be read

Mohammad
;

Habib,

Sultan

Muhammad
it.

of

Ghazni

different

aspects of

Semitic

and Aryan

outlook on religion has been discussed in

introduction
(8)
is

The
Shaker
"

of special merit.

Harold Lamb,
It is

Timur

the

Earth

(Temojin).
(9)
It

a general study on

Timur the Lame.

of the Tartars.

"
vivid

Parker,

Thousand Years
picture
of

gives a

early

Turks

in

their

native

home.
Encyclopaedia of Religion, Vol.
I.

(10)

Article

on Akbar by Beveridge has been

in the light of

written purely

Western

interpretations*

BIBLIOGRAPHY
(11) History of the Saracens,
(12) Erskine,

315

How

by Ameer Ali. was India Governed by

in

Islam

Murray's Discoveries and Travels 1802, Vol. II.

(13)

Asia,

(14)

Ethnography
(Royal

of

Upper

India

by

Dr.

Prichard.
cation.)

Geographical

Society

publi-

(15) District Gazetteers of Delhi

(16) Studies in Mysticism,

and Agra.
It

by Nicholson.
at

is

an excellent book
(17) J.
J.

of

its

kind.
Parsis
It is

Modi,

"

the

Court

of

Akbar,"
facts.

Bombay,

1903.

a good production
of

but requires to be rewritten in the light

modern
a uade-

(18)

Hughes, Dictionary

of Islam.

It is

mecum

for students of Islamic History.

(19) Pr ingle

Moghuls.
Mongols,
it

Kennedey, History of the Great Howworth's After of the History

is

very informative.
of

India as told by its Own and Dowson, Vols. V-VIL Historians, by They contain some good extracts from originals and
(20) History
Elliot

may be

consulted by beginners in the

field.

(21) Dineschandr a Sen's History of the Bengali

Language
poetry.

is

valuable for

Hindu gods

in

Muslim
a

(22)

Sind and

its

Sufism

Theosophical

publication

by Gulraj. and gives

It

is

beautiful

glimpses of the tenets of Sufis of Sind.

316
(23)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

H.
all

G.
life

Wells,

History

of

the

World.
It is

Chengiz's
not after
(24)

has been put in a

new

light.

a history.

Quran, by

Muhammad

Ali.

Urdu (Modern)
(1)

by between India and Arabia

in

Arab aur Hindustan ke Talluqat, Nadvi. The relation Maulana Suleiman

is

"

excellently

depicted
to

Urdu.

It

may be

of use to those

who want

work on

the

reciprocal influence of

Hinduism and
Here
the

Islam. Allahabad.
(2)

"Maqalat-i-Shibli,"

Vol.

I.

Muslim writers of Hindu religion have interpreted Hinduism in their own light. Azamghar. (3) Asar-i-Sayeed. It treats of Muslim patronage of Hindu religion.
(4)

Darbar-i-Akbari,
is

by

Muhammad

Hosain

Azad

very

important Urdu work, though not

;

purely historical

it

contains

many

interesting details.

Lahore.
Bengali

"
(1)

Nana

"
Charcha,

(Birbal) for
(2)

by P. ChowdhuryNine gems of Akbar. Calcutta.

Juge Bharater
Excellent
the

"Madhya
fusion
in

"

Sadhana,

KshJtimohan Sen.

lectures

by on Hinduof

Moslem

Middle

Ages

Indian

History. Calcutta.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

317

"
(3)

Moghul

Raj

Bansha,"

by

Ram

Pran

Gupta

for details of

Turko-Moghul family customs.

Calcutta.

Hindi

"
(1)

Prasad.
It is

Hindi ke Mussalman Kabi," by Ganga (Muhammadan poets of Hindi Literature.)

collection

an excellent
of

and should

find a place

in every Library.
(2) Life

Benares.

Abdur

Rahim

Khan Khanan.
(Nawratan.)

Benares.
(3)

Nine Jems of Akbar's Court.

Benares.

Archaeological

The
visited.

Architectural remains should be personally

No amount

of

study

The a personal inspection. read the books and then supplement the reading
by personal
(1)
visit.

be equal to best thing would be to

will

Report of the Archaeological India, 1871-87.

Survey of
Sikri

Mughal Architecture of Fatehpur been described and illustrated by Smith.

(2)

has

(3)
(4)

Akbar's

Tomb
Latiff,

at

Sekandra, by Smith.
Historical

Abdul "

Agra,

and Des-

criptive,

with an account of his court and of

city of

the

modern

Agra."

318

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Numismatic
(1)

Thomas,
1

"

Coins of the Pathan Kings of

Delhi illustrated by coins, inscriptions and other antiquarian remains/ History oi: Akbar's coinage has

some
**

interest

in

the change

of

Bismillah-iHRahman-ir-Rahim

"

Monogram from
to

"

Allaho-

Akbar."
(2)

H. N. Wright, Coins

of the Indian

Museum,

Calcutta.
(3)

Lane-Poole, Coins of the British

Museum

The Mughal Emperors.

Pictorial

attempted through pictures, drawings and paintings of Mughal There are materials enough to form a period.
Uptil
history
pictorial history of

now no

has been

Akbar.

Pictures

may

be found

Museums at Delhi and Agra, in London Museums and in the show rooms of the Delhi Fort. Some old families descending from the period
in the
still

possess

many

beautiful pictures

and drawings
is

of

contemporary

India.

So

far as religion

con-

cerned, pictures of Khankas, Ibadat Khana, shrines

and tombs are valuable.

PERIODICALS CONSULTED
(1)

As.
1

Qu.

Rev., Jan.,

Religion

of

Akbar

898.

(2) Cal. Review., Jan., 1906

by Karkaria. Akbar's Religious

policy.

(Karkaria).

BIBLIOGRAPHY
(3)

319
Religious

Gal.

Review

Oct., 1906

Akbar's

Policy by Karkaria.
(4) (5)

Jan., 1908

J.R.A.S.,

XXI, 1904

Parsis at the Court of

Akbar by
Modi.
(6)

J.

J.

Jain Shasana Vir

.

San

Published at Benares

2437.
(7)

Cal.
tal

Quarterly

Orien-

Review,

Vol.

I.,

1.S24.
(8)

J.R.A.S., Vol. 192-212.

Ill,

pp.

Mughal

Paintings

re: Akbar's Reli-

(9)

Journal and Proceedings

of the Asiatic Society
of

gious Discussions. Monserrate (Hosten.)

Bengal 1922.
Review, Jan.,
1915,

(10) Calcutta

Akbar
Parsis.

and

the

1897.
(11) J.R.A.S.,

pp.

Smith's Article

on

237-43.
(12) J.R.S.B., Part
I,

Akbar's Court.
Vol.
p.

XXXVII,
14.

1868,

(13) J.A.S.B.,

Part

I,

Vol.
113.
(14)

LXV,

pp.

38-

For Jesuit Missions at Akbar's Court.

J.R.A.S., 1869,

p. 20.

Blochmann's Account
of Badauni.

(15)

Asia Major,

II,

1927.

Alphabet of Phagspa.

320
(16) J.R.A.S.,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bombay,

Paintings of the Ibadat

1928.
(17)

Khana.
Smith's
Ibadat

J.R.A.S., 1917

Khana.
(18)

J.R.A.S., 1869
of

For

Badauni's

Account.
(19) Transactions

the

For Blochmann's
ferences.

re-

Bombay
(20) Article

Literary

So-

ciety, 1824.

published from Bombay, 1866.

Ali's article
in

By

Prof.

Rahestsek

"Emperor's

Re' '

(21)

Yusuf

pudiation of Islam. East India Association

Journal,

1915.

"

A New

Standpoint

on

"
(22)

Akbar's Religion." " " Ain-i-Akbari." by A. Akbar in Nigar Sobhan. 1927.

History,
1

(23) Journal of Indian

926.

''Islam in

Kashmir/' by R. C. Hall.
(24)

Ephigraphica
buildings.

Indo-Moslemica.

For Akbar's

For Khelafat pretensions. (26) J,R.A.S., 1844 Bombay Branch. 844. For local laws, (27) Calcutta Review,
(25)

J.R.A.S.,

830.

customs and manners of

(28) Journal of the
(29)

tribal
1

India.

Moslem
for

Institute,

905.

Muslim
articles

Review, 1910.

Allahabad.
interesting

(30)

Islamic Culture

Felix Vayle's
1

on Akbar.

928, Vols.

and

2.

(3

Transactions of the 3rd International Congress for History of Religion, Vol. p. 314

GENERAL INDEX
(Arranged Alphabetically)
(The numbers

same word

refer to pages refeis to Foot Note. the occurs twice or more in the same page, it has been entered
;

'

When

only once in the Index.)

28, 58, 65.75N75.85.99, 104, III. 117. 124, 127, 148, 165. 176. 180, 188 196, 207N43, 21 1.217, 218N7,

Abbas, Shah of Persia, 32N18,

110, III

97,

Abbasid, 33, 106, 128. 240N35 Abdals (.sec Chihil Tanan), 95, 257

227, 234, 234N27, 234,237,247. 252. 255, 268. 269, 270. 275, 276Nl, 278, 280,281,283,285.287N23, 288, 292, 293, 302. 307, 308,

309N8
i

Abdul Latif, 52, 108, 136, 265 Abdul Qadir (see Badauni) Abdul Quddos of Gango, 122
Abdulla Khan, 187, 196 Abdulla Khan Uzbeg, 196

Adam,

14,

Adam Khan

104,233 45, 135N1

AdilShahSur, 135M
Adiswara temple, 162 Aditya, 138 Afghans sec also lurks), 1, 4,6, 61, 89 Ahadis, 76 Kitab-ul Ahadis, 269
f

AbdulL
79,

Niyazi, 67, 68, 70, 75

112,

Abdulla Sultanpuri,
87,
122,

58, 59, 75, 76, 131. 139, 124,

217,228,254 Abdullah (ambassador), 186 Abdu-n Nabi (Sadr-us-Sudur), 56

his
;
;

AhhKitab,

181

Ahmad,
;

222, 238N32, 255

Ahmadulla, 235N32

his orthoattainments, 57 doxy, 58, 60 in charge of Sayurin tfhal lands and Ay mas, 61 the Ibadat Khana, 75, 76; he is
;

Ahrman,

discredited, 78, 79, 85, 87, 94, 108, 112, 120, 121. 122, 124, 125; his death, 126. H3. 139,217,227, 228, 254

Abdur Raharnan, Qazi

85
71

of Mathuia,
19. 20,

Abdur Rahim Khankhan,in,

Abdur Rasul, 62 Abdus Samad, 292

Abul Fazl 56N24. 58122N4, 76N14, N28, 126NI7, 139N8, 152N11. 157, 159N6 16818 IN 16, 203N40, 209N5I, N8, 2I7N2, 218N7. 234N24, 269N2, 274N12, 278N5, 281N9, 282N12, 285N19, 287N22, 288N24, 290N1. 291N2, 307 Ain-ul-Mulk, 262 Akbar A's birth, 25,26,31,39,44; A under Bairam's guardianship, 45,46.47.49; A's early difficuland Blochmann).
41,

156 *Airi-i-Akbari (also see

Abu Ah, Qalaiidar, Abu bin Laila, 227

AbuBkr, 128N1

24

Hanifa, 56, 227 A bu Mirza, 245 Abu Say id Mirza, 39 Abul Falh iGilani), 120, 131, 132, 133. 204, 294 *Abul Fazl <s?e Ain-i-Akbari}, 58N
*

Abu

52, early impressions, 52, Shia influence, 57 66; Sunni background of influence, 57 66 in the Ibadat Khana, 67-69 T A's mental Ibadat Khana, 70 76 condition during this ptriod. 72
ties, 51,

54

ordered, 74-75 pilgrim grant, 77-78 marriage debate, 79 quarrels be-

commentary
;

of the

Quran
;

References in
1280B

connection

with

Ain-i-Akbari

are

from

the

translation
41

by Blochmann, Ed. 1873 A.S.B.

322
tween Shias and

GENERAL INDEX
Sunnis., 80-81
;

Khelafat pretensions of A, 8 1-83;

murder of the Brahmin of Mathura and its effects of A, 85-88; feudoicligious rebellion against A, 8193; reform of education, 94; Sadei dept. reorganised, 94 Mahzar decree (Infallibility 98-115; title of the Khalifa uz;

Zaman,
Sunnis

112, 116, 117, 118, 120; at court, 1 16-127 ; Shias at

239; Alfi Era, 243-244; Wine 244-246 Prostitutes permitted, segregated, 246; Dc?s and Poars reared, 246-248; Silk dress, 249250 marriage regulated, 250-251 Feasts at death and biith, 251 Namaz, Azan, Haj, 252-253; Curiicula of educa!ion reformed, 253-255, alleged destruction of Qurans, 255 256 Sacred names
; ; ; ;
;

court, 127-133;

Hindus

at

court,

133-147;
138-139;

Nine

Jewels at court,
Saints,

137N6; Hindu Books translated,

Hindu
customs,

140;

A's 143-144; views on Hindu incarnation, 146-147; reforms of Hindu pracand Toroastrians, tices, 147; 147-157; A's experiments of Zoroastrian practices, 152-155; Zoro
Hir.du

omitted, 256; Assembly of Forty, 257 Alms house, 257 Dice play, 258 llahi Era, 258 laws of burial, ' disSali 259; Salutation, 260; Circumcision, 262 couraged, 26 Toleration Darshaniya, 263;
;

'

granted, 264-267, Bada^ni and Akbar, 268-275 Nassau Lees on A, 275 Din-i-Ilahi promulgated,
:

aslrian festivals

adopted, 156;

and the

Tains, 157-169;

A and

the

Jews, 169-70;

and

Christians,

A's fir*t acquaintance 170-212; with Christians, 171-173; motives

Christians, 173-186; evaluation of Christian sources of A's history, 174-178; Farman to Goa, 186-187; Debates on religion, 189; Translation of

behind invitation of

the Bible, 190; and Monserrate, 193; quarrel at Daman, 194-196 break up of the first mission, 196197; 2nd mission and its failure, 200-201 A's cautious behaviour with the 3rd mission, 202-203; Christian view of A's religious I ^ahore fire, ^205 quest, 203-204
; ; ;

276-289; principles of the Din, 279; philosophy of A, 2*0 Priests of the Dm. 281-282; A's Farman to his governors, 283 Initiation to Din, 284; Chelas, 285 Shast,' 286 Rules of Conduct of an Ilahian,287; Prayers of the Din 288: Practices, 288; in connection with Estimate of his Din-i-Ilahi, 302-309 Akbar Jami, 129 *Akbarnama (also see Beveridge*, 165N2. 149N>, 73N8. 77N15. 166N3. 167N5, 188N20, I90N22.
; ;

'

I95N30,

206,

247N43,

250N5I,

277N3
Akhbar-ul-Akhiyar, Akhlaqi, 257

UN 16

Alauddin

Khilji, 6. 19, 86, 93, 242,

A and

Xavier, 207; A's legisla:

tions, 216-267

Cho* oWiral
:

li-t

of Regulations, 220-224, Canons and of Test of Laws, ?24-226 27-228 marriage question, and and court seals, 228 22; Trtnslalion of Quran, Hindu Books, 2^0 Pilgrim dept 230-31' Hunting stopped, 231232 Siidah, 232-236; Translation of the Bible, 236-239 Shaving of beard allowed, 239; Oath of allegiance, 240-241 Nawiuz celebrated, 241-242 Mullas exported,

245 Al Beruni, 3 IN 17, 230. 244 Alchemy, 303 Alfi Era, 243
Ali, 127N1

AliMirza Sultan. 41N'43

Allami (see
Faizi)

Alms house, 257

Amir.
73, 98, 113. 119
17, 18
1

Amir Khamau, 6N9, 16, Amir ul Muminin, 84, Angus Dei, 201
Antonio Cabral, 171 Antonio Vaz. 171

Anuptalao, 67, 227. 287

* References in connection with Translation

Akbarnama

are from Beveridge's

GENERAL INDEX
Aquaviva
l6,
197
188,

323

Rudolf,
189, 193,

120,

159,

185,

194, 195, 196,

79, 85N36. 86N37 87,\38, 93N50, 95N53, 101N4, 102, 104 I07N23,

1/ON10,
Q|

III,

112,

II3N22, 115,

Arab Bahadur, Arab Shah, 36

122, 123, 124N8, 125NI3, I26NM5, 127, 130N6. 131N8, 132, I33N14,

Aiabic language. 74; language discouraged 253 Curricula changed 253254, Arabic alphabets substituted by Persian, 255 Ardeshir, 149N2 Ardeshir Bagchan, 142N2 Arhai-dm-ka jhopia, 6 Arif Hasan, 252 Arjun, Sikh Guru 162, 164

134N16, 135, 140, 14!, 142, 154N5. 157N7, 166 167.

153,
168,

Aryan, 8N 12, 21,262 Asaf Khan, 73 Asan, 12 Asok, 70NI. 182,282

Forty, 291 (ChihilTnnai.) of Land Assessment

203N40, 219, 223, 226, 227, 228N14,229, 230, 231, 232, 235N26, 236,237, 238,241,242 244,246, 247, 249,251, 252, 255N50. 256, 258, 260N52. 262, 2(3, 264 266, 267; Badauni'? angle of vision, 2*8, 275, 276N1, 277N4, 279, 281, 283. 285 2P6. 289, 293N4, 303,

308N7 Badr (battle^,

Baharji, 15
134 222,257,

3, 225,

265

Assembly of

Bahatar Ferqa. 23

Revenue,
50,

61,

62 Astrology, Astronomy, 303

BahlolLodi,24 BahloiSufi,22 Bahmani Kingdom, 49

Bahrul Asmar (Rajtarangini), 270 Baigh Khan, 278

152N8.

Atharba Veda (see Veda Atma, Param Atma, 18 Aurangzeb, 231

Avar?, 9

Bairam Khan,
216N1

44,

108, 122, 129, 130,

45, 55. 56. 107, 135. 144, 145,

Ayatul Kursi, 75
12, 57, 62, 63, 77NI7, 79, 191,218,251,294 Azad Hosain l&rc Darbar-i Akbari)

Ayma

Baisakhi, 10 Baitul mal, 105 Baitul Moqaddas, 105

Bakarji, 15

101,

Azam Khan,
292

208, 209, 266, 278, 281,

Azan, 249 Azar Kaivan, 156 AzizKok-i.65,92,

Balban,93 228N16, 242 Banerjee.S K., 107N13 Bartoli 273N 1,274 Basanta Panchami, 10 Basu Dev Misra, 139
Baul, 10 Bayezid,
1

125

33,40, 105, 115, 12!

51

Baz Bahadur,

B
RabaKhan,
106,
111,
91

Babar, 39, 40, 41, 42, 53N12, 84, 97,

121, 129, 135, 136

Beads, 16 Rechna Devi, 9 Behari Mal, 135 Benedict of Goes, 201, 205,206, 208 Bengal and Behar Rebellion, 254, 255, 256, 272

245,

250
*

Badauni (also Muntakhabu t Twarikh,,23,25.57N26,57N29. 59 62, 67N48, 68, 69, 70N2 71N5, 72, 73, 74N10, 75N12, 76, 77N15, 78N19,
* (Bad. stands for Padauni.)

Peveiidge (see Akbarnama^. Bhagirath Bhattacharjee, 139 Bhagwan Das, 64, 144

Bhanu Chandra Sen

161

Suri,

159, 160,

Bhanu Chandra Upadhay a.

153, 182

References to Muntakhabu-t Twarikh,

(Bib. Indica),

Vol.
(Vol.

II,

are from

Lowe's Translation

and from Rankin

UK

324

GENERAL INDEX
Chapkan, 250
Charbak, 167 Chela* (sec Disciple', 223, 263, 264,
285, 287 Chcngiz. 26,
28, 29, 42,
143, 151.

Bharatbarsha la monthly magazine*, 140N11 Bharat ltiha.h Samshodhak Mandai,

Poona, 72N6
Bhats of

U P
140 7

Bhawan, Bhudan.

Bible, 188, 189, 190, 236, 277, 293 BidyaNibas, 139

237, 239,

Bikramjit, 22 Birbal, Birbar, 71, 85, 133, 142. 145,

197,236 Chihil Tanan (forty Abdals>, 134, 222,257,291 Christ (see Jesus\ 169, 176, 186, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 211,238, 265. 273, 290
154, 155, 159, 178,

Christian

154,275,293 Bir Singh Bundela, 307

151,
Bisii.
1

(also Catholic and PiotestamV, 1,2,3,4,21,28,29,30,33,

152,
55, 64, 82, 83, 127, 151, 154, 166; Christians at the

41N42,
10

SON 15

Biswa Karma (Hindu God>,

Boar. 222, 246, 247, 248, 271, 272

Brahma (Hindu God),

Brahmin,
7, 9, 10. 13,

140

court of Akbar, 167-212,225,235, 237, 239, 262, 265, 266, 273, 276N1, 290, 304, 306, 307, 309

15,52, 54, 73,

118, 120, 161, 168,

Brahmin
260

181,223,260 of iVUhuia, 85, 86, 124

11

Christmas, 145, 155 Christopher Vega, 179 Chogtai <scc also Turks\
49, 64. 110, 121

39, 42, 43.

Brahmin (Husaini',

ChwticuU,
87, 89,

11
6'J

Branding Regulation, 66N14, 214

Bribery, 57

Choudhuri, 61,

Chronogram

of Seal, 220

Browne, E.

35N25, 105N9

Bu AliSenai, 246M1 Buckler <'Lceister UniverMty Lec113, I29N3, ture>, 40N38, 66, 135N1
Buddha, 30

Circumcision, 220, 259 Commandments of the Din-i-llahi, 279-282, 296-302, 303, 306

Buddhism (Shraman,

Sarnan). 28,

29,31,49, 82, 120, 141, 154, 159 Buddhists at the court of Akbar,
165-169, 216. 231 232, 295, 303 Building of Churches, 265

Commentaries, I89N22 Conveision to Christianity, 183N 18. 197, 208N50, 264 Conveision of a Darshaniya, 263 Cow, Cow slaughter, 31, 203,223, 23?, 273
Cultural fellowship, 264N4 Cunningham, 163N1. 164N6

Bulbul
Burial,

<a Calcutta

monthly), 230N17

223,224,251,259 Butenschon. 170NIO

D
Dabistan-i-Mazahib (.see Mohsin 134. Fani,, 143N18, 81N22-30, 147N27, 151N5, 156N17, 157N1, 163, 164N5, 165, 169, 170NI, 188, 248N46, ?54N259, 272N12, 278, 279, 283, 288, 289

Byram Shaikh, 249

Bysundar. 38

Cama Magazine

(Institute),

150N2

DabuKPond), 159 Dade Kulas (Hindu

Cartrou, 180 Celebacy of clergy, 193 Central Asian, 4, 13 16, 26; Central

Dadu

Sect', 9 (Saint 15, 24, 139, 140 Daftar-i Abul Fazl, 308N8
,

Dag Kardan
lations),

(sec

Branding Regu-

Asian background. 26-44.

127

27, 42,

53, 55, 167, 216, 235,236, 237. 248, 251, 294, 295, 303, 304

Dalai Lama, 30

Dara Sukoh, 22N27

Darbar-1-Akbari, 65, 252N55 Darbar-i-Am, 232

Chaitanya,

13, 22,

94

Chandra Sen

(Surgeon), 136

GENERAL INDEX
DarrnesteU-r, 123N6
Dcir.shan, 287

325
(s<.e

Drinking

Du Jmc,

177, 17ft,

Wine) 17W11, 196N31,

2C4N41,

Datshdniya, 224, 263, 2f,4, 285, 2o7 Darshaniyn Manzil, 287 Dar ul Mam, 265 I'ar-ul-KMafal, 197N32

I97N33, 20!, 202N37, 206, 253, 273, 283

Darweshiya Cult, 15, 37, 39 Dashera iHmdu Festival). 9, 10 DaMur, 118, 148, 182 Dastur Mahyarji Ra a (sec Mahyaiji Rana) Daswanath iPamter), 136

E and

Daud Khan
* Davrid

Karararii, 66, 67

Shea and Antony Troyer

,

'see Dabistau-i-Mazahib' Degrees, of an Hainan, 221 240, 284

D (Elliot and Dowscn 5N7. 7N11 73N8, 6N10, 89N44. 107N14, 109NI6, 110N17 230N17 252N56, 253N57 E. I. Association Journal, 65N40, 278N6 307, 308
>.

DenaTalwa,
Deity, 305

12

De

Sousa, 180, 189

147,

Devi (Hindu Yogi', 140, 141 Dewali sec Dipabalil, 11, 102,
155

Dhuni

\Ash-pit), 9

Dice of coin, 304 Dice Play, 223, 228

Din-i-llahi,

Educational Reforms of Alcbar 93 94 Elizabeth, 106, 112, 196, 219 Elphinbtone, 4N5, 51N5, 157 English, 183, 184 211 Era (sec Alfi, Hijn, I unar and Solan, 71 N2 81,243,244,259 Erasmus, 308 skinc 139N2, 218N6 250N49 Estavas Rillerio, 199

68, 102, 115, 208N50, 221,236,240, 242, 248,249,252, 253,261,265, 266; Pin-i-llahi in Ten 276-289; promulgation, Commandments, 279 its Princi277-278: Priests, 281; ples, 284; Symbol, 285Initiation, 286; Prayer, 288; Practices, 28828^; Din-i-Labi in Movement 290-309 Contnbutkn of the Ibadat Khana to tbe Din, 293 294 parallel passages from the
;
,

Fadk 'Date grove

in

Arabia) 81
65,
139,

Faizifscc Allami).

II,

70.

71,

111. 117, 123, 127,

207N45

217, 230, 238. 255, 268, 269, 270

273,275,281,292,307
Falzi Sarhindi, 207, 294 Falaki, 237 Fariduddin Attar, 300 301

Quran and
customs
305 308
;

contemporary Sun
o
it

writings, 295-302; Practices the Din discussed, 303-304:

Faridun Be^, 33, 106NII

Farman,

and ceremonials, 3^4

of

Criticism

the order, 306

Din-i-Islam, 305

Di^iple, 21,22, 285, 289, 292 Divine Era (see Era) Divine Faith (see Din-i-Ilahi) Dogs, 222, 246, 247

158, 181 186, 187, 199N35, 208N49, 254N58 283 38N33 Farughi, Farz (Compulsory), 224, 225 Fatima, 127NI. 255 Fathul Buldan, 305N50

Fatwa (Injunction), 89. 219. 221 Felix Vayle (see Islamic Culture
27N4, 30N12, 35N26, 82N32, 208N49
Festivals,

>,

148,

Doha

Religious Couplet), 19
171

Dom

Antonio de Norhona,
186 (a courtier of
172,

147, 151,

155,

156N116,
134,

Dommico Parez,
Do-Pyaza 137N6
*

304

Akbar)

(Juristic Fiqh decisions!, 218N8U), 219.252

Original used

is

Nawal Kishor's

Edition,

Lucknow; Translation

is

by Shea and Troyer.

326

GENERAL INDEX
Haii Abdulla, 110, 172 Haji Ibrahim (see Ibrahim Hnji H'jri Eia, 81, 220N122 243, 244 Hakim Ain-ul Mulk, 262, 274

Fiidousi, 243N47 Fire ordeal, 190N22 Fire worship (see Zoroastnans*

FirozKhan, 216N1 Firoz Tushluq, 6, 7. 228N16, 230,

235N25. 237
Fitch. 183, I97N33, 208 Forty, 257 Fraud of Jagirdars, 87-93

Hakim Humayun (Human),

132

120,

Hakim, Miiza Muhammad,

90,

91,

Hakim Nuruddin,

92, 93, 108N15, 241 132

Freemasons, 277

French Revolution, 90

Hakim-ul-Mulk, 271 Hakluyat Society Journal, 175N6 Halal (prohibited", 225 Hamadani, Qazi, 285

Hamida Banu Begam, 43N44

Hammer-Purgstall, 106N11

Hanuman,
Gabriel, 256

139

Ganga

Bai, 13

Hanafi (a School of 85N37, 227

(see

Law

of Islam),

GanjBaksh.
Ghazni,

UN 17
Mahmud

Mahmud

Happy Haram

Sayings,, 276, 277N3 (Prohibited), 225, 302

Gazm) 5, 230 Ghori, Sahabudd'n Muhammad, 5 Gibbon, 105N9, 245 Gita, 238
Ghazi

Hari, 14N25

God

(Killer of Infidel) ,32 2 6. 13,21. 26, 27, 29,

30,

34,42,53, 72,89, 118, 146, 186, 190, 193,228,234, 266, 289, 281, 283, 287 294, 302 307, 308 Gopinath, 139 'Sikh Religious Granth Sahib
Book), 164 Grierson, 140N9 Giimon.Leo, 199,200, 204 Gudai, Shaikh, 58, 108, 130 Guerreiro, 177, 178N10. 192

Harold Lamb, 32N18, 36N29 Harsha, 16 Harun-ur-Rashid, 230, 237, 246N41, 249 Hasan, 11,52, 54, 130 Hasan Nizami 5 Hayes, 11 ON 18 Hazar Shu'a, 153 Hazrat, 14N25

Hebrew, 302N56

Hemu (Hem
Henry VIII,
Hiranand

Chandra), 44, 50
112

Hera?, Father, 71N3, 116, 161N13, 163, 167, 168

Sastri

160N9,

160
159,

Gulbadan Begum. 194, Gulraj, J. P, 52N10 Gulrukh Begum, 129N4 Guru (Master), 15, 16,
164

195

Hira Vijaya,
182, 192

158,

160,

162,

162,

163,

Guru Shishya (Pir-Murid, Master and Disciple), 21, 22

Gustav von Buchwald, Guzman, 178NIO
176, 177

Hira Vijaya Kalyan, 159N8 Hindi, 254 Hindus, 1,3,7, 10, 12, 16, 17, 21, 34 43,46,48,49,50,51, 52, 82,
117, 118
119,

120,

126;

at

the

court
180

Akbar, 135-147; 161, 203, 209, 210.213-15,223,

of

H
Ha^is
113, 122, 130,

224* 238. 244, 247. 248, 258, 261, 268. 271, 272, 273, 287N23, 293. 294, 303, 306 Hindu learned men, 138
87,

260, 284,

(Traditions), 24, 80, 134, 218N8

Hindu wives,

143,

144N21,

154,

219,

248, 281N16 Hafiz, 2, 302 Haj (Pilgrimage). 76, Haj dept., 76, Mir-i-Haj, 77, 78, 220, 253,
.

272 Hiran Minar, 117

Holy Roman Empire, 207

Horn,
151, 154

Horovitz,

6N8

294

HajBadl,76Nl6

Hosain, Husain (Qazi), 79, 228 Howorth, 27N4, 28N7, 235N26

GENERAL INDEX
Hughes 39N37, 103N6 Hulaku Khan, 28
Humayuri.41,42, 43,
44, 50, 83, 97, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 112, 121. 122, 129, 136, 143N18,
135, 136, 138, 141, 189, 190, 191, 192, 234N24, 239, 240, 262, 264, 265, 266, 295, 302, 303, 305,
145,

327
154,

178,

218, 219, 230, 241, 242, 250, 281, 284, 290, 307, 309
11

152N8, 213N1. 234

Hunting,

160, 220, 231,

11

247

Islam Shah, 2 16N1 (c). Islam Shah of Pirana 10,

Ismailis,

Husaini, Brahmin,

Ismail 11,97, 105, 106, 110, 121

290 Itmad Khan, 63

1. H. Quarterly, 159N8, I61N13 Ibadat Khana (Iradat Khana, lyadat Khana), 67. 68, 70, 72,

76.

126

95, 96, 106, 116, 125, 131, 132, 134. 135, 143, 145 147, 151, 154, 157, 158, 163, 165, K6, 168, 169, 171, 226. 248,

87.

254,257, 266, 268, 291; Contribution to the Dini-llahi 294, 306 Iblis, 233 Ibrahim Haji, 75 221, 227, 228,
229, 230, 239 Ibrahim Qazi, 227 Ibrahim Sarhindi. 124, 138, 268 Ibrahim Shah. 21 6N1 Ibu Hasan, 94N52, 126N16 Idolaters, 49
llahi, llahia

120N1, R.A.S., 85N35, 89N45, 121N2, 122N3. 124N16, 130N7, 144N21. 152N9, 160N9 161N2, 189N22 165N1, 168N7, 171N2 191N27, 192N28 198N34 232N20 235N28, 268NI.275N15 Jadrup Narayan, 139 Jafar Beg, 292
lagat
ai?ir,

Guru, 160
JagircW, 46, 48. 66, 89, 217
91,

93,

Jahanara, 169N10

Jahangir (see Salim, Prince)

Jahaz-i-Ilahi 'Pilgrim Ship), 63N39, 77, 231,253
Jai Singh, 70N1 Jain, 6, 82; at the court of Akbar, 157-162. 169. 203,231, 232, 303.

(Sectl,

241; rebellion
i

94,

285N20

Ilahian

(Member of the Din llahi) 263,266,288,293, 303,305, 308

258
-

304, 305, 306

llahi Era, 223,

Illum'nati, 277 Illumination, 155, 6N16 Iltutmish,6. 103N6. 104

228N16
114

Shasan* 157N106 falalKhan, 213N1 alaluddin Qazi, 79, 229 alaluddinRumi.299, 302 famaluddin. Mir, 15IN7
faina

Imam, 88 115, 128N1 Imam-iAdil 100 113,

Imam Malik, 78 131, 227 Imam Mehdi (see Mehdi movement)

Incarnation, 127N1. 146,
147,

nma't. 218N8 iami. 302 Jehad, 5 87,89, 169, 186. 191, 192.

193,211,266
|esu Chiisto (see Christ)
Jesuit, 170. 171,

189,

248 Indian Antiquary, 309N9 Indian Review, 136N2

Initiation to the Din-i-IIahi,

284

173, 175. at the 178-180, 237, court of Akbar 238, 290 at Jesus (see Christ) 2, 3, 82, 151 the court of Akbar, 170-212, 265,
;

Injunction,

218N8

273

Insan-i Kamil. 234 Institutes of Timur (see Malfuzat-i-

lewels(NawRatan), 137N6
iezia(PollTax),7, 18,51,78, 136
jhali, (queen), 14

Timuri, Davy's Translation) 16, 17, 21, Islam, 1,3,4,5. 6, 7 22,24,32,34,36, 38,41, 42, 57
60, 79, 80, 83, 103, 127, 128, 133,

Joseph the carpenter, 190 Judaism, 169 170

Julian, Perreriah. 171,

172

328

GENERAL INDEX
K
Kitabul Ahadis, 269

Ka'ba, 35 Kaba-i-Muradat, 302 Kabir, 13, 14,24; Dohas, Kabir Parithis, 15,22 Kaikobad, 150

11

Koka (see Aziz Koka) Kokultash, 137N6 Kossacks, 31 Krishna, 9

Kubbi Khan,
Kurnish, 234
28, 29, 30,

70N1, 82,

Kakas (Hindu Sect), Kalema, 8, 305

Kali, 12

12

197, 237 Kulliyat-i Nazir, 12

Kutubuddin,

194, 195

Kalka Mai (Hindu goddess*, 9 Kamal, 12 Kamal Pasha, 151N5 Kamal.. 13 Kanishka, 70N1
Kararani, 45

Lakshmi, 9
(Buddhist priest), 30, 165 Lane-Poole. 1N2, 44N1 93N49
,

Lama

Karim Shah,

12

Karkaria, 148, 149 Kaioris, 78, 87 88

Last Judgment

193

Kayestha, 15

Kayuk Khan 238

Kazalbash (Head
dress),

250

(see also Shariat), 125;tes of laws, 225226, 251, 271 Laotze, 70Nl(f>) Legislations of Akbar (Ains), 216-

Law

Kennedy, Pringle, 27N5, 35N27 Khafi Khan, 41, 249N48 274

Khairatpura (see 257 Khakshafa, 16 Khaiid, 38 Khalid Khani, 237
Khalifa,
111,

25, 45,

26N1,
137N7.
hcuse),

267
Leioton,

Edward, 199

Lilabati, 138

Lohani Afghans, 45
Louis, Saint, 45 Lunar Calculation
243, 244
(sec Eia), 71N2,

Alms

3, 5, 7, 32, 33, 40,

42,

83.
110, 128,

85,91, 103. 104,

112,
121,

105,

107,

M
Ma'sharti, 261 Macauliff, 14N25 Machado, 208, 211 Maclagan 180 191 N26, 200, 204N41, 202,
j

127NI.
267,

I97N33, 225, 237, 255,

304,

307N5 Khalifa urRashedin,

Khalifat-uz-7aman, 111,112, 179N33 Khalsa lands, 89

106, 128 Khalifat ul-lillah, 7, 33 34, 104

84,

104,

105

I99N35, 205N45,
268,

Khan Jalan, 75 Khan Zama^, 59

Khasrau, 164

208N47 Madad-i-Ma'ash,63, 221, 239,

270

Khawbag I69N10
Khelafa*. 32. 34.
241
39,
83,
112,

84,

103,

Madhu Bhatta, 139 Madhu Saraswali 136,138 Madhu Sudan, 138

Madrasa 254 (Hindu god), 9 Mahabharat (see Sacred
,

104, 105, 106, 110,

240N35,

Mai?ti

Khelat, 39 Khirad Afza, 269, 273 Khodawanda, 97, 110 Khushphaham 160N11. 162

Books
70,
141

138. 140, 144,

269

Mahadev iHindu god), 14, Mahadev Physician), 136

106,

Khutba,

33, 41, 66. 84, 107, 111, 112, 220, 232,

87,

240
(see

Maham Anaga, 45, 135, Mahapurushiya Cult, 15

Mahamaya, 141 Mahrnud Gawan. 49

145

Kika, 269, 270 Killing of animals Cow), 31

forbidden

Mahmud,

Sultan of Ghazni (also

GENERAL INDEX
Sultan Mahmud), 4, 5, 6, 230, 237 16 Mahratta, Mahyarji Rama, Dastur, 118, 148, 149, 151N7, 158, 159, 181. 182
1

329

MirTaqi, 238N31
Mirza, 60, 109

Mahzar

(Infallibility

Decree

of

Mitza Mirza Mirza Mirza

Hakim
Hasan

(see Ali,

Hakim)
12

Jani Thatta, 29, 241, 293

Smith). 40N40, 65. 66. 85, 89, 97, appendix, 98-115, 155, 197N32,

221,232,239 Mai mans of Kutch, 9

Ma'in-uddin-Chisti, 53, 270

Rebellion, 60 Mission (to A's court) 1st, 186-198; 2nd, 198-201; 3rd, 201 211, 255 Miyan Tansen (see Tan Sen)

Mobed,

Ma 'in

151, 152, 118, 168, 238, 303, 304

154,

156,

ul

Mulk

(Miiza), 91

Majlis-ul-Muminin, 133 Maktab, 88, 94 Malcom, History of Persia, 37N31, Sketch, 163N3 Malfuzat-i-Timuri (st*e Timur), 6N10, 9, 23, 36N30, 41N42, 245

Modi. J f., 149N2 Mohsin Fani (see Dabistan-i-Mazahibl

Mongol,
128

5, 6, 7, 29, 31, 40, 46,

120,

Monserate, 187N19, I92N28, 197

188,

190, 191,

Malik
Maliki

Muhammad

Jaisi,

12,

18

Moon
244

see

Lunar

Era),

7IN2, 243,

Arab Husain, 79

Malkana, Rajput, 10 Malleson 157

Moon Chamber, 5 1N5

Moreland, 183, 193 Moses, 151, 170

Mamun, 306N5
Mansabdar, 218
28 Man Singh, 64,214 Mansur (Khalifa), 93N51, 230, 237 Marriage (see also Mu'tah), 82,

Mosque

(see

Mas j id)

Mangu Khan,

Mu'awiya, 249 Mu'azzambashi, 38 Mu'az7in, 252, 285

Mubarak
277. 292

(Shaikh),

58,
131,

of Hindu widows, 145, 220, 222, 226, 227, 228, 250, 259; registration of, 264, 272
125, 131
;

99, 100, 101, 123,

64, 65, 75, 268, 276,

Mubariz Khan, 213N1, 290, 294

Mufti, 55

Mars Chamber, 51N5

Martin, F. R., 38N32

Mughals

Mary, 190, 266 Mary, Queen of Scots, 106 Masjid (Mosque), 85, 88, 94, 254, 282 Masjid-i-Zaiar, 273
Masnad-i-Imarat, 108 Masu n Khan Farankhudi, 91 Masum Khan Kabuli, 90 Mati Dhawja, 30, 31 Mazhab, 258, 261 Malta Kunbis, 1 Mehdist (see Imam Mehdi, Mehdi
1

35, 115, 185, 187,

(sec Mongols), 27,29,31, 116, 143, 175, 182, 183, 188, 189, I92N28, 194,

198,207,211,276, 277N2

Muhammad,
16, 21, 32,

Prophet, 3, 5, 12, 14, 35,50, 57, 74N11, 81,

181, 189, 202, 203, 209, 222, 225, 237, 244, 245, 249, 255, 265, 273. 251, 252, 256, 284N76, 302, 306N5

85,98, 133,

Muhammad Ghaus, Shaikh, 271 Muhammad Ghori, 5 Muhammad Hakim Mitza (see
Hakim)

movement),

23,

80,

123,

131,

290 295, 305 Milad-un-Nabi, 251 Mildenhall, 184,211 Mirabai, 24 Miradi of Amritsar, 9

Muhammad

Hosain

Azad

(see

Darbar-i-Akbati)

Mirak of Masud, 59 Mir Habsi, 58 Mir Hakim, Moqim of Isphahan,

59

Muhammad Khodawanda, 97 Muhammad Mirak Masad, 59 Muhammad Niyazi (see Abdulla Muhammad Niyazi"! Muhammad Qilha, Khawaja, 56 Muhammad Sahdad, 292 Muhammad Tughluq, 104N6
Mujtahid,
6, 80, 98,
1

Mir i-Haj (see Haj) Mir Sayid of Jaunpur, 23

14, 227,
1 1

281

Mukhdum

Sayid Ali,

42-I280B

330
Mukhdum-ul-Mulk
Sultanpuri;
(sec

GENERAL INDEX
Abdulla

Newbury,

197

Mukherjee, Indian Shipping, 195N30

Mulla, 60, 62, 63, 64, 74, 75, 79, 90, 93,94, 100, 104, 112, 124, 125,
126, 131, 134, 137, 145, 152, 153, 172N3, 178, 179, 192, 217,218,

Nikah. 227 Niyazi (see Abdulla Niyazi) Nizam Husain, 110

Nizamuddin

219,

229.

242,268,269,270.271,

278,291, 294, 304. 305, 307 Mulla Sher., 138, 140, 233

Historian), see also 166, 204, Tabqat-i-Akbari, 73, 205N57, 228N6, 252N56, 276N1 Nizamuddin Awliya, 24 Nuruddin, 92, 129

Nuruddm Ahmad, 129N4

Nuruddin Omar, 104
Bada-

Muluk Shah,
uni)

271
(see

Muntakhabu-t Twarikh

NurullaQazi.

132, 133

Nuyun Karacha', 33N40

188,

Murad, Prince,

192,

193,201,

206, 237, 273 Murad IV 'Khalifal. 97, 109 Murad of Persia, 107 Muiid (see Pir Murid), 21, 22, 284

O
,

Mushkil-aan,9 Muslim 'Muhammadan, Musalman

1,3, 8,9, 13,
111, 114, 133, 136,
17,

Oath

of Allegiance, 240, 243

20,
103,

21,23.24,
105, 109,

Oju, 63

31,34,39,40, 41,

Omar
249

(Khalifa >,

3,

128,

237,

243,

115N23, 118, 119, 125, I37N7, 144, 147, 155, 157, 169, 179, 180N15, 191, 208, 209, 210, 218, 219N9, 231, 244, 248,249, 251,258, 260,261,267,

Omar Khayyam. 243 Omar Shaikh, 39

Ommiyads,
128

271,272
Mustafa, 222, 258, 306

Mu'taH

(see Marriage), 79

Ordeal, 190^22 Oriente Conquistado, IPO Osman (Khalifa), 74N11, 128N 1,255

106,

Mutwali, 269N6 Muzaffar fof Tandai, 71 Muzaffar Khan. 196

Ottoman,

33, 60, 83, 106

Pabos, 235N25

N
Nadir-i-Zaman, 160M1. 162 Najatur Rashid. 72N20 Nala Damayanti, 138 Namaz (see Prayer^ Namaz-i-Tuhajjud, 225

Padmabat, 12, 18 Padshah, 130 Padshah Nama fA. H. Lahori),

115N23
Painting,
1

16

PanchPir,

10

Pandit, 30, 260 Paracletes, 193

Namdev,

14

Paramindra, 138
Parsees, Parsis (see Zoroastrian), 118, 152, 154, 155 Pathan, 7, 136 Paul, St., 186 Payne (also Du Jarric), 154N15, 176, 176N7, 177, 172N3, 176, 180, 183, 197N33, 205, 207N54,

Nanak, 14, 22 Nara Singh, 138 Narayan Hariji Sur, 138 Narayan Mishra, 138 Nassau Lees, 275 National Magazine, 92N46 Nawruz, Nawruz-i-jalali, 142,
221, 242

155,

283N15
Persian Language, 254, 255
8, 9, 28, 29,

NayabatKhan,91
Nestorian Christianity,

Peswa, 116
Peter Dias, 71

30N13, 70N1

GENERAL INDEX
Phagspa, 30
Pilgrim
'Pilgiimage),
76,

331

77N16,
230,

280,285, 288; quotations from Quran, 296-302, 305, 306, 307

78, 124, 162, 191, 195, 222, 231, 244,252,253, 294 Pilgrim traffic, 171N2, 217,

230, 209,

231, 253

R
Radha, 20 Rai Das, Ravi Das,
Raj jab ji,
15
14,

Pmherio,
210
Pir, 21,

185, 201, 207,

208,

22 Pir Badar, 10
Pir Muhammad Pir Muridi (see

22
248,
256,

Khan, 5 Guiu Shishya)

1

Polytheism, 6

Rajput, 44, 119, 136, 271 Rakhi, 145, 155, 194

Poor House (See KhairatpuraJ

Ralph. 184

Pope

29, 64, 84, 99, 104, 207, 208,

282 Portuguese, 55, 64, 170, 171, 172; criticism of Portuguese writers,
173, 174, 175, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185, 187, 194, 195, 197, 202, 206.

Ram, 10, 15, 18 Ramanand, 13, 24 Ramayan, 138, 248

Rambhadia,
139
165, 182

207,210, 273, 278 Portuguese possessions, 171N1 Prayers of Islam, 250 Priests, 278

Ram Chandra, 139, 141 Ram Das, 162, 163, 164, Ram Pran Gupta, 50N5
RamTirtha, Ramzan,
1

137

Prophet (see

Muhammad)

Prostitute regulation, 221, 246 Prostration (see Sijdah) Purushottam, 140

Pyam-i Amin, 74N11

Raiia Kika (see Kika), 269, 270 RasulShahi, 10 Rawat-i-Akab, 59 Rebellion of Mirzas (see Hakim) Rehatsak, 152N9, 202N38 Relacam, 176, 178N10 Roman, 120,249,290 Rudolf (&ee AquavivaJ Rubrukis, 30 Rumi Era, 243

Qamargah Hunt
231

(see

Hunting),

Rum

(see Jalaluddin

Rumi)

Qanun, 246N41
Qanun-i-Islam, 144N21, 251N53 Qaraish, 81 Qara Yusuf 33 Qaaim Kahi, 289

Qasim,

Muhammad
78,

Bin, 3, 4

Qayemuddin, 38
Qazi,5l,61,62,
79,85,86, 88,
131,
132, 185,

90,93, 123, 127,

192,217,219,227,228,260,286,
288
Qibla-i-Hajat

Saber, 24 Sachau, 31N17 Sacred Books, 138, 181, 233, 236 Sada-Sohag Sect, 9 Sadi, 296-301, 302 Sadiq Nihang, 9

190,

230,

232

Quakers, 21 Qublei Khan, 82 Quesek, 147, 194 210 Quliz Khan, 209, Quran, 1, 2, 3, 15, 21, 23, 24, ^57 74,75 77,88,97,98,99,
115,
181,

Sadr,51, 56,57, 63, 75, 76, 78, 85, 86 94, 101; list of Sadrs, 122,
124, 126

Sadr-us-Sudur (see Abdu-n Nabi) Sadr Jahan's Sons, 293

50,
102,
153,

Safavi, 110, 128

122,
189,

128,

130,

134,

Commentary,

203, 218, 219; 229, 221, 222, 233N22, 255, 256, 264, 265, 270,
193,

Sahabis,8l,305N5(o) Sahib Khan, 158 Sahibuddin Khan, 148 Sakya Pandit, 30 Salim (also Jahangir), 72, 76, 78,

332

GENERAL INDEX
Sher Shah Sur,
45, 47, 48, 49, 50 77N18, 114, 137N7, H45, 2I6N1, 228N16, 249, 259, 260 Sheri, Mulla, 153

117, 118, 144, 162. 176, 197, 205, 211, 223, 245, 250, 256, 259, 274, 284, 292N3, 293, 306

Chisti, 54, 58, 60, 70, 71, 72, 99, 100, 162 Salim the Grim, 97, 105, 106. 109

Salim

Shia,
85.

32, 33,34,39,40,41,52, 53, 55,59,61,62, 76N14, 80,83,84,

Salima Be gam, 129N4 Sam an (Shraman, SramarO,

See

Buddhism
Sanatan Goswami,
Sanjak, 4 Sannyasi,
1 1

89, 93, 100, 105, 106, 107, 121; 111, 112, 113, 114, Shias at court, 127-136; 152, 169,
108,

15

Sangram Singh, 53N12

17

216,227,241,242, 270,272,290, 294

Shia-i-Taj, 40, 107, 121 Shibli, Maulana, 130
Sibratri, 11

Sanskrit, 17, 20

Sarkar, Jadunath, I44N20 Sati,223, 261 Sauras (Sun worshippers), 151 Sayid (generally spelt as Sayyad,
Sayid), 101, 188,

Sidi Ali Katibi, 84

Simn, 81
Sijdah (see
Prostration), 220, 232, 233, 235

188N20,

235N28

Sayid Ahmad, 23 Sayid Hasan, 15 Sayid Khan, 210 SayidMirFathulla, 252 Sayid Muhammad of Amboa, 63 Sayurghal lands, 61, 78, 124, 218 Seals of Akbar 'see Chronogram), 228 Sekandar Lodi, 1,7, 13, 70N1, 259 Sekandar Shah, 216N1
Semitic,
16,

Sijdah-i-Tazim, 234 Sikhs at the court of Akbar, 82, 162-165; 306 Silk, 222, 249 Sitala (goddess of pox), 9
Sivaratri,
i

Smith author of Akbar the Great Mogul, 45N2, 59N32, 63, 65N40, 85, 88N39, 90, 93N50, 94N52, 99,
120, 108N15, 103, 102, 152NIO, 126N16, 135, 144N1 158N4, 160N10, 161N13, 162NI5, 194, 193, 195N30, 187, 175, 199N35, 200, 203, 206, 207N45,
100,
,

21

Sen, Dinesh Chandra, 12N21 Sen, K. M., 11, 12N22. 15, 140N10 Sepoy Mutiny, 34, 103N6 Shah Baz, 22, 92

Shah Ismail ,40, 197 Shahjahan, 15N23. 185, 197N33 ShahMansur, 91, 92,240 Shah Muhammad Mirza, 278 Shahnama (Firdaus.J, 39, 248N47 Shah Rukh, 37, 97 Shah Tahmasp, 83, 87, 97, 107,
1

211, 233, 240, 241, 242, 245N40, 249,251,252, 263N63, 266,275, 282,285, 291,307,308 Sokoli (see Vizier Sokoln Sradh (see Feasts after death), 222

108, 109, 110, 112N21, 129, 240, 242 Shaikh, 6, 35, 36, 37, 72, 73, 101, 102, 234 Shaikh Ali, 23 Shaikhzada Gosla Benarasi, 293 Shaitanpura, 246

ShankarDev,

15

Shariat, 54, 55, 57, 69; -Canon of Test of, 224, 267, 271 Sharif, 101, 239 Sharif? -Festival), 155, 156N (IV) Sharif of Amal, 27 1,292, 293 Shast, 280, 285, 286 Shaving of beards, 240 Shea and Troyer (see Dabistan)

SriBhatia, 139 Vikshu Vijaya, 166N1 St. Paul, 186 Sufi, 15, 21; Sufi terms, 22N27, 23, 25, 43, 54,69, 72 117, 120, 127, 141, 153, 256, 265 269, 270, 280,282, 284N16, 295, 296-302; 303, 304, 306 Sufi Ahmad, 292 Suleiman Karaiani, 66, 67, 70N1 (e) Suleiman of Badakshan, 68 Suleiman of Rum, 83 Suleiman Wazir, 230N 1,235 Sulh-i-Kul, 52, 88, 136
Sri

Sultan-i-Adil,

14

Sultan Khawaja, 110,292 Sunnat-i-Ghair Mu'kkada, 224 Sunnat-i-Mu*kkada, 221 Sunni, 32, 33, 39, 40, 41, 55, 60,
80, 82, 84,
105,

109,

110,

111,

GENERAL INDEX
112,

333
189,

113,
168,

115,

121;
131,

Sunnis
133,

at

Trinity (Christian),

190,

191,

Court,
138,

121-128,

134,

266
Trinity (Hindu), Tripathi, R. P., Tritton, 267N65
12,
1

227,

236,

271,

290,
153,

146

294

15N23, 235N25

Sun

142, 152, (Solar), 119, 154, 161, 259,270,295, 303

Tudors, 84, 285N17

Tulsidas, 138, 139, 181

Sur Dynasty, 50, 97, 216

Surdas, 139, 140, 181 Surja Shahasra Nama,
161

153,

160,

Turban, 285 Turks (also Turki culture), 4, 7,8, 31,35,40,83, 135, 136,
159, 183, 216, 248, 259, 272,

5, 6,

143,

Swastika, 286 Syriac, 305

304

Turko-Afghans, 47 Tuzuk, 49

T
Tabarra, Modhe-Sahaba, 80N2 Tabqat-i-Akbar> (see Nizamuadin)

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, 285N18, 307

U
!

Tahmasp

isce

Shah Tahmasp)
I

Tajuddin, 220, 232, 233, 281, 294 300 Taki Shustar, 293 Tansen (Miyan Tansen), 136, 137-

Ulag Beg, 38, 84, Ulama, 37, 55,72,

85,

1 1

73,

74,

81,

84,

268

Utbi, 5

N6
Tantra,
9,

Uzbeg,84, 216
181

Taqi

13

Tarikhi Af 8 hana,44Nl TarkhiAlfi, 221,244,270

V
228N16
Vaishnavism, 12, 13, 15 Vakil, 56N24, 133, 274, 281 Vasco da gama, 174 Vayle, Felix, 30N 12, 35N26 Veda, 11, 138, 181,220,230,295 Vedanta, 21, 302 Venus, 151N6
Vikshu, 305 Vijaya Sen Suri, 159 Virgin, 176, 199,266 Vishnu, 18 Vizier Sokoli, 110,230,240 Von Noer, 157, 205, 277, 281

TarikhiDaudi, 70N1
Tarikhi Firoz Shahi, 7N1 Tarikhi Ilahi, 151. 152 Tarikhi Rashidi, 106N10 Tasbih-mala, 16 Taslim, 234, 306
1,

Tauhid

Ilahi (see Din-i-Ilahi>

Terry, 210 Test Act, 240

Testament (Old*, 189 Thebes, 34N20

Thomas (Saint), 193 Thomas Rce, 184

Tiger meat, 248 Timur, 1,6,7, 31,32, 33, 35, 36, 37,39, 41N42, 44, 64, 84, 104,
105, 115, 121, 144, 159,

197,236,

245, 247
87, Timurids, 26, 38, 39N36, 89N42, 103, 104, 105, 108, 109, 129, 137,247 Titus, 1N3, 5N6, 121N1 Todar Mai, 64, 91, 126, 137N7, 195N30, 214

W
Wajeb, 221 Wansal, 52 Wazir Jamil, 91 Wells, H. G., 28 William Kaiser, 34N24 Wine, 41,42,221,244,245
Wives, 191, 199N35 Wolsey Haig, 309N9
of Fire,

Toleration to Christians, 224,

264,

305 Translations

(see

Sacred Books)
Soul,
16,

of Transmigration 122N27, 141N14

Worship

Planets,

Stars,

Sun, 142, 143N18, 151N5

334

GENERAL INDEX

X
Xavier, Father, 179NI1,
185,

Yusuf bin Tashfin, 104N6 Yazdi, 133

201,

203, 204, 206, 207,210,211

Zakat, 76N11 Zainul Abedin, 237 Zaman Khan, 59

YaHu, Ya
!53NI,287

Hadi,

53,

59,

101,

Zamin Bos, 232, 235, 285, Zamorm, 174 Zend Avesta, 140, 148
Shahi)

287

Yakub Qazi, 78, 227 Yavana Hari Das, 1 3

Yazdan, 156 Yazdi Mulla Muhammad, 133

Zeus, 34 Ziauddin Barni (see Tarikh-i-Firoz

Yodha Bai, 143, Yodhistir, 143

Yoga,
9, 12, 15,

144

ZiaUlla, Maulana,7l Zich-i-Ulag Beg, 38 Zikar, 53N13, 153 Zoo, 247

153,

_
fl

22N27,

143,

239, 303 Yoga-Vasista, 138

Zoroastrian 'see Parsees), 31, OA Court of the at 119; 118, Akbar; 147-156; 161, 166, 181,
194, 203, 216, 237, 303,

Yogi s

13, 50, 117,

118,

119,

153,

306

154, 181, 258, 259,

287N23

Zulqarnain, 197N33

Yusuf Ali, 307, 308 Yusuf of Khaput, 121

Zunnar, 152
Z.unnardar, 7

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

(The numbers refer to page.s same word occurs twice or more
;
'

'

refers

to

Foot Note.

When

the

in

the

same page, they have been

entered only once in the Index. \

Afghanistan, 285N20 Africa, 26

Cambay, 55
Caspian Sea, 42, 132
1

Agra, 77NI7, 79, 94, 100, 159, 191,206,208,210

16,

139,

Central Asia,
42,

4.

13,

16,

26,

27,

53,

55,

127,

167,

216, 235,

Ahamadabad,
Ajmer,
1,

39, 158
60,

236, 237, 248, 251,

294, 295, 303,

II,

64,76, 101, 119,

304

122, 269, 270 Allepo, 32, 35 Allahabad, 160, 212 Amarkot, 42, 43

Ceylon, 165, 168 Chaul, 202, 206

Childrin, 106

China,

8, 29, 30, 82, 128,

259

Amboa,
Amber,
Angora,
Arabia,

105 135
163 33, 105
9, 8,

Chitor, 53, 123,248,271

Amritsar,

Constantinople (Rum), 33N21, 83, 111, 112, 121, 197N33, 240

Corsica,
105,

34N24

4,

103,

128,

150,

244, 250, 259, 304

Ardbil, 42

Armenia, 35
Asia, 31

Asirgarh 207

(Khandesh),

185,

206,

Damascus, 35, 194, 195 Deccan, 206, 208, 227

Delhi, 42, 44, 45, 50,
107, 108, 216, 262,

94,

103N6,

Assam, 15 Azar Baijan, 38

274

B
Badr,
104,
3,

265
28, 32, 37,

Bagdad, 24, 25,

205

93N31,

Badakshan, 110,213
Bakkar, 95

Egypt, 106,253 Europe, 5, 83, 110, 171, 174, 179, 182, 183, 191, 197N33, 198, 202, 290

Basakwan,

Bay

1 10, 213, of Bengal, 170

235N28
192, 240, 249,

Behar, 45, 89, 90, 94,

294
Benaras, 157 Bengal, 10,
13,

Fargana, 39, 40 Fatehpur (Sikri), 64, 70, 72N6, 78,

82, 139,
172,

174,

187, 193, 198,

94, 126, 170,

76,89,90,92,93, 192,240,252,294

211

Bhagalpur, 92N46 Bhambar, 273

Bijapur, 175 Butsar, 194, 195

Ganges, 32, 92N46

Georgia,
6, 34, 109,

Byzantium, 35

110

336

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

Ghazipur, 67 Ghazni, 5, 244 Ghor, 5

Gilan, 132

M
Madras, 9

Malwa,
171N1,
172,

16,

32

Goa,

168,

173,

175,

Mecca,

186, 191, 194, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 205, 253 Guzrat, 55, 58, 64, 73, 100, 108,

179, 180, 182, 183,

57, 63, 77, 101, 102, 105 125, 126, 142, 179, 191, 192, 231,

148, 170, 209, 216,

253

238, 253, 260 Medina, 63, 77, 252 Mediterranean, 32

Mewar, 16 Moscow, 32

H
Hajipur, 94

N
Nagor, 58
Navasari, 148, 158. 168

Hamadan, 286
Hindustan (India), 31, 34,42,45, 71,83,97, I04N'6, 105, 109, 110,
112,
114.

142N16,

130, 144, 148, 165,

129,

136,

140

Nepal, 213
Nevil,

212,

216,

77N16

217,232,245,259,260,265

Orissa, 45

India 'see Hindustan) Iran see Persia)

Ormuz, 191N24 Oudh, 92

Panipat, 44, 89

Jaunpur, 90, 93 Jerusalem, 3

Paris,

70N1

Jumna,

Patna, 150 Pekin, 32, 70N1

Persia, 22, 39, 41, 42, 52,83,84, 85, 97, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108,

K
Kabul, 83, 93, 105, 107. 158, 159 Kankrnkhari, 148 Kashmir, 1, 44, 168, 204, 216, 234, 308
Katl.ivvar,

109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 121, 128, 129, 130, 135, 150, 155, 240,

244, 250, 283, 294, 304, 305

Poland, 32 Poona, 116, 151N17

Portugal, 186, 187

162
'see Asirgarh)

Punjab, 240
Puskar,

8, 11

9,

10,

12,92,94, 192,

Khandesh

Qandahar, 93,
Laban,
25, 132, 133 Lahore, 11, 133, 161. 163, 164, 193,

95,

107,

109,221

202, 203, 204, 208, 209, 210, 211, 253, 266, 269, 286

Lisbon,

165, 186,

205

Ranthambar, 234

London, 308

Rome, 198N34,201

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

337

Rum

(Constantinople*, 137 Ru3sia, 31, 259

III, 112, 121,

33, 83, 103,

Surin, 213 Syria, 3

Sahibganj, 92 Samarkand (Samarqand), 83,

115, 129

104,

Tabriz, 295 Teliaghari, 92 Thatta, 241, 293 Tibet, 25, 65, 168 Transoxiana, 43, 110, 129, 155 Turkey, 99, 105, 250

Sarhind, 44, 89, 288 Sassaram, 48 Seistan, 35 Shiraz, 245 252 Sikri (ace Fatehpur) Sind, 22, 43, 200, 261, 295
Sirusti,
I

U
Ukraine, 31

I04N6, 201, 202, 205 Surat, 64, 171, I95N30

Spain,
4,

Vijaynagar, 45,

43-I280B

4j

Q.