Gandhi - Collected Works Vol 28

1.
MY JAIL EXPERIENCE-VI
ETHICS OF F ASTING
When the incidents related in the Last chapter took place, my
cell was situated in a triangular block containing eleven tells. They
were also part of the separate division, but the block was separated
from the other separate blocks by a high massive wall. The base of the
triangle lay alongside the road leading to the other separate blocks.
Hence, I was able to watch and see the prisoners that passed to and fro.
In fact, there was constant traffic along the road. Communication with
the prisoners was therefore easy. Some time after the flogging inci-
dent, we were removed to the European yard. The cells were better
ventilated and more roomy. There was a pleasant garden in front. But
we were more secluded and cut off from all contact with the prisoners
whom we used to see whilst we were in the ‘separate’. I did not mind
it. On the contrary, the greater seclusion gave me more time for
contemplation and study. And the ‘wireless’ remained intact. It was
impossible to prevent it so long as it was necessary for a single other
prisoner or official to see us. In spite of effort to the contrary,
someone of them would drop a remark resulting in our knowing the
happenings in the jail. So one fine morning we heard that several
Mulshi Peta prisoners were flogged for short task and that, as a protest
against the punishment, many other Mulshi Peta prisoners had
commenced a hunger strike. Two of these were well known to me.
One was Devi and the other Dastane. Mr. Dev had worked with me in
Champaran, and had proved one of the most conscientious, sober and
honest among the co-workers whom I had the privilege of having in
Champaran. Mr.. Dastane of Bhusaval is known to everybody. The
reader may therefore imagine my pain when I heard that Dev was
among the party flogged and that he was also one of the hunger-
strikers. Messrs Indulal Yagnik1 and Manzar Ali Sokta were at this
time my fellow-prisoners. They were agitated equally with me. Their
first thought was to declare a sympathetic hunger-strike. We discussed
the propriety of such a strike and came to the conclusion that it would
be wrong to do so. We were neither morally nor in any other way
responsible for the floggings or the subsequent hunger-strike. As
1
Then secretary, Gujarat Provincial Congress Committee
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 1

satyagrahis we were to be prepared for and to suffer cheerfully the
rigours of jail life and even injustices including flogging. Such
hunger-strike, therefore, with a view to preventing future punishment
would be a species of violence done to the jail officials. Moreover, we
had no right to sit in judgment upon the action of the authorities. That
would be an end to all prison discipline. And even if we wished to
judge the authorities, we had not and could not get sufficient data to
warrant an impartial judgment. If the fast was to be out of sympathy
with the hunger-strikers, we had no data to enable us to judge whether
their action was justified or not. Any one of these grounds was
sufficient to show that the proposed fast would be wholly premature.
But I suggested to my friends that I should try to find out the true
facts through the Superintendent, and endeavour as before to get into
touch with the hunger-strikers. I felt that we as human beings could
not possibly remain uninterested in such matters although we were
prisoners, and that under certain circumstances even a prisoner was
entitled to claim a hearing in the matter of general jail administration
when it was likely to result in the perpetration of gross injustice
bordering on inhumanity. So we all decided that I should approach
the authorities in the matter. The letter of 29th June, 19231 , published
in Young India of March 6, 1924, will give the reader further details
about the matter. There was a great deal of correspondence and
negotiation which, being of a confidential nature, I do not wish to
publish. I can however say that the Government recognized that I had
no desire to interfere with the prison administration and that my
proposal to be permitted to see the two leaders among the hun-
ger-strikers was dictated by purely humanitarian motives. They, there-
fore, permitted me to see Messrs Dastane and Dev in the presence of
the Superintendent and Mr. Griffiths, the Inspector-General of Police.
It was to me a rare pleasure and a matter of pride to see these two
friends walking unaided and with a steady step after full thirteen days’
unbroken fast. They were as cheerful as they were brave. I could see
that they were terribly reduced in body, but their spirit had waxed
strong in exact proportion to the reduction of the body. As I hugged
them and greeted them with the question, “Are you nearly dead?”
they rang out, “Certainly not,” and Dastane added, “We are able to
prolong the fast indefinitely, if need be, for we are in the right.”“But
if you are in the wrong?” I asked. “We shall then like men admit our
1
Vide “Letter To Jail Superintendent, Yeravda”, 29-6-1923.
2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

mistake and abandon the fast,” was the reply. By their brightness they
made me forget that they were suffering from pangs of hunger. I wish
I had leisure to reproduce the whole of the ethical discourse we held.
Their ground for fasting was that the punishment inflicted by the
Superintendent was unjust and that, therefore, unless the Superin-
tendent admitted his mistake and apologized, they must go on with the
fast. I pleaded that this was not a correct attitude. Whilst I was discuss-
ing the moral basis of their action, the Superintendent voluntarily and
out of his usual good nature intervened and said, “I tell you, if I felt
that I had done wrong, I should surely apologize. I know that I do
make mistakes. We all do. I may have erred even in this case, but I am
not conscious of it.” I continued my pleading. I told my friends that
it was improper to expect an apology from the Superintendent unless
he could be convinced that he was wrong. Their fast could carry no
conviction to him of the wrongness of the punishment. Such convic-
tion could be brought about only by reasoning. And, in any case, as
satyagrahis who were out for suffering, how could they fast against
injustices whether done to them or their co-prisoners? My friends
appreciated the force of my argument and Major Jones’s generous
statement did the rest. They agreed to break the fast and to persuade
the others to do likewise. I asked for the Major’s permission to give
them a portion of my milk which he readily granted. They accepted
the milk but said they would first take their bath and then take the
milk in the company of the other hunger-strikers. The Major ordered
milk and fruit diet for the strikers during the period of recuperation.
A hearty handshake between us all terminated the meeting. For the
moment the officials were not officials and we were not prisoners. We
were all friends engaged in solving a knotty problem and glad that it
was solved. Thus ended this eventful hunger-strike. The Major
admitted that this was the cleanest hunger strike he had witnessed. He
had taken extraordinary pre-cautions to see that no food was passed to
the prisoners surreptitiously and he was satisfied that none was passed.
Had he known the stuff of which these strikers were made, he need not
have taken any precautions at all.
One permanent result of the incident was that the Government
passed orders that, except in cases of the gravest provocation and
insult offered to the officials, flogging should not be administered
without the previous sanction of the superior authority.The precaution
was undoubtedly necessary. Whilst, in some matters, widest discretion
must be given to the Superintendents of Jails, in matters such as
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 3

punishments which cannot be recalled, the wisest of Superintendents
must be subject to salutary checks.
There can be no doubt that the hunger-strike of Messrs Dastane
and Dev and the other satyagrahis produced startling results of a
beneficial character. For the motive, though mistaken, was excellent
and the action itself purely innocent. But though the result attained
was good, the fast must be condemned. The good result was not a
direct result of the fast but of repentance and admission of mistaken
motive and consequent abandonment of the fast. Fasting by a
satyagrahi can only be justified when it is a shame to eat and live.
Thus, still confining my attention to a prisoner’s conduct, it would be
a shame to eat and live if I was deprived of religious liberty or
degraded as a human being, as when food is thrown at me instead of
being given to me in a courteous manner. It should be unnecessary to
say that religious objection should be really so and discourtesy should
be such as would be felt by an ordinary prisoner. The caution is
necessary because a religious necessity is often pretended merely in
order to embarrass, and discourtesy is often felt where none is meant.
I may not insist on keeping or bringing the Bhagavad Gita for the
purpose of stealing in prohibited correspondence. I may not resent as
discourtesy the ordinary search which every prisoner must undergo.
In satyagraha there is no room for shams. But I would have been
bound to fast, say, if the Government had not given me the oppor-
tunity of seeing the hunger strikers merely with a view to understand
their view-point and dissuade them from their error, if I found them to
be erring. I could not afford to eat to live, when I knew that it was
possible to prevent starvation if my keepers recognized the ordinary
rules of humanity.
“But,” say some friends,“why should you draw these fine
distinctions? Why should we not embarrass the jail officials as we
embarrass officials outside? Why should we co-operate as you
co-operated with the jail authorities? Why should we not non-violently
resist them? Why should we obey any regulations at all, save for our
own convenience? Have we not a perfect right, is it not our duty, to
paralyse the prison administration? If we make the officials’ position
uncomfortable without using any violence, the Government will find it
difficult to arrest a large number and will thus be obliged to sue for

peace.” This argument has been seriously advanced. I must therefore
devote the next chapter to its consideration.
Young India, 22-5-1924
2. BOYCOTT FOREIGN CLOTH

Last week I endeavoured to show the futility of the boycott of
Empire goods campaign. I submit that it is even harmful in that it
distracts the country’s attention from the only effective and indis-
pensable boycott. I have admitted more than once that, if we eliminate
non-violence from our consideration, those who do not believe with
me that non-violence in politics is the only remedy for achieving our
goal and are satisfied that non-violent methods have failed, are not
only justified in applying other remedies if they find them more
effective, but are bound to do so. My point, however, is that boycott of
Empire goods is not at all feasible so long as the present system is in
existence. So far as I can sec. the only alternative to non-violence and
all it implies is an armed rebellion. If we wish to make preparations
for it, boycott of Empire goods has not only a legitimate but it has a
necessary place in the national programme. Its retention and a fierce
propaganda in its favour must increasingly heat our blood as we
realize our impotence. The natural consequence of such propaganda
must there fore result in [sic] undisciplined violence all round. It
would not then matter that it is crushed. It will still be considered a
training in armed rebellion. Each crushing will certainly bring
demoralization among many but will bring increased determination
among a few. And out of that small determined band may arise an
army of soldiers such as William the Silent1 surrounded himself with.
If the national workers have come to the conclusion that India cannot
write new history, but must do as the European countries have done, I
would understand and appreciate their campaign of boycott of
Empire goods. Even though it may never succeed, it must be kept up
as an ideal, because it would be regarded as one of the factories for
generating the necessary steam. India has a right to adopt the
time-worn method if she chooses to, and no power on earth can
deprive her of that right.
1
William I (1533-84); founder of the Dutch Republic; opposed Philip II in
his persecution of Protestants and led a “War of Liberation” against Spanish armies
and succeeded in gaining independence for a number of provinces of Holland.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 5

But I venture to say, with confidence, that the way of the sword
is not open to India. I dare to prophesy that if India chooses that way,
she must be prepared:
(1) either to submit to foreign rule for generations to come;
(2) or to submit to exclusively Hindu or exclusively
Mussalman rule almost in perpetuity.
I know that there are Hindus who, if they cannot have a purely
Hindu India, are prepared to make the best terms with the Englishmen,
and I know, too, that there arc Mussalmans who, till they arc able to
impose a purely Mussalman rule on India, are prepared to resign
themselves to the English domination. To this minority I have no
argument to address. They must continue to plough the sands. But I
know that there is a very large majority that is impatient of foreign
domination and is anxious to find an effective method of ridding
India of it. I do not despair of convincing them that swaraj in which
Hindus, Mussalmans and all others professing different creeds can
participate on equal terms is attainable in a much shorter time than
they can imagine possible if the thinking portion adopts means that
are strictly non-violent, and of further convincing them that attain-
ment of such swaraj is impossible through any other means.
For the time being, however, I propose to assume that the Con-
gress creed being what it is, Congressmen are precluded from creating
an atmosphere predisposed to violence. Ineffective boycott of Empire
goods must create such an atmosphere and, therefore, I go so far as to
say that the boycott resolution was ultra vires of the Congress creed.
But this point can only be decided by the Congress.
Let me, therefore, confine the reader’s attention to the alter-
native boycott of foreign cloth. I suggest to the Liberals, Nationalists
and Congressmen that, if they will all adopt the hand-spun khaddar
for their own personal use to the exclusion of all foreign or Indian
mill-cloth and if they will themselves religiously spin for a definite
period every day and persuade every member of their family to do
likewise, and if they will to the extent of their ability introduce the
wheel and the use of khaddar among their neighbours, the nation can
bring about the boycott of foreign cloth even in a year’s time. Even
as they may not, on any pretext whatsoever, use foreign cloth, they
may not use cloth manufactured in our mills. I must distinguish bet-
ween the two prohibitions. Boycott of foreign cloth is a vital necessity
for all time. There is no question of a permanent national boycott of

mill-cloth. But Indian mills alone can never supply the present
demand for cloth, whereas the charkha and the hand-loom can. But
the khaddar, the product of the charkha, has yet to become popular
and universal. It can only be so if the thinking portion of India will
make the commencement. They must, therefore, restrict their use of
cloth to khaddar only. Our mills need no patronage from us. Their
goods are popular enough. Moreover, the nation has no control over
the mills. They are not philanthropic institutions. They are frankly
selfish. They have their own propaganda. If they recognize the signs
of the times, they will help the foreign cloth boycott movement by
cheapening their cloth and taking to areas not served at present by
khaddar. They can, if they will, avoid competition with khaddar and
be satisfied with supplementing it. Boycott of foreign cloth cannot be
immediately accomplished unless every national worker religiously
avoids the use of mill-made cloth. Surely, the proposition is too simple
to need any argument. Khaddar, which has to find a market, must
command preference among enlightened men.
I have hitherto examined the use of khaddar as the only effec-
tive and speedy means of bringing about a successful boycott of
foreign cloth as distinguished from and as an alternative to that of
Empire goods. But when to this potency of khaddar is added its power
to feed the starving millions, the case becomes irresistible.
It is perhaps now easy to understand why a charkha atmosphere
has to be created and why every man and woman and child who
understands the necessity of the charkha for the national well-being
must religiously spin for some time every day. The peasantry of India
is among the most industrious in the world as it is perhaps also the
idlest. Both its industry and idleness are imposed upon it. It must work
to make its fields yield their harvest. The East India Company by
killing hand-spinning made it idle when it had no full labour to do.
The peasantry will now return to the charkha only when we set the
example. Mere precept will produce little impression upon it. And
when thousands spin for love, it is possible to give higher wages for
spinning if we would keep the same price for khaddar. I have myself
been able to sell khaddar manufactured at the Satyagraha Ashram
cheaper because I had maunds of yarn lovingly thrown to me by the
Punjabi sisters during my tour in the Punjab in 1919. It was possible
for me, if I had liked, to pay their wages to professional spinners, and
not reduce the price of khaddar. I (lid not do so because, at that early
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 7

stage of the khaddar movement, I was paying so high a price as 4
annas for one pound of yarn indifferently spun.
If the Liberals and the Congressmen, stung by the Kenya
decision, hurled the ineffective boycott of Empire goods at the heads
of the white Colonists of Kenya, why will they not, in their cooler
moments, concentrate their effort upon the complete success of the
khaddar movement and thereby ensure the boycott of all foreign
cloth? Need I prove that the boycott of foreign cloth will not only
bring relief to the Kenya Indians, but it will also bring swaraj?
3. NOTES
TO ‘A MOHAMMEDAN, A HINDU’
A correspondent or correspondents sent some time ago a
question of importance for answer in these columns. As the letter was
unsigned and as I do not wish to encourage anonymous correspon-
dence, I consigned it to the waste-paper basket. If the correspondent
(for I suspect one writer has assumed two names) is serious about his
question, he must disclose his identity not for publication but as an
earnest of his own bona fides.
P ANDIT MALAVIYAJI ON MOPLAH R ELIEF
The reader will be glad to learn what Pandit Malaviyaji1 has to
say about Moplah relief. The following is the translation of what he
says in a letter written to me in Hindi:
I agree with every word of what you have written about helping
Moplah women and children.
“Where is the merit in a man who returns good for good?
The wise call him only good who does good to the evil-doer.
They alone arc good who do good to those that do harm to them and
these good souls adorn the earth; for it is the better for their birth.”
Please do not infer from the verse quoted by me that in my
opinion all Moplahs have injured Hindus. But even assuming that all
the Moplahs have done us an injury, even then must we serve them in
1
Madan Mohan Malaviya (1861-1946); founder of the Banaras Hindu
University; member, Imperial Legislative Council; President of the Indian National
Congress, 1909, 1918

the hour of their need. In such conduct lies the beauty of our religion.
“Let Love conquer hate,
Let the good conquer the evil-doers.
Let a generous heart conquer avarice, Let Truth conquer
falsehood.”
P RINCIPAL GIDWANI
In reply to my inquiry, the Administrator of Nabha State has
favoured me with the following reply which is dated 12th May 1 924.
DEAR SIR ,
I am in receipt of your letter of the 5th of May. I instituted enquiries

with regard to Principal Gidwani’s condition in jail, with the following
results:
Mr. Gidwani is wearing jail clothes, but these are clean, and he is
allowed soap to wash them when he desires. He has never fasted since 2 21st
March, 1924. He is in a good state of health, and his wright is I maund 38
seers. Up to the present he has received the same food as other convicts in the
jail but has been allowed milk on certain occasions on medical grounds. I
understand that no difficulties are presented to his receiving visitors, and that
only recently he was allowed to receive his wife and brother, and that every
facility was provided on that occasion. Under the Jail Rules, visitors can only
be received once in six months.
I have personally visited the jail and satisfied myself as to the above
facts. Mr. Gidwani asked me for certain facilities, such as the cooking of his
own food, provision of vegetables and some ghee, and permission to take
exercise. These requests were granted by me. He made no complaints to me as
to any rough treatment by the jail authorities or anybody else, although he had
an opportunity of doing so as I interviewed him alone.
You seem to be under some misapprehension as to the conditions under
which Principal Gidwani is imprisoned. He was sentenced under Sections 188
and 145 of the Indian Penal Code in October last together with Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru and Mr. Santanam. I, as Administrator, suspended the
sentences passed in those cases on condition that these gentlemen left the
State and did not return thereto without permission. Mr. Gidwani broke the
conditions of the suspension of the sentences when he returned to Nabha State
on February the 21st. He is now in jail undergoing the sentences that were
passed upon him in the first instance. There is no intention of trying Mr.
Gidwani upon any further charge.
Thus Principal Gidwani is to suffer the original into years’
imprisonment for having crossed to the Nabha State border, in Mr.
Zimand’s opinion, in the interest of humanity. Principal Gidwani does
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 9

not complain because he never asked for his release in the first
instance. Rut what is the public to think of an administration under
which a man is imprisoned for doing what he considered was an act of
humanity, and which, as a matter of fact, too, resulted in no injury to
anybody? If Mr. Zimand is to believed, Principal Gidwani had no
intention of entering the State in the company of the Jatha. I do not
suppose it is contended that Principal Gidwani insists upon remaining
in the State limits if he is left free. It would, therefore, seem that he is
being made to serve the sentence without any just cause whatsoever.
ARE S IKHS HINDUS ?
A friend from the Punjab writes:
The Akalis here are more or less enraged at your note about Vaikom in
which you class them with Mussalmans and Christians as non-Hindus. I have
had many people complaining to me that the Sikhs never formally dissociated
themselves from Hinduism. And as for some people refusing to be called
Hindus, it is pointed out that Swami Shraddhanand 1 himself some time ago
look strong exception to be called a Hindu. Several prominent members of the
S.G.P.C. are members of the Hindu Sabha; and though, undoubtedly, there is a
feeling among one section of Akalis that it is better to disclaim all connection
with Hinduism, there is an equally strong section which is conservative on
this matter. Of course, they want their temples separated from general Hindu
temples and to be under their own control. But this is the case with all Hindu
sects. The Jains, so far as I am told, have the same right; and it is pointed out
to me that the Sikhs are claiming no more than the Aryas, Brahmos and others
not belonging to the orthodox Hindu traditions claim. After close acquain-
tance with the Sikh leaders here and with some study of the Sikh movement, I
myself feel that to class Akalis as non-Hindus is not entirely fair to them.
I am very glad to find that Sikh friends resent my classing them
with non-Hindus. I assure them that I had no such intention
whatsoever. During my first tour in the Punjab I happened to say in
speaking of the Sikhs that, in my opinion, they were a part of the
Hindu community. I did so because I knew that millions of Hindus
believed in Guru Nanak and that the Granth Saheb was filled with the
Hindu spirit and Hindu legends. But a Sikh friend who was present at
the meeting took me aside and said with the gravest concern that my
inclusion of the Sikhs in the Hindu community had given offence,
and the friend advised me in future never to speak of the Sikhs in the
same breath as Hindus. During my tour in the Punjab, I found that the
1
1856-1926; nationalist leader of the Arya Samaj

caution given by the friend was well-given. For I noticed that many
Sikhs regarded themselves as belonging to a religion distinct from
Hinduism. I promised the friend never again to refer to the Sikhs as
Hindus. Nothing would, therefore, please me better than to find that
the separatist tendency is confined only to a very few Sikhs and that
the general body regard themselves as Hindus. I have met with the
same fate from Arya Samajists. An innocent reference to them as
being part of Hindus was also resented. One gentleman felt insulted
when, without the slightest intention of hurting his feelings, I referred
to him as a Hindu. I soothed him by immediate apology. I have not
fared much better with some Jains. During my tour in Maharashtra I
found many Jains telling me that they were a community apart from
Hindus. I have never understood the Jain objection, because there is so
much in common between Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism. I could
somewhat understand the Arya Samaj objection, because the Samajists
are, if one may say so without giving offence, fanatically hostile to
idol-worship and Pauranic literature and everything outside the Vedas
and the Upanishads. But Jainism and Buddhism have, so far as I know,
no such quarrels with Hinduism. Indeed, Buddhism and Jainism are
mighty reforms in Hinduism. Buddhism rightly insisted on internal
purity. Its appeal-went straight to the heart. It broke down arrogant
assumption of superiority. Jainism represents the highest flight of
logic. It has taken nothing for granted and has endeavoured to prove
metaphysical truth by challenging the intellect. In my opinion, we
have hardly touched the vast literature that these two reform
movements have produced.
Holding the views I do, I hope my Sikh friends will appreciate
the fact that, if I have classed them as non-Hindus, it is out of delicate
regard for their feelings and against my own inclination. So far as the
Sikh kitchen is concerned, it is a menace whether the Sikhs may be
regarded as Hindus or non-Hindus. All this outside intrusion—for I
cannot call it anything else—takes no note of the orthodox
sensitiveness or the difficulty of the Durbar And now that I have learnt
the facts more fully about the Sikh kitchen, I cannot help saying that
it compromises the self-respect of the Kerala people. They are not
living in starvation. If I was a volunteer, I would rather starve than be
fed by outside charity, whether Hindu or non-Hindu Surely, the
Kerala people must be trusted to see to the feeding of their volunteers.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 11

VIRTUE P ENALIZED
The renter’s explanation for not working the shop and for not tapping
and drawing toddy from the trees for the shop unsatisfactory. He is fined Rs.
50.
Such is the entry in the proceedings of the Revenue Divisional
Officer of Namakal in the Madras Presidency. The reader knows that
the shop is a drink shop. The renter’s explanation was that the
drinkers had decided not to drink and, therefore, he saw no use in
keeping the shop open. He was, however, willing to pay the rent. This
explanation was not satisfactory. Nor was it enough that the abstaining
villagers were ready to pay the Government the whole year’s
stipulated profits from the drink traffic for the luxury of indulging in
their newly acquired virtue of abstinence. That was not to be, for the
law was against them. If the whole of the proceedings were legally
examined, it would probably be found that the officials concerned
could give no other decision. They arc not at fault. It is the system
that is bad, for in that system revenue is the primary consideration, not
the health of the soul or the body. Had it been otherwise, the drink
and the opium traffic would have gone long ago. One blessing
conferred upon the people by the reforms is that the drink and the
drug revenue is earmarked for the education of our children. I do
hope that the villagers and the poor renter will have the strength to
withstand all fines and other penalties for the reform they have inau-
gurated.
KHADI UMBRELLAS
A correspondent who is a thorough believer in khaddar asks
what one should do for umbrellas. I do not regard umbrellas as
clothing and personally I should not hesitate to use a foreign
umbrella. But I have seen umbrellas covered with khaddar. I know too
that it is possible by smearing khaddar with water-proof composition
to make it water-proof. It may be an expensive process but a deter-
mined man will not count the cost. I know also a poor man’s um-
brella. Prisoners arc not allowed the use of umbrellas except con-
vict-warders on out-door duty. We had in Yeravda Very useful and
more effective protection against rain by lucking one corner into
another of a gunny-bag and hanging it loosely on the head.
The correspondent is also puzzled over the use of silk dhotis
for sacred wear. For me khadi is more sacred than silk, foreign or
homespun, for the simple reason that silk manufacture is confined to a

few thousands; yarn manufacture extends to millions But the move-
ment does permit one to use homespun khaddar. Here again coarse
woollen dhotis are suggested as a perfect substitute for silk. It is not
without difficulty that one can procure hand-spun silk and then there
is always doubt whether the silk yarn is foreign or home-spun.
P ARODY OF R ELIGION
A Delhi correspondent writes:
There are about sixty houses of Chamars in Rohed in the district of
Rohtak. These are all labourers and have no property rights in the village
land. They used to take water from the village pond so long as it was available.
But after that supply failed they were at the mercy of the zemindars for the well
water. The latter would keep them waiting for hours before condescending to
issue it to the poor untouchables. Latterly in order to avoid this delay a com-
mittee was appointed with a view to devise a remedy. This committee con-
tained one Chamar. It decided that the Chamars should appoint a member of the
Mali (gardener) caste to draw water for them and pay him Rs. 15 per month.
Ale Chamars were disposed to agree but now they feel that they ought not to
pay what is after all a heavy and iniquitous monthly tax upon them. What is
one to do? Should the Chamars approach the Government officials for a piece
Of land to dig their own well? Will it not be in conflict with Non-co-opera-
tion?
The answer to the question asked is exceedingly simple. The
Chamars are non-co-operators. They have no polities. But the
staunchest non-co-operator is not precluded from buying or getting
land from the Government for necessary purposes. The less he does
so undoubtedly the better. But there is no bar against it in the
Congress resolution. A non-co-operator who understands the spirit of
the resolution will certainly not buy land from the Government for
profit. In the case in point the land is required for the necessaries that
nature has imposed upon us. And if the Chamars can get land from
the Government for digging a well, the staunchest non-co-operator, in
my opinion, need not hesitate to assist them to get it.
But the answer to the question is the least difficult part of my
task. What is to be said of the Hindu zemindars who would not have
the decency and the ordinary humanity to issue water in due time to
men who belong to their own religion and who serve them in
hundreds of ways? And all this callousness in the name of religion? If
their well is likely to be polluted by the Chamars using them, why will
they not pay the gardener for the luxury of enjoying their exclusive-
ness? Why will they not give them a plot of land for digging a well in
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 13

it? Does my correspondent know whether the zemindars have been
approached for a plot of land? If a deputation waits on them, they will
perhaps not only grant a plot, but have a well dug at their expense. If
the attempt has not been made, it should be made. Immediate relief
may be obtained by securing a piece of land from the Government.
But the campaign against untouchability is an attempt to blot it out
from Hinduism. No numbers of separate wells will do it. Hindu
reformers have, therefore, a double task before them to secure relief
for the suffering brethren, and to change, by a proper appeal to them,
the hearts of those who believe in the evil and savage custom of
regarding our own kith and kin as untouchables.
4. SAR0JINI’S SPEECH TO CHILDREN

The following speech1 reported by the Natal Mercury of Durban
cannot fail to be of interest to the readers of Y.I. I give it with the
Mercury’s appreciatory note.
5. STATEMENT TO ASSOCIATED PRESS OF INDIA

[BOMBAY,]
May 22, 1924
After having discussed with the Swarajist friends the vexed
question of entry into the Legislative Assembly and the Councils by
the Congressmen,2 I am sorry to have to say that I have not been able
to see eye to eye with the Swarajists. I assure the public that there has
been no lack of willingness or effort on my part to accept the
Swarajist position. My task would be much simpler if I could identify
myself with it. It can be no pleasure to me to oppose even in thought
1
In her speech, Sarojini Naidu had advised the children to be good to each
other irrespective of the race they might belong to. Her concluding words were: “You
are going to say: ‘We will not live in a country where there is division between race
and race, where there is hatred and selfishness.’ When you love the whole world, the
whole world will he full of peace and joy.”
2
The week-long consultations between Gandhiji, Motilal Nehru and C. R.
Das had proved inconclusive. For the Swarajists’ statement, vide Appendix
“Swarajists’ Statement on Council Entry”, 22-5-1924.

the most valued and respected leaders, some of whom have made great
sacrifices in the cause of the country and who yield to no one in their
love of freedom of the motherland, but, in spite of my effort and
willingness, I have failed to be convinced by their argument.
Nor is the difference between them and myself one of mere
detail. There is an honest and fundamental difference. I retain the
opinion that Council-entry is inconsistent with non-co-operation as I
conceive it. Nor is this difference a mere matter of interpretation of
the word “non-co-operation”, but relates to the essential mental
attitude resulting in different treatment of vital problems. It is with
reference to such mental attitude that the success or the failure of the
triple boycott is to be judged and not merely by a reference to the
actual results attained. It is from that point of view that I say that to be
out of the legislative bodies is far more advantageous to the country
than to be in them.
I have, however, failed to convince my Swarajist friends. But I
recognize that, so long as they think otherwise, their place is
undoubtedly in the Councils. It is the best for us all. It was hardly to
be expected that the Swarajists could be convinced by the arguments I
advanced in the course of the conversations. They are many of them
amongst the ablest, most experienced and honest patriots. They have
not entered the legislative bodies without full deliberation and they
must not be expected to retire from the position until experience has
convinced them of the futility of their methods.
The question, therefore, before the country is not an exami-
nation and determination of the merits of the Swarajist view and mine.
The question is: what is to be done now regarding Council-entry as a
settled fact? Are the Non-co-operators to keep up their hostility
against the Swarajists’ method or are they to remain neutral and even
help, whenever it is possible or consistent with their principles?
The Delhi and Cocanada resolutions have permitted those Con-
gressmen who have no conscientious scruples to enter the Councils
and the Assembly, if they want to do so . In my opinion, the Swarajists
are therefore justified in entering the legislative bodies and expecting
perfect neutrality on the part of the “No-changers”. They are also
justified in resorting to obstruction, because such was their policy and
the Congress laid down no conditions as to their entry. If the work of
the Swarajists prospers and the country benefits, such an ocular
demonstration cannot but convince honest sceptics like me of our
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 15

error, and I know the Swarajists to be patriotic enough to retrace their
steps when experience has disillusioned them.
I would, therefore, be no party to putting any obstacles in their
way or to carrying on any propaganda against the Swarajists’ entry
into the Legislatures, though I cannot actively help them in a project
in which I do not believe. The purpose of the Delhi and Cocanada
resolutions was to allow the Swarajists a Chance of trying the method
of Council-entry and that purpose can be served only if the
“No-changers”, with scrupulous honesty, allow the Swarajists full
liberty to pursue their programme in the Councils, unfettered by any
obstruction from them.
With regard to the method of work in the Councils, I will say
that I would enter a legislative body if only I found that I could at all
use it to advantage. If, therefore, I enter the Councils, I should, without
following a general policy of obstruction, endeavour to give strength
to the Constructive Programme of the Congress. I should, therefore,
move resolutions requiring the Central or the Provincial Government,
as the case may be,
(1) To make all their cloth purchases in hand-spun and
hand-woven khaddar;
(2) To impose a prohibitive duty on foreign cloth,
(3) To abolish the drink and drug revenue, and
(4) At least correspondingly reduce the army expenditure.
If the Government refuses to enforce such resolutions when carried in
the Legislatures, I should invite them to dissolve them and take the
vote of the electors on the specific points. If the Government would
not dissolve, I should resign my seat and prepare the country for civil
disobedience. When that stage is reached, the Swarajists will find me
ready to work with and under them.
My test of fitness for civil disobedience remains the same as
before. During the state of probation, I should advise the “No-chan-
gers” not to worry about what the Swarajists are doing or saying and
to prove their own faith by prosecuting the Constructive Programme
with undivided energy and concentration.The khaddar and the
national schools are enough to occupy every available worker who
believes in quiet, honest and undemonstrative work. Tile Hindu-Mus-
lim problem too will tax the best energy and faith or the workers. The
“No-changers” can justify their opposition to Council-entry only by

showing the results of their application though the Constructive Pro-
gramme even as the “Pro-changers” must justify their entry by
results.
The“No-changers” are in one respect in an advantageous posi-
tion; for they can secure the co-operation of the “Pro-changers”.
The latter have declared their faith in the Constructive Programme, but
their contention is that by itself, the Constructive Programme cannot
enable the country to reach the goal. In the prosecution, however, of
the Constructive Programme outside the Legislatures, all “No-chan-
gers”, “Pro-changers” and others can, if they will, work in unison
through their respective organizations if necessary.
The statement is incomplete without an examination of the
working of the Congress organization. I hold drastic and definite
views in the matter, but I must reserve their expression for a future,
though early, occasion.
The Hindu, 23-5-1924
6. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI

JUHU , S ANTA -CRUZ,
BOMBAY,
Friday, [On or before May 23, 1924] 1
CHI . RAM DAS,
I have your letter. Before I received it I had already sent a bottle
of grape juice for you and another for Kashi through Radharaman. It
need not be taken just once a day. It can be taken twice or thrice a
day. If you want to take it with cold water you may do so. Bhai
Mahadev writes that you do not have sound sleep at night. My advice
to you is to go to sleep reciting Ramanama. Remove other thoughts if
they come. This was taught to me by my nurse when I was young.
Now I can see its value. We must have the faith that in reciting that
sacred name lies our good. Do not be despondent if other thoughts
distract you while reciting Ramanama. Remove the thoughts from the
mind, but if you cannot do so, do not be disheartened. You will feel
strong by pronouncing the name. The efficacy of Ramanama is
1
The contents indicate this period, when Gandhiji was convalescing at
Juhu. May 23 was the last Friday he spent at Juhu. Further, Gandhiji expresses his
disinclination to have Kanti, Rasik and Manu brought to Bombay (vide “Letter to
Mahadev Desai”, 12-5-1924), even as he does in the postscript to this letter.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 17

described in Ramayana. Understand it from Mahadevbhai if you can.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
There is no need to send the children. Ba says that she had
inquired from you because Rasik has been writing again to say that he
wants to come. I am trying to persuade Ba to go there.
[From Gujarati]
Motana Man, p. 27
7. LETTER TO VASUMATI PANDIT

Vaisakha Vad 5 [May 23, 1924] 1
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
I have your letter. Since you have stayed on, do come. But you
need not come if you are leaving immediately. Think of returning
from Deolali only after you have completely regained your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . B EN VASUMATI
DAULATRAI KASIRAM & C O.
R AVAL BUILDING
LAMINGTON R OAD
BOMBAY
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 442. Courtesy: Vasumati Pandit
1
The postmark bears ‘the date 24-5-1924. The letter was, however written
on Vaisakha Vad 5, i.e., 23-5-1924.

8. INSTRUCTIONS TO SECRETARY
[On or after May 23, 1924] 1
Wire “Certainly Not”.
From a photostat of the draft: S.N. 10328
9. TELEGRAM TO DR. CHOITHRAM GIDWANI

BOMBAY,
May 24, 1924
DR. C HOITHRAM
C ONGRESS OFFICE
HYDERABAD (SD)
NO TRACE WIRE ABOUT FORCIBLE CONVERSION. 1 TAKING ALL
2
POSSIBLE STEPS. KEEP ME INFORMED.
GANDHI
From the original: C.W. 11035. Courtesy : Arjun Jairamdas
10. LETTER TO G. V. SUBBA RAO

May 24, 1924
DEA R MR. SUB BA RAO ,
[I have known] Sjt. Aurobindo Ghosh’s 3 views throu[gh] my
son, who specially saw him, and then throu[gh] Mr. Das. I agree that
our basis should be spiritual. And I am trying in my own humble way
to conduct every activity from a spiritual point of view.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the original G.N. 3625
1
The instructions were written on a telegram received from Dipak
Chowdhari on May 23, 1924, which read: “lf mother approves do you sanction my a
minor’s joining Tarkeshwar Satyagraha.”
2
The addressee, a Sind Congress leader, had given Gandhiji news of an
attempted forcible conversion of a Hindu in Sind. For details, vide “Hindu-Muslim
tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924.
3
1872-1950; mystic, poet and philosopher; settled at Pondicherry in 1910
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 19

11. LETTER TO ALI HASSAN1
ANDHERI ,
May 24, 1924
DEA R MR. HAS SAN,
I thank you for your letter. I do not share your opinion that
Mussalmans have lost by Non-co-operation work. I share[the] view
that Mussalmans are [not]2 superior to Hindus in administrative
ability. On the general question you will find my views developed
from time to time in my writings.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a microfilm of a newspaper cutting: S.N. 10469
12. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA

BHA ISHRI GHA NSHYA MDAS,
The Mahars4 living in this place tell me that you have promised
to pay them Rs. 30,000/- for constructing a temple and a hostel,
provided I approve of the proposal. Have you really told them any
such thing? The name of their leader is Bhosle.
Yours sincerely,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
[PS.]
Please send your reply to Sabarmati. I shall reach there on
Thursday.
From the Hindi original: C.W. 6046. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
1
This was in reply to an open letter dated May 15, 1924, from Ali Hassan,
Bar-at-Law, Patna, who wrote that the Non-co-operation movement had completely
ruined the Muslims and their institutions like the Aligarh University, etc. He
requested Gandhiji to give up the movement and ask Hindus to treat Muslim better and
accept their general superiority. Ali Hassan had sent the correspondence to New India
for publication.
2
Vide “Notes”, 10-7-1924.
3
The letter was written from Juhu, where Gandhiji was convalescing. He
reached Sabarmati, as stated in the postscript, on Thursday, May 29, 1924. In 1924,
Vaisakha Vad 6 fell on May 24.
4
People belonging to the Depressed Class in Maharashtra

13. MY REQUEST
I shall have reached Satyagraha Ashram some time next week.1 I
have to say regretfully that I have not yet recovered sufficient strength
to be able to tolerate noise, attend meetings or make speeches. Even
moving about is only possible to a certain extent. In my present state,
the hope that I shall be able to see many men and women should be
given up both by them and me. I know that many are anxious to meet
me. I am as eager for such meeting as they are. For the time being,
however, we both must restrain our desire. Everyone, therefore, should
for the present assume that I have not yet entered Gujarat at all. Let
everyone take it that I have gone to the Ashram for change of air as I
had gone to Juhu.2 If all brothers and sisters oblige me to this extent, I
shall have some peace and be ableto carry the burden of work I have
to. Almost all the energy I have is spent in running Navajivan and
Young India. 3 With what is left I can just cope with my correspon-
dence. I am, of course, continuing to observe silence on Mondays and
Wednesdays. 4 I utilize those days for writing for my papers. On those
days, therefore, I would not desire to see anyone. On the other days, I
intend to see visitors from 4 to 6 in the evening, as I do in Juhu. On
these days, too, I intend to observe silence in the morning. If I do not
observe this rule, I cannot avoid meeting people who turn up unex-
pectedly to see me and, if I see them, I cannot cope with my work.
I desire to observe this rule scrupulously till the end of July at
any rate. What I shall do thereafter will depend on the state of my
health and the volume of work.
This, then, is my request for the sake of my physical well-being.
The second request concerns our national work. There is a lot to
be done, about which I have been giving my views through the pages
of Navajivan. But may I ask for one favour? Am I fated to see
1
Gandhiji was arrested on March 10, 1922. He returned to the Ashram on
May 29, 1924, after a lapse of 26 months.
2
After his release on February 5, 1924, from the Yeravda prison, Gandhiji
stayed at Juhu, a suburb of Bombay, from March l 1 to May 28.
3
Gandhiji resumed editorship of these two weeklies in the first week of
April 1924.
4
On March 17, 1924, Gandhiji resumed the practice of observing silence
every Monday. On April 5, 1924, he also started the practice of observing silence on
Wednesdays.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 21

Gujaratis still wearing foreign cloth? Will the time never come when
I-shall see Gujarat clothed exclusively in khadi? Vallabhbhai has
planned to raise a purse of Rs. 10 lakhs. Will he not plan to make
Gujarat completely khadi-minded? If anyone asked me whether I
would have from Gujarat a crore of rupees or that it should become
completely khadi-minded, I would say at once, without the slightest
hesitation, that I would rather see Gujarat become khadi-minded than
give me a crore of rupees.
I do not wish to announce the day of my departure from
Bombay. Let no one be curious to find out. I desire that even those
who come to know it do not crowd at the station. How much yarn
could those people produce if they spent the time in spinning instead
of coming to the station? If we devote half of our spare time to
spinning, we can easily produce all. the yarn needed by the country.
S IMPLE C ALCULATION
The average annual per capita requirement of cloth comes to 13
yards. Let us assume that this quantity of cloth weighs three seers. So
much can be easily produced by one person if he spins no more than
half an hour daily. That is to say, if half the population spins only for
one hour a day it can supply the yarn needs of the entire country.
May I hope that, instead of taking the trouble to come to the station,
my brothers and sisters will restrain their eagerness and give that time
to spinning?
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 25-5-1924
14. “BRAHMACHARYA”
It is not easy to write on this subject. But my own experience is
so wide that I always wish to give some of it to the reader. Many letters
which I have received have strengthened that wish.
A friend asks: ‘’What is brahmacharya? Is perfect observance
of brahmacharya possible? If it is, do you observe it so?
The full and correct meaning of brahmacharya is search for
the brahman. As the brahman is immanent in everyone, it can be
known through contemplation and the inner illumination resulting
from it. This illumination is not possible without complete control
over the senses. Hence, brahmacharya means control in thought,

speech and action of all senses, at all places and at all times.
The man or woman who observes such perfect brahmacharya is
totally free from disease and, therefore, he or she lives ever in the
presence of God, is like God.
I have no doubt that complete observance of such
brahmacharya in thought, speech and action is possible. I regret to
say that I have not attained to the state of such perfect brahmacharya.
I am striving every moment to reach it. I have not given up the hope
of attaining that state in this very life. I have acquired control over my
body. I can guard myself during the waking state. I have acquired
fairly good control over speech. I have yet to gain good enough
control over my thoughts. When I begin to think about a certain
matter, I may have thoughts about other matters too, resulting in a
constant clashing of thoughts.
Even so, in my waking moments I am able to stop such clash of
thoughts. I have attained a state, it can be claimed, in which ugly
thoughts at any rate do not trouble me. But I have less control over
my thoughts during sleep. In that state, all manner of thoughts come
to me, even strange dreams, and sometimes desire for indulgences
familiar to the body also wakes up in me. When the thoughts are
unclean, there may be involuntary discharge too. This condition is
possible only in a life troubled by desire.
The disturbances in my thoughts are becoming weaker, but I
have not ceased altogether. Had I acquired complete mastery over my
thoughts, I would not have been, during the last ten years, afflicted
with the three diseases of pleurisy, dysentery and appendicitis.1 I
believe that the body encasing a healthy atman is bound to be healthy
Hence, as the atman becomes healthier—is less and less troubled by
desire—the body too becomes healthier. This does not mean that a
healthy body is necessarily a strong body. It is only in a lean body
that a strong atman lives. As the atman grows in strength, the body
becomes leaner. A perfectly healthy body can be very lean. A strong
body usually suffers from some disease. Even if it has no disease, it is
quick to catch infection or contract a disease, whereas a perfectly
healthy body will never catch an infection. Pure blood has the pro-
perty of keeping off destructive germs of infection.
1
Gandhiji had an attack of pleurisy in October 1914, of dysentery in August
1918 and of appendicitis in January 1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 23

Such a wonderful state is certainly difficult to attain. Else I
would have reached it, for, as my atman testifies, I would not be remiss
in taking all measures necessary for attaining it. There is nothing in
this world which can keep me from striving for it. But it is not easy for
everyone to undo the accumulated effects of his past. Despite this
delay, however, I have not been in the least disheartened, for I am able
to visualize the desireless state, am able to glimpse it faintly, and the
progress I have made makes me hopeful rather than otherwise. More-
over, even if I should die without realizing my hope, I do not believe
that I would have failed in my striving. I am as certain of rebirth as
that this body exists. I am sure, therefore, that even a modest effort
does not go in vain.
I have given this account of my experiences only in order that
my correspondents and others in the same position may have patience
and self-confidence. All have the same atman. The power of the
atman is the same in all. Only, it has been manifested in some and in
others it is still to be manifested. They too, if they try, will have like
experience.
So far I have discussed brahmacharya in its comprehensive
meaning. The conventional and commonly accepted meaning of
brahmacharya is, simply, control of the sex impulse in thought,
speech and action. This view of it is realistic, for observance of
brahmacharya in this sense is believed to be very difficult. Control
over the palate has not been equally emphasized, and that has made
control of the sex impulse more difficult. It has become almost
impossible. Again, the experience of doctors tells us that a person
whose body is weakened by disease is more troubled by sex desire
and this is an additional reason why observance of brahmacharya
seems difficult to our disease-ridden people.
I have referred above to a body being lean but healthy. No one
should take me to mean that one need not develop physical strength. I
have merely expressed, in my imperfect language, my idea about
brahmacharya in its finest aspect. What I have said may possibly be
misunderstood. Anyone who wishes to acquire complete control over
all the senses has no choice, ultimately, but to welcome his body
becoming lean. When blind love of the body and attachment for it
decline, no desire for physical strength will be left.
But the body of a brahmachari who has conquered sex desire
ought to be strong and glowing with vigour. Even the observance of

this brahmacharya raises one above the common level. He who does
not feel physical urge even in a dream deserves to be honoured by the
world. There is little doubt that it is easy for such a one to exercise
self-control in other matters.
About brahmacharya in this sense, another friend writes:
My condition is pitiable. Whether I am chanting the name of God,
whether I am in the office or walking in the street, whether I am reading at
night or working, I get those very thoughts. What should I do to control my
thoughts? How can one develop the same regard for every woman as one has
for one’s mother? What should be done so that the eyes will shine with
nothing but pure affection? What is the way to be free from evil thoughts? I
have preserved with me your article1 on brahmacharya, but in this place it is
of no help to me at all.
This is a touching plight. Many find themselves in such a con-
dition. But there is no cause for apprehension as long as one’s mind
wrestles with thoughts of that kind. If the eyes offend, they should be
closed. If the ears offend, they should be plugged with cottonwool. It
is a good habit to walk with one’s eyes always on the ground. They
will, then, get no opportunity at all to see anything else; One should
run away from a place where people are talking obscene things or
singing obscene songs. One must acquire control over the palate.
It is my experience that anyone who has not conquered the
palate cannot conquer the sex impulse. It is very difficult to conquer
the palate. But victory over it is essential for the other victory. One
way to conquer the palace is to give up condiments wholly or as far as
possible, and another effective way is to keep thinking that we eat
merely to keep the body and soul together, and that we would never
indulge the palate. We breathe not for the pleasure of breathing, but
for taking in air. We drink water to slake thirst and, likewise, we should
eat only to satisfy hunger. Right from childhood, our parents develop
in us the opposite habit. They spoil us by teaching us to enjoy all
manner of delicacies, which they do, not for our nourishment, but to
show their love for us. We have to fight such tendencies.
But the golden rule for conquering the sex impulse is to keep
repeating the magic name of Rama or some such holy word. Even the
Dwadash-mantra2 serves the same purpose. One may choose the
1
Presumably, “How Celibacy Can Be Observed”, 10-11-1921; vide “How
Celibacy can be Observed?”, 10-11-1921.
2
Om Namo Bhagavate Vasudevaya: “Salutation to Lord Vasudeva”; this
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 25

mantra to be chanted as prompted by one’s faith. I have suggested
the name of Rama because I was initiated into it from my childhood
and have always found support in it. Whichever mantra we choose, we
must become one with it. Even if other thoughts distract us while we
repeat the mantra, I have no doubt at all that anyone who keeps
repeating it with faith will succeed ultimately. The mantra will come to
be the support of one’s life and save one from all dangers. No one
should have recourse to such a holy mantra for material gain. The
miracle of the mantra lies in preserving our moral purity and
everyone who tries will have that experience in a short while. Of
course, we should remember that this mantra is not to be repeated
parrot-wise; it should be repeated with one’s whole being. The parrot
repeats such mantras mechanically; we should do so intelligently, with
purpose to keep away unwanted thoughts and with faith in the
efficacy of the mantra.
[From Gujarati]
15. MILL-HANDS AND KHADI

The sixth issue of the Khadi Patrika1 gives a detailed account of
the khadi propaganda which is being carried on among the mill-hands
of Ahmedabad. One learns from it that some workers have resolved to
wear khadi exclusively and some others to have the spinning-wheel
and the loom in their homes. The workers are running twenty schools
and eight hundred children study: in them. ALL of them wear khadi.
To supply their needs, the organizers have got stitched long shirts,
caps, etc., and as these were mass-produced, the stitching costs of the
long shirt and the cap came to no more than two annas and nine pies
for the former and six pies for the latter.
Majoor Sandesh2 contains the following interesting details:
If you buy a pound of khadi:
Ten annas will go to one of our peasants.
One-and-a-half to two annas will go to one of our poor carders.
Four to six annas will go to some poor woman who spun the yarn.
mantra or formula has twelve syllables; hence dwadash.

1
Khadi Samachar Patrika, edited by Maganlal Gandhi, Sabarmati Ashram
2
Periodical published by the Majoor Mahajan, the textile workers’ union,
Ahmedabad

Eight to nine annas will go to some weaver who wove the yarn spun by those
sisters.
Three-quarters of an anna will go to one of our washermen.
If you wear khadi, all this money will remain in our country and will go to
some of our poor brothers and sisters.
These facts deserve to be noted not only by the workers but by
every man and woman.
[From Gujarati]
16. SATYAGRAHI REPROACHES

The mention of satyagrahi terms of reproach in the article
“Impatient Kathiawar” has prompted a correspondent to ask for a list
of such terms, so that he may learn them and start using them! The
first condition is that a non-satyagrahi or a duragrahi1 should never
use such terms. If any such person uses them, they will be altogether
offensive in his mouth. If one understands this rule, one will not need
a list.
Satyagrahi abuses are without number. As love has no limit, so
these terms have none. If I want to reproach Vallabhbhai in satyagrahi
fashion, I would say: “That rogue of a Patel has shed everything of
his and has now started looting others. That is why he does not think
much of ten lakhs of rupees.” If we wish to heap satyagrahi abuses on
Abbas Saheb2 , we would say: “Why should the old man care? He has
abandoned his family and wanders about, minding neither cold nor
heat, and is ever bothering people! Since he is an old man, who can
discourage him?” If a similar reproach is to be hurled at Pattani
Saheb, we may say: “He makes the rulers of Kathiawar dance; he
sends up the stock of Bhavnagar by flattering Governors and now he
has started fooling the Kathiawaris! But, if we are true Kathiawaris, and
especially true citizens of Bhavnagar, we shall teach him a lesson. We
certainly are not gullible like the rulers and the white sahebs! We
believe in ‘tit for tat’ !”
I have here illustrated harmless uses of satyagrahi reproach.
Even I do not know all possible uses of such terms. I am only an
aspirant towards love; were I completely filled with love, I could even
1
One who is obstinate in a wrong cause, or in a right cause but in a wrong
manner
2
Abbas Tyabji (1853-1936); nationalist Muslim leader of Gujarat
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 27

give a list of reproaches such as were used by the gopis1 . Only they
could apply to Lord Krishna epithets like “butter-thief “, “robber”,
etc. A man like Narasinh Mehta called a life-long celibate like Krishna
“adulterous” and the latter bore this reproach and helped him to give
ceremonial presents to his daughters-in-law when the occasion
required.2
Only persons like Shukdevji 3 who are completely innocent in
thought all their lives can know how all this happens. The epithet
“onion-thief”, which I used for Mohanlal Pandya, is an instance in
the recent history of Gujarat similar to the description used by the
gopis. I may further inform readers that it is a resident of Bhavnagar
who has asked for a list of satyagrahi terms of reproach. I hope he will
think out others from the illustrations I have given. I am sure that, if
the residents of Bhavnagar learn this lesson, they can still hold the
Kathiawar Political Conference in Bhavnagar unconditionally. But
“The path of truth is for the brave,
Never for the cowardly.”4
[From Gujarati]
17. “A MUSLIM”
A correspondent signing himself “A Muslim” has sent me a letter
about the current tension between the Hindus and Muslims in
Visnagar5 . Some of the facts mentioned in it possibly deserve publi-
city but, since I do not wish to encourage anonymous letters and the
statements made in such letters always lack credibility, I am unable to
publish the particulars given in this letter. If the correspondent desires
that the facts as stated by him should be published, he should write to
me another letter giving particulars which can be verified, as his
anonymous letter has been destroyed.
[From Gujarati]
1
The cowherd girls who gave their love to the boy Krishna
2
Narasinh Mehta was too poor to be able to fulfil the customary obligations
when his daughter was to have her first child, and legend has it that Krishna appeared
on the scene as a devout merchant and distributed generous gifts among the in-laws.
3
A youthful sage who was as pure in his thoughts as a child
4
Adapted from the opening line of a Gujarati poem by Pritamdas, a Vedantic
poet of the eighteenth century
5
Town in North Gujarat

18. KATHIAWAR RAJPUT CONFERENCE1
I wish very much to attend this Conference which is about to
meet, but that seems quite impossible.
Kathiawar was a land of warriors. The valour of the Rajputs is
world-renowned. But the Rajputs of today are not likely to become
brave by singing praises of their valour in the past. When the Brahmin
gave up pursuit of higher knowledge, the Rajput became commerce-
minded, forsaking his traditional duty of defending people, and the
Vania 2 took to paid service, who can blame the Sudra if he ceased to
be a servant? When the four castes fell, they gave rise, against the spirit
of religion, to a fifth one and this came to be looked upon as a class
of untouchables. Having created this fifth class, the four castes kept it
in suppression and, in consequence, they themselves came to be
suppressed and fell.
Who will rescue the Hindus from this plight? If the Hindus are
not saved, the Muslims also cannot escape the same fate. If twenty-two
crores fall, surely the other seven crores cannot survive. When a train
is in motion, we cannot stand close to it because its velocity is likely to
drag us along.
India’s freedom thus lies in the regeneration of the Hindus. The
country can be saved only if this regeneration is religious in character.
If the Hindus try to imitate the West in order to acquire its physical
strength, they will themselves fall and bring down others as well.
Who will save this fallen Hindu society? Who will inspire
courage in the timid? Surely, this duty belongs to the Kshatriya. If,
therefore, the Rajput Conference wants to understand its duty and
discharge it, the Rajputs will have to consider what their dharma is.
For protecting others, it is not necessary to possess the strength
of the sword. The age of such strength has passed, or is passing. The
world has had plenty of experience of the sword and has had enough
of it. Even the West seems to have tired of it. He who protects others
by killing the enemy is no Kshatriya; he is a true Kshatriya who
protects others by laying down his own life. He is no brave man who
runs away from danger; one who stands firm, chest forward, and bears
blows without striking back is a Kshatriya.
1
Held, presumably, in June 1924; vide “The Purdah and the Pledge”,
22-6-1924.
2
Member of mercantile community
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 29

But let us suppose for a moment that the sword is necessary.
What then? If Rama used it, it was after he had purified himself
through tapascharya by living in the forest for fourteen years. The
Pandavas, too, lived in the forest. Arjuna1 went to god Indra 2 himself
and obtained divine weapons. One must get the power which comes
through tapas3 before acquiring the strength of arms. If this is not
done, the result would be senseless fighting as among the Yadavas 4
and, just as the latter destroyed themselves with their own arms, our
weapons would kill us.
Hence the first task before the Rajput Conference is to raise the
Rajputs. A Rajput may talk of his rights, but he should first talk of his
duty. He should give up addictions, adopt simplicity, befriend the
poorest among Kathiawaris, share his sufferings and serve him. No
one can deprive him of this right to serve. If anyone in Kathiawar is
forced to leave it, a Raiput should feel ashamed of it. There’s the
wherewithal of life where there are the spinning-wheel, the carding-
bow and the loom. Why do Kathiawaris leave the heavenly climate of
the region for the foul air of Bombay? It is for the Rajputs, more than
for others, to answer this question. The discredit for this should
certainly go to the rulers. If the rulers of Kathiawar concern themsel-
ves only with the well-being of their subjects, why should the latter
have to leave their land? The rulers will not, of course, be present at
the Rajput Conference but, if the Rajputs mean it, even they will
understand. This is an age of democracy and so the rulers will become
what the subjects are and remain so. The Rajputs are in a position to
make a worthy contribution to the national awakening.
If the members of the Conference spend more time examining their
own shortcomings than spotting out those of others, they will be
showing the way on the royal road. Nowadays we blame others for
our sufferings; we forget or wish to forget that we ourselves are
responsible for them. If there is none to tolerate tyranny, what can the
tyrant do? So long as we remain weak enough to be enslaved, there
will be people who will seek to enslave us. It is an easy, though useless,
1
The most valiant of the five Pandavas in the Mahabharata
2
King of the gods
3
Austerities
4
Shri Krishna’s kinsmen; with the advent of the Age of Strife, they were
possessed by the spirit of evil and, after an orgy of drinking, destroyed themselves
by fighting against one another.

exercise to abuse such people. It is certainly difficult to understand
our own weakness and remove it, but that is the only course which will
yield results. And since the means of removing it is in our own hands,
no one can deprive us of it.
It is my earnest appeal to the members of the Rajput Conference
that they give their most serious attention to this suggestion and do
some self-examination.
Finally, let me give them a little advice from experience. Let
them beware of speeches and speech-makers. They would do well to
keep away from these. Work will be done better if it is done in silence.
One who goes on shouting about his hunger will not satisfy the
hunger of the hungry, but a good man, dumb from birth, taking a
handful of bajra1 to them, will bring light to their eyes, colour to their
cheeks and a smile to their lips. They will bless the dumb man from
the depth of their hearts. God does not teach us through speeches, but
He ever remains active. He is awake even when we are asleep. He can
spare no time from His work to make speeches. I request the Rajputs
to devote themselves exclusively to work, and thus set an example to
other workers of Kathiawar who are all too ready with the tongue, but
in action are clever diplomats.
[From Gujarati]
1
Coarse millet
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 31

19. HELP TO MOPLAHS
Bharatabhushan Pandit Malaviya writes as follows concerning
my appeal for help to Moplahs:
I have so far received Rs. 600 only for Moplah relief,—Rs. 500
having been contributed by a Bohra gentleman. I hope others also will
contribute, each according to his or her capacity.
[From Gujarati]
20. TRIUMPH OF SPRING

May 25, 1924
The poet1 killed Pandu and burnt Madri and thus celebrated the
triumph of spring. In the Chaitra issue of Vasant, Shri Anandshan-
karbhai2 has tried to celebrate a somewhat similar triumph of a violent
nature. He has attempted to do so by attributing to me certain views
about mill cloth. If he succeeds in his attempt, the cause of poor khadi
would be completely ruined. Hence, we deem it our duty to prevent
the success of this violent attack.
The reader is well aware that I seldom interest myself in
criticizing any newspaper or individual. Such criticism seems pointless
to me; it gives rise to unnecessary controversy and sometimes even ill
feeling. I have no cause for fear in regard to Shri Anandshankar’s
articles. Between us there may be differences of opinion, but there can
be no misunderstanding. As I write this, a co-worker puts in my hand
the note in Vasant which I have referred to. I do not, therefore, wish to
check the desire to reply to it. However, readers should not hope that I
shall always be ready to enter into such friendly controversies even
with Vasant. My duty is to place my ideas before the public and, if
1
Manishankar Bhatt, who wrote a poem entitled Vasant-Vijaya, “Triumph of
Spring”, on the Mahabharata story of how Panda, father of the Pandava heroes, met
his death. Yielding to the influence of spring, Pandu disregarded the curse on him and
sought union with his wife, Madri, and died in consequence. Madri, too, immolated
herself on the funeral pyre.
2
Anandshankar Bapubhai Dhruva (1869-1942); Sanskrit scholar and Gujarati
writer, Pro-Vice Chancellor of the Banaras Hindu University, 1920-37; founded and
edited Vasant, a Gujarati journal

any issues arise, to solve them from a distance. I always regard myself
as vanquished by everyone. I am never keen to convince people thro-
ugh arguments, and I have often found that the imperfect language in
which the imperfect thoughts of an imperfect man are expressed
cannot explain his meaning fully. Moreover, if the reader’s impati-
ence and opposition to the author’s views are added to the threefold
imperfection, they would further diminish his capacity to understand
the argument. It is because I believe that, in such circumstances, the
proper thing is to say little and let work speak for itself, that I do not
enter into argument and, in consequence, do not need to read many
newspapers.
The note in Vasant is itself a good instance of what I have said.
Had Anandshankarbhai fully understood my views, he would have
found nothing to say against them, or, if he had thought it necessary
to write anything, it would have been to welcome the movement to
popularize the exclusive use of khadi and this would have made my
task and that of Gujarat, as also the path of swaraj, easy. But how can I
expect that he would understand them? Why should he or anyone else
read what I have written elsewhere in this connection? They naturally
form their opinions on the basis of what they happen to read or see. I
am certainly to blame for going on writing on the subject though
aware of this difficulty. If one must write, one should use such langu-
age as will admit of no misconstruction. But, then, if one can com-
mand such language, need one write? Only an imperfect person reso-
rts to writing. Hence, we have no choice but to tolerate each other’s
failings. If we keep trying to overcome our failings and in the mean-
time maintain cordial relations with others, we may not reach perfec-
tion, but we shall certainly make some progress towards our goal.
It would be simpler for me and the reader if I re-state my ideas
rather than try to reply to Anandshankarbhai’s criticism:
1. I have no particular love or dislike for the textile industry.
2. Even if there were no textile mills, India could meet its require-
ment of cloth by means of the spinning-wheel and the handloom.
There is enough evidence to prove this.
3. Mill-made cloth requires no encouragement, as that industry
faces no risks.
4. There is, for the seven lakh villages of India, only one possible
cottage industry to supplement agriculture, and that is spinning and
weaving.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 33

5. The use of khadi is still new. It has not yet gained a permanent
place and has to make its way against foreign and mill-made cloth.
6. Only a small section of the public is within the reach of the
present movement; if even this section is permitted to wear mill-made
cloth, who will be left to use khadi and when will the come to use it? If
it is possible to popularize khadi even in some measure, that can be
done only when this small section of society learns to regard the use
of khadi as a religious duty and insists on wearing it.
7. It is essential to boycott foreign cloth. It is a threat to the
interests of the textile mills in India. I see no happy signs of Indians
taking to the use of khadi immediately; hence, Indian mill-made cloth
has ample scope. It has reason to fear not khadi but foreign cloth.
Hence, I should certainly like to see sufficient import duties levied to
save the textile industry from this danger.
8. I believe that even the spinning-wheel and the hammer are
machines. I have always accepted, and still accept, the principle that
external machinery is unnecessary. I believe likewise in the need for
self-control in regard to outward possessions. The West believes in just
the opposite. In other words, from its point of view, progress consists
in increasing use of machines. Believers in both these principles give
importance to machinery. Ancient civilization regards it as a necessary
evil and assigns it a secondary place; modern civilization welcomes it
as something desirable.
9. History does not tell us that khadi went out of use because
foreign cloth was better and cheaper. Even today, foreign cloth cannot
compete with the better sort of khadi. Cloth like the shabnam1 muslin
of Dacca has disappeared for ever. When foreign cloth was first
introduced, it was not even cheap. History tells us, on the contrary, that
the East India Company deliberately destroyed the spinning and
weaving industries and, by securing various forms of protection, made
us accept foreign cloth. I have not invented this history out of my
ignorance. I have gathered it from Shri Romesh Chandra Dutt’s2 vast
storehouse of knowledge. I am not aware of these assertions having
been disputed to this day; if this belief of mine is erroneous, I shall
certainly be ready to revise it.
1
Literally, dew; hence exquisitely delicate
2
1848-1909; member of Indian Civil Service, author of The Economic History
of India since the Advent of the East India Company; President of the Indian National
Congress, 1899; later Chief Minister of Baroda State

10. The power of khadi is immeasurable. It need not compete with
mill-made cloth in order to increase it. It is always increasing.
Whoever wishes to examine this can compare the fine khadi that is
being produced today with what little was produced four years ago. I
was surprised even by the change that I saw when I came out after two
years of imprisonment. Today, khadi is produced in every home. By
and by, it will not even require heavy implements, and so long as art
and taste survive in the world, the quality and design of khadi will
continue to improve. It is only the craze for mill-made cloth which
impedes its progress. To rid themselves of this craze is the duty of
all—Non-co-operators and those who believe in co-operation, the
Swarajists and those who are not Swarajists, of men and women, the
learned and the ignorant.
[From Gujarati]
21. MY NOTES
DIRTY HABITS OF P ASSENGERS
A gentleman who usually travels third on railways, writes to say
that travelling by this class becomes intolerable because of the dirty
habits of passengers and that, to save oneself the suffering on the
journey, one should carry a small broom and a spittoon with a lid.
The compartment should be periodically swept with the broom and,
whenever anyone wishes to spit, the spittle should be collected in the
spittoon. In this way, one would be spared some suffering at any rate.
There is no doubt that such filth is intolerable to anyone who
cares for cleanliness. Nevertheless, we cannot choose but travel third
class. When I used to travel only third class, I had leaflets printed1 and
had even started distributing them among the travelling public. When
the nature of my work changed, I left off this propaganda through
leaflets. Later on, I suffered in health, and had to give up both the
privilege and the hardships of third-class travel. But its sweet
memories are still fresh in my mind and I hope to describe them again
some time.
Every volunteer should read out the leaflet as he distributes
1
During 1916-17, these were distributed in Gujarat; vide also “Railway
Passengers”, before 26-7-1916.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 35

copies of it. Simultaneously, the experiment of using a broom should
also be tried. The suggestion about the spittoon is difficult to carry
out. In acting upon it, there is a risk of one’s being beaten up and,
even so, the passengers may refuse to spit into it. But the use of the
broom is very necessary. We may politely request passengers not to
throw rubbish in the compartment and, at the same time, ungrud-
gingly sweep away the dirt which may be thrown despite our pleas. In
trying to use the spittoon, there is the danger, while trying to avoid
one kind of uncleanliness, of inviting another. It should be properly
cleaned after use every time. The spittoon, too, should have no joints,
should not corrode and should be large enough in size. On such
occasions I used large quantities of paper. By using paper to clean the
spot where anyone has spat, one does not soil one’s hands and can yet
clean the place properly. Later, one can wash the hands, if one feels
like doing so. If we do all this, others who are inclined to spit will feel
ashamed and restrain themselves. What really makes one sad is that
volunteers do not themselves always observe the rules of tidiness and
cleanliness. Generally, we seem to have little consideration for others.
This is the reason for the excessive filthiness one finds on trains and
ships, in fact, wherever one goes. Improvement in this matter can be
brought about only if teaching habits of cleanliness and tidiness is
part of children’s education and if we realize that the rules taught are
meant to be followed. Perhaps, the reader does not know that to make
railway compartments dirty in the manner described above is an
offence under the Railways Act. But no one is prosecuted since the
majority of people are guilty of this offence and only a few are
innocent. It is a maxim that only a law which the majority obeys can
be enforced against a few. In other words, the atmosphere must be
favourable if such laws are to be enforced. This further means that, in
practice, many laws serve no useful purpose. Once the necessary
atmosphere has been created, the minority conforms of its own accord
to the general practice.
MEANING OF P OPULAR
A teacher writes to say:1
I have used the word “popular” in my article 2 with the same
meaning which this correspondent gives to it. I have expressed my
1
The letter is not translated here.
2
Vide “To Readers of Navajivan”, 6-4-1924.

views in keeping with my principles and, consistently with them, we
should not have schools in villages which do not favour them. If at all
we have them, we should not call them “popular”. However, we may
rightly feel in our enthusiasm for a new movement that we are justi-
fied in starting schools at numerous places and that since society gives
us the required money, there is no reason why we should not run
them. I would not, however, look upon such activity as altogether
unexceptionable. If, having regard to their aims, many of the missi-
onary schools seem to serve no useful purpose, the reason is this. It
has also been our experience that funds are misused when collected at
one place and spent at another distant place. Moreover, as a result of
this, the section of the population on whom we spend the money in
this way be comes incapable of helping itself. This is why I would
think that we were on the right track to the extent that we proceeded in
accordance with the principle I have mentioned. From this point of
view, it would seem to be futile to spend money in a village where the
parents would neither send their children [to the school] nor contri-
bute funds for it.
But, then, according to this rule, not a single school for
untouchables could be started, for our work among them is yet to be
considered as “popular” ! Moreover, in many villages all the Hindus
are opposed to such an activity or, if not actually opposed to it, are
indifferent in the matter. This doubt will soon arise. It only shows that
no principle is absolute. Very often, many principles have to be
followed at the same time, some of which may be contradictory. One
may, therefore, say that work which takes into account all the relevant
principles yields the best results.
So far as the untouchables are concerned, we have really clipped
their wings. We have crushed better sentiments out of them, so that
much of our work among them has to be done by way of atonement.
It is for us to build schools and temples and dig wells for them. All
this is a debt we owe them. Moreover, this obligation may not become
“popular”. Those to whom it appeals may spend their money on it
and work without hoping for reward. In this context, ‘’popularity”
must be understood in a different sense. It is only in such perplexing
situations that moral dilemmas arise. On such occasions, the test of our
good sense consists in reconciling diverse principles and working
accordingly.
[From Gujarati]
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 37

22. DAILY PLYING OF THE SPINNING-WHEEL
A Jain friend writes to me to say that the women in his family
have stopped spinning because some monks have told them that the
Jain religion forbids the plying of the spinning-wheel as it kills the
invisible germs living in the air! If the song below1 dates back to 300
years, that itself will answer those monks. Moreover, common sense
will not at all accept their argument. There is violence in every deed
and in every bodily function. There is violence certainly in eating,
drinking and dressing How, then, can we help taking up those activi-
ties which are necessary for producing clothing for us? If others draw
water, cook, spin and weave and we utilize the fruits of their labour, we
naturally share their sin. If, therefore, we ourselves do the three things
with our own hands, we can limit their extent and reduce our burden
of sins. He who draws water with his own hands will use it econo-
mically. But does anyone using tap water exercise any restraint on
himself? The same is true of all activities. Personally, I consider
spinning to be an activity which serves the cause of non-violence in
every respect.
[From Gujarati]
23. MISCELLANEOUS
A Parsi gentleman from Calcutta writes as follows:2
Fortunately, it is not a crore of Gujaratis who use the word bhaiya; it
is used chiefly by Gujaratis living or settled in Bombay. Hence, it
should not be difficult to bring this abuse of the word bhaiya to the
notice of this small number in order to avoid hurting the feelings of
our brothers from the North.
S ALE OF KHADI
Some facts mentioned by the ‘Khadi News Centre’ in the sixth
1
Not translated here. It told the story of a woman who, on her husband’s
failure to earn enough to maintain his family, brought prosperity to the family with
the help of the spinning-wheel.
2
The correspondent had referred to Gandhiji’s earlier note on the misuse of the
word bhaiya, literally, brother; vide “My Notes”,4-5-1924.

number of its leaflet for the second year are worth noting. It appears
from these figures that, during the ‘Gandhi Month’ 1 , the sales of
khadi in Orissa, by the Bombay Khadi Samiti, in Kerala and in the
Marathi region of the Central Provinces have amounted to not less
than Rs. 2,60,789. Obviously, this cannot include all private sales. The
total sales figures, therefore, would certainly exceed that given above.
Moreover, the figures of sales in several other provinces had not been
received at the time of the printing of the leaflet. The total sales in the
country, therefore, must be much greater. Even so, when the aim is to
produce annually khadi of the value of at least sixty crore rupees, of
what significance is a total output of four to five lakhs?
EXPORT OF C OTTON
The same leaflet informs us that 29,81,361 bales of cotton were
exported in 1921-22, and 33,62,601 bales in 1922-23. The larger
portion of the sale proceeds of these bales was received by the Indian
peasants; even then, not only did they lose the money they could have
earned for working on the other processes up to and including the
weaving of cloth, though they had time and the necessary skill, but
they also sent that amount abroad. In other words, if they earned a
rupee for a seer of cotton, perhaps, they paid: back fourteen annas
when they bought cloth made of the same amount of cotton. Only
Indians would do such foolish business.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 25-5-l924
1
Commencing from Gandhiji’s birthday which, according to the Indian Calen-
dar, usually falls in the last week of September
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 39

24. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
JUHU ,
Monday [May 26, 1924] 1
CHI . MAN I,
So you have reached Ahmedabad earlier than expected. I am
keen that you and your brother should live in a separate room in the
Ashram. You may have your meals in the mess, or you may cook
your food yourself, or with Ba if that suits you. Do as suits you both.
You can go to the college from there.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . M ANIBEHN
C/ O VALLABHBHAI, B AR-AT -LAW
AHMEDABAD
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—Maniben Patelne
25. NOTE TO SHANTIKUMAR MORARJI2

[Before May 28, 1924] 3
Very well done, indeed! May you live long, may your virtues
grow from day to day, may you always do good deeds, and may you
render ever greater service to the country.
From a photostat of the Gujarati original: C.W. 4694. Courtesy: Shanti-kumar
Morarji
1
As in the printed source
2
Shantikumar Narottam Morarji, a Gujarati businessman of Bombay connected
with the Scindia Steam Navigation Company
3
The letter bears the addressee’s remark that it was written from Juhu. Gandhiji
left Juhu for Ahmedabad on May 28, 1924.

26. LETTER TO V. G. DESAI
BHA ISHRI VAL JI,
I have a letter from Abhechandbhai saying that he will most
probably get the job he wants. I see that your preface has been dro-
pped from “Rentianu Sangeet” [The Music of the Spinning-wheel].
Now I realize how right you are to insist on proofs. At the same time, I
am sorry for poor Swami2 , who is over-burdened math work. At
present, even Mahadev is not by his side to help him. But all the same,
you should continue to point out the mistakes. In fact, I would like
you to send me a list of mistakes every week so that I can print it. If
that does not appeal to you, please send it for my personal use. Owing
to excitement3 I had a temperature. What is the Gujarati word for
‘excitement’ here?
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
V. G. DESAI
S TERLING C ASTLE
S IMLA
From a photostat of the Gujarati original: C.W. 6009. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
27. A SILENCE-DAY NOTE 4
[Between March 11 and May 28, 1924] 5

I have been observing for some days that you are not single-
mindedly attentive at the time of prayer. If this judgement of mine is
correct, try to overcome your absent-mindedness. The fact that I can
observe your absent-mindedness itself proves that I myself am unable
to keep my attention steady. This is true indeed. But because one
1
Rentianu Sangeet, mentioned in the letter, was published in the Navajivan,
25-5-24. The correct title of the article is “Rentiyano Swadhyaya”. In 1924, Vaisakha
Vad 10 fell on May 28.
2
Swami Anandanand
3
The original has this English word.
4
A person to whom this silence-day note is addressed is not identified in the
source. It is, however, noted at the top that Gandhiji said this to him when he
(Gandhiji) was living in a bungalow at Juhu from March 11 to May 28, 1924.
5
Ibid
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 41

person is guilty of a lapse, does it follow that another person also may
be so guilty? Moreover, what comparison can there be between an old
man who commits a lapse and an innocent child? May it be natural
for you all what I have not been able to achieve to this day! And
moreover, you were feeling sleepy and that was an additional lapse.
We, who are looked upon as elders, may go to bed at any hour but
you children ought to go to bed by eight. If you take less interest in
talking, you will find thinking more pleasurable and will be able to
observe all the rules.
Why need you then ask? What comparison can there be between
Prabhudas’s age and yours? I wish that I, too, were a child. But how
can that be? We will think more about this in the Ashram.
From the Gujarati original: S.N. 33013
28. TELEGRAM TO SARALADEVI CHOWDHARANI1

[Before May 29, 1924]
MINORS SHOULD CERTAINLY NOT TAKE PART IN
SATYAGRAHA.
The Leader, 31-5-1924
29. LETTER TO N. M. KHARE

Saturday [Before May 29, 1924] 2
BHA ISHRI PAN DITJI 3 ,
I have your letter.
Let Rambhau have a change of climate and recover his health.
It is neither obligatory nor necessary for a woman to remain in
isolation during her monthly period. It is quite unnecessary for
unmarried girls. It does help to some extent in protecting a woman’s
health. A married woman especially resorts to isolation in order to
1
This was with reference to her reported statement regarding her minor son
offering himself as a volunteer in the Tarkeshwar Satyagraha. Vide also ‘’Instructions
to Secretary”, on or after May 23, 1924.
2
The addressee had taken the snake-charm from Nathji, who was staying in the
Ashram in 1924. It is presumed that the letter was written by Gandhiji before he
returned to the Ashram from Bombay on May 29, 1924.
3
Narayan Moreshwar Khare, a music teacher at Sabarmati Ashram; compiled
the Ashram Bhajanavali, a book of prayers in various languages, for the Ashram.

save herself from her husband’s passion. As to how far it [touching a
woman in menses] will affect the [snake-] charm, I am not competent
to say. You should observe the rule prescribed by Nathji 1 in this
connection. Here, too, harm is likely to result if one has the
knowledge that the woman is in menses. I gathered from Kishorelal 2
that the touch of a woman in menses, when you are unaware of her
condition does not affect the charm.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 255. Courtesy: Lakshmibai Khare
30. HINDU-MUSLIM TENSION: ITS CAUSE AND CURE3

HINDU INDICTMENT
Pandit Banarsidas Chaturvedi brought a message from a Hindu
residing in Tanganyika to the following effect: “Tell Gandhi he is
responsible for the Muslim atrocities in Multan.”4 I did not print the
message before, as I was not ready to write then upon the question of
questions. But many letters have since been received by me, some
from well-known friends telling one that I was responsible even for
the alleged Moplah atrocities, in fact for all the riots in which Hindus
have or are said to have suffered since the Khilafat agitation. The
argument is somewhat this: ‘You asked the Hindus to make common
cause with the Mussalmans in the Khilafat question. Your being
identified with it gave it an importance it would never have otherwise
received. It unified and awakened the Mussalmans. It gave a prestige
to the Maulvis which they never had before. And now that the Khilafat
question is over, the awakened Mussalmans have proclaimed a kind of
jehad against us Hindus.’ I have given the purport of the charge in
readable language. Some letters contain unprintable abuse.
So much for the Hindu part of the indictment against me.
1
Kedarnath Kulkarni, spiritual seeker and frequent visitor to the Ashram
2
Kishorelal Mashruwala
3
A reprint of this article was later issued in the form of a pamphlet.
4
In March-April 1923
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 43

MUSSALMAN INDICTMENT
A Mussalman friend says:
The Muslim community being a very simple and religious community
were led to believe that the Khilafat was in danger and that it could be saved by
the united voice of Hindus and Mohammedans; these innocent people,
believing your very eloquent words, showed great enthusiasm, with the result
that they were the first to boycott schools, law-courts, Councils, etc. The
most famous institution of Aligarh, which Sir Syed had built by the labour of
his lifetime and which was justly the first institution of its kind, was utterly
spoilt. I shall be very much obliged if you will kindly point out that the Hindu
community had a similar institution, and it met with the same fate. I know of
scores of boys who could have taken the University degree with credit to
themselves and the community to which they belonged, but they were induced
to leave studies on religious grounds, with the result that they were utterly
ruined. On the contrary very few Hindu boys left, and those who did so for the
time beinginstantly joined, as soon as they found that the movement was
tottering to pieces. Similar was the case with lawyers. In those days, you
brought about a sort of unity between the two communities and advertised it far
and near that it was a solid one. The simple-minded Mohammedans again beli-
eved it, with the result that they were brutally treated at Ajmer, Lucknow,
Meerut, Agra, Saharanpur, Lahore and other places. Mr. Mahomed Ali, who
was a born journalist of a very high type, and whose wonderful paper The
Comrade was doing such solid work for the Muslim community, was won over
to your side, and he is now a loss to the community. Your Hindu leaders-in the
guise of shuddhi and sangathan are trying to weaken the Muslim community.
Your short-sighted decision to prevent people from entering the Councils has
acted most unfairly on this community as the majority of able men refrain
from entering the Councils because of the so-called fatwa. Under the circums-
tances, do you not honestly think that you are doing a great harm to this
community by keeping the Mohammedans, a few of them of course, still in
your camp.
I have not given the whole of the letter. But the extract
represents the gist of the Muslim indictment against me.
NOT GUILTY
I must plead not guilty to both the charges, and add that I am
totally unrepentant. Had I been a prophet and foreseen all that has
happened, I should have still thrown myself into the Khilafat agitation.
In spite of the present strained relations between the two communities,
both have gained. The awakening among the masses was a necessary
part of the training. It is itself a tremendous gain. I would do nothing

to put the people to sleep again. Our wisdom consists now in directing
the awakening in the proper channel. What we see before us is sad but
not disheartening, if we have faith in ourselves. The storm is but the
forerunner of the coming calm that comes from a consciousness of
strength, not from the stupor of exhaustion and disappointment.
The public will not expect me to give judgment upon the riots
in the different places. I have no desire for giving judgment. And
even if I had, I have not the facts before me.
MOPLAHS
I will say a word as to the causes.
The Malabar happenings undoubtedly disquieted the Hindu
mind. What the truth is no one knows. The Hindus say that the
Moplah atrocities were indescribable. Dr. Mahmud tells me that these
have been grossly exaggerated, that the Moplahs too had a grievance
aga-inst the Hindus, and that he could find no cases of forcible
conver-sions. The one case that was reported to him was at least ‘non-
proven’. In his findings, Dr. Mahmud says, he is supported by Hindu
testimony. I merely mention the two versions to ask the public to con-
clude with me that it is impossible to arrive at the exact truth, and that
it is unnecessary for the purpose of regulating Our future conduct.
MULTAN , E TC.
In Multan, Saharanpur, Agra, Ajmer etc., it is agreed that the
Hindus suffered most. In Palwal it is stated that Hindus have prevented
Mussalmans from turning a kachcha mosque into a pukka one. They
are said to have pulled down part of the pukka wall, driven the
Muslims out of the village, and stated that the Muslims could not live
in the village unless they promised not to build any mosque and say
azan. This state of things is said to have continued for over a year.
The driven Mussalmans are said to be living in temporary huts near
Rohtak.
In Byade in Dharwar district, my informant tells me, on Muslims
objecting to music being played before their mosque, the Hindu
desecrated the mosque, beat the Mussalmans, and then got them
persecuted. Here again I cite these two instances, not as proved facts,
but to show that the Mussalmans too claim to have much to complain
of against Hindus.
And it can certainly be fairly added that where they were
manifestly weak and Hindus strong, as in Katarpur and Arrah years
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 45

ago, they were mercilessly treated by their Hindu neighbours. The fact
is that when blood boils, prejudice reigns supreme; man, whether he
labels himself Hindu, Mussalman, Christian or what not, becomes a
beast and acts as such.
THE S EAT OF THE TROUBLE
The seat of the trouble, however, is in the Punjab. The Mussal-
mans complain that the Hindus have raised a storm of protest on Mr.
Fazal Hussain trying very timidly to give a fair proportion of Govern-
ment employment to Mussalmans. The letter from which I have
already quoted complains bitterly that, wherever a Hindu has been the
head of a department, he has carefully excluded Mussalmans from
Government posts.
The causes for the tension are thus more than merely religious.
The charges I have quoted are individual. But the mass mind is a
reflection of individual opinion.
TIRED OF NON -VIOLENCE
The immediate cause is the most dangerous. The thinking por-
tion seems to be tired of non-violence. It has not as yet understood
my suspension of Satyagraha after Ahmedabad and Viramgam trage-
dies, then after the Bombay rowdyism, and, Lastly, after the Chauri
Chaura outrage. The last was the last straw. The thinking men
imagined that all hope of Satyagraha, and therefore of swaraj too in
the near future, was at an end. Their faith in non-violence was skin-
deep. Two years ago, a Mussalman friend said to me in all sincerity,
“I do not believe [in] your non-violence. At least, I would not have
my Mussalmans to learn it. Violence is the law of life. I would not
have swaraj by non-violence as you define the latter. I must hate my
enemy.” This friend is an honest man. I entertain great regard for
him. Much the same has been reported of another very great
Mussalman friend of mine. The report may be untrue, but the reporter
himself is not an untrue man.
HINDU R EPUGNANCE
Nor is this repugnance to non-violence confined to Mussalmans.
Hindu friends have said the same thing, if possible, with greater
vehemence. My claim to Hinduism has been rejected by some,
because I believe [in] and advocate non-violence in its extreme form.
They say that I am a Christian in disguise. I have been even seriously

told that I am distorting the meaning of the Gita when I ascribe to that
great poem the teaching of unadulterated non-violence. Some of my
Hindu friends tell me that killing is a duty enjoined by the Gita under
certain circumstances. A very learned Shastri only the other day
scornfully rejected my interpretation of the Gita and said that there
was no warrant for the opinion held by some commentators that the
Gita represented the eternal duel between forces of evil and good, and
inculcated the duty of eradicating evil within us without hesitation,
without tenderness.
I state these opinions against non-violence in detail, because it is
necessary to understand them if we would understand the solution I
have to offer. What I see around me today is, therefore, a reaction
against the spread of non-violence. I feel the wave of violence
coming. The Hindu-Muslim tension is an acute phase of this tiredness.
I must be dismissed out of consideration. My religion is a matter
solely between my Maker and myself. If I am a Hindu, I cannot cease
to be one even though I may be disowned by the whole of the Hindu
population. I do, however, suggest that non-violence is the end of all
religions.
LIMITED NON -VIOLENCE
But I have never presented to India that extreme form of non-
violence, if only because I do not regard myself fit enough to re-
deliver that ancient message. Though my intellect has fully under-
stood and grasped it, it has not as yet become part of my whole being.
My strength lies in my asking people to do nothing that I have not
tried repeatedly in my own life. I am then asking my countrymen
today to adopt non-violence as their final creed, only for the purpose
of regulating the relations between the different races, and for the
purpose of attaining swaraj. Hindus and Mussalmans, Christians, Sikhs
and Parsis must not settle their differences by resort to violence, and
the means for the attainment of swaraj must be non-violent. This I
venture to place before India, not as a weapon of the weak, but of the
strong. Hindus and Mussalmans prate about no compulsion in
religion. What is it but compulsion if Hindus will kill a Mussalman for
saving a cow? It is like wanting to convert a Mussalman to Hinduism
by force. And similarly, what is it but compulsion if Mussalmans seek
to prevent by force Hindus from playing music before mosques?
Virtue lies in being absorbed in one’s prayers in the presence of din
and noise. We shall both be voted irreligious savages by posterity if we
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 47

continue to make a futile attempt to compel one another to respect
our religious wishes. Again, a nation of three hundred million people
should be ashamed to have to resort to force to bring to book one
hundred thousand Englishmen. To convert them or, if you will, even
to drive them out of the country, we need, not force of arms, but force
of will. If we have not the latter, we shall never get the former. If we
develop the force of will, we shall find that we do not need the force
of arms.
Acceptance of non-violence, therefore, for the purposes men-
tioned by me, is the most natural and the most necessary condition of
our national existence. It will teach us to husband our corporate
physical strength for a better purpose, instead of dissipating it, as now,
in a useless fratricidal strife, in which each party is exhausted after the
effort. And every armed rebellion must be an insane act unless it is
backed by the nation. But almost any item of non-co-operation fully
backed by the nation can achieve the aim without shedding a single
drop of blood.
I do not say ‘eschew violence in your dealing with robbers or
thieves or with nations that may invade India.’ But in order that we are
better able to do so, we must learn to restrain ourselves. It is a sign not
of strength but of weakness to take up the pistol on the slightest
pretext. Mutual fisticuffs are a training, not in violence, but in
emasculation. My method of non-violence can never lead to loss of
strength, but it alone will make it possible, if the nation wills it, to offer
disciplined and concerted violence in time of danger.
NOT TRULY NON -VIOLENT
If those who believe that we were becoming supine and inert
because of the training in non-violence, will but reflect a little, they
will discover that we have never been non-violent in the only sense in
which the word must be understood. Whilst we have refrained from
causing actual physical hurt, we have harboured violence in our bre-
ast. If we had honestly regulated our thought and speech in the stric-
test harmony with our outward act, we would never have experienced
the fatigue we are doing. Had we been true to ourselves, we would
have by this time evolved matchless strength of purpose and will.
I have dwelt at length upon the mistaken view of non-violence,
because I am sure that, if we can but revert to our faith, if we ever had
any, in non-violence limited only to the two purposes above referred
to, the present tension between the two communities will largely

subside. For, in my opinion, an attitude of non-violence in our mutual
relations is an indispensable condition prior to a discussion of the
remedies for the removal of the tension. It must be common cause
between the two communities that neither party shall take the law into
its own hands, but that all points in dispute, where-ever and whenever
they arise, shall be decided by reference either to private arbitration,
or to the law-courts if they wish. This is the whole meaning of
non-violence, so far as communal matters are concerned. To put it
another way, just as we do not break one another’s heads in respect of
civil matters, so may we not do even in respect of religious matters.
This is the only pact that is immediately necessary between the parties,
and I am sure that everything else will follow.
THE BULLY AND THE C OWARD
Unless this elementary condition is recognized, we have no
atmosphere for considering the ways and means of removing
misunderstanding and arriving at an honourable, lasting settlement.
But assuming that the acceptance of the elementary condition will be
common cause between the two communities, let us consider the
constant disturbing factors. There is no doubt in my mind that in the
majority of quarrels the Hindus come out second best. My own
experience but confirms the opinion that the Mussalman as a rule is a
bully, and the Hindu as a rule is a coward. I have noticed this in
railway trains, on public roads, and in the quarrels which I had the
privilege of settling. Need the Hindu blame the Mussalman for his
cowardice? Where there are cowards, there will always be bullies. They
say that in Saharanpur the Mussalmans looted houses, broke open
safes and, in one case, a Hindu woman’s modesty was outraged.
Whose fault was this? Mussalmans can offer no defence for the
execrable conduct, it is true. But I as a Hindu am more ashamed of
Hindu cowardice than I am angry at the Mussalman bullying. Why
did not the owners of the houses looted die in the attempt to defend
their possessions? Where were the relatives of the outraged sister at the
time of the outrage? Have they no account to render of themselves?
My non-violence does not admit of running away from danger and
leaving dear ones unprotected. Between violence and cowardly flight,
I can only prefer violence to cowardice. I can no more preach non-
violence to a coward than I can tempt a blind man to enjoy healthy
scenes. Non-violence is the summit of bravery. And in my own ex-
perience, I have had no difficulty in demonstrating to men trained in
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 49

the school of violence the superiority of non-violence. As a coward,
which I was for years, I harboured violence. I began to prize non-vio-
lence only when I began to shed cowardice. Those Hindus who ran
away from the post of duty when it was attended with danger did so
not because they were non-violent, or because they were afraid to
strike, but because they were unwilling to die or even suffer any
injury. A rabbit that runs away from the bull-terrier is not particularly
non-violent. The poor thing trembles at the sight of the terrier and
runs for very life. Those Hindus who ran away to save their lives
would have been truly non-violent and would have covered themselves
with glory and added lustre to their faith and won the friendship of
their Mussalman assailants, if they had stood bare breast with smiles
on their lips, and died at their post. They would have done less well,
though still well, if they had stood at their post and returned blow for
blow. If the Hindus wish to convert the Mussalman bully into a
respecting friend, they have to learn to die in the face of the heaviest
odds.
THE WAY
The way however does not lie through akhadas 1 —not that I
mind them. On the contrary, I want them for physical culture. Then
they should be for all. But, if they are meant as a preparation forself-
defence in the Hindu-Mussalman conflicts, they are fore-doomed to
failure. Mussalmans can play the same game and such preparations
secret or open do but cause suspicion and irritation. They can provide
no present remedy. It is for the thoughtful few to make quarrels
impossible by making arbitration popular and obligatory.
The remedy against cowardice is not physical culture but the
braving of dangers. So long as parents of the middle-class Hindus,
themselves timid, continue to transmit their timidity by keeping their
grown-up children in cotton wool, so long will there be the desire to
shun danger and run no risks. They will have to dare to leave their
children alone, let them run risks and even, at times, get killed in so
doing. The puniest individual may have a stout heart. The most
muscular Zulus cower before English lads. Each village has to find
out its stout hearts.
1
Gymnasia

THE “GOONDAS ”
It is a mistake to blame the goondas 1 . They never do mischief
unless we create an atmosphere for them. I was eye witness to what
happened in Bombay on the Prince’s day in 1921. 2 We sowed the
seed and the goondas reaped the harvest. Our men were at their back.
I have no hesitation in holding the respectable Mussalmans (not all in
any single case) responsible for the misdeeds in Multan, Saharanpur
and elsewhere, as I have none in holding respectable Hindus respon-
sible for the misdeeds in Katarpur and Arrah. If it is true that at Palwal
we have prevented the erection of a pukka mosque in the place of a
kachcha one, it is not the goondas who arc doing it, it is the respect-
able Hindus who must be held accountable. We must resolutely disco-
untenance the practice of absolving the respectable class from blame.
Therefore, I hold that Hindus will commit a grave blunder if
they organize Hindu goondas for defence. From the frying pan they
will jump into the fire. The Bania and the Brahmin must learn to
defend himself even violently, if not non-violently, or surrender his
womenfolk and possessions to the goondas. They are a class apart,
whether they are labelled Mussalman or Hindu. It was said with gusto
that, protected by untouchables (for they feared not death) a Hindu
procession (playing triumphant music) quite recently passed a
mosque unhurt.
It is a very mundane use to make of a sacred cause. Such
exploitation of our untouchable brothers can serve neither Hinduism
in general nor the suppressed classes in particular. A fewprocessions
so doubtfully protected may pass a few mosques safely. But it can
only aggravate the growing tension, and degrade Hinduism. The
middle-class people must be prepared for a beating if they wish to
play music in the teeth of opposition, or they must befriend Mussal-
mans in a self-respecting manner.
The Hindus have to do penance for the past and still continuing
disabilities imposed by them upon the suppressed brothers. There can
be no question of expecting any return from them for a debt we owe
them. If we use them to cover our cowardice, we shall raise in them
false hopes we shall never be able to fulfil, and if the retribution
comes, it will be a just punishment for our inhuman treatment of
1
Hooligans or rowdies
2
Vide “A Deep Stain”, 18-11-1921.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 51

them. If I have any influence with Hindus, I would beseech them not
to use them as a shield against anticipated Mussalman attack.
GROWING DISTRUST
Another potent cause of the tension is the growing distrust even
among the best of us. I have been warned against Pandit Madan
Mohan Malaviyaji. He is suspected of secret motives. It is said that he
is no friend of the Mussalmans. He is even credited with being jealous
of my influence. I have the privilege of knowing him intimately ever
since my return to India in 1915. I have had the privilege of closest
communion with him. I regard him as one of the best among Hindus
who, though orthodox, holds most liberal views. He is no enemy of
Mussalmans. He is incapable of jealousy of anyone. He has a heart
large enough to accommodate even his enemies. He has never aimed
at power. And what he has is due to a long period of unbroken service
of the motherland, such as very few of us can boast. He and I are
temperamentally different, but-love each other like brothers. There
never has been even so much as a jar between us. Our ways being
different, there can be no question of rivalry, therefore, of jealousy
either.
Another one distrusted is Lala Lajpat Rai. I have found him to
be frank as a child. His record of sacrifice is almost unequalled. I have
had not one but many a chat on the Hindu-Muslim question with him.
He is no enemy of the Mussalmans. But I confess that he has his
doubts about the immediate attainment of unity. He is seeking light
from on High. He believes in that unity in spite of himself because, as
he told me, he believes in swaraj. He recognizes that without that unity
there can be no swaraj. He only does not know how and when it can
be attained. He likes my solution, but he doubts if the Hindus
will understand and appreciate its nobility (as he calls it). Let me say
in passing I do not call my solution noble. I hold it to be strictly just
and the only feasible solution.
Swami Shraddhanandji is also distrusted. His speeches, I know,
are often irritating. But even he wants Hindu-Muslim unity. Unfortu-
nately, he believes in the possibility of bringing every Muslim into the
Aryan fold, just as perhaps most Mussalmans think that every non-
Muslim will some day become a convert to. Islam. Shraddhanandji is
intrepid and brave. Single-handed he turned a wilderness into a
magnificent boarding college on the banks of the sacred Ganges. He
has faith in himself and his mission. But he is hasty and easily ruffled.

He inherits the traditions of the Arya Samaj. I have profound respect
for Dayanand Saraswati1 . I think that he has rendered great service to
Hinduism. His bravery was unquestioned. But he made his Hinduism
narrow. I have read Satyarth Prakash, the Arya Samaj Bible. Friends
sent me three copies of it whilst I was resting in the Yeravda Jail. I
have not read a more disappointing book from a reformer so great.
He has claimed to stand for truth and nothing else. But he has uncons-
ciously misrepresented Jainism, Islam, Christianity and Hinduism
itself. One having even a cursory acquaintance with these faiths could
easily discover the errors into which the great reformer was betrayed.
He has tried to make narrow one of the most tolerant and liberal of
the faiths on the face of the earth. And an iconoclast though he was,
he has succeeded in enthroning idolatry in the subtlest form. For he
has idolized the letter of the Vedas and tried to prove the existence in
the Vedas of everything known to science. The Arya Samaj flourishes,
in my humble opinion, not because of the inherent merit of the
teachings of Satyarth Prakash, but because of the grand and lofty
character of the founder. Wherever you find Arya Samajists, there is
life and energy. But, having the narrow outlook and a pugnacious
habit, they either quarrel with people of other denominations or
failing that, with one another. Shraddhanandji has a fair share of that
spirit. But, in spite of all these drawbacks, I do not regard him as past
praying for. It is possible that this sketch of the Arya Samaj and the
Swamiji will anger them. Needless to say, I mean no offence. I love
the Samajists, for I have many co-workers from among them. And I
learnt to love the Swamiji, even while I was in South Africa. And
though I know him better now, I love him no less. It is my love that
has spoken.
The last among the Hindus against whom I have been warned
are Jeramdas and Dr. Choithram. I swear by Jeramdas. Truer men I
have not had the honour of meeting. His conduct in the jail was the
envy of us all. He was true to a fault. He is not anti-Mussalman. Dr.
Choithram, though I began to know him earlier, I do not know so
well. But from what I do know of him, I decline to think of him as
anything but a promoter of Hindu-Muslim unity. I have by no means
exhausted the list. All I feel is that, if all these Hindus and Samajists
have still to be won over to the side of unity, the word unity has no
1
1824-83; founder of the Arya Samaj
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 53

meaning for me. And I should despair of achieving unity in my
lifetime.
BARI S AHEB
But the suspicion against these friends is not its worst part. I
have been warned against Mussalmans just as much as I have been
warned against Hindus. Let me take only three names. Maulana Abdul
Bari Saheb1 has been represented to me as an anti-Hindu fanatic. I
have been shown some writings of his which I do not understand. I
have not even worried him about them. For, he is a simple child of
God. I have discovered no guile in him. He often speaks without
thinking and often embarrasses his best friends. But he is as quick to
apologize as he is ready to say things offensive. He means all he says
for the time being. He is as sincere in his anger as he is in his apology.
He once flared up at Maulana Mahomed Ali without just cause. I was
then his guest. He thought he had said something offensive to me
also. Maulana Mahomed Ali and I were just then leaving his place to
entrain for Cawnpore. After our departure, he felt he had wronged us.
He had certainly wronged Maulana Mahomed Ali, not me. But he sent
a deputation to us at Cawnpore asking us to forgive him. He rose in
my estimation by this act. I admit, however, that the Maulana Saheb
can become a dangerous friend. But my point is that he is a friend. He
does not say one thing and mean another. There are no mental reser-
vations with him. I would trust such a friend with my life, because I
know that he will never stab me in the dark.
THE ALI BROTHERS
A similar warning has been given to me about the Ali Brothers,
Maulana Shaukat Ali2 is one of the bravest of men, capable of
immense sacrifice and equally capable of loving the meanest of God’s
creatures. He is passionately fond of Islam, but he is no hater of other
religions. Mahomed Ali is his brother’s alter ego. I have not seen
such implicit faithfulness to an elder brother as in Maulana Mahomed
Ali. He has reasoned out for himself that there is no salvation for
India without Hindu-Muslim unity. Their pan-Islam ism is not
anti-Hindu. Who shall quarrel with their intense desire to see Islam
united against attack from without and purified from within? One
passage in Maulana Mahomed Ali’s Cocanada address was pointed
1
1838-1926; nationalist Muslim leader of Lucknow who played an active role
in the Khilafat movement
2
1873-1938; nationalist Muslim politician; took a leading part in the Khila-
fat movement

out to me as highly objectionable. I drew his attention to it. He imme-
diately acknowledged that it was an error. Friends have told me there
is something to object to even in Maulana Shaukat Ali’s address to the
Khilafat Conference. I have the address by me, but I have not had
time to study it. I know that, if there is anything offensive in it, he is
the man the readiest to make amends. The Brothers are not faultless.
Being full of faults myself, I have not hesitated to seek and cherish
their friendship. If they have some faults, they have many virtues. And
I love them in spite of their faults. Just as I cannot forsake the Hindu
friends I have mentioned above and effectively work among Hindus
for Hindu-Muslim unity, neither can I work to that end among the
Mussalmans without the Mussalman friends, such as I have mentioned.
If so many of us were perfect beings, there would be no quarrels.
Imperfect as we are, we have to discover points of contact and, with
faith in God, work away for the common end.
In order to purify the atmosphere of distrust of even the best of
us, I had to deal with some of the principal characters. I may not have
convinced the reader of the correctness of my estimate. Anyway, it
was necessary that he knew mine even if his was different from it.
ILLUSTRATION F ROM S IND
This intense distrust makes it almost impossible to know the
truth. I have received from Dr. Choithram the alleged facts of an
attempted forcible conversion of a Hindu in Sind. The man is said to
have been done to death by his Mussalman companions because he
will not accept Islam. The facts are ghastly if they are true. I
straightway wired to Sheth Haji Abdulla Harun inquiring about the
matter. He very kindly and promptly wired to say that it was reported
to be a case of suicide, but that he was making further inquiries. I
hope that we shall succeed in knowing the truth about it. I simply
point out the difficulty of work in the midst of suspicion. There is one
other Sind incident which I hesitate to report till I have fuller and
more authentic particulars. I simply beseech those who hear about any
such incidents, whether against Hindus or Mussalmans, to keep them-
selves cool and pass on simply facts which can be sustained. I promise
on my part to inquire into the most trifling of cases and do whatever is
possible for a single individual to do. Before long, I hope, we shall
have an army of workers whose one business will be to investigate all
such complaints and do whatever is necessary to see that justice is
satisfied and cases for future trouble are avoided.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 55

F ROM BENGAL
The tales that are reported from Bengal of outrages upon Hindu
women are the most disquieting if they are even half true. It is
difficult to understand the cause of the eruption of such crimes at the
present moment. It is equally difficult to speak with restraint of the
cowardice of Hindu protectors of these outraged sisters. Nor is it easy
to characterise the lust of those who become so mad with it as to take
liberties with innocent women. It is up to the local Mussalmans and
the leading Mussalmans in general of Bengal to find out the mis-
creants, not necessarily with a view to getting them punished, but with
a view to preventing a recurrence of such crimes. It is easy enough to
dig out a few criminals from their hiding places and hand them over
to the police, but it does not protect society against the repetition of
them. It is necessary to remove the causes by under-taking a thorough
process of reform. There must arise in Islam as well as in Hinduism
men who, being comparatively pure in character, would work among
such men. Much the same may be said of the Kabuli terror.1 This has
no bearing on the Hindu-Muslim tension. But we have to deal with
such cases, too, if we are not to be helplessly relying purely upon the
police.
“SHUDDHI” AND “TABLIGH ”
That, however, which is keeping up the tension is the manner in
which the shuddhi or conversion movement is being conducted. In
my opinion, there is no such thing as proselytism in Hinduism as it is
understood in Christianity or to a lesser extent in Islam. The Arya
Samaj has, I think, copied the Christians in planning its propaganda.
The modern method does not appeal to me. It has done more harm
than good. Though regarded as a matter of the heart purely and one
between the Maker and oneself, it has degenerated into an appeal to
the selfish instinct. The Arya Samaj preacher is never so happy as
when he is reviling other religions. My Hindu instinct tells me that all
religions are more or less true. All proceed from the same God, but all
are imperfect because they have come down to us through imperfect
human instrumentality. The real shuddhi movement should consist in
each one trying to arrive at perfection in his or her own faith. In such
a plan character would be the only test. What is the use of crossing
from one compartment to another, if it does not mean a moral rise?
What is the meaning of my trying to convert to the service of God (for
that must be the implication of shuddhi or tablish, when those who are
1
Vide “Notes”, 1-6-1921.

in my fold are every day denying God by their actions? “Physician,
heal thyself” is more true in matters religious than mundane. But
these are my views. If the Arya Samajists think that they have a call
from the conscience, they have a perfect right to conduct the
movement. Such a burning call recognizes no time limit, no checks of
experience. If Hindu-Muslim unity is endangered because an Arya
Samaj preacher or Mussalman preacher preaches his faith in obe-
dience to a call from within, that unity is only skin-deep. Why should
we be ruffled by such movements? Only they must be genuine. If the
Malkanas wanted to return to the Hindu fold, they had a perfect right
to do so whenever they liked. But no propaganda can be allowed
which reviles other religions. For that would be negation of toleration.
The best way of dealing with such propaganda is to publicly condemn
it. Every movement attempts to put on the cloak of respectability. As
soon as the public tear that cloak down, it dies for want of respec-
tability. I am told that both Arya Samajists and Mussalmans virtually
kidnap women and try to convert them. I have before me volumes of
Aga-Khani literature which I have not yet had the time to study
carefully, but I am assured that it is a distortion of Hinduism. I have
seen enough of it to know that it describes H.H. the Aga Khan as a
Hindu avatar. It would be interesting to learn what the Aga Khan
himself thinks of all this literature. I have many Khoja friends. I
commend this literature to their attention. A gentleman told me that
some agents of the Aga-Khani movement lend money to poor
illiterate Hindus and then tell them that the debt would be wiped out if
the debtor would accept Islam. I would regard this as conversion by
unlawful inducements. But the worst form is that preached by a
gentleman of Delhi. I have read his pamphlet from cover to cover. It
gives detailed instructions to preachers how to carry on propaganda. It
starts with a lofty proposition that Islam is merely preaching of the
unity of God. This grand truth is to be preached, according to the
writer, by every Mussalman irrespective of character. A secret depart-
ment of spies is advocated whose one business is to be to pry into the
privacy of non-Muslim households. Prostitutes, professional singers,
mendicants, Government servants, lawyers, doctors, artisans are pressed
into the service. If this kind of propaganda becomes popular, no
Hindu household would be safe from the secret attention of disguised
misinterpreters (I cannot call them missionaries) of the great message
of the Prophet of Islam. I am told by respectable Hindus that this
pamphlet is widely read in the Nizam’s dominions and that the
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 57

methods advocated in it are extensively practised in the Nizam’s
dominions.
As a Hindu I feel sorry that methods of such doubtful morality
should have been seriously advocated by a gentleman who is a well-
known Urdu author and has a large circle of I readers. My Mussalman
friends tell me that no respectable Mussalman approves of the
methods advocated. The point, however, is not what the respectable
Mussalmans think. The point is whether a considerable number of
Mussalman masses accept and follow them. A portion of the Punjab
Press is simply scurrilous. It is at times even filthy. I have gone
through the torture of reading many extracts. These sheets are con-
ducted by Arya Samajists or Hindu and Mussalman writers. Each vies
with the other in using abusive language and reviling the religion of
the opponent. These papers have, I understand, a fairly large circula-
tion. They find place even in respectable reading-rooms.
I have heard it said that the Government emissaries are at the
back of this campaign of calumny. I hesitate to believe it. But even
assuming the truth of it, the public of the Punjab should be able to
cope with the growing disgrace.
I think I have now examined all the causes, both original and
continuing, of the tension between the two communities. It is now time
to examine the treatment of two constant causes of friction.
C OW -SLAUGHTER
The first is cow-slaughter. Though I regard cow-protection as
the central fact of Hinduism, central because it is common to classes as
well as masses, I have never been able to understand the antipathy
towards the Mussalmans on that score. We say nothing about the
slaughter that daily takes place on behalf of Englishmen. Our anger
becomes red-hot when a Mussalman slaughters a cow. All the riots
that have taken place in the name of the cow have been department an
insane waste of effort. They have not saved a single cow, department
but they have on the contrary stiffened the backs of the Mussal-
mans and resulted in more slaughter. I am satisfied that, during 1921
more cows were saved through the voluntary and generous effort of
the Mussalmans than through the Hindu effort during all the previous
twenty years (say). Cow-protection should commence with ourselves.

In no part of the world, perhaps, are cattle worse treated than in India.
I have wept to see Hindu drivers goading their jaded oxen with the
iron point of their cruel sticks. The half-starved condition of the
majority of our cattle is a disgrace to us. The cows find their neck
under the butcher’s knife because Hindus sell them. The only
effective and honourable way is to befriend the Mussalmans and leave
it to their honour to save the cow. Cow-protection societies must turn
their attention to the feeding of cattle, prevention of cruelty, preser-
vation of the fast disappearing pasture land, improving the breed of
cattle, buying from poor shepherds and turning pinjrapoles into
model self-supporting dairies. Hindus do sin against God and man
when they omit to do any of the things I have described above. They
commit no sin, if they cannot prevent cow-slaughter at the hands of
Mussalmans, and they do sin grievously when, in order to save the
cow, they quarrel with the Mussalmans.
MUSIC
The question of music before mosques and, now, even arati in
Hindu temples, has occupied my prayerful attention. This is a sore
point with the Mussalmans as cow-slaughter is with the Hindus. And
just as Hindus cannot compel Mussalmans to refrain from killing
cows, so can Mussalmans not compel Hindus to stop music or arati at
the point of the sword. They must trust to the good sense of the
Hindus. As a Hindu, I would certainly advise Hindus, without any
bargaining spirit, to consult the sentiment of their Mussalman neigh-
bour, and wherever they can, accommodate him. I have heard that, in
some places, Hindus purposely, and with the deliberate intention of
irritating Mussalmans, perform arati just when the Mussalman prayers
commence. This is an insensate and unfriendly act. Friendship
presupposes the utmost attention to the feelings of a friend. It never
requires consideration. But Mussalmans should never expect to stop
Hindu music by force. To yield to the threat or actual use of violence
is a surrender of one’s self-respect and religious conviction. But a
person, who never will yield to threat, would always minimise and, if
possible, even avoid occasions for causing irritation.
P ACT
In view of what I have said above, it is clear that we have not
even arrived at the stage when a pact is even a possibility. There can
be, it is clear to me, no question of bargain about cow-slaughter and
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 59

music. On either side it must be a voluntary effort and, therefore, can
never be the basis of a pact.
For political matters, a pact or an understanding is certainly
necessary. But, in my opinion, the restoration of friendly feeling is a
condition precedent to any effectual pact. Are both parties sincerely
willing to accept the proposition that no disputes, religious or other-
wise, between the communities should ever be decided by an appeal to
force, i.e., violence ? I am convinced that the masses do not want to
fight, if the leaders do not. If, therefore, the leaders agree that mutual
rows should be as in all advanced countries, erased out of our public
life as being barbarous and irreligious, I have no doubt that the masses
will quickly follow them.
So far as the political matters are concerned, as a non-co.
operator I am quite uninterested in them; but, for the future under-
standing, I hold that it is up to the Hindus as the major party not to
bargain, but leave the pen in the hands of, say, Hakim Saheb Ajmal
Khan and abide by his decision. I would similarly deal with the Sikhs,
the Christians and the Parsis and be satisfied with the residue. It is, in
my opinion, the only just, equitable, honourable and dignified solu-
tion. Hindus, if they want unity among different races, must have the
courage to trust the minorities. Any other adjustment must have a
nasty taste in the mouth. Surely the millions do not want to become
legislators and municipal councillors. And if we have understood the
proper use of satyagraha, we should know that it can be and should be
used against an unjust administrator whether he be a Hindu, Mussal-
man or of any other race or denomination, whereas a just adminis-
trator or representative is always and equally good, whether he be a
Hindu or a Mussalman. We want to do away with the communal spirit.
The majority must, therefore, snake the beginning and thus inspire the
minorities with confidence in their bona fides. Adjustment is possible
only when the more powerful take the initiative without waiting for
response from the weaker.
So far as employment in the Government departments is con-
cerned, I think it will be fatal to good governments if we introduce
there the communal spirit. For administration to be efficient, it must
always be in the hands of the fittest. There should be certainly no
favouritism. But, if we want five engineers, we must not take one from
each community, but we must take the fittest five even if they were all
Mussalmans or all Parsis. The lowest posts must, if need be, be filled

by examination by an impartial board consisting of men belonging to
different communities. But, distribution of posts should never be
according to the proportion of the numbers of each community. The
educationally backward communities will have a right to receive
favoured treatment in the matter of education at the hands of the
national government. This can be secured in an effective manner. But
those who aspire to occupy responsible posts in the Government of
the country can only do so if they pass the required test.
TRUST BEGETS TRUST
For me the only question for immediate solution before the
country is the Hindu-Mussalman question. I agree with Mr. Jinnah
that Hindu-Muslim unity means swaraj. I see no way of achieving
anything in this afflicted country without a lasting heart unity between
Hindus and Mussalmans of India. I believe in the immediate possi-
bility of achieving it, because it is so natural, so necessary for both,
and because I believe in human nature. Mussalmans may have much
to answer for. I have come in closest touch with even what may be
considered a “bad lot”. I cannot recall a single occasion when I had
to regret it. The Mussalmans are brave, they are generous and trusting
the moment their suspicion is disarmed. Hindus, living as they do in
glass houses, have no right to throw stones at their Mussalman
neighbours. See what we have done, are still doing, to the suppressed
classes! If ‘Kaffir’ is a term of opprobrium, how much more so is
Chandal? In the history of the world religions there is perhaps
nothing like our treatment of the suppressed classes. The pity of it is
that the treatment still continues. What a fight in Vaikom for a most
elementary human right!1 God does not punish directly; His ways are
inscrutable. Who knows that all our woes are not due to that one black
sin? The history of Islam, if it betrays aberrations from the moral
height, has many a brilliant page. In its glorious days it was not
intolerant. It commanded the admiration of the world. When the West
was sunk in darkness, a bright star rose in the Eastern firmament and
gave light and comfort to a groaning world. Islam is not a false reli-
gion. Let Hindus study it reverently and they will love it even as I do.
If it has become gross and fanatical here, let us admit that we have had
no small share in making it so. If Hindus set their house in order, I
have not a shadow of doubt that Islam will respond in a manner
1
Vide “Letter to K. P. Kesava Menon”, 19-3-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 61

worthy of its liberal traditions. The key to the situation lies with the
Hindus. We must shed timidity or cowardice. We must be brave
enough to trust, all will be well.
The readers of Young India will pardon me for devoting
practically the whole of Young India to the question of Hindu-Muslim
unity. He will readily do so if he holds with me that there is no
question more important and more pressing than this. In my opinion,
it blocks all progress. I therefore invite the reader to peruse the
statement most carefully and favour me with views or information (not
necessarily for publication) that may throw additional light on the
question or correct any errors of fact or opinion.
31. CONGRESS ORGANIZATION

As I have said in my statement to the Press1 on the question of
Council-entry, it is not complete without an examination, in the light
of my views, of the working of the Congress organization. The differ-
ence between the Swarajists and myself is honest and vital. I believe
that the frank recognition of honest differences will accelerate the
country’s progress, as a patched-up compromise designed to hide
differences would have retarded it. Each party is now free to give the
fullest play to its views unhampered by any consideration save that of
common cause.
It is, therefore, necessary to consider the way the Congress
organization is to be worked. It is clear to me that it cannot be jointly
worked just as a government cannot be jointly and efficiently carried
on by two parties with opposite views. I hold the boycott of titles, etc.,
to be an absolutely integral part of the Congress programme. The
boycott has two objects: first, to persuade those who hold titles etc., to
give them up; secondly, to keep the Congress pure from the influence
of the institutions boycotted. If the first had been immediately
successful, we should have attained our goal at once. But the second is
equally necessary, if we are ever to reach our goal through the
programme of non-violent non-co-operation. For me the boycott is
national so long as the National Congress enforces it in its own
organization. It cannot undermine the influence, the glamour and the
prestige of Government institutions, if it cannot be run without the
1
Vide “Statement to Associated Press of India”, 22-5-1924.

presence in it, as administrators, of title-holders, lawyers, schoolmasters
and councillors who represent, as it were, the voluntary branch of the
Government administration. The idea running behind the programme
of non-co-operation was that if we could honestly, non-violently and
successfully work the Congress organization without such influence,
and, nay, even in spite of it, that fact by itself would be enough to give
us swaraj Our numerical superiority is so great that an effective boy-
cott carried out by the national organization must make the Congress
an irresistible power. It follows, therefore, that the executive organi-
zation of the Congress must not contain titled persons, Government
schoolmasters, practising lawyers and members of legislative bodies
and persons who use foreign cloth or cloth manufactured even in our
mills, and those who deal in such cloth. Such persons can become
Congressmen, but cannot and should not become members of
executive organizations. They can become delegates and influence the
Congress resolutions, but once the Congress policy is fixed, those who
do no. believe in that policy, in my opinion, should stand out of the
executive bodies. The All-India Congress Committee and all the local
executive committees are such bodies; and they should contain only
those members who whole-heartedly believe in and are prepared to
carry out the policy. I am The author of the introduction into the
Congress organization of the system of single transferable votes. But
experience has shown that, so far as the executive organizations are
concerned, it cannot work. The idea that all opinions should be
represented on these bodies must be abandoned if the executive
committees are to become bodies for the purpose of carrying out the
Congress policy for the time being.
One of the most important reasons why we have not been
wholly successful is that the members of these executive bodies have
not believed even in the Congress creed. I stand where I did when I
wrote my impressions of the All-India Congress Committee, which
met at Delhi soon after the Bardoli resolutions were passed by the
Working Committee.1 I saw then as clearly as possible that many
members, if not indeed the majority, did not believe in non-violence
and truth as an integral part of the Congress creed. They would not
allow that ‘peaceful’ meant ‘non-violent’ and that ‘legitimate’ meant
1
For the Bardoli resolutions of February 12, the A. I. C. C. resolution of
February 25, and Gandhiji’s comments, vide “Telegram to Devdas Gandhi”, 9-2-1922,
“Speech to Congress Workers, Bardoli”, 10-2-1922, “Working Committee’s
Resolutions at Bardoli”, 12-2-1922, “Resolution at A. I. C. C. Meeting, Delhi”,
25-2-1922 & “The All-India Congress Committee”, 2-3-1922.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 63

truthful’. I know that today there is more of the violent and the
untruthful spirit in us than we had in February 1922. I would,
therefore, urge that those who do not believe in the five boycotts and
non-violence and truthfulness should resign from the Congress
executive bodies. This is why I have said in my statement on the
Council-entry that the cons-tructive programme should be worked by
different parties through their respective organizations. The thorough
believers, if there are any, in the five boycotts and non-violence and
truth, have no organization other than the Congress. The most natural
thing, in my opinion, there-fore, is for the Swarajists to work the
constructive Programme through their own organizations. So far as I
can see,. their method of working must be different from that of the
boycotters. If they are to make the Council-entry successful, they
must devote the whole of their energy to that purpose, and, therefore,
they can kelp the constru-ctive progr-amme by working it mainly
through the Councils and the Assembly.
I for one can be no party to a tug of war in which each party
tries to capture the Congress executive. That war may be fought out if
at all necessary without heat and bitterness at the forthcoming session
in December. The Congress is the debating and legislative body. The
permanent organizations are purely executive bodies to give effect to
the resolutions of the Congress. I am in a desperate hurry. I believe
implicitly in the full and undiluted non-violent non-co-operation pro-
gramme as passed by the Congress and no other. If I can get really
non-violent and truthful workers who share my belief in the boycotts,
in the potency of khaddar, in Hindu-Muslim unity and in removal of
untouchability, I would again feel swaraj coming to us much quicker
than most of us think possible. But if we wrangle on in the All-India
Congress Committee, we can only discredit and obstruct one another.
Each party honourably and without jealousy and ill will working
separately (because they cannot do otherwise) can help one another.
I trust that all the members of the All-India Congress Committee
will attend the forthcoming meeting. If we can discuss the plan of
action in a calm manner without imputing motives and make the
composition of the All-India Congress Committee homogeneous, we
can do a tremendous amount of work during the forthcoming six
months. I would respectfully invite each member to consider for
himself or herself where he or she is in respect of the programme. If
they do not believe in the programme as it is and in its capacity

unaided to secure swaraj, and if they really voice the feelings of their
electors, I would not hesitate to advise the Committee even to take the
risk of revising and radically altering the programme in anticipation
of endorsement next year. No doubt for such a drastic change there
must be a clearly made-out case, there must be real public opinion
behind it. Granted these two conditions, I have no doubt that, in spite
of anything to the contrary in the constitution, it is the duty of the
All-India Congress Committee to reverse the Congress policy at the
risk of incurring condemnation and show useful and substantial work
at the end of the year. Stagnation must be avoided at all cost.
After I had finished the foregoing, it was pointed out to me that
it was possible that my views might tend to make Swarajists appear
weaker than or infer or to the No-changers in the estimation of the
masses. Nothing can be further from my thought than any such idea.
There is no question of quality. It is purely a question of tempera-
mental differences. I have written simply with an eye to effective
working of the Congress executives. That working is possible only if
the executives arc run only by one party. If the Swarajists’ view is
more popular, the executive bodies should be solely in their hands.
The Congress must always represent the popular view whatever it may
be, whether good or bad. And it is the duty of those who hold
contrary views, not necessarily weak or inferior, to stand out and work
on the popular mind from outside. The No-changers will be belying
their trust if they regard Pro-changers as in any way inferior to them
by reason of their holding different views.
It has been further pointed out to me that, in arguing for exclu-
sive control of the executives, I am departing from the spirit, if not the
letter, of the Delhi resolution reaffirmed at Cocanada. I have read both
the resolutions carefully. In my opinion, the Delhi resolution and,
more specially the Cocanada resolution, does not contemplate joint
control of the executives. The Cocanada resolution is not a mere
reaffirmation, but it emphasizes the principle of non-violent non-co-
operation. But even if my reading of the resolutions is incorrect, my
argument remains unimpaired. Mine is only an opinion to be
accepted or rejected by the members of the A.I.C.C. And it is actuated
by the sole consideration of expeditious working. I feel that both the
parties can effectively help each other only if they work separately.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 65

32. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
[After May 29, 1924] 1
CHI. MANI,
Wasn’t it nice of you to have come yesterday and gone away? 2
And now you send me a message! A patient has the right to change
her mind as often as she pleases; she cannot be bound by any
promises. So you are free not to come. And you are also free to come
if you feel like it. I only want you to get well somehow or other.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . M ANLBEHN P ATEL
KHAMASA C HOWKI
AHMEDABAD
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-Manibehn Patelne, p. 20
33. LETTER TO ABBAS TYABJI

ASHRAM,
Friday [May 30, 1924] 3
MY DEAR OLD YOUNG MAN,
It is a wonderful thing you are doing. I receive letters from you.
Whenever anyone from your family meets me, my eyes are filled with
tears of joy. Whatever expectations I have of you you fulfil. When I
have no expectation, you do something which, you think, would
please me. I only made a joke ; but you presented me with a beautiful
Gujarati letter. How can I desist from sharing it with the readers of
Navajivan? Get somebody to read Navajivan to you.
The invitations for Amina’s4 marriage have been despatched by
1
The letter seems to have been written from Sabarmati Ashram which Gandhiji
reached on May 29, 1924.
2
The addressee had come and gone away without seeing Gandhiji as he was
asleep at the time.
3
The article on the addressee was published in Navajivan, under the
subheading ‘Old Young Man’ in “My Notes”, 1-6-1924. The Friday preceding that
date fell on May 30.
4
Daughter of Imam Saheb Bawazeer, who was married on May 31, 1924

many hands. I first put your name on the list and then struck it off. If
the invitation were sent to you, it would only mean that some money
was expected from you. I did send invitations to a few Gujarati
[Hindus] just to show how the daughter of a Mussalman was also my
own. But I do not expect even their presence at the marriage
ceremony. Certainly, no money can be accepted from them. I have
incurred some expenditure because. I have to give with my own hand
Amina, the daughter of a Mussalman, in marriage and because Imam
Saheb would also wish it. I would not incur any expenditure if a
Hindu girl was to be given in marriage by me. I sent you the invitation
for you to see.
Mrs. Abbas, Rehana and others see me quite often.
If you find it difficult to read my handwriting or to write
Gujarati, you may write, and ask me also to write, in English.
I wouldn’t destroy the very roots of a tree which bears sweet
fruit.
Your bother,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
[PS.]
I shall tell Imam Saheb about your letter. As for sending money,
please don’t.
From a photostat of the Gujarati original. S.N. 9546
34. INTERVIEW TO “ SWATANTRYA” 1

[SABARMATI ,
May 30, 1924]
Q. Mahatmaji, did you agree with Dr. Mahmud’s statement which you have
published in the Young India article to the effect that not a single case has been
proved wherein Hindus have been forcibly converted by Moplahs, as can be
conclusively seen from Hindu evidence itself?
A. I wish you had read my article rather carefully. I have simply
given Dr. Mahmud’s view and not my own.
Q. That is why I am asking your opinion. When you have thought it fit to
1
The special correspondent of Swatantrya, a Hindi daily of Nagpur, had an
interview with Gandhiji at Sabarmati Ashram on May 30 and June 3 to ascertain his
views on the Hindu-Muslim question and the general political situation. The
composite report has been split up and presented here in chronological sequence.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 67

publish Dr. Mahmud’s view, why did you not publish the views of Dr. Moonje and
Deodhar of the Servants of India Society at the same time?
A. I don’t know what Dr. Moonje has written about Malabar. Dr.
Mahmud personally assured me that his view has been supported by
Hindus in Malabar. How is it that you found only this remarkable
omission in my article? My comments that every Mohammedan is by
nature a vagabond and that sometimes Maulana Bari Saheb may
become a dreadful friend are bound to create a sensation among the
people. The same is the case with the Arya Samaj. I have read the
Satyarth Prakash thrice but was sorely disappointed.
Q. I am afraid I have to talk to you, Mahatmaji, on other topics as well. But I
shall do that some other time.1
A. Certainly, I want you to speak out plainly whatever is
troubling your heart without reservation. I must write what I consider
right. You are anxiously waiting for the grant of provincial autonomy.
But I want more than that. The Government will give up its attitude of
indifference towards me and become terrified if I were to undertake
an all-India tour for six months in connection with this Hindu-Muslim
question.
35. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI

[May 31, 1924] 2
I have your letter. I hope your sister is now all right. I revised
the translation of ‘‘Brahmacharya” 3 in the train itself. There was not
a single mistake. However, I have made changes in some places. I have
decided to print it. The article about Visnagar is still there. I intend
revising that also. Did I have any difficulty in waking up?4 Here I am
enjoying pretty good quiet. I observe silence till 1 p.m. and so
can dispose of a good deal of work. have yet to write for Navajivan. I
1
Vide ‘‘Interview to Swatantrya”, 3-6-1924.
2
The postmark carries this date.
3
For the text of the article, vide “Brahmacharya”, 25-5-1924.
4
It seems the addressee went to the railway station to see Gandhiji when the
latter travelled from Bombay to Ahmedabad on the night of May 28.

have not even touched it. I begin my silence between six and seven in
the morning.
Narahari came here yesterday.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Saturday
I got your second letter just now. Bachu may be saved if she is
bathed in water with potassium permanganate. Smallpox is curable no
doubt. But about your thoughts after you left. . . .1
BHAISHRI MAHADEV DESAI

C/O STATION MASTER, B ULSAR
From a photostat or Gujarati original: S.N. 8844
36. INTERVIEW TO ASSOCIATED PRESS OF INDIA

AHMEDABAD ,
May 31, 1924
Questioned if, in view of his article in the Young India on the Congress
organization, 2 a split in the Congress was not a certainty, Mr. Gandhi replied:
It all depends on what you mean by split. If you mean parties,
yes. Both parties came into being at the Gaya Congress. The House of
Commons contains many parties, but you do not call their existence a
split in the English nation. Congress will now contain two parties, but
will have no split, I hope. Just as the popular party in the House of
Commons is always in power, so should the most popular Congress
party be in power in the national organization. Just as Liberals do not
and dare not regard Conservatives or Labourites as their inferiors, so
may the No-changers and vice versa. My suggestion attempts at least
to avoid a split and provides the most favourable atmosphere for
efficiency, even if it does not ensure it. I do not believe in coalition
government at any time, but certainly not when there are vital
differences of opinion or, if you will, different mentalities, making for
different and diametrically opposite courses of action.
Asked what he thought would be its effect upon the Government and whether it
1
The sentence abruptly ends here.
2
Vide “Congress Organization”, 29-5-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 69

was likely to destroy all chances of expected advance in Reforms, Mr. Gandhi said:
I do not think it will. I know it has been suggested that the
Government would have trembled if I had made common cause with
the Pro-changers. I hold a totally opposite view. Those who are
responsible for the conduct of the Government of India are not fools.
They are clever and wide awake. They know that all real pressure that
is exerted upon them is from No-changers, because they dread civil
disobedience. The organization for civil disobedience is possible only
by those who devote their whole time and attention to it. The Govern-
ment will certainly chuckle if the No-changers and Pro-changers
obstruct one another. I shall be no party to any such thing and I do
not think the two parties will [be] either. They both want swaraj and
that at the earliest possible moment. Each will, therefore, ill its own
way work for it. The Non-co-operators gave Liberals, whether they
admit the fact or not, prestige with the Government. The pressure in
the country, outside the Councils, of a forward party must always help
reformers. I make bold to say that, if the complete-boycotters died
out, the Councilwallahs will have a bad time in the Council, always
assuming that violence will never be popular in the country. All
autocratic governments must dread the rise of popular power, espe-
cially when it is disciplined and peaceful. The present Government
dreads the incoming Hindu-Muslim unity, and if the khaddar
programme ever becomes successful, as it must, it will confound them
the most. It will convert the Government to the popular view and bring
about the most peaceful revolution the world has: ever seen.
The Hindu, 2-6-1924
37. HINDUS AND MUSLIMS OF VISNAGAR

I have received a whole heap of letters on this subject. The fact
that the correspondents themselves do not expect these letters to be
published proves their generosity, and also their approval of the
policy I have adopted in running Navajivan. I would certainly not
publish letters attacking anyone. I would also not publish anything
which would create bitterness between the two communities. I could
not set down even a single word in hatred. If I wrote about the
communal disharmony in Visnagar, it was only to try and pacify the
two communities and to point out to them what their dharma towards
each other should be.

If we look at the matter from this point of view, it is not at all
necessary to publish any of the letters which I have received. I had
one from Shri Mahasukhbhai many days ago and did not publish it,
as I did not like to do so. However, I had agreed to publish it if there
was the slightest feeling that I had been unjust intentionally or other-
wise. Meanwhile, I find from other letters and from replies to Shri
Mahasukhbhai’s letter which I have received that the letter in question
has been published in other newspapers. This being so, it is not
necessary to publish it here even in order to be fair to him.
To do justice to the correspondent who had informed me, I
should mention that it was I who used the word “beast” instead of
“cows and bulls”. The correspondent himself had used these words.
Thinking that there might be some exaggeration, I used the more
general term instead of a more specific word. The latter was not
necessary for my argument.
From other letters which I have received, I find that Shri
Mahasukhbhai is on good terms with the Muslims. Let us all hope that
utilizing that friendly relation, he will bring about harmony between
the two communities and end the discord in Visnagar I have, before
me, letters by“white-capped gentry” in which they defend them-
selves. I also have letters accusing them. The ‘‘white-capped gentry”
or others who have done nothing wrong have no need to defend
themselves. One’s actions are one’s defence. Any. one whose actions
are blameless puts up with accusations, as he has faith in the truth that
the light shed by good actions cannot be hidden for long by-the
cloud of accusations. Hence the “white-capped gentry” should have
no fear if they have indeed done nothing unworthy; if, however, they
have done some wrong thing, they should frankly admit the fact and,
by way of atonement, refrain from acting in such manner in future. I
have never believed that all who wear white caps are good men.
Moreover, people have not yet come to love khadi well enough. When
the use of khadi becomes universal and people using mill-made cloth
are a rare sight, both the millionaire and the thief will be in white caps.
Eating, drinking and wearing clothes are common to both the saint
and the sinner. It is desirable, therefore, that those who wear white caps
and society in general stop believing that the former have a monopoly
of virtue.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 71

A translation of my article in Young India 1 about Hindus and
Muslims has already been published in Navajivan. I request every
Hindu and Muslim who desires harmony to read it carefully. Among
the letters referred to above, there is one from a Muslim friend. It is
possible that he too wrote it with the intention of getting it published
in all papers. Whether it is published or not, I confess that I find no
evidence of objectivity in it. I do not believe that the letters I have
received from Hindus contain perfect truth. This Muslim brother,
however, claims to be objective and says that he has investigated the
matter and presented only what he thought was the truth. But either he
is very credulous or the Muslims of Visnagar have been able to hide
the truth completely from him. So long as it remains our nature to try
to pass ourselves off as innocent even when we are guilty, the evil in us
will never leave. The attempt to conceal our guilt suggests a desire to
cling to our evil. There can be no true understanding in such circum-
stances. Anyone, whether Hindu or Muslim, who tries to shield his
guilt, brings shame upon his religion. A religious person very frankly
admits his fault and this is what pleases God, by whatever name you
know Him. It should be our general way to make much of our own
faults and overlook those of others. This is nobility. But these days we
behave in the opposite way. We magnify to the size of an elephant
another’s fault which is as tiny as a speck of dust, while our own fault,
as big as an elephant, seems so tiny that we need a magnifying glass to
see it.
I do not wish to say anything here just now to the Hindus and
Muslims of Visnagar, but they must know that I have not for a
moment stopped thinking about the disputes between them. At
present, I am not in a position to undertake a Journey. I shall, however,
certainly try to send over someone else. Maulana Mahomed
Ali has told me that the Hindus and Muslims of Baroda State
know him well and that he is confident he can settle the dispute by
himself. If, therefore, I find it necessary, I shall most certainly request
him to go. But I hope that the Hindus and Muslims of Visnagar will
make a sincere attempt and settle their disputes, that by making it
unnecessary for any outsider to go there, they will set an example to
other places where there are similar disputes. Such perfect conditions
1
Vide “Hindus and Muslims”, 4-5-1924.

should prevail in the country—and they will prevail—that a weak
Hindu will be protected by Muslims and a weak Muslim by Hindus.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 1-6-1924
38. MY NOTES
YOUNG OLD MAN
The reader will be glad to know that Abbas Saheb is not the
person to remain unmoved by my pleasant digs at him. All Gujaratis
know that he knows Gujarati. He has now started writing letters to me
in Gujarati. I give below a specimen of his writing.1
I have put his Gujarati before readers without any corrections.
The reader knows that I myself commit many mistakes. “Summit-
dweller” points out that I commit them still. I feel ashamed when I see
some of them. However, as I myself commit plenty of mistakes, Abbas
Saheb’s Gujarati, full of mistakes as it is, is very much dearer to me
than his faultless English. Just as I do not intend to give up writing in
Gujarati because of my mistakes, similarly, Abbas Saheb may, if he
wishes, learn to avoid the mistakes which he makes, but should
continue to write in Gujarati and so awaken in other Gujaratis pride in
their own language. The word pustak2 used by him sounds very sweet
to me. However, even if he does not read other Gujarati books, we
hope that henceforth he will certainly read Navajivan. I intend to
publish in Navajivan in a few days the list of my mistakes prepared by
that “Summit dweller”, mistakes which make me feel ashamed of
myself, and then Abbas Saheb will have no reason to feel ashamed of
his mistakes. He will, moreover, read Navajivan, correcting my
mistakes as he reads on, and so will learn to write relatively correct
Gujarati. The persons who attend on Abbas Saheb should persuade
him to let them read out Navajivan to him.
He has also mentioned another thing which should be a source
of inspiration to Gujaratis and to all Indians. “Dear Sir, you have
spread my fame throughout India as an ‘old man’. I look upon
myself as a ‘young man’.” This old man will not concede that he is
old even if he is given a mirror to look into, for he is young at heart.
1
The passage is not translated here.
2
Book
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 73

Those who accompany him in his wanderings have told me that,
though they get tired, old. Abbas Saheb does not! A person who can
work harder than a young man is young indeed, though he may be
advanced in years. If a young man who does not have a single grey
hair nor one loose tooth keeps idle and does not serve the country, he
is certainly an old man. We should hope that India will have many
young old men like Abbas Saheb.
“THERE IS NO ENTHUSIASM ”
Under this heading, Shri Mohanlal Pandya has written the
following letter1 to admit his error2 :
Anna’s heart will certainly be gladdened on reading this letter,
and we should also hope that people will start using the national
language, as far as possible, when conducting the affairs of the nation.
Let me point out an easy method for the student of Hindi. If possible,
he should go through a simple book on grammar. I think a
“Hindi-Gujarati Teacher” is now available If this is so, a copy should
be bought. He should also read Hindi Navajivan. If anyone sees in
this recommendation of mine the partiality of an editor, let him read
some other Hindi paper. Thirdly, he should read an annotated edition
of Tulsi Ramayana. Anyone would be a gainer by reading the
Ramayana even for the hundredth time. The commentary is mostly in
simple Hindi. There will be no difficulty whatsoever if one reads
nothing besides this. One need not worry if one makes mistakes while
speaking Hindi. Making them, one learns to correct them. The advice
not to worry about mistakes is not intended for the idle but for
workers like me, who are diligent in learning the language. In
speaking Hindi, one should use very few Sanskrit words; one should,
instead, use a mixture of simple Hindi words and simple Urdu ones so
that the language would be understood by both Hindus and Muslims.
I describe the language resulting from such impartial mixing of words
as Hindustani.
Shri Mohanlal Pandya, while atoning for his error, has taken
upon himself to atone for other things too. Sometimes, my articles
may be found to contain expressions of despair. These, however, are
intended to create hope for better things. A labourer or worker (“a
servant of India” is too big an expression; while commenting on Shri
1
2
In sending Harihar Sharma, who was known as Anna, an invitation in
English.

Mohanlal’s letter, the pen automatically writes the words “labourer”
and “worker”) should not worry about others. We need not be judges
of the whole world. We should not even think of others around us
doing nothing. To become enthusiastic means to be filled with steam.
Just as, by filling an engine with steam and then letting it off or
stopping it as one may desire, we can control the speed of a train,
similarly, if we can preserve this steam generated in this bodily
machine of ours and then use it when occasion requires, we can speed
fast with the burden that may have fallen’ to our share. If we but go
on working to the best of our own capacity, without shirking or
delaying the smallest task, we would follow the example of Janaka 1 ,
who said about Mithila2 that he cared little whether it was consumed
by fire or remained safe. If every worker of Gujarat goes on with the
tasks in his chosen field, with his eyes closed, swaraj will be at our
doorstep. No Mama, Anna, Kaka or any such other “relations”, old
or young, will then be able to criticize him. Likewise, Shri Laxmidas3
will have nothing to say against the man or woman who spends all his
or her spare time in-working on the spinning-wheel and producing
uniform—neither too thick nor too thin—well-twisted yarn; he will
actually-bow to him or her. Yarn is the life-thread of the country.
“God holds me with a slender thread and I turn in whichever
direction He pulls me.” Mira4 knew this thread because she was filled
with love. If she had not been a skilled spinner, how could she have
given the beautiful simile of a thread to the bond of love uniting her
with Lord Krishna! The Goddess, Mother India, wishes to tie us with
that same thread and free us from slavery.
MILL -MADE KHADI
A large number of men and children came to see me on
Thursday. As usual, I jokingly asked those whom I saw dressed in
mill-made cloth, why they did not wear khadi. The reply was, “Aren’t
we dressed in khadi?” I felt abashed. I looked more closely. My
doubt increased. I then felt the garment with my hands and said that
the cloth was not khadi. Their reply was, that it certainly was khadi,
mill-made khadi. I became serious. I realized the difficulties which
1
Philosopher king of Videha
2
Capital of Videha
3
Laxmidas Asar, a follower of Gandhiji
4
Mirabai, medieval saint-poetess of Rajasthan
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 75

still stand in the way of popularizing khadi. I told these friends that by
khadi was meant handspun and hand-woven cloth, and that there
could be no such thing as mill-made khadi. These gentlemen con-
fessed their ignorance and vowed that thenceforth they would exclu-
sively use khadi, i.e., cloth woven by hand from hand-spun yarn.
On the same day, some Punjabi friends came to see me. I saw
that they had a length of jean cloth with them. I asked them what it
was. They handed over the cloth to me. I saw on it the words
“Swadeshi Cloth Mark” stamped in sky blue. On further inquiry, I
was told that large quantities of such material were being sold as
khadi. How are we to deal with such fraudulent practices? This is a
difficult problem and cannot be discussed just now. Here it may only
be suggested that leaflets explaining what is meant by khadi should be
brought out and distributed everywhere. Volunteers should very
politely put this leaflet into the hands of all persons who are not clad
in khadi. Description of khadi should be written out on large wooden
boards and big leaders, not hired men, should parade the streets
wearing these. When I am in a position to undertake tours, I shall be
ready to enlist my name among such workers. While I remain in
Ahmedabad, I am ready to move every day for one hour in the city
market carrying such boards. It will be two months before I can do
this. Meanwhile, the practice can be started right now. I give here a
draft of the legend. Anyone with more experience in propaganda
work is welcome to make improvements in it.
BROTHERS AND S ISTERS, B EWARE !
By khadi is meant cloth woven by hand from hand-spun
yarn. Some merchants pass off as mill-khadi or swadeshi khadi
cloth made from mill-spun yarn. Such cloth does not serve our
purpose. Those who really wish to see that the poor do not
starve should wear nothing but genuine khadi.
Such or similar posters can also be stuck on walls. What the
Municipality here can do in this matter, it is for Vallabhbhai to decide.
S ATYAGRAHA IN KENYA
A correspondent from Mombasa writes as follows:1
This last statement cannot be correct. If everyone is imprisoned,
the authorities are bound to feed them. However, persons in police
1

custody are free to get food from outside. The statement above can
only mean that the Satyagrahis in Kenya have been getting food from
outside under this rule.
When we read about these persons who have been imprisoned,
we realize how far we have progressed. Ten years ago, we used to get
excited when we received news of our countrymen having been im-
prisoned in this manner; today we do not think about these prisoners
as we have become accustomed to jail hardships. We have realized that
there can be no happiness without voluntary suffering. So far as the
Satyagrahis of Kenya are concerned, I regard their im-prisonment as a
training in suffering. There is little possibility of their hardships
ending merely through their imprisonment. They will have to
undergo more suffering than this, or wait till India has won swaraj.
There is no need to despair so long as they have spirit enough to offer
satyagraha. Should it take long for them to reach the goal, they
should conclude that their Satyagraha is half-hearted. If they are
strong enough, there are many other laws, besides that imposing the
poll-tax, which they can decide to break in a peaceful manner. Is there
any man-made law which a person is bound to obey when he is
denied the right to own land, to live with self-respect and to vote?
Where the aim of the government is to hold down the whole society or
a section of it, is that society or that section bound to obey any law
promulgated by it? When the purpose behind a law is to stop the
progress of society, it becomes the latter’s duty to violate man-made
law. Hence, no external power can restrain the Indians of Kenya. They
can free themselves from their bonds any time they wish to do so. I
assume that no Indian in Kenya who happens to read this article will
take any hasty step. Not everyone gets the right to offer civil disobe-
dience. He alone who has always obeyed the laws of his own free will
can deliberately violate a law when the occasion demands that. This
weapon, when employed by one who does not know how to use it, can
harm that very person.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 1-6-1924
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 77

39. INJUSTICE TO KATHIAWARIS
Rebuking me gently, a friend has remarked that these days I
have been doing an injustice to Kathiawaris: I always describe them as
men given to too much talking. This friend believes that my articles
suggest that there is none among them who really works. He goes on
to say that others, following me, form the same opinion about Kathia--
waris and malign them with similar epithets. The result will be, he says,
that Kathiawaris themselves will come to believe that they are what
they are described to be and then even those few among them who
now work will stop working.
My criticism was not directed against all Kathiawaris. It was
aimed only at politicians. I did not mean to suggest,either, that all of
them are men of too many words.
I myself was born in a family of politicians, but I certainly do
not regard myself as given to talking too much. Hence, first of all, I
myself am excluded from my criticism. Moreover, some of my
co-workers are Kathiawaris and they go on working silently all the
time. My description does not apply to them either. It was, thus, aimed
only at those to whom it could be applied.
It is true, nevertheless, that my criticism would be unjust if the
talkers had been so few as to be mere exceptions. It is really my com-
plaint that, by and large, the politicians are given to talking too much
and to intrigues. Silent workers are the exception. I grew up in a
family of politicians and I have had plenty of experience of this class.
I worshipped my father and my devotion to my parents equalled that
of Shravana1 . If this is an exaggeration, at any rate I have no doubt in
my mind that Shravana was my ideal. But I never lost my better
judgment. Hence, I knew then, and know better now, that much of my
father’s time was taken up in mere intrigues. Discussions started early
in the morning and went on till it was time to leave for the office.
Everyone talked in whispers. The discussions centred on how to rise to
a job of higher status and authority than the present one and how to
increase the influence of the Banias as against that of the party of
Nagars 2 and Brahmins; even amongst the Banias, my father’s aim was
1
A youth, in the Ramayana, who was devoted to his aged parents and carried
them on his shoulders to various places of pilgrimage
2
A Hindu community

to see our A Hindu community own family rise above others. This,
then, is one side of the picture. I do not wish to suggest that service of
others was never a motive. It was, however, always a subsidiary motive,
helping others as well as one may while pursuing one’s own interests.
My father was not the lowest of the low among politicians; he was, on
the contrary, considered to be the very best among them. He was
noted for his honesty. Bribes were accepted then too, but he was free
from this evil. He was large-hearted and his generosity had no limits.
Even such a good person had not remained unaffected by the
poisonous atmosphere of politics.
The knowledge of these facts often prompts me to say that, by
being on terms of purest friendship with Nagars and others, I am
doing atonement for the favouritism practised by my family, that,
brought up among politicians and diplomats, I am atoning for their
sin of clever talking by having chosen not to follow their practice and
accepted the philosophy of action.
What was true of politicians forty or fifty years ago is true even
today. Their sole occupation is seheming. My dislike of this was one
of the reasons for my leaving the country. To go on working silently
in an atmosphere of politics would mean stagnating for ever as a
clerk. Every clerk, however, aspires to a position of authority, but such
a position is the reward of successful scheming and not of work. And
so on the very day a person enters the service of an Indian State his
training in scheming begins.
A new atmosphere is now growing among us. Thanks to our
desire to give up clever talking and the methods of scheming, we now
get some active Kathiawari workers even in the prevailing unfavour-
able atmosphere. The ordinary politicians, however, are still slaves of
the atmosphere in which they live.
My aim in writing about this was, and is today, to help the politi-
cians in Kathiawar to understand the situation and change it imme-
diately.
Such criticism of Kathiawaris. that is, of that section of the
politicians to which it applies—is a part of satyagrahi abuses. Hence,
only one like me can offer it. Those who dislike Kathiawaris are not
entitled to offer it. What does it matter, however, if any such persons
follow my example and make this criticism? One who does not
scheme will remain unaffected and smile at the criticism. A person
who schemes and is clever of tongue, why should he get angry whan
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 79

told the truth ? A friend does not observe as many shortcomings in us
as an enemy does. To be able to see the defects of a friend and yet
love him with one’s whole heart is a particular virtue in satyagraha
and one which is extremely difficult to acquire. We can, therefore, say
in a general way that we cannot learn about our shortcomings through
our friends to the same extent that we can through our enemies. I
would, therefore, request Kathiawaris to listen courteously and
respectfully to the criticism made by enemies, to reflect upon it and
accept whatever element of truth it contains.
I am sure no one wishes that I should stop criticizing lest others
follow my example. Moreover, in criticizing Kathiawaris I ask all
Gujaratis to give up talking and start working. If the former regard me
as one of them, they would pay attention to my criticism, consider
what substance there was in it and act accordingly. I am certainly vain
enough to believe that Kathiawaris would listen to me, though they
might not listen to others. However, I make no distinction between
Gujarat and Kathiawar. The people in both regions are Gujaratis.
Kathiawar is “little” Gujarat. Add Kathiawar and Kutch to Gujarat
and, you get Maha Gujarat. The latter is a small part of India. I
happen to have better knowledge of the language of that part. Since it
knows me better, I have a greater right to offer bitter pills to it than to
others; if Maha Gujarat does not swallow them, to which other
Province can I offer them, which Province can I call upon to test the
efficacy of my medicine?
In conclusion, I hope that the politicians in Kathiawar will hold
their love of facile talking in complete check, give up scheming and
start working silently and so prove my criticism to be unfounded. I
am not interested in criticizing people; by doing so, I hope merely to
get the utmost work out of Kathiawar.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 1-6-1924

40. FORGIVE ME PLEASE!
On Thursday morning, 1 many brothers and sisters of Ahmeda-
bad had gathered on the railway station in the hope that I would alight
there and they could meet me, but they were disappointed. For this, I
apologize to them. Vallabhbhai felt that the people would not restrain
their eagerness despite my appeal and his own efforts, and, making me
alight from the train which he got stopped midway2 , took me quietly
to the Ashram.
It is only when al! those who were thus disappointed take to
spinning that I shall be convinced that they have forgiven me. Really
speaking, they owe me an apology. Why did they go to the station at
all ? It was their fault that they went to the station disregarding my
entreaty. 3 It was the country’s loss that it thereby received so much
less of hand-spun yarn. Therefore, if it was a fact that these dis-
appointed brothers and sisters went to the station, not out of curiosity,
but out of love, I would request them to make good the loss of yarn.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 1-6-1924
41. VIDYAPITH AND ANANDSHANKARBHAI

A student of Gujarat Vidyapith, who loses the institution, wrote
to me as follows:4
The subject of this letter, its language and its thoughts, the
overflowing patriotism in it and its boundless love for the Vidyapith
appealed to me so much that I felt it would be good to put the whole
of it before the reader, long as it is. However, I am on such terms with
Anandshankarbhai that I felt that the extract from his speech which
the correspondent had quoted did not do justice to him I felt that,
rather than publish the letter firs. and then get a reply from
Anandshankarbhai, I would be doing greater justice to the subject, the
1
May 29
2
At Kankaria railway yard
3
Vide “My Request”, 25-5-1924, wherein Gandhiji had appealed to the people
of Ahmedabad not to take the trouble to come to the station, but to give that time to
spinning.
4
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 81

student and Anandshankarbhai by sending the letter to him first and
getting his reply, and then publishing both together. My friendship
and affection for him also led me to the same conclusion. The reader
will also see from the result that I did well to get Anandshankarbhai’s
letter and publish it along with the other one. Our reporters—
especially when the speeches are in Gujarati—fail, though perhaps not
intentionally, to take them down in full, and even when they take a full
report, the editor cannot spare the necessary space for every speech.
The result is that the reports are often mutilated and, sometimes,
distort the speaker’s meaning. In such a state of affairs, it is often
difficult so decide which report to trust and which not to trust. It is for
this reason that Sir Pherozeshah Mehta1 wrote out. all his important
speeches. Gokhale was keen on correcting the reports of his speeches
himself as far as possible. None of us whose services were at his
disposal were allowed to correct his speeches in South Africa, all of
which were reported verbatim in the papers. In spite of his delicate
health, he took it upon himself to correct. every report. I have myself
had bitter experience of what is done to my speeches. The reporters
are not to blame for this. The very conditions are such that only a few
reporters are able to give correct reports.
With these experiences in mind, I sent the foregoing letter to
Anandshankarbhai and requested him for a reply. His reply is as
follows:2
There is little that I have to add to this reply. I too would
welcome another institution of the kind which Anandshankarbhai
would like to see established. But the time and circumstances are
perhaps not ripe yet. I believe that the sentiments expressed by the
student-corres-pondent are most admirable. My ideas about education
go much further even than his. In my humble opinion, knowledge
should never be used for acquiring wealth. Business should be the
only means of doing so. The means of livelihood should be labour,
i.e., weaving, carpentry, tailoring and such other occupations essential
for maintaining human life. I believe that one of the chief reasons for
our moral fall is that doctors, lawyers, teachers and others acquire their
knowledge mainly for getting money and, in fact, use it for that
1
Sir Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta (1845-1915); member of the Bombay
Corporation, 1872-1915; member of Bombay Legislature for 30 years; member,
Imperial Legislative Council; President of the Congress, 1890
2
Not translated here

purpose. What I have set out is, of course, an ideal, which we cannot
attain. I have no doubt, however, that the nearer we get to it, the better
for us. The Vidyapith has not set this ideal before itself, but it has
given primary importance to cultivating the spirit of patriotism. The
idea of a “career” has no place in an institution which is inspired by
the ideal that know ledge should be used in the service of the country
and that earning of wealth should come second. Only a person who
has renounced the idea of a career for himself should seek admission
to the Vidyapith. Since this ideal has not yet taken hold of the minds
of people either in Gujarat or in the rest of the country, it is not
surprising that Vidyapiths dedicated to this ideal should have only a
few students in the first few years. In fact, it is a pleasant surprise that
thousands of students are having their literary education under the
inspiring guidance of the Vidyapith and, at the same time, are
acquiring the spirit of patriotic service.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 1-6-1924
42. GURUKUL KANGRI

I had sent a letter to the pupils of this Gurukul on their annual
day. In answer to it I received a letter from them many days ago. I
place before the readers a part of this letter to show what faith the
Gurukul children have in the charkha:
Although we were conscious that this reply to your message is wholly
inadequate, we nevertheless wish to place at your revered feet this offering of a
little yarn spun by us. We have prepared this yarn from round-the-clock
non-stop plying of the charkha during the seven days of the National Week
(April 7 to 13) in the hope that our humble offering will be accepted. This
includes separately the yarn spun by the younger children among us (those of
class IV). Although this yarn has not been secured from a non-stop plying of
the charkha, we do think that these little children who love you deserve your
love. Therefore this yarn, spun with devotion during the National Week,
deserves to be offered at your feet.
[From Hindi]
Hindi Navajivan, 1-6-1924
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 83

43. A HINT TO ORGANIZERS OF CONFERENCES
People say that the days of big public meetings, processions and
speeches are past, that the time has come to work while keeping the
mouth shut. But the organizers of conferences and public meetings
are always anxious to make great shows of them. In their zeal, many
times they forget the truth and practise deception on the innocent
public while making preparations for conferences. A notice about
some conference says:
It is a matter of great pleasure that the conference is going to take place
in a big way. Important leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, the Ali Brothers,
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr. Kitchlew1 , Maulana Abul Kalam Azad2 , Devdas
Gandhi, Shankerlal Banker3 , Rajagopalachari4 , Seth Jamnalal Bajaj5 , Maulana
A. Jafar Khan, Shrimati Gandhi, Bi Amma Sahiba, Tapasvi Sunderlal,
Makhanlal Chaturvedi6 , Shrimati Subhadra Kumari, etc., are expected to come.
It is possible that the reception committee has sent invitations to
these leaders. But till replies have been received from them saying that
they will try to come, it is not true to say that they are expected to
come. However commendable the intention may be, it is improper to
mislead people. Once or twice people may be deceived, but very soon
the workers lose their prestige as well as the I trust of the people.
Abraham Lincoln has rightly said: ‘You can fool all the people some
of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool
all the people all the time.”
[From Hindi]
1
A Congress leader of the Punjab
2
1889-1958; Congress leader and scholar of Koranic theology; President of
the Indian National Congress, 1923, 1940-5; Education Minister, Government of
India
3
Political worker and labour leader of Ahmedabad; printer and publisher of
Young India
4
C. Rajagopalachari (b. 1879); lawyer, journalist, author and statesman;
Governor-General of India, 1948-50
5
1889-1942; businessman, social worker and philanthropist; treasurer of the
Congress for a number of years and a close associate of Gandhiji
6
Well-known Hindi poet and patriot, editor of Karmavir

44. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
[June 2, 1924] 1
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I have the cheques. I am aware some expenses are yet to be

covered. It should have been ‘row’ 2 . I never knew that the price of
Young India had been revised to three annas. I promise to kick up a
row over it. I have written to Godrej.
I do not at all find Ahmedabad warm. The late evenings and the
early mornings are very pleasant. I sleep in the open, so the nights are
very cool.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

S ABARMATI ,
Jyeshtha Sud 1 [June 3, 1924] 3
BHAISHRI GHANSHYAMDASJI,
I have your letter. I have written to the leader of the Antyaja
Mandal that you made no promise to give them Rs. 30,000.
It is no doubt bad that the community4 is divided into two
factions If, however, your group behaves courteously with the other, it
will stop the venom from spreading. It is of course true that peace and
strife cannot go on together. If you choose one or the other and stick
to it, then only can you get its fruit. The result of strife we see in the
condition of Europe. True love is altogether absent there. The way of
peace has so far never been practised by communities.
Yours sincerely,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
1
From the postal cancellation mark
2
This word is in English.
3
The reference in the letter to factions in the addressee’s community suggests
that it was written in 1924, as were the letters to him dated May 13 and 20. In 1924,
Jyeshtha Sud I fell on June 3.
4
The Marwari community
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 85

46. LETTER TO PARASRAM MEHROTRA
Jyeshtha Sud 1 [June 3, 1924] 1
CHI. PARASRAM,
I have your postcard. Study the Ramayana very carefully. It
won’t do to read it only once. I am sure the Ramayana will give you
peace of mind. Are all the patients improving?
Blessings from
BAPU
P ARASRAM MEHROTRA
U. P. KHADDAR BOARD
C AWNPORE
From the Hindi original. C.W. 4960. Courtesy: Parasram Mehrotra
47. INTERVIEW TO “ SWATANTRYA”

[SABARMATI ,
June 3, 1924] 2
Q. Since your release from Yeravda Jail, do you think that there is some change in
your writing?
A. Yes, there is.
Q. Because of your too much stress on non-violence as a religion, the Congress
had to pass a resolution of self-defence as regards Congress volunteers.
A.It was not right for the Congress to pass such a resolution. The
same meaning was already included in my definition of non-violence.
Q. Do you not think, Mahatmaji, that Congress leaders at least found your defini-
tion rather vague?
A. Yes, you are right. Every religionist should try to find out autho-
rities on non-violence in his own religious books. I am preaching
non-violence so that people may be induced to find out the real
meaning of non-violence according to their religious texts.
The correspondent then asked Mahatmaji to explain the limits of non-vio-
lence against a thief, dacoit or foreign invasion. He [Gandhiji] narrated the story of a
great saint, Eknath Maharaj [who] having found his house attacked by thieves, prayed
to God lest the robbers might go away without finding any booty.
1
The postmark bears this date.
2
Vide 1st footnote to “Interview to Swatantrya”, 30-5-1924.

Q. This is possible for a mahatma, but not for ordinary people. What do you
advise people to do under such circumstances?
A. We must protect ourselves from thieves, etc. The difference you
have shown is quite correct.
Q. Don’t you think that Englishmen also fall under this category?
A. No, the present-day Englishmen are not so. The East India
Company may be regarded as such. But are you going to call
robbers’ sons also as robbers?
Q. If such sons are also following their fathers’ vocation, we must call them
thieves.
A. No, no. The English people of the present day are not such,
hence we must remain non-violent. To dispossess the English of their
power, we need the will and not the arms and, moreover, so long as the
Congress has adopted non-violence as its policy, we must be
non-violent. I have illustrated my meaning in my article headed “My
Mission”,1 by taking the illustration of a prisoner at the gallows and a
jailor. This whole question I shall have to get settled finally in the
coming Congress.
Q. Mahatmaji, have you read the evidence which Mohammedans gave before the
Government enquiry committee regarding the Hindu-Muslim disputes at Nagpur? The
Mohammedan witnesses said that Lokamanya Tilak was responsible for fostering
such quarrels among the Hindus and Mohammedans, and that every Mohammedan has
a right to convert, at any time, his house into a masjid.
A.No, I have not read that. 2 I shall certainly read that. It is
simply ungratefulness to accuse the Lokamanya of having given rise
to such communal feuds. It was Lokamanya Tilak himself who
personally told me that, if by giving cent per cent representation to
Mohammedans, swaraj would be attained, he ( Lokamanya Tilak) was
willing to sign such a pact. Dr. Moonje has specially requested me not
to write anything about Nagpur.
Mahatmaji further said that the people must find out their own way for their
liberation, and expressed regret that the leaders Of the country have not very
seriously considered the utility of his own method Of non-violent non-co-operation.
1
Vide “My Mission”, 3-4-1924.
2
Here the correspondent handed to Gandhiji copies of Swatantrya requesting
him to go through them.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 87

48. NOTES
TARKESHWAR S ATYAGRAHA
I have received various telegrams on the situation in Tarkeshwar.
Two of them invite me to go there and advise. My going is out of the
question, if only because I am too weak yet to undertake fatiguing
journeys. But what I have said generally about Vaikom applies to
Tarkeshwar. There should be no force nor show of it for the purpose
of taking possession. The rush of railwaymen and their blocking the
progress of the train (if the facts reported are true) was not only not
Satyagraha, but the blocking was, to say the least, discreditable. Not
even a mahant reported to be immoral may be summarily and
forcibly dismissed from his possession.
DIGGING MY OWN GRAVE
This is the expression that has been used about my article on
Congress organization.1 I like it. For nothing will please me more than
to dig my own grave [rather] than that I should dig that of Truth for
which and which alone I want to live. An esteemed English friend who
helped me in South Africa once told me: “Do you know that I have
thrown myself heart and soul into your movement because you
represent a minority? For I believe that truth always lies with mino-
rities. You should not therefore be surprised at my opposing you,
friends though we are, if I ever find you representing a majority.” I
have often wondered, and never more so than now, whether the friend
was not right and whether he would not have come to the conclusion
that I must be in the wrong as I am at present supposed to be repre-
senting a majority. But whether the friend was right or wrong, I hope
that the A.I.C.C. will not hesitate to put me in a minority and I shall
also hope that I shall not be found untrue to my faith. I assure them
that I shall work as zealously under defeat as, perhaps, I have worked
with the tide flowing with me. If we want to serve India, we must put
measures before men. The latter come and go, but causes must survive
even the greatest of them.
AN ARYA S AMAJ P ROTEST
I have received the following wire from Agra Arya Samaj:
1
Vide “Congress Organization”, 29-5-1924.

Agra enters emphatic protest against strictures made by you
regarding Arya Samaj, Rishi Dayanand, Swami Shraddhanandji,
Satyarth Prakash and shuddhi movement, which it trusts have been
made unconsciously because of lack of full acquaintance with Arya
Samaj teachings.1 Respectfully prays you to reconsider your views and
remove misgivings likely to be produced. I publish the telegram, as I
am sure the Agra Samaj represents a considerable body of Arya
Samaj opinion. All I can say in reply is that I have not written a single
word in the reference to the Samaj or Rishi Dayanand or Swami
Shraddhanandji without deep considera-tion. It was easy enough for
me to suppress my opinion. But, consis-tently with truth, I could not
do so when it became relevant. Hindu-Muslim tension is a grim
reality. Removal of it is a stern national nec-essity. It cannot be
brought about by ignoring or suppressing facts. Truth on such
occasions must be told, no matter how unpalatable it may be. But I
claim no infallibility. As yet I have seen nothing to revise my views. I
cannot plead ignorance. I claim to have read Saty-arth Prakash. I
have the privilege of knowing Shraddhanandji intima-tely. My writing
therefore is deliberate. But if any Arya Samajist can convince me that
I have erred in any single particular, I shall gladly confess my error,
apologize and withdraw the erroneous statement.
P UNISHMENT OR R EWARD
Thoreau has said that, under a despotic government, plenty is a
crime and poverty a merit. In other words, the frowns of such a
government are any day welcome. One has to be cautious about its
smiles. Taken in this light, the punishment of the Swarajya of Madras
may be treated as a reward for public services rendered. I can
therefore only congratulate Mr. Prakasam2 upon his paper being the
first to be on the black list of the Madras Government. That the Indian
members of that Government are responsible for this reward does not
surprise me. They-could do no better. They must either sustain that
Government or resign. They believe in that Government being for the
good of the country. Non-violent non-co-operation is intended to
quicken the process of disillusionment. That process has been slow
1
The reference is to Gandhiji’s observations in the article “Hindu-Muslim
Tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924.
2
T.Prakasam (1872-1957); editor, Swarajya; was called “Andhra Kesari”-the
lion of Andhra; Premier (Chief Minister) of composite Madras State 1946-47 and later
the first Chief Minister of Andhra, 1953-54.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 89

because we have believed only somewhat in non-co-operation and still
less in non-violence.
LUXURY NOT P OWER
Borodada writes thus from Shantiniketan:
The reason why you exhort us to concentrate all our energy on the
constructive programme is simply this. You want us to produce by our own
hands the necessaries of life, arid thereby gain power. If we once get the initial
power simply to live, we can gradually gain more power to live comfortably
afterwards. But if we take only that which Government pleases to give us, we
will get something no doubt but will not gain power, and thus will become
weaker and weaker every day. For, as long as power remains with the
Government, we will be at its mercy. It is natural that the Government will
look after its own interest and we will look after our own. It is foolish to
expect that the Government will give us power to nullify its own power of
doing anything it likes It is ready to give us the materials of luxury when the
great masses are suffering from want of food and clothing It will not part with
the least of its power, unless forced by circumstances That power is exerted
mainly for its own interest and by no means for the real well-being of the
Indian masses
Is it not only too true that the towns buy their luxuries at the
expense of the poor, whilst all the power resides in the hands of a
Government totally irresponsible and irresponsive to the people?
THE WHEEL TO THE R ESCUE
The following letter from Babu Bhupendra Narayan Sen cannot
fail to interest the reader:
Duadonda is a village in the sub-division of Arambagh, district Hooghly and is
about 7 miles west of Raja Ram Mohun Roy’s1 birthplace, Radhanagar. In June
1922, there occurred a severe flood in the river Darakeshwar and my friend Sj.
Prafulla Chandra Sen was deputed by the Hooghly District Congress
Committee for relief work in the flooded area. When Prafulla proposed to
distribute the charkha to insure againt famine which generally attends such
flood, he was ridiculed by the Flood Relief Committee. Undaunted, my friend
promised that he would make the charkha a success even in such a backward
N.C.O. district as Hooghly. With only three co-workers, he began to tramp
from villager’s door to door with a bag of cotton, with some charkhas and
1
1774-1833; scholar, social reformer and founder of Brahmo Samaj; worked
for the abolition of sati

other implements The younger generation laughed to his face, the older people
wisely shook their heads and remarked that there was a time when the
charkha’s musical hum was a feature of village life At last, they succeeded in
introducing a dozen charkhas and began to feed the spinners regularly with
cotton and wagas. In order that the spinners might store sufficient yarn for
weaving their own clothes, Prafulla used to give them cotton instead of wagas,
i.e., for 5 tolas of yarn given by a spinner, he gave 10 tolas of cotton in
return and to the needy he gave spinning wagas @ 3 pies per tola of yarn spun,
carding being done by the spinners themselves The earnest and steady
spinning by the aid twelve spinners drew the attention of young and old alike.
The people who scoffed at charkha now wondered at the beautiful khaddar saris
which the spinners had woven out of their own hand-spun yarn and began to
envy the spinners who earned such wages They now began to request my friend
for charkhas, promising that they would ply them regularly The number
increased and in 3 or 4 months the number of spinners was a hundred, and my
friend’s abilities were put to severe test to keep them all going and the nucleus
of our organization was thus established. The Mohammedan ladies were the
first to revive this charkha culture and their Hindu sisters are also following in
their wake. The present number of spinners is more than two hundred.
My own conversion to this khadi programme, i.e., village-work, may
interest you a little. I was working as secretary, Jorabagan Congress
Committee, Calcutta. At the invitation of my friend Prafulla, I came to this
place to see him working and it is here and here alone I became convinced of
the potentialities of the charkha in the building up of our national life. From
daybreak to sunset, people old and young came with yarn to get double
quantity of slivers or to sell it for meeting the weaver’ demand. Old spinners
were all clad in khaddar saris woven out of their own yarn. Their hunger-
stricken faces had now sparks’ of joy. I began to chat with them and learnt that
my friend’s work had kept the wolf from their doors; that women, who used to
beg for their sustenance, were now well-off; that they no longer quarrelled
among themselves because they had now no idle time left after carding and
spinning; that their husbands could not now ill treat them as they were
contributing considerably to the family fund; and lastly, but not the least,
their izzat was saved. I could learn all these things because I was introduced to
them as a khadi worker; otherwise, nothing on earth could have moved these
purdahnashin ladies to talk so intimately with a stranger. Near about sunset,
the male population of the village began to arrive at our centre and they came
daily to hear my friend’s conversation on various topics. They all expressed
their deepest sympathy for our work and anxiously prayed that it might conti-
nue for ever. This evening’s gathering made me at once remember one of your
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 91

beautiful sayings: ‘Non-co-operation with the Government for more co-opera-
tion with the people’, and I thought that this was the rightest way to do it. In
short, I could not resist myself the temptation of serving these poor innocent
people; I gave up my town Congress work and came down here. The more we
are becoming familiar with the village life, the more convinced we become of
the truth of the Bardoli programme and we now believe that we shall want
nothing more if we can only work out this programme for the rest of our lives.
Along with khadi work there has begun national education, arbitra-
tion, and social service. We have now a separate propaganda department which
publishes a litho weekly, namely, Congress Sambad, containing exposition
on non-violent non-co-operation, khaddar, untouchability etc. We have
named this organization as Satyagraha Sangh, and it has under its control:
1. One spinning centre at Duadonda.
2. One weaving centre at Baradongal, 7 miles north of Duadonda.
3. One national school at Bandar, 4 miles south of Duadonda. We received
help from the following sources mainly:
Flood Relief Committee, Hooghly—Rs. 300/
Benga1 Provincial Congress Swadeshi Board—Rs. 500/
Jorabagan Congress Flood Trust fund—Rs. 1,500/
Our assets are:—
(a) Stock of yarn, khadi cotton, cotton seeds Rs. 1,200/-
(b) Looms with weavers Rs. 200/-
(c) Spinning-wheels distributed Rs. 350/-
The other day Sj. Harakhchand Motichand, brother of Sj. Jivanlal,
aluminium merchant, came to see our national school and spinning-centre. He
expressed satisfaction at our work and has helped us with Rs. 200/for buying
the land on which the national school at Bandar was situated and with Rs.
100/- for building our ‘ashram’. For the present we are housed in the bungalow
of Mr. J. C. Hazra, a practising barrister of the Calcutta High Court. Mr. Hazra
came here during the last Easter holidays. He agreed that the Bardoli
programme was the only programme for our country.
The letter shows what a little organization can do and how easily
the people take to the wheel when it is presented to them in a workable
form. The charkha will turn those who are forced to beg for food into
self-respecting artisans and will knit together the literate and the
illiterate, the poor and the rich, as nothing else will.

‘‘BRAHMACHARYA ” OR S ELF-CONTROL
The following is Mahadev Desai’s translation of an article 1 I
wrote on this delicate subject in Navajivan of 25th May 1924. I gladly
publish it in Young India as I have before me many letters from the
other parts of India on the same subject. The stray thoughts collected
together in the article might be of some help to those who are
earnestly striving for a pure life. My inquirers have been all Hindus
and naturally the article is addressed to them. The last paragraph is the
most important and operative part. The names Allah or God carry
with them the same potency. The idea is to realize the presence of
God in us. All sins are committed in secrecy. The moment we realize
that God witnesses even our thoughts, we shall be free.
ABOUT P RINCIPAL GIDWANI
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has sent a letter in the following terms
to the Administrator of Nabha:
I have just read in Young India of the 92nd a letter dated 12th May
written by you to Mr. M. K. Gandhi in regard to Mr. Gidwani’s imprisonment.2
It is stated in this letter that you suspended the sentences passed against
Principal Gidwani, Mr. K. Santanam and me on condition that we left the State
and did not return thereto without permission. My recollection of this episode
is entirely at variance with this. I was and still am under the impression that
our sentences were suspended unconditionally. There wag no reference, so far
as I can remember, in the order of suspension urder sec. 407 C.P.C. or even on
the piece of paper containing this order, to any condition, or to our returning
to Nabha with or without permission. This point was further-cleared up by our
conversation with the Superintendent of the Jail and the Chief of Police who
were present. Subsequently, we were informed of another order—styled an
executive order—on another piece of paper, wherein we were asked to leave the
State and not to return without permission. In this second paper there was no
mention of our sentences or suspensions. My request for copies of the orders
was not granted nor was I allowed to copy them myself. I was told that you had
expressly forbidden copies. I shall be glad if you will kindly let me know if
the facts I have stated above about the suspension order are correct. I shall also
be obliged if you will also send me copies of the suspension order and the
‘executive order’. You will admit, I hope, that it is only fair to me to supply
me with these copies so that I may know where I stand.
1
Not reproduced here. For the text vide “Brahmacharya”, 25-5-1924.
2
Vide “Notes”, 22-5-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 93

Pandit Jawaharlal’s letter would go to show that the revival of
Principal Gidwani’s old sentence and his consequent incarceration are
totally unjustified even if they are not illegal. Surely the three patriots
were entitled to see the conditions of their release. As I have already
shown, Principal Gidwani entered in no spirit of defiance. He entered
only in the interest of humanity. The public will be interested to know
the Administrator’s reply to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
LUXURY AND LAZINESS
A gentleman has sent me a long letter on the difficulties surro-
unding khaddar propaganda. I copy the relevant parts of that letter.
These is much spinning in our province. It is no exaggeration when I
say that every lady in our villages is a spinner. Even little girls know and
practise the art. Weavers are in abundance in this province. A large quantity of
khaddar can be produced in this province. When I see the vast field of work for
khaddar production, I feel that I should work and work hard. But when I come to
the Khaddar Depot of our Congress Committee, I find very few people buying
our cloth. People who had begun weaving khaddar have begun to use mill yarn
cloth or some even foreign cloth.
The Congress appealed to the sentiments of the people. They discarded
foreign cloth and some even burnt it. They adopted khaddar. But its inherent
defects became apparent. The result is that they do not like to wear it now. The
defects are:
1. The stuff is very heavy; the ladies do not tolerate it.
2. On account of its weight, it is not easy to wash.
3. It is not a children’s cloth, for their clothing requires constant
washing and it is very difficult to do so in case of khaddar.
4. It has got no variety and we cannot give fast colours to it.
5. It catches dust.
6. It is dearer than the mill-cloth. We purchase hand-spun yarn one
pound in a rupee, while Indian mill-cloth is sold at Amritsar at
the same rate, that is one pound per rupee.
The rich people do not like to wear this cloth as it does not satisfy their
tastes, while the poor cannot afford to wear it, considering its price, washing
charges, and other expenses.
Only the agricultural class in the villages uses it. They get cotton from
their fields. Their ladies do the ginning and the spinning. They have to pay for
the carding and weaving which is not much as the labour it very cheap in the

villages. It is a bye-product for them. By using it they save money which they
do not get so easily as the people in the towns do.
The writer is connected with the khaddar movement and believes
in it. It is clear, however, that his argument is an argument of luxury
and laziness. Khadi propaganda certainly cannot succeed where they
reign supreme. If we desire swaraj, we must be prepared to work and
give up luxurious tastes, at least for the time being. A soldier who is
unwilling to give up conveniences cannot fight. India, if it cannot part
with the soft and cheap calico in favour of rough khadi, will certainly
not get swaraj. The Punjab is the best province immediately to dis-
place all mill-cloth. But that the difficulties come from the Punjabis
shows how we have fallen. If the Punjabis want fine cloth, the remedy
is not to buy mill-cloth but for the Punjabi sisters to spin even as fine
yarn as the Andhra sisters. The Andhra spinning gives one all the
fineness one can expect. Nor is it a difficult thing to accomplish. Just
as, if we want fine chapatis, we must roll them fine and not go
elsewhere in search of fine ones, so should we spin fine yarn, if we
want fine cloth. The ladies have no right to grumble at the heaviness
of their khaddar if they are too lazy to spin fine. Khaddar is
eminently children’s cloth, if we would clothe them for protection and
not for show. Khaddar is capable of giving as much variety as mill-
cloth. But it requires revival of the original skill of our forefathers.
Khaddar is today dearer than mill-cloth because we have not yet put
this national cottage industry on a sound basis. But surely we cannot
count the cost if we will be free. Experience of hundreds of
khaddar-wearers is that it having simplified their taste, though it is
dearer yard for yard, the quantity required being much less than
before, khaddar wear is undoubtedly cheaper. For the poor people
khaddar need not be dearer, because they can grow their own cotton
and gin, card, spin and weave it themselves. Closely examined, the
argument is answered by carrying on a ceaseless propaganda among
the Punjabi sisters asking them to spin not below 20 counts. An expert
spinner can readjust their spindles so as to enable them to Spill higher
counts without much extra energy or time being required.
WHAT IS A S PINNER ?
People often say that they can spin only because they are able to
draw the thread. This is, however, a false notion A baker is one who
bakes bread that can be eaten and digested. And it is not enough if he
only knows how to bake. He must know, as he does know, all the
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 95

processes that flour has to go through and know also its different
varieties. Similarly, a spinner is one who draws an even and well-
twisted thread that can be woven without difficulty. If the thread is
under-twisted or over-twisted, it is of no use for weaving purposes.
And since it is not possible to spin well without good slivers, a spinner
ought to know carding and sliver making. He ought also to tell the
staples of different varieties of cotton and be able to spin a given
count, to, say, 30 counts. And just as a carpenter who cannot sharpen
or mend his tools is worthless, so is a spinner worthless who cannot
mend his bow or the wheel or who cannot tell a crooked from a
straight spindle and who cannot straighten a crooked one. Many leave
off spinning because their wheel has got out of order. A spinning
examination, therefore, should, in my opinion, cover all the points I
have raised. The course need not frighten the reader. It is easy enough
for those who would apply themselves to the work. The thing is to
treat it seriously.1
One who has faith can secure everything and everything appears
easy to him. One who is without faith finds everything difficult. To
learn spinning is to cease to be indolent and become industrious. One
should practise rather than preach. Swaraj can never be won by
speeches; it will be secured only through action. Spinning is the only
activity which all people can undertake. India became dependent and
impoverished when the spinning-wheel came to be discarded. Her
prosperity lies in its revival.
49. HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY

Let me summarize the long statement2 issued last week on this
the greatest of all questions for the Indian patriot. The posterity will
judge both the faiths by the manner in which the followers of each
acquit themselves in the matter. However good Hinduism or Islam
may be in the abstract, the only way each can be judged is by the
effect produced by each on its votaries considered as a whole.
The following then is the summary of the statement.
1
The paragraph that follows is from Navajivan, 8-6-1924, where Gandhiji
covered, in an article under the same title, much the Same ground. The paragraph added
here, however, does not occur in Young India.
2
Vide “Hindu-Muslim Tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-l924.

C AUSES
l. The remote cause of the tension is the Moplah rebellion.
2. The attempt of Mr. Fazl Hussain to rearrange the distribu-
tion of posts in the education department consistently with the number
of Mussalmans in the Punjab and consequent Hindu opposition.
3. The shuddhi movement.
4. The most potent being tiredness of non-violence and the
fear that the communities might, by a long course of training in
non-violence, forget the law of retaliation and self-defence.
5. Mussalman cow-slaughter and Hindu music.
6. Hindu cowardice and consequent Hindu distrust of Mussal-
mans.
7. Mussalman bullying.
8. Mussalman distrust of Hindu fair play.
C URE
1. The master-key to the solution is the replacement of the rule
of the sword by that of arbitration.
Honest public opinion should make it impossible for aggrieved
parties to take the law into their own hands and every case must be
referred to private arbitration or to law-courts if the parties do not
believe in non-co-operation.
2. Ignorant fear of cowardly non-violence, falsely so called,
taking the place of violence should be dispelled.
3. Growing mutual distrust among the leaders must, if they
believe in unity, give place to trust.
4. Hindus must cease to fear the Mussalman bully and the
Mussalmans should consider it beneath their dignity to bully their
Hindu brothers.
5. Hindus must not imagine they can force Mussalmans to give
up cow-sacrifice. They must trust, by befriending Mussalmans, that
the latter will, of their own accord, give up cow-sacrifice out of regard
for their Hindu neighbours.
6. Nor must Mussalmans imagine they can force Hindus to
stop music or arati before mosques. They must befriend the Hindus
and trust them to pay heed to reasonable Mussalman sentiment.
7. Hindus must leave to the Mussalmans and the other minor-
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 97

ities the question of representation on elected bodies, and gracefully
and whole-heartedly give effect to the findings of such referee. If I
had my way I should appoint Hakim Saheb Ajmal Khan as the sole
referee leaving him free to consult Mussalmans, Sikhs, Christians,
Parsis, etc. as he considers best.
8. Employment under national government must be according
to merit to be decided by a board of examiners representing different
communities.
9. Shuddhi or tabligh as such cannot be disturbed, but either
must be conducted honestly and by men of proved character. It
should avoid all attack on other religions. There should be no secret
propaganda and no offer of material rewards.
10. Public opinion should be so cultivated as to put under the
ban all the scurrilous writings, principally in a section of the Punjab
Press.
11. Nothing is possible without the Hindus shedding their timi-
dity. Theirs is the largest stake and they must be prepared to sacrifice
the most.
But how is the cure to be effected? Who will convince the Hindu
maniac that the best way to save. the cow is for him to do his duty by
her and not goad his Mussalman brother? Who will convince the
Mussalman fanatic that it is not religion but irreligion to break the
head of his Hindu brother when he plays music in front of his
mosque? Or, again, who will make the Hindu see that he will lose
nothing by the minorities being even over-represented on the elective
public secular bodies? These are fair questions and show the difficulty
of working out the solution.
But if the solution is the only true solution, all difficulties must
be overcome. In reality the difficulty is only apparent. If there are
even a few Hindus and a few Mussalmans who have a living faith in
the solution, the rest is easy. Indeed, even if there are a few Hindus
only, or a few Mussalmans only with that faith, the solution would be
still easy. They have but to work away single-heartedly and the others
will follow them. And the conversion of only one party is enough
because the solution requires no bargains. For instance, Hindus should
cease to worry Mussalmans about the cow without expecting any
consideration from the latter. They should yield to the Mussalman
demand, whatever it may be, regarding representation, again without
requiring any return. And if the Mussalmans insist on stopping Hindu

music or arati by force, the Hindus will continue playing it although
every single Hindu should die at his post, but without retaliation. The
Mussalmans will then be shamed into doing the right thing in an
incredibly short space of time. Mussalmans can do likewise, if they
choose, and shame the Hindus into doing the right thing. One has to
dare to believe.
But in practice it will not be thus; on the contrary, both will act
simultaneously as soon as the workers become true to themselves.
Unfortunately they are not. They are mostly ruled by passion and
prejudice. Each tries to hide the shortcomings of his co-religionists
and so the circle of distrust and. suspicion ever widens.
I hope that at the forthcoming meeting of the All-India
Congress Committee, it will be possible to find out a method of work
which will bring a speedy end to the tension.
It has been suggested to me that the Government are fomenting
these dissensions. I should hope not. But assuming that they are,
surely it is up to us to neutralize such efforts by ourselves acting truly
and faithfully.
50. ALL-INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE

The forthcoming session of the All-India Congress Committee
will decide the future work of the Congress for the ensuing six
months. Six months for a nation which is in a hurry to get her own is
a long time to lose. Every moment is precious. The members of the
All-India Congress Committee are representatives of representatives.
They are or should be the real executive of the nation. They can, if
they will, hasten swaraj. They must be men and women with an un-
quenchable faith in the national programme for the time being. They
must enforce it in their own lives and induce others to do likewise.
Three hundred and fifty representatives working with one mind can-
not but produce an instantaneous impression upon the country.
Let each one of us ask himself or herself:
1. Do I believe in non-violence and truth for the purpose of
gaining swaraj?
2. Do I sincerely believe in Hindu-Muslim unity?
3. Do I believe in the capacity of the charkha to solve the
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 99

problem of the economic distress of the starving millions of India and,
in order to make hand-spun khaddar universal, am I prepared to spin
religiously for half an hour at least per day, except when actually
travelling continuously for twenty-four hours? And am I prepared to
use nothing but hand-spun khaddar?
4. Do I believe in the boycott of government titles, government
schools, law-courts and Councils?
5. If a Hindu, do I believe that untouchability is a blot upon
Hinduism ?
6. Do I believe in the complete abolition of the drink and drug
evil in spite of the fact that the whole of the revenue will be wiped out
at a single stroke?
In my opinion, no one who does not believe in the foregoing
articles of the Congress programme should remain in the All-India
Congress committee. It is necessary to draw attention to all the articles
because I know that many members do not believe in non-violence
and truth. I hear, too, that there are practising lawyers in the Congress
executives, that there are members who do not exclusively and always
wear khaddar garments, that there are non-co-operators who are
actually on the managing committees of national schools and who
send their own children to Government schools and that, lastly, mer-
chants who trade in foreign or mill-made cloth are still on Congress
executives. I can only say that it is impossible to carry on the Con-
gress programme to a successful issue if we who have to work it do
not carry it out in our own persons. How can a practising lawyer ask
or expect his brother to give up his practice, or one who does not
himself spin demonstrate the necessity of others’ spinning ?
I shall plead before the Committee for an honest programme. If
the majority have another programme, I would advise the minority to
resign and attend to the Congress programme from outside the
A.I.C.C. There has been too much disregard of Congress resolutions
and demands from the Working Committee. I world therefore also
suggest that the members should, at the end of every month, send yarn
of their own spinning, at least ten tolas of at least ten counts of even
and well-twisted yarn. This quantity can be easily spun in thirty days
at the rate of half an hour per day. The yarn should reach the secre-
tary, Khadi Board, not later than the 15th of each month. He who fails
to send the requisite quantity should be deemed to have resigned.
Likewise, those who do not send returns of hand-carding, hand-spin-

ning, hand-weaving and hand-spun yarn from month to month in
their own areas should be deemed to have resigned. The returns
should reach the secretary every month, not later than the 15th of
every month.
I know that these are hard conditions for those who do not wish
to work and easy for those who do. There is no way of working the
programme unless the chosen representatives of the people work.
There has been too much laxity about our method of work. It is time
that we become a little less unbusiness-like. The charge that the
programme is uninspiring or that a nation of spinners cannot achieve
swaraj does not frighten me, because I know nothing so inspiring as a
programme of solid work and I am convinced that we have to become
once again a nation of carders, spinners and weavers if we are ever to
banish starvation from the land and become economically indepen-
dent.
51. MY JAIL EXPERIENCES-VII

S ATYAGRAHI P RISONERS’ C ONDUCT
The argument advanced by some friends and put by me at the
end of the last chapter1 deserves consideration if only because so
many honestly believe in it and so many followed it out consistently
in their conduct in 1921 and 1922, when thousands went to jail.
In the first instance, even outside the jails, embarrassment of the
Government is not our goal. We are indifferent if the Government is
embarrassed so long as our conduct is right. Our non-co-operation
embarrasses the Government as nothing else can. But we non-co-ope-
rate as lawyers or Councillors because it is our duty. That is to say, we
will not cease to non-co-operate if we discovered that our non-co-op-
eration pleased the rulers. And we are so indifferent because we beli-
eve that, by non-co-operation, we must ultimately benefit ourselves.
But there cannot be any such non-co-operation in the jails. We do not
enter them to serve a selfish end. We are taken there by the Govern-
ment as criminals according so their estimation. Our business, there-
fore, is to disillusion them by acting in an exemplary (and by them
1
Vide “My Jail Experiences - VI”, 22-5-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 101

expected) manner, just as our business outside is to disillusion them
by avoiding, say, their law-courts, schools or Councils or titles and by
showing that we are prepared to do without their doubtful benefits.
Whether all of us realize it or not the method of non-co-oper-
ation is a process of touching the heart and appealing to reason, not
one of frightening by rowdyism. Rowdyism has no place in a non-
violent movement.
I have often likened satyagrahi prisoners to prisoners of war.
Once caught by the enemy, prisoners of war act towards the enemy as
friends. It will be considered dishonourable on the part of a soldier as
a prisoner of war to deceive the enemy. It does not affect my argu-
ment that the Government does not regard satyagrahi prisoners as
prisoners of war. If we act as such, we shall soon command respect. We
must make the prisons a neutral institution in which we may, nay, must
co-operate to a certain extent.
We would be highly inconsistent and hardly self-respecting if,
on the one hand, we deliberately break prison rules and, in the same
breath, complain of punishment and strictness. We may not, for
instance, resist and complain of search and, at the same time, conceal
prohibited things in our blankets or our clothes. There is nothing in
satyagraha that I know whereby we may, under certain circumstances,
tell untruths or practise other deception.
When we say that, if we make the lives of prison officials
uncomfortable, the Government will he obliged to sue for peace, we
either pay them a subtle compliment or regard them as simpletons. We
pay a subtle compliment when we consider that, even though we may
make prison officials’ lives uncomfortable, the Government will look
on in silence and hesitate to award us condign punishment so as
utterly to break our spirit. That is to say, we regard the administrators
to be so considerate and humane that they will not severely punish us
even though we give them sufficient cause. As a matter of fact, they
will not and do not hesitate to throw overboard all idea of decency
and award not only authotized but even unauthorized punishments on
given occasions.
But it is my deliberate conviction that, had we but acted with
uniform honesty and dignity behoving satyagrahis, we should have
disarmed all opposition on the part of the Government, and such
strictly honourable behaviour on the part of so many prisoners would
have at least shamed the Government into confessing their error in

imprisoning so many honourable and innocent men. For, is it not
their case that our non-violence is but a cloak for our violence? Do we
not, therefore, play into their hands every time we are rowdy?
In my opinion, therefore, as satyagrahis we are bound, when we
become prisoners:
1. to act with the most scrupulous honesty;
2. to co-operate with the prison officials in their
administration;
3. to set, by our obedience to all reasonable discipline, an
example to co-prisoners;
4. to ask for no favours and claim no privileges which the
meanest of prisoners do not get and which we do not need strictly for
reasons of health;
5. not to fail to ask what we do so need and not to get irritated
if we do not obtain it;
6. to do all the tasks allotted, to the utmost of our ability.
It is such conduct which will make the Government position uncom-
fortable and untenable. It is difficult for them to meet honesty with
honesty for their want of faith and unpreparedness for such a rare
eventuality. Rowdyism they expect and meet with a double dose of it.
They were able to deal with anarchical crime, but they havenot yet
found out any way of dealing with non-violence save by yielding to it.
The idea behind the imprisonment of a satyagrahi is that he
expects relief through humble submission to suffering. He believes
that meek suffering for a just cause has a virtue all its own and
infinitely greater than the virtue of the sword. This does not mean that
we may not resist when the treatment touches our self-respect. Thus,
for instance, we must resist to the point of death the use of abusive
language by officials or if they were to throw our food at us which is
often done. Insult and abuse are no part of an official’s duty.
Therefore, we must resist them. But we may not resist search because it
is part of prison regulations.
Nor are my remarks about mute suffering to be construed to
mean that there should be no agitation against putting innocent priso-
ners like satyagrahis in the same class as confirmed criminals. Only as
prisoners we may not ask for favours. We must be content to live with
the confirmed criminals and even welcome the opportunity of work-
ing moral reform in them. It is however expected of a Government
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 103

that calls itself civilized to recognize the most natural divisions.
52. REMARKS ON MANILAL GANDHI’S LETTER

The reader will appreciate the following translation of a letter
from my son Manilal Gandhi describing Mrs. Naidu’s sterling work
in South Africa.1
53. COMMENTS ON C. F. ANDREW’S LETTER

In a private letter, Mr. Andrews has rated me for the khaddar
vests and caps he noticed on the beautiful persons of these simple Bhil
children. He asks: “Why not be satisfied with khaddar lungoti2 for
them ?” Amritlal Thakkar3 can best answer the question. Personally, I
have developed a partiality for lungotis, more so after having seen so
many prisoners in lungotis only. But the problem before Mr. Thakkar
is not quite simple. He is superintendent not of a jail but a school in
which he has to cultivate free manhood and free womanhood. These
delightful urchins are great reasoners. Why is our superintendent in a
multiplicity of clothes however uncomfortable they appear to be, and
we only in lungotis? The teachers must, if they will answer such posers
satisfactorily, wear and eat what they expect their pupils to wear and
eat. In the Indian climate, a khaddar vest is certainly a poor exchange
for the comfortable kuchcha, which is [an] enlarged lungoti.
1
The letter, not reproduced here, spoke of the good effects of Sarojini Naidu’s
visit to South Africa, which included the dropping of the Class Areas Bill. It read: “. .
. On the suggestion of Mrs. Naidu, the South African Indian Congress was held in
Durban and considerable work was done, under the presidentship of Mrs. Naidu, with a
solemnity never known before . . . The condition of the Indians here has been like
that of destitute children, ever since your departure. Mrs. Naidu has however turned a
most disappointing situation into one of the highest hope.”
2
Covering fastened at the back, like a codpiece
3
1869-1951; popularly known as Thakkar Bapa; devoted his life to the uplift
of Harijans and aboriginals

54. LACK OR EXCESS OF LOVE ?
A Vaishnava gentleman has lovingly chided me for having

used the singular number while referring to Rama, Shankar 1 , Bharat
and other incarnations of God. He has been grieved that I have not
referred to Rama as “Shri Ramachandra Prabhu” 2 and to Bharat as
“Shri Bharatsuri”, and has mildly suggested my treating these sacred
names with due respect. I could have replied to that friend in a private
letter but, in case some other Vaishnavas have been similarly pained, I
discuss the matter here for all readers. Perhaps, the friend who has
written to me does not know that I myself am a Vaishnava and that
Shri Ramachandra Prabhu is the ishtadevata3 worshipped in my
family. Still, to me the name Rama is dearer, though I have written
“Shri Ramachandra Prabhu” for once here to satisfy this friend.
“Shri Ramachandra Prabhu” gives me the feeling that He is far
away from me, whereas Rama is enthroned in my heart. Wherever I
have made use of the sacred names, Rama, Bharat and so on, it seems
to me that they express my overflowing love. If this Vaishnava friend
claims that his love for Rama is greater than mine, I would contest his
claim in Rama’s court and I am sure to win.
I would be pleased to have my love tested in the same way as
Hanuman4 had wanted his to be. The dearest is ever closest to one’s
heart. Such a one must needs be addressed as “thou”. The use of
“you” implies distance. I never addressed my mother as “you”; if I
had, by chance, spoken to her any time as “you” she would have
broken into tears, for she would have felt that her child was no longer
close to her.
There was a time in my life when I knew Rama as Shri Rama-
chandra. But that time has now passed. Rama has now come into my
home. I know that He would frown on me if I spoke to Him as
“you”. To me, an orphan without mother-, father, brother, Rama is all
in all. My mother, my father, my brother—He is everything to me.
My life is His. In Him I live. I see Him in all women, and so regard
every one of them as mother or sister. I see Him in all men and,
1
One of the names of Siva
2
Lord
3
Chosen deity
4
Devotee and messenger Of Shri Rama, in the Ramayana
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 105

therefore, look on everyone as father, brother or son according to his
age. In the Bhangi and the Brahmin I see the same Rama and to them
both I bow.
Even now, although Rama is near, He is not near enough to me;
hence the need to address Him at all. When He is with me all the
twenty-four hours, there will be no need to address Him even in the
singular. No one else addressed my mother as “thou”. Others spoke
to her in the most respectful terms of address. So, too, if Rama were
not my own, I would have maintained a respectful distance from Him.
But, then, He is mine now and I His slave. Hence, I beg Vaishnavas not
to force me to stay at some distance from Him. The love that must be
supported by formal courtesy, does it deserve the name of love ? In
al] languages, in all religions, man speaks to God as “Thou”.
In Tamil land, there lived a woman saint named Mother Avvai,
filled, like Mirabai, with intense love of God. All day long she sat in
the temple of Vishnu. Sometimes her back was turned towards the
image, at other times she sat facing it, her legs stretched out. Once a
pious but youthful worshipper happened to go there, for darshan.
He did not know of Mother Avvai’s closeness to God and, with
blood-shot eyes, he rebuked her in words none too polite. 1 Mother
Avvai laughed out loud, filling the temple with her ringing laughter.
Ignoring his rudeness, she spoke to him and said: “Come, my son, sit
here. Where do you come from, my dear boy? You spoke harshly to
me. But tell me one thing. In all my long life, I have not found a
single spot whence God is absent. Wherever I stretch out my legs,
there is He in front of me. If, now, you show me a place where He is
not, I shall stretch out my legs in that direction.”
The young worshipper was modest. It was because of his
ignorance that he had not recognized Mother Avvai. He was scared
and his eyes brimmed with tears as large as pearls and they fell on
Mother Avvai’s toes. She tried to draw back her feet, but he held them
in his hands and said: “Mother, I have done you wrong; forgive me,
save me!” Avvai freed her legs and clasped him in her arms. She
kissed him, laughed aloud, and said: “Tuttut, what is there to forgive?
You arc a son to me, and do you know, I have many more sons like
you. You are a good son, for you spoke out your doubt as soon as
you felt it. Go, Lord Shrirang 2 will protect you. But, my son, think
1
Only tradition attributes this incident to Avvai.
2
An image of Rama worshipped in South India; the shrine is at Shrirangam

sometimes of this mother of yours.”
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 5-6-1924
55. MY NOTES
A MISTAKE
I stated in a previous issue that all pupils in the schools for
workers’ children exclusively wore khadi. Majoor Sandesh does not
say so; it merely says that many of them have started wearing khadi
clothes. The mistake was mine. I hope the reader will forgive this
mistake as the sort of thing that happens when one is working under
pressure for time. The editor of the Majoor Sandesh expects nothing
by making exaggerated statements. Exaggeration does not advance a
cause, but actually obstructs it. When the desired state of affairs does
not in fact exist, it cannot be brought into being by trying to prove
that it does exist. The starvation in India is a real fact, and not merely
a tragedy on the stage. The hundreds of thousands of skeletons we see
in India are the very images of pity. We cannot put flesh into them by
play-acting. The struggle for swaraj, too, is a serious affair. We shall,
therefore, get only as much as our efforts deserve. Only a genuine
piece of khadi sold will put eight or ten annas into the pocket of some
poor person in the country.
“YOUNG INDIA” IN URDU
A Muslim friend from Karachi writes to say that I bring out
Navajivan in Gujarati for the Gujaratis, in Hindi for Hindi-speaking
readers and Young India in English, but that most of the Muslims, who
number seven crores, know only Urdu. Should I not, he asks, oblige
them and bring out a Nai Zindagi or Urdu Navajivan for them? If I
do this, he says, the quarrels between Hindus and Muslims will
decrease and a strong bond will grow between them. Ever since the
Gujarati Navajivan was started, I have cherished such a hope. But I
have doubts whether such a step would serve any useful purpose. I
should not like, knowingly, to bring our a paper which would become
a liability. An Urdu Navajivan can be brought out only if we secure
near Trichinopoly. The image is in a recumbent posture and the tradition is that it was
worshipped by Vibhishana, brother of Ravana, in the’ Ramayana.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 107

for it a good number of Muslim readers. I have talked this matter over
with Muslim friends and their opinion is against the idea of an Urdu
Navajivan. That is why I have done nothing. They tell me that most of
Young India is reproduced in the principal Urdu newspapers.
AN INVITATION C ARD
A friend from Akola writes about a gentleman who lives about
20 miles from that city. After the Nagpur Congress1 , the latter always
wears khadi. He eats food cooked and served only by a person who
has worn nothing but khadi for two years. Now his daughters wedding
is to take place. He looked for a son-in-law who always wore khadi
and got her engaged only after he had found such a person. He has
now sent invitation cards in which he has requested people to attend
the wedding dressed in khadi and explained that, if anyone could not
do this and, therefore, did not attend, he would not be offended. We
should congratulate this gentleman on his patience and strength of
mind and emulate his example if we,too, have his strength.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 5-6-1924
56. INTERVIEW TO “ THE TIMES OF INDIA”

[SABARMATI ASHRAM,
June 5, 1924]
Mr. Gandhi was good enough to give an interview to the special correspondent
of The Times of India this afternoon at the Sabarmati Ashram, with reference to the
amazing resolution passed at the Bengal Provincial Conference paying homage to the
“patriotism” of Gopinath Saha, the murderer of Mr. Ernest Day2 . Mr. Gandhi had no
hesitation in condemning in the severest terms the purport of the resolution to which
Mr. Das and his followers are reported to have given their support, but he was not
prepared to pass any opinion on Mr. Das’s action unless he knew from him
personally what his views were.
My first question to Mr. Gandhi was: “I suppose you have read the Calcutta
telegram regarding the attitude of Mr. Das at the Bengal Provincial Conference with
reference to the murder of Mr. Ernest Day. There it is stated that Mr. Das and his party,
1
Held in December 1920
2
An Englishman who had connections with the Government and, being
mistaken for a high police official, was murdered

while condemning the action of Gopinath Saha in murdering Mr. Day, paid homage to
his patriotism and admired his object which they considered noble and praiseworthy.
May I ask if you take the same view of the matter as Mr. Das’s?”
Mr. Gandhi replied:
I don’t know what view Mr. Das takes. I have seen nothing
beyond the Associated Press telegram which you have shown me. I
can, therefore, give you my own opinion upon the hypothetical ques-
tion whether I would approve of the murder by one person of another,
no matter how laudable the object of the murderer may be. My
answer would be emphatically, no. I purposely refrain from giving
you a direct reply to the question put, because I distrust telegraphic
summaries of the proceedings of big conferences, even when they are
sent by parties who are not prejudiced one way or the other. Unless,
therefore, I know what the Bengal Conference has done and what Mr.
Das has said, I must decline to give any opinion whatever upon his
action. Indeed, when I met him at Juhu he warned me against belie-
ving anything that might be said against him, because he said there
was a conspiracy against him designed to undermine his influence.
Do you think the Bengal resolution could be justified morally or politically,
or by your non-violen®t creed?
MR. GANDHI: In my opinion, no murder can be consistent with
my own personal creed of non-violence. Whether political murder can
be justified morally or politically is a question which everybody must
answer for himself. I know many persons, Indian as well as European,
who consider that taking the life of a person from political motives is
justified on the highest principle of morality. Needless to say, I totally
dissent from that view.
What do you think would be the effect of the resolution on the popular mind,
particularly on the mind of the illiterate and ignorant classes?
Mr. Gandhi could say nothing about Mr. Das’s view unless he knew personally
from him what his view was, but if the text of the resolution was as the one shown to
him, Mr. Gandhi certainly considered it to be unfortunate and inconsistent with the
Congress creed. He agreed also that such a resolution could not but mislead ignorant
people.
Do you think the moral underlying the resolution of the Bengal Provincial
Conference, if accepted by any political party in India, would be conducive to the
interests of the country?
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 109

MR. GANDHI: I am totally in the dark as to what the resolution is. The
telegram that you have shown me does not give the text of the resolution, but, if the
purport given in the telegram is correct, I find it difficult to understand its meaning,
because if the action of Gopinath Saha was worthy of condemnation, as in my humble
opinion it was, what was the patriotism apart from the action for which the homage
was deserved? I cannot, therefore, conceive the possibility of any political party
subscribing to the moral underlying the homage paid to Gopinath Saha.
Do you think that the Congress as at present constituted would sanction such a
doctrine?
MR. GANDHI: No.
Would you call murderers like Gopinath Saha patriots?
MR. GANDHI: I would call murderers like Gopinath Saha patriots,
but not without an indispensable adjective, namely, ‘misleading”.
Their selflessness, defiance of death and love of the country I think
must be held to be unquestionable, but on that very account, whilst I
would call them misleading patriots, I would condemn their actions in
the severest terms possible and I would be no party to resolutions
praising their motives. We can only judge people’s actions and, if they
are bad and harmful to society, we cannot afford to pay them homage
for their motives. In my humble opinion, the largest amount of harm
done in this world is by people who have good motives, but who do
not hesitate to resort to acts that are bad. It is the age-long superstition
that the end justifies the means and it is because I see as clear as
daylight that there can be no dividing line between the end and the
means and that the end is, always the direct consequence of the means,
that I am resisting with my whole soul the present system of Govern-
ment as well as activities designed to beat the system with its own wea-
pons, namely, by means fair or foul.
May I take you back to the days when the political crimes commenced in
Bengal? There is an impression abroad that the activities of the Bengal anarchists
would have continued but for the inauguration of your non-violent Non-co-operation
movement. Those activities, it is said, were suspended on account of this movement,
but that since your imprisonment the influence of the N.C.O. movement had
diminished to such an extent that the Bengal revolutionaries had recommenced their
activities. May I ask if that is, in your opinion, a correct view of the situation?
MR. GANDHI: I do believe that anarchism in Bengal became dor-
mant because of the advent of non-violent Non-co-operation which
required just as much sacrifice as any anarchist was capable of offer-
ing. I also believe that the signs that we see of a revival of violent
revolutionary activities are due to the belief that non-violence has

failed.
Have you in contemplation, Mr. Gandhi, any practical measures for checking
political crimes in Bengal and converting the youth of the province to your doctrine
of non-violence in thought and in action?
MR. GANDHI: I do, indeed, contemplate measures for checking
the activities of these misguided friends of mine. I use the word
friends purposely, because I yield to no one in my admiration for the
spirit of self-sacrifice that actuates them, but I know that their activity
does immense harm to the country. It can never give swaraj to India
even if it succeeds in making English rule impossible. I am convinced
that the spirit of India is essentially non-violent and gentle. Violence
has, therefore, no atmosphere to thrive in and if God grants me health,
I hope to be able to overtake the anarchical activities and show to the
anarchists that there is more than ample scope for pure and exacting
sacrifice in my scheme for achieving swaraj and that, if they will only
give me their enthusiastic support, they will deserve homage not
merely for their motives, but also for their acts which can be emulated
by the least of their countrymen without the slightest hesitation and
without any danger to anybody else.
The interviewer then passed on to another subject, namely, the revolt of the C.
P. Swarajists as evidenced in the statement of Dr. Moonje that the Swarajists would
now concentrate their energies on breaking Mr. Gandhi’s hold on the Congress and
that a fratricidal struggle in the Congress was now inevitable. “Do you think,” asked
the pressman of Mr. Gandhi, “that Dr. Moonje’s views are more or less shared by the
Swarajists outside the C. P. and do you anticipate a general revolt of the Swarajists
against your creed and your programme of work? Will you, in that event, give up your
policy of neutrality towards the Swarajists and start propaganda against them?”
MR. GANDHI: I am unable to say whether Dr. Moonje’s views are
shared by many other Swarajists, but whether they are or not, I remain
unperturbed, because there will be no loss of prestige of either of the
parties if only because I do not propose to take part in any “fratri-
cidal struggle”. After all, it requires two parties to carry on a struggle
of that character, and my scheme of carrying on political work always
avoids such friction. I literally mean what I have said, namely, that I
have advocated exclusive control of the Congress executives in the
interests of both parties and, if I see the slightest desire on the part of
the Swarajists to take over the Congress executives, I for one shall not
resist the attempt, but let them take charge of the Congress executives.
I would then form an organization outside the Congress and invite
those who believe in the Congress programme to work it outside the
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 111

Congress. Thus, in any event I shall avoid a brush with the Swarajists. I
shall not need to carry on any propaganda against the Swarajists.
The Times of India, 6-6-1924
57. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI 1

[June 6, 1924] 2
I read your letter to Krishnadas3 . You will see the article in
Young India. If the members of the All-India Congress Committee
have any faith in the power of the spinning-wheel they ought to spin.
I will not allow any discussion on this at the meeting4 . If my sugges-
tions are not acceptable to all the members, I am not going to argue
there.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Prasadi
58. LETTER TO PARAMANAND K. KAPADIA

Chaitra Sud 5 [June 6, 1924] 5
BHAI PARAMANAND,
I have your letter. I have sent the message6 . To send Devdas and
others there is to steal people’s time. But since it is necessary for
people to be sent for the Rajput Parishad, I am sending them. Do what
you can unitedly and without fuss. I am acquainted with all the
corrupt things you mention. The key lies in my message. The answer
to another part of your letter you will see in Navajivan.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
P ARAMANAND ANANDJI
BHAVNAGAR
From the Gujara ti origin al: G.N. 11587
1
1894-1951; grandson of Gandhiji’s step-sister; secretary, Bombay
Provincial Congress Committee, 1922-23; member, Bombay Municipal
Corporation, 1923-25, and later Mayor
2
As in the printed sources
3
Gandhiji’s Secretary
4
Of the All-India Congress Committee, which was held at Ahmedabad from
June 27 to June 30, 1924
5
From the postmark
6
To the Saurashtra Rajput Conference; vide “Message to Saurashtra Rajput
Conference”, 11-6-1924.

S ABARMATI ,
Jeth Sud 5 [June 7, 1924] 1
CHI , VAS UMATI ,
I had been expecting your letter all along. I hope you are well
now. I do not feel the heat at all. The nights are pleasant and cool.
Keep up the practice of writing in ink, and write a good hand. Write to
me if you want a book or anything else. Regain your health fully.
Mani 2 is well. Radha continues to be the same as before. Kikibehn,
one may say, is fairly well.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Ramdas and Prabhudas 3 have gone to Abu. They will return
after five or six days.
GANGASWARUP BEHN VASUMATI
LEELAVATI AROGYABHUVAN
DEOLALI
From the Gujara ti origin al: C.W. 443. Courte sy: Vasumat i Pandit
60. AIM OF KATHIAWAR POLITICAL CONFERENCE

I quote the following 4 from a long letter which a friend has
written about the Kathiawar Political Conference:
In my opinion, the aim of the Kathiawar Political Conference
should be as follows:
1. To take steps in every State to make the relationship between
the Ruler and the ruled beneficial to the latter.
2. To take steps which would lead to a closer and mutually
beneficial relationship among the States as also among their subjects.
1
The reference in the letter to the health of Mani, Radha and Kikibehn
suggests that the letter was written in 1924. Similar references are found in some of
the letters written during March-April, 1924. That year Jeth Sud 5 fell on June 7.
2
Manibehn Patel
3
Son of Chhanganlal Gandhi
4
Not translated here
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 113

3. To take steps for the economic, political and moral progress
of the entire population of Kathiawar. In all its activities, the
Conference should follow the path of peace.
The Conference cannot undertake the burden of freeing the
Princes from the control of British Government; if it aims at doing so,
the interests of both the Rulers and the subjects will suffer.
The Rulers are subservient to the British and cannot permit the
holding of a Conference with such an aim, even if they approved of
the movement for their freedom, they would have to oppose it. I,
therefore, think that all efforts by the people to that end will prove
both futile and harmful so long as the Rulers themselves do not desire
their freedom and [are not ready to] work publicly for it.
It should certainly be one of the functions of the Conference to
create public opinion against the tyranny of the Rulers, and this is
included in the first clause.
Let the people of each State solve their own local problems. But
Kathiawaris are all one people and as such have a right to hold a
Conference on behalf of the entire population; in fact, they have a
duty to do so. Not only can such a Conference discuss problems
common to all, it can also interest itself in local issues, form a
collective public opinion on them and bring it to bear on the solution
of local problems.
I have explained in earlier issues the wider meaning of the word
“political”, and that, I believe, is the true meaning. The task of
making the Conference popular has yet to be taken up. Making it
popular does not mean only that people start attending its meetings; it
means that they should work for redress of their grievances through
the Conference and follow its advice. Before this could happen, the
workers of the Conference should serve the people, go into the
villages and make themselves as poor and simple as the masses.
We should not be hostile to Indian States. We are not offering
non-co-operation against the Rulers. We have not given up the latter
as hopeless; I, at any rate, have not done so. I am not ignorant of the
tyranny of some of the Rulers. I am disgusted by their uncontrolled
and excessive spending. It is shocking that they prefer to live in
Europe rather than in their own country. However, I do not blame
them for this. This state of affairs is one of the results of the British
system. From their childhood, the Rulers grow up dependent on
others. They are watched over by British tutors and others, who have

orders to train the Princes to behave like the British, create in
them admiration for British rule and educate them to like all things
British. We see this preference for European ways among the well-to-
do also, and find the same thing on a greater scale among the Rulers.
The reason for this love of foreign ways in both is the same. I am sure
that if public opinion in Kathiawar, i.e., Indian States, is properly
educated, if it becomes strong and fearless, the Rulers will immediately
bow to it.
In spite of their many failings, I believe the Princes to be simple-
hearted men. They are godfearing, and are much afraid, indeed, of
public opinion. I know both these things from personal experience.
However, what can the poor Rulers do where there is no public
opinion or there arc only flatterers among their subjects? As there is
no one to point out their failings and criticize them, they give up all
self-restraint; they arc, moreover, encouraged by the British] Govern-
ment in this. Thus, the circumstances conspire against them and bring
about their degradation. True, their oppression is sometimes crude
and we feel it to be unbearably cruel. On the other hand, the Govern-
ment’s oppression is civilized and is not felt to be unbearable in the
same measure. Moreover, in the part of the country directly ruled by
the British, one feels secure in the support of public opinion and
numerous co-workers, whereas in the Indian States only a few brave
men come forward as yet for public work and so it is easy for the
Rulers to suppress them. Nevertheless, if a few polite, humble, well-
behaved and discriminating men come forward as public workers, the
Rulers will yield to them, and they will do this not so much through
fear of them as because of their own virtues.
If we start by being suspicious of the Rulers, are determined to
speak ill of them and refuse to see any good in them, we will, from the
outset, be set down in the debit column of their books. It would then
be very hard to get oneself brought over to the credit side.
Let no one conclude from this that I am encouraging cowardice.
I am pointing out the difference between arrogance and fearlessness
which is at the same time humble. The mango tree as it grows and
spreads bends lower. Similarly, as the strength of the strong increases,
he should become progressively more humble; he should become
more and more godfearing.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 8-6-1924
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 115

61. MY VIEWS
A gentleman has sent me the opinions of a Jain muni 1 on my
views, and wishes me to comment on them. I give below the muni’s
opinions and my comments on each:
I. If Gandhi’s ideas are fully carried out, they will do harm to
Jainism.
I am certain that, if my ideas are carried out, they will do only
good to the world, and what benefits the world as a whole cannot
possibly harm Jainism or any other religion. Non-violence is love.
How can a method of bringing about reform through love do any
harm?
2. Khadi will benefit the Antyajas, but will harm the interests of
the Jains very much.
This opinion is difficult to understand. Can there be no Antyaja
who is a shravak2 ? Moreover, the only sense in which the interest of
the Jains can suffer is that the business of those of them who deal in
foreign cloth may be ruined. If that happens, however, Jains can start
some other business. Why cannot they deal in khadi? There are others
besides Jains who also trade in foreign cloth. In the last analysis, it is
desirable, from a religious standpoint, that a business which is morally
tainted should come to a stop.
3. A businessman commits no sin, whatever he does.
This cannot be Jainism. I have not come across such ideas in
any religion.
4. There is much exaggeration in the praises showered on
Gandhi. It is not proper to attribute to him the virtues of one like
Mahavira 3 .
I entirely agree. Those who sing my praises would show their
admiration for me better if they stopped praising me and got
absorbed in doing their own duty. Such praise will not suffer from
exaggeration or any other fault.
5. An Antyaja remains an Antyaja, however much he purifies
himself.
1
Monk
2
Follower of the Jain religion
3
Founder of the Jain religion

This idea has neither religion nor reason in it.
6. Gandhi describes himself as a staunch Vaishnava for a
reason of his own. All the religions would perish if every one of
Gandhi’s ideas was carried out. He is a hypocrite.
Personally, I believe that if all my ideas were fully carried out,
every religion would prosper and quarrels about religion would cease
for ever. Who would accept my own certificate to the effect that I am
not a hypocrite? The real answer, therefore, will be found only after
my death.
Besides these, I have also been accused of much else. I have
given above only the most important counts. I would advise the gen-
tleman who has sent me this list, as also others who approve of my
activities, not to enter into argument for defending my ideas. In
refraining from doing so, they would be putting those ideas into
action. Those who accept my ideas and carry them out should keep in
mind our rustic saying: “Our interest is in the oil, not in the sound
which the drops make as they fall.” Moreover, by replying to accusa-
tions, we generate ill-feeling, waste our time and arouse passions. We
should also understand that we have no reason to believe that the
accusations are inspired merely by malice. A good number of those
who criticize me believe in all sincerity that many of my actions only
harm the country. The right way is to think carefully over the charges
made against a friend of ours and tell him what truth we find in them.
Generally, a person does not attend to what is said by his opponents
but, when his friends point out his failings, he will, if there is any
measure of sincerity in him, take prompt note and examine himself.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 8-6-1924
62. MAHA GUJARAT’S DUTY

This is the hour of trial for everybody. I believe we shall have
won half the battle if we could see ourselves, and show to the world,
what we actually are. We can advance only if we know and let others
know our real worth.
But the individual or society that puts on false appearances
deceives not only himself or itself but also the world. There is, at any
rate, no progress. The water seen in a mirage can never quench thirst;
running after it is only futile labour. Similarly, it is sheer waste of time
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 117

to try to look different from what we are.
At the time of my imprisonment1 , I saw hypocrisy all round me
and I still see the same thing. In order that’ we may all get out of this,
I want a few things to be clarified at the ensuing meeting2 of the All-
India Congress Committee. I know that the members of the A.I.C.C.
are elected by democratic methods, and I have not suggested any
change in this. I have only advised a course by following which we
may, without changing the rule, ensure that appearance corresponds to
reality. This is my reason for advising that so long as the Congress
resolution calling upon the people to renounce titles, to leave Govern-
ment schools and law-courts and to boycott Councils and foreign
cloth stands, those who have no faith in it should resign membership
of the Committee.
What the Congress decides, we shall know by and by; what
Gujarat intends to do we can know today. Every province can, and it is
its duty to, make its position clear.
In my opinion, the most important constructive activity is hand-
spinning. Those who have no faith in its power to bring freedom, what
service can they do by remaining in the Congress? They can, of
course, get or try to get, the resolution of the Congress revised. But so
long as it stands, they should keep away from the executive bodies of
the Congress.
If, however, they have faith in the power of the spinning-wheel,
they should study its science thoroughly and see that they acquire the
skill to spin the finest yarn. In fact, they should regularly make a gift
of some yarn to the Congress. My demand is for no more than four
ounces of yarn every month. This quantity can be easily produced by
spinning half an hour daily.
The work will not bring the desired result if it becomes mere
drudgery. It will be well done only if we have interest in it. If we take
interest in it, we shall come to love it all the more. Those who can
spare more time need not be content with half an hour of spinning.
This is suggested as the minimum, not the maximum, time to be given
to it. All permanent committees are executive bodies. Consider what it
would mean if all their members spin in this manner. If every town in
Gujarat has an executive body, we shall have good spinners in every
town. The result will be that in a short time we shall see everybody in
1
In March 1922
2
This was to be held at Ahmedabad on June 27.

the town clothed in khadi. There are weavers in sufficient number; the
only difficulty is that we do not get a regular supply of good yarn. If
every village in the country starts spinning and weaves its own cloth,
think what a gain this would mean. The quantity of yarn spun by one
person may not be worth much, but the total quantity spun by the
whole community will be worth a lot. Drop by drop fills the lake. If
the income of every Indian were to go up by one rupee a year, we can
understand that its effect on every person individually would be
insignificant, but the sum total of such increase has a great potential.
What can an ant do? But is there anything impossible for a swarm of
ants? The swarm derives its strength from the individual ants.
Similarly, the power which results from a whole community taking up
spinning derives from the individual spinner. Such is the importance
of the spinner. But someone may object: “One person’s spinning is
of some worth when the whole community takes it up; what good,
however, can a few persons spinning in isolation do?” Such a ques-
tion will be raised only by the ignorant. If individuals do not make a
beginning, what would the community do? All the reforms in the
world to this date have been initiated by individuals and not by society
as a whole. Everything begins with the figure I. Without it, the rest has
no significance. Obviously, the isolated individual will have to labour
by himself for a long time. His labours will produce an effect on the
community only when it sees his unshakable faith. And the more
valuable a reform, the longer the time it takes to be accepted by
society. A Herculean task like winning freedom cannot be accom-
plished with an effort involving no great suffering.
One who understands this will not give way to despair. On the
contrary, delay in society’s response to his effort will only serve to
increase his zeal and his readiness for suffering. How long can society
remain indifferent to such deep faith?
At this juncture, I demand from Gujarat persons with such
unshakable faith in the power of the spinning-wheel. I hope that, by
the end of this month, every active worker will have got hold of a fine
wheel and started spinning.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 8-6-1924
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 119

63. MY NOTES
THE AGA KHANI BROTHERS
My article on Hindu-Muslim unity has called forth an endless
1
stream of comment. Some have liked it, while others have been
incensed by it. From time to time, I shall publish in Navajivan extracts
from these comments, whenever necessary. The Khoja friends have
been hurt and perhaps enraged by what I said about their activities.
They preferred to come and see me instead of writing to me. This, of
course, pleased me very much. I could thus get to know their point of
view also. They feel that I should have made no comment without
having first met them. I explained to them that, in my statement taken
as a whole, I had presented both the sides, as was but proper, and,
concerning matter about which I had no positive knowledge, I had
said that certain allegations were made in regard to some activities. I
told them that I would certainly go through the books which I had
received and give my opinion on them. If I feel that my informants
had misled me, I would admit the fact and also apologize. If, however,
I form from these writings the same impression as my informants and
I agree with their views, the Khoja friends should not feel hurt. I also
told them that I could not accept the view that the Hon. Aga Khan is
an incarnation in the sense recognized in Hinduism. Moreover, the
way in which they use the word Om and the shape they have given to
it is, in my opinion, taking liberties with concepts which belong to
Hinduism.
They asked me, however, what they should do if they felt about
the matter as they said they did. I told them that in that case they
should adhere to their views and accept my right to express my views
in oral discussions and in my writings.
Moreover, they assured me that no one is ever offered material
inducement to become a Khoja. I was very glad to hear this and
assured them that I would repeat this to my informants and, if they
failed to prove their charge, I would state that, too, in Navajivan.
Finally, they also said that readers of Navajivan were likely to get the
impression that the Khojas’ belief in a perfect incarnation was of
recent origin. The truth of the matter according to them is that this
1
Vide “Hindu-Muslim Tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924.

belief of theirs, as also their belief about Om, dates back to very
ancient times and that they have proof in support of this.1
S ELFISHNESS
After reading the note2 in Navajivan on the dirty habits of many
third-class passengers, a gentleman writes to say:3
I congratulate him on refusing to accept the seat belatedly
offered to him as a favour and, not minding the inconvenience,
remaining where he was in the narrow passage. If those who offered
him the seat wished to display the smallest measure of courtesy, they
could have offered him a seat as soon as he entered the compartment.
Courtesy demands that, even if there is no room, we should offer a
seat to a passenger who boards the train. The fact is that we have not
yet gone much beyond regard for family relationships. We know the
duty of sacrifice for the sake of kinsfolk. We may also do something
for acquaintances. There is nothing at all in either of these. We also
suffer inconvenience for a third category, that of the strong and the
powerful. This is unworthy, of course. As for passengers who may be
poor, we would even go to the length of pushing them away from the
seats already occupied by them. If we wish to cultivate the feeling of
being one people, it is our duty to be ready to make room especially
for the poor. If our neighbour (particularly if he is a stranger) is
hungry, we should give him food to eat and water to drink before we
attend to ourselves and we should suffer discomfort ourselves to make
him comfortable. Such an attitude, if adopted towards our own people,
means patriotic unity and, if towards the whole of mankind, means a
religious spirit. Even if we do not wish to cultivate the religious spirit,
we should cultivate patriotic unity.
TOLL BARRIER
Two of the resolutions passed by the Dholka Taluka Confe-
rence4 are worth noting:
From one of these we come to know that a toll barrier is im-
posed near the villages of Shiyal, Bagodara, etc. This barrier is not to
be crossed between sunset and sunrise. The officer who has notified
1
A literal translation of this part of the article was given in Young India
under “Notes”, 12-6-1924.
2
Vide “My Notes”, 25-5-1924.
3
4
Held in May 1924 in North Gujarat
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 121

this rule must be either totally unfamiliar with the life of the farmer or
indifferent to their feelings and their convenience. In these parts,
farmers’ movements take place mostly at night. They do not sleep at
all after two in the morning. As soon as it is dawn, they yoke the
bullocks to the cart or take up some other task. To put up barriers and
prevent people with such habits from doing their work is as good as
starving them. The hardship must be immediately removed. The
Taluka Conference has sought the advice of the Provincial Committee.
Before the latter passes any resolution, it should write to the Commis-
sioner to ascertain the position and find out how long it is proposed to
retain the restriction. If the farmers have any courage, Shri Vallabh-
bhai has pointed out the remedy in his speech. But these measures
should be adopted only as a last resort. Before any such step is taken,
much has to be done.
We shall discuss the other resolution next week.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 8-6-1924
64. LETTER TO DEVCHAND PAREKH

BHA ISHRI DEV CHAND BHAI,
Someone has sent me the enclosed extract. Please see the por-
tion underlined by me. Is the statement true? If true, who did the
thing?
Vallabhbhai, Devdas, Ba—all will leave together, on the 10th
evening most probably.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From a photos tat of the Gujara ti origin al: G.N. 5732
1
Devdas and Kasturba left for Bhavnagar on June 11, 1924; vide “Letter to
Vasumati Pandit”, 11-6-1924. In that year Jeth Sud 6 fell on June 8.

65. INTERVIEW TO “ THE HINDU”
AHMEDABAD ,
June 8, 1924
. . . Mahatmaji asked me to sit near to him and asked me the purpose of my
visit. I joined my hands as I went near him with reverence to which he replied with his
characteristic bowing and smiling. Then I told him that I had come for his darshan
and also for an interview. He gladly consented to give me an interview. The following
are the questions put by me and answered by Mahatmaji:
At the outset I enquired of his health, to which he replied that he was getting
better. After talking a while on other matters, the conversation turned to the
interview itself.
“You did not give your rigid interpretation to the ‘peaceful and legitimate, to
be ‘non-violent and truthful’, as you did after the Delhi A.I.C.C.?” I asked.
I may not have made my meaning clear at the Calcutta Con-
gress, as there could not be any interpretation but that, and as I
thought everybody understood that meaning.
But then, why do you force that interpretation on others now? He answered:
I do not want to force on others my interpretation of the words
‘peaceful and legitimate’as ‘non-violent and truthful’. To do so
would be inconsistent with my dharma. I had to make my meaning
subsequently clear, as I thought it was misunderstood.
In your recent statement, you lay greater stress on the mental attitude and not
on the actual results attained, but at the Calcutta Congress you started N.C.O. to
achieve definite ends, viz., Khilafat and Punjab wrongs, and at that time, you never
laid more stress on the mental attitude. Is this consistent?
I do not attach much importance to mental attitude, except in so
far as it would affect the treatment of the different problems.
As regards the Congress machinery, you know that it lays down its policy and
chooses its own executives to carry and supervise the carrying out of its policy. If in
the discretion vested in the Congress, it chooses Swarajists to carry out its policy,
will you still think that the Swarajist position is not consistent with its policy,
especially when the Congress knows better than anybody else?
This also is a misunderstanding of the position I have taken. I
know it is open to Congress voters to elect whom they choose, but as a
humble worker in the Congress and a voter myself, I am exercising
right of free opinion and trying to guide the voters consistently with
their programme to choose only such representatives as have pledged
themselves to fulfil the programme in its entirety. My appeal is
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 123

similarly addressed to the present representatives of the voters that,
whilst they abide by the N.C.O. resolution, it is their duty either to
carry out that programme in its entirety or to resign and ask the
electors to choose those who believe in that programme.
If the Swarajist programme is altogether inconsistent with the mental attitude
essential to N.C.O., how do you approve of its programme by its success, as measured
by its results? Mahatmaji laughed and said:
If the Swarajist programme is successful, I wish to be the first to
join the party and congratulate them, and then, I shall pocket all my
pride and my mental attitude.
The conversation next turned to Hindu-Muslim questions. I asked: In your
recent article1 on Hindu-Muslim tension, many Hindus think that injustice is being
done to them at your hands as you demand more sacrifices from them than their
Muslim brothers.
In the first instance, I have not demanded sufficient sacrifices
from Hindus. But if they will only sacrifice to their utmost, I would
promise not only swaraj within a day, but promise that Hindus will
always be in the ascendent and hold the Muslims in the palm of their
hands.
But what have you to say to those Arya Samajists who say that injustice is
also being done them in your article? They think you have petted and defended
Maulana Abdul Bari and Maulana Mahomed Ali and you could have done the same to
Dayanand Saraswati and Shraddhanandji. Any special motive in condemning the Arya
Samaj deliberately, will you clear your position?
Surely. But I have not defended either of the Maulanas at all; I
have said plainly that the reference in Mahomed Ali’s Congress
speech to division of untouchables was wrong, and it is to his credit
that he has made the admission. I have also said that Abdul Bari is
betrayed into making statements which cannot be explained, and I
have therefore called him a dangerous friend. I am unable to say
anything more against either of these friends, because I know nothing
more. Similarly, I know about the Arya Samajists’ illustrious founder
and Shraddhanandji and I have also not hesitated to draw their
attention to what I have considered to be their weaknesses. The motive
is obvious. I would be untrue to myself and to the cause if I did not
say all that I have felt regarding the principal actors, and regarding the
principal religions which came into conflict with one another. I am
anxious that the Arya Samaj and Shraddhanandji should do much
1
Vide “Hindu-Muslim Tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924.

more good than they have already done and, therefore, I have drawn
attention to their limitations a friend and a well-wisher and by no
means as a critic. But in spite of this, there is a good deal of pertur-
bation in the Arya Samaj circles throughout India over my remarks. I
can quite understand we have all, at the present moment, become very
touchy and, therefore, impatient of criticism as intolerance. We have
become intolerant of any criticism that might be levelled against us,
even though it may be of very friendly character. I have, however, no
doubt whatsoever that the storm will subside if I keep myself cool and,
as there is no danger of my losing my head yet for a while, I am not
affected by all the furious criticism that is directed against me.
One more question about khaddar and I have done (I told Mahatmaji as it was
getting late): Is your khaddar programme meant to bring about economic salvation of
India, or is it meant to change the mental attitude of the people towards nationalism?
If it is the former, then how do you expect swarajya without concerted action for
creating nationalism among the people, and, if it is the latter, will the present
khaddar programme be sufficient to rouse that feeling among the masses?
The khaddar programme undoubtedly will bring about the
economic salvation of India, if it succeeds. In my opinion, no
concerted action is possible for the masses without their realizing their
economic salvation. Moreover, the khaddar programme is impossible
without concerted action. Thirdly, a successful khaddar programme
necessarily means the conversion of Englishmen themselves into
nationalists, or, at least, impartial spectators of the Indian movement.
They will no longer succeed in holding India under subjection for the
purpose of her exploitation.
. . . Do you expect, Mahatmaji, that the A.I.C.C. that will meet here shortly
would endorse your views as embodied in your two statements and the drastic tests for
office-bearers?
It is very difficult for me to say what the members of the
A.I.C.C. will do at its forthcoming session. But it will not surprise me
in the least if all the drastic tests I have suggested are rejected by an
overwhelming majority. I either want a clear-cut majority, which
implicitly believes in the programme and is determined to carry it out
at any cost, or a microscopic minority. What is intolerable to me is the
extreme indefiniteness that overwhelms us at the present moment and
makes all real progress utterly impossible.
But in case the opinions of the people’s representatives are nicely balanced,
for and against your programme, what do you intend doing?
In the first instance, I do not consider it possible that there
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 125

would be a balance of voting on either side. As a matter of fact, we
shall come to a clear understanding without the necessity of voting.
But if it does come to voting, and the parties are nicely balanced, I
dare say God will give us something or other which will enable us to
divide the parties sharply. . . .
The Hindu, 9-6-1924

CHI. MATHURADAS,
Bhai Nagindas2 has just arrived here. He says that no justice can
be done to the book till it is fully studied.3 What he wants to know is:
does the exposition of subjects in the collection accurately reflect my
views? I think this is the right yardstick. Whatever the sources from
which my ideas have been taken, they should be so woven together by
someone familiar with my views that there is no misinterpretation.
Hence it is necessary to see what impression is created by reading it.
Read it from this point of view and then let me know.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujara ti origin al: Pyarel al Papers . Nehru Memori al Museum and
Librar y. Courte sy: Belade vi Nayyar and Dr. Sushil a Nayyar
1
As noted by the addressee
2
Nagindas Amulakharai
3
The reference is to one of a series of 13 books entitled Gandhi Shikshan;
vide “What may Hindus Do?”, 19-6-1924 and “Letter to nagindas Amulakhrai”, 13-8-
1924.

67. INAUGURAL ADDRESS AT GUJARAT VIDYAPITH1
June 10, 1924
SHR I KRI PALAN I2 , STU DENT FRI ENDS, SIST ERS AND BRO THERS ,
This morning, I saw three letters addressed to me.3 One of them
advised me to burn the Vidyapith, if possible. The Vidyapith, the letter
said, had done no good in all these years. The correspondent himself
had been once its student. The second letter tells me that the students
are pleasure-loving and indulge their palate in all manner of ways.
The correspondent had sent his sons to the Vidyapith in the belief that
the students there led simple lives and developed strength of character.
What should he do, he asks. The third letter, from a friend in Madras,
suggests that in my speech today I ought to give a lead to the whole
nation.
Well, what should I do? Which of the three suggestions should I
follow? I wish to act upon none of them. Why should I burn the
Vidyapith, in the establishment of which I have had some share,
however small? There is a story told by an English painter. Once, by
way of joke, he hung up one of his paintings in the market-place and
wrote below it that anyone who saw any fault in it should mark it with
a dot. The next day there was not an inch on the surface of the
painting which was without a mark. But the artist said that he would
not burn the painting so long as he was himself satisfied with it.
I remembered the painter this morning and felt that he was
right. There would be no end to criticisms if we paid attention to all of
them. God has made man a creature of attachment. We carry on our
work driven by our attachments. On your part, however, you should
draw your lesson from all three of these suggestions. The corres-
pondent who has been bitter in his remarks says that neither the
students nor the teachers have anything in them. He desires that I
should publish his letter in Navajivan and also comment on it. I
1
Delivered as Chancellor of the Gujarat Vidyapith, National University,
Ahmedabad, at the commencement of the new academic year
2
J. B. Kripalani, then Principal of Gujarat Mahavidyalaya, a constituent
college of the Gujarat Vidyapith
3
Here a report in The Hindu, 10-6-1924, has: “Since this morning I was
thinking of you students, but I could not concentrate on you alone. I was also
thinking how best to solve the Hindu-Muslim problem. In the meantime Devdas
brought me three letters which he said must be read before I addressed the students.”
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 127

intend to do no such thing. Concerning the charge that there is no
simplicity in the lives of students, it is for you to consider what truth
there is in it. As for the South Indian friend, I shall deal with him. If
no one here takes down my speech, he may indeed believe that I did
make an important speech.
This much by way of introduction. I have, of course, thought
out what I should tell you. I won’t say I have not, for it is not my wont
to indulge in hypocritical disparagement of oneself. Two years of
reflection in the quiet of the Yeravda Ashram1 have strengthened my
former convictions. I do not at all repent what I have put before the
country. We established in Gujarat a Vidyapith and a Mahavidyalaya,
filled them with Sindhis and Maharashtrians and kept no place for
Gujaratis. For this also I am not in the least sorry. It is Gujarat’s duty
to accept everything good that it may get from Maharashtra or Sind.
If Shri Kripalani thinks of himself as a Bihari, let us take him in as a
Bihari. He will discover something useful to learn from Gujarat too. If
he was a weaver in Bihar, he will become a spinner and carder here
and then say that he is as much a Gujarati as he is a Bihari. But it is in
your hands to bring this about. Since he comes from Sind, he is our
guest. With a Gujarati we can be free in our criticism. But we have
given Shri Kripalani a place here for our own benefit and we will,
therefore, gratefully accept whatever he has to offer. If I had my way,
I would not have any Gujarati, but fill the whole Mahavidyalaya with
Sindhis and Maharashtrians. I would ask them all to be like Kaka and
Mama. If we could get all persons of this type, what more would we
require?
Why did we establish the Vidyapith? We did so to help the Non-
co-operation movement. Non-co-operation with whom? With students
and professors of Government colleges? Certainly not. Our Non-co-
operation is aimed against the system. What is the nature of this Non-
co-operation? And what do we expect to gain from it? As I thought
about this, two stories came to my mind. One was about a goat and a
tiger. A goat and a tiger were once kept together. The tiger was in a
cage. The goat was free. It was given good food, it had fine grass to
eat. But it became thinner and thinner. A thoughtful man, someone
like me, saw that the goat did not grow fat because it was in the
company of the tiger. Once it was removed from the sight of the tiger,
it danced with joy, even with plain grass to eat, and began to grow fat
1
Central Jail where Gandhiji was imprisoned in 1922-24

The other story which I remembered was one written by Sir
Narayan Chandavarkar1 , and which I read while in jail. He had once
gone out for a walk in Poona. He saw an old woman going home with
a lamb. It had been in the household of a big officer and, therefore,
had lacked nothing by way of food. But it was not happy there. As the
old woman led it away, it was dancing and gamboling and ran ahead
of her, for it was going to its home. From confinement it was going to
freedom. In freedom alone can any creature grow, never in slavery.
This idea is expressed by Tulsidas in his inimitable manner: “For the
slave there is no happiness even in his dreams.”2
Educational institutions of the Government may provide us the
best of facilities, may have good professors and big buildings. But the
stigma on us will remain. We can aspire to nothing better than service,
than clerkship. At the most we can think of becoming pleaders. Or not
even that. After graduation, we can only think of a job with an initial
salary of thirty rupees. If we rise to become a professor in Gujarat
College, that is the farthest limit of our aspiration. In the Mahavidya-
laya, on the other hand, the student is knocked about a good deal and
learns what he can. One cannot be sure, either, what formal education
one will receive. The building may or may not have a roof. The owner
may any time send you packing at short notice. Vallabh-bhai has to
go begging for funds for the Vidyapith. It is doubtful even whether
there will be a Vidyapith tomorrow. This is its plight. The sun never
sets, indeed, on Gujarat College, but on the Vidyapith he sets everyday
and rises the next day. That he should rise and set is the law of Nature
in the universe. We want to submit to it and yet survive.
We will assuredly keep our ideal high. That we are not always
able to live up to it. that we make mistakes is certainly true. It is also
true that we do many wrong things. But, then, we do not try to prove
that sin is virtue.
Our ideal is the text: Sa vidya ya vimuktaye. 3 Bhai Kishorelal4
asked me whether we were not misusing this great text by interpreting
1
Narayan Ganesh Chandavarkar (1855-1923); High Court Judge, writer and
Liberal leader of Bombay
2
3
Knowledge is that which leads to freedom.
4
Kishorelal Mashruwala; constructive worker and associate of Gandhiji;
thinker, and author of the book, Gandhi and Marx; for some time Registrar, Gujarat
Vidyapith; editor, Harijanbandhu and Harijan for some years
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 129

it in a narrow sense. I must give serious consideration to anything
Kishorelal says. His criticism would distress me. I felt, however, that we
were not misusing it. He alone who wins freedom in the narrower
sense can win it in the other. If we do not win this smaller freedom,
how can we attain the larger one? Thus, our ideal is freedom, both in
the popular sense and in the real sense of the word.
I do not at all feel unhappy today, do not repent having
founded this Vidyapith. If all the students of the Mahavidyalaya were
to leave it and join Government colleges, even then I would simply say
what fools they were and what a wise man 1 was. There is no other
way for the country to save itself. We do not realize this because all of
us are under the power of a terrible spell. For my part, I will go on
shouting from the house-tops to the end of my life that there is no
way except Non-co-operation for me. When I see that the time for full
co-operation has arrived, I will change my tune. But, till then, even if
the whole country deserts me, I will cling to Non-co-operation. I say
this because I have had some experience. I have spent years thinking
before I formed my views. I might even say I have done some
tapascharya for the purpose. I cannot but argue as I do. How can a
man who knows that five times twenty makes a hundred ever say that
it requires four times or six times twenty? My stay in the Yeravda
Ashram has only strengthened my convictions.
The problem is, what are you to do after your education is over?
Shri Kripalani has left nothing for me to say on the problem of a
career for you. The main thing, however, is that we wish to learn to
shed all fear. If you would have a job, would utilize your education
for worldly gain, all right, I say, do it. I shall merely tell you here what
a young Englishman does. I do not hate the English. Many people do
not know, perhaps, that I love Englishmen. I am not against following
their example in some matters. All I want is my own land to stand
upon. I may then beautify that land with colours obtained from any
source. None of my English friends ever worried what would happen
to him if circumstances did not permit him any longer to live with me.
These friends gave up their jobs to come and live with me. I had made
a mistake about their habits and daily needs, but none of them ever
blamed me for that. They knew that I had been perfectly sincere in
thinking as I did. Besides, everyone of them was well aware that it was
God, not I, who gave them the wherewithal to live. Both the Muslims
and the Hindus know that He, the Being who gave us life, will provide

us our daily bread. But today the Muslims have forgotten their Koran
and the Hindus have forgotten their Gita. They have taken up, instead,
this worthless science of economics. They are ever so busy struggling
to save themselves from starvation. They do not know that even
persons who did not struggle thus did not die of starvation. Moreover,
why all this struggling? How to be firm in the pursuit of our ideal is
the only thing worth learning in school. In English schools, too, they
do not let their pupils worry about their livelihood. The teachers
advise them to use their abilities after completing their education and
earn their living. And so it is that we see the inhabitants of this small
island in all parts of the world. I have many English friends who travel
today all over the world. Someone will remark: “But, then, they enjoy
the protection of the Union Jack.” The Union Jack does protect them
no doubt, but it does not help them to win their daily bread. If
someone threatens to kill them, then, of course, the flag will go up and
the guns will roar. We do not want that protection. But that is not what
we are discussing at the moment. Our point is only that you should
not worry how you will earn your livelihood in future. You should
resolve in your mind that, if it came to that, you would earn your
livelihood by doing the work of a scavenger or a weaver, but would do
nothing unworthy in your life, would never stand at anyone’s door
begging. If you have this faith, why should you worry what will
happen to your parents, your brothers and sisters? To have light in the
dark, it is enough to keep one lamp burning. Similarly, it will be
enough if you act like a worthy son, though you stand alone in your
family. No matter if you have to provide for your parents and
brothers and sisters. Tell your sister that you will eat only after she has
had something to eat, but that she cannot have delicacies, that a dry
crust of bread is all she will get. When she sees you working hard for
her sake, she will not sit idle. She will start working in order to add her
share to your income. In this way, if you have courage, everything will
turn out well in the end.
And now about those who stand midway between these extreme
positions. What should we do, what should we expect, you will ask.
Well, you should expect nothing. I advise you to leave the professors
when you lose faith in them, when you feel that theyhave come here
to make money or to show off their learning and gain a reputation as
big men. Someone told me that I might have no love for money, but I
was certainly likely to make a show, for I wished to be counted a
mahatma. There is some truth in this. If you find that the professors
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 131

are here to gain a name as great men, you should leave them. Not
only leave them, but speak out against them afterwards to your hearts’
content. You are not bound by any contract with them. If, however,
the professors are men of noble character, you should not throw all
your burden on them. Knowledge is not to be had as a gift from
someone. No person can give knowledge as we give alms. The profes-
sors’ duty lies in recognizing the hidden worth within you and brin-
ging it out. It is for you to display it to full advantage and cultivate it
further. The word “education” also means bringing out what lies hid-
den. You should not, therefore, worry what you will learn. You should
have faith in your teachers and receive trustfully what they give.1
It is for you to preserve the purity of your character. The
professors cannot do that for you. Always bear this in mind: You do
not live in the Vidyapith to enjoy pleasures of luxuries. Your
pleasures lie in your studies, in your physical strength and in your
striving. You should learn to make use of your hands and feet.
Students forget the use of their limbs and then want to build robust
bodies by going to the gymnasium. Going to the gymnasium will not
make you robust and strong. You should first cultivate a good heart.
You will be able to develop physical strength afterwards.
My prayer is addressed to you. What can I pray for from God? I
live in His presence all the time. And so my prayer is only to you.
You should be worthy of yourselves and your teachers. Our Vidyapith
is a model for the whole of the country. Gujarat seems to have made
Non-co-operation in education a success. The future alone will show
whether, and how far, it has really done so.
I do not want to make any appeal to the professors, as I am one
of them. At the moment, the only idea which I want to put before you
and which I want you to take home with you is this: whether or not
this experiment in Non-co-operation in the sphere of education will
succeed depends on you.
[From Gujarati]
1
The report in The Hindu here has: “Trust them, I repeat, have faith in them
and do your duty and let your hearts be instilled with the spirit of freedom and
nationalism. Thus, illumine the Vidyapith in which you study.”

Jeth Sud 10 [June 11, 1924] 1
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
I have your second letter. Please expect only as many letters as
you write to me. It has worked out only thus so far. I replied to you
the very day I received your letter. I hope it has reached you. Ramdas
and others have returned from Abu. I see that the stay at Abu has
done them much good. How nice it would have been if you could
have gone with them! Now do stay there long enough and recover
your health completely. I am quite well. Prabhudas has not yet retur-
ned from Abu. Devdas and Ba have left for Bhavnagar today.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
LEELAVATI AROGYABHUVAN
DEOLALI
From the Gujara ti original: C.W. 444. Courte sy: Vasuma ti Pandit
69. MESSAGE TO SAURASHTRA RAJPUT CONFERENCE

VARTEJ,
June 11, 1924
On the eve of the first Parishad of Rajputs, I wish to say only this
much: Begin the Parishad by observing the fundamental truths of
religion. You will pass many resolutions as regards your rights, but it
is my request that you should not forget your duty. God always gives
rights to those who perform their duties with religious zeal. Try to be
the protectors of the poor, and in doing this, you will come to know
that charkha is their very life. Make the charkhas circulate among
them by yourselves taking to spinning. I hope you will today take a
vrata 2 to put on hand-spun and hand-woven khaddar only and this
will bring the blessings of the poor on you. I can add nothing to the
above.
The Bombay Chronicle, 17-6-1924
1
The postmark bears this date. The date Jeth Sud 10, which corresponds to
June 12, 1924, seems to be a slip.
2
Vow, sacred undertaking
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 133

70. MY JAIL EXPERIENCES-VIII
JAIL ECONOMICS
Everyone who has any experience of jails knowbs that they are
the most starved of all departments. The hospitals are comparatively
the most expensive of public institutions. In the jails everything is of
the simplest and the crudest type. In them there is extravagance in the
spending of human labour, there is miserliness in the spending of
money and materials. In hospitals it is just the reverse. And yet both
are institutions designed to deal with human diseases—jails for mental
and hospitals for physical. Mental diseases are regarded as a crime
and therefore punishable; physical diseases are regarded as unfore-
seen visitations of nature to be indulgently treated. As a matter of fact,
there is no reason for any such distinction. Mental as well as physical
diseases are traceable to the same causes. If I steal, I commit a breach
of laws governing healthy society. If I suffer from stomach-ache, I
still commit a breach of laws governing a healthy society. One reason
why physical diseases are treated lightly is because the so-called
higher classes break the laws of physical health—perhaps more
frequently than the lower classes. The higher classes have no occasion
for committing crude thefts and, as their lives would be disturbed if
thefts continued, they being generally law-givers, polish gross stealing,
knowing all the while that their swindles which pass muster are far
more harmful to society than the crude thefts. It is curious, too, that
both institutions flourish because of wrong treatment. Hospitals
flourish because patients are indulged and humoured, jails flourish
because the prisoners are punished as if they were beyond recall. If
every disease, mental or physical, were regarded as a lapse, but every
patient or prisoner were to be treated kindly and sympathetically, not
severely or indulgently, both jails and hospitals would show a
tendency to decrease. A hospital no more than a jail is a necessity for
a healthy society. Every patient and every prisoner should come out
of his hospital or jail as a missionary to preach the gospel of mental
and physical health.
But I must stop the comparison at this stage. The reader will be
surprised to learn that the parsimony in prisons is exercised on the
ground of economy. Although all labour is taken from prisoners, e.g.,
drawing water, grinding flour, cleaning roads and closets, cooking

food, the prisoners are not only not self-supporting, but they do not
even pay for their own food. And in spite of all their labour, the
prisoners do not get the food they would like nor the manner of
cooking they would appreciate; this for the simple reason that the
prisoners who do the cooking, etc., are not as a rule interested in their
work. It is for them a task to be performed under unsympathetic
supervision. It is easy enough to see that, if the prisoners were philan-
thropists and, therefore, felt interested in the welfare of their fellow-
prisoners, they would not find themselves in prisons. If, therefore, a
more rational and more moral system of administration was adopted,
the prisons would easily become self-supporting reformatories instead
of, as they are now, expensive penal settlements. I would save the
terrible waste of labour in drawing water, grinding flour, etc. If I was
in charge, I would buy flour from outside, I would draw water by
machinery and, instead of having all kinds of odd jobs, I would devote
the prisons to agriculture, hand-spinning and hand-weaving. In the
small jails only spinning and weaving may be kept. Even now weaving
there is in most of the central prisons. All that is necessary is to add
carding and hand-spinning. All the cotton needed can be easily grown
in connection with many jails.[sic] This will popularize the national
cottage industry and make the prisons self-supporting. The labour of
all the prisoners will be utilized for remunerative and yet not for
competitive purposes, as is now the case in some respects. There is a
printing press attached to the Yeravda Jail. Now this press is largely
worked by convict labour. I regard this as unfair competition with the
general printing presses. If the prisons were to run competitive indus-
tries, they would easily be made even profitable. But my purpose is to
show that they can be made self-supporting without entering into such
competition and, at the same time, teach the inmates a home industry
which on their discharge would give them an independent calling,
thus providing for them every incentive to live as respectable citizens.
I would moreover provide for the prisoners as homely an
atmosphere as is consistent with public safety. I would thus give them
all facility for seeing their relatives, getting books and even tuition. I
would replace distrust by reasonable trust. I would credit them with
every bit of work they might do and let them buy their own food,
cooked or raw.
I would make most of the sentences indeterminate, so that a
prisoner will not be detained a moment longer than is necessary for
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 135

the protection of society and for his own reform.
I know that this requires a thorough reorganization and the
employing of a different kind of warders from the ex-military men
that most of them are now. But I know, too, that the reform can be
initiated without much extra cost.
At the present moment, the prisons are rest-houses for rogues
and torture-houses for ordinary simple prisoners which the majority
are. The rogues manage to get all they want, the simple untutored
prisoners do not get even what they need. Under the scheme which I
have endeavoured to sketch in its barest outline, the rogues will have
to be straight before they feel comfortable, and the simple innocent
prisoners will have as favourable an atmosphere as is possible to give
them in the circumstances. Honesty will be remunerative and dis-
honesty at a discount.
By making the prisoners pay for their food in work, there will
be little idleness. And by having only agriculture and cotton manu-
facture, including what handicrafts may be required for these two
industries, the expensive supervision will be considerably lessened.
71. UNTOUCHABILITY AND SWARAJ

A correspondent gravely writes:
The very term ‘untouchability’ seems to my mind to be an anomaly,
because there generally does not exist any particular class of people called
‘touchables’. It is very rarely that one actually and physically touches
another, unless necessity demands it. What is usually obtaining in case of
those other than the so called ‘untouchables’ is that one does not mind the
approach of another, one does not mind another passing by his side. That is
all and the one does not literally and voluntarily ‘touch’ another. In the same
way, if one minds his own business, allowing the ‘untouchable’ to mind his
own, is not the vexed problem solved?
I am sure you do not want me to go and actually ‘touch’ the
‘untouchable’ in order to remove the sin and, if you concede that actual
touching is not necessary, what is the purpose in characterizing the evil as
‘untouchability’? Your use of the term ‘untouchability’ does imply that its
removal consists in physical touching and I am afraid that orthodox objection
to the movement is partly due to this. I do not think that I often touch my own
brother and as such it is neither necessary nor expedient that I should touch
another man, even if I want to solve the problem; and hence, I think,

‘unapproachability’ better connotes the state of things relating tothat
community. No amount of external embracing will case the situation, unless
the spirit of toleration exists within.
Next, I am unable to understand the relation between the existence of
this evil and the establishment of swaraj. After all, 'unapproachability' is only
one of the many evils of the Hindu society—perhaps a greater
evil—and as long as society exists similar evils do exist, as no society is free
from evils. How is this an impediment to the obtaining of swaraj and why do
you make its removal a condition precedent to our fitness for swaraj? Is it not
possible for this to be set right when swaraj is obtained, if not voluntarily, at
least by legislation?
I can very well understand the imperative necessity for permanent
Hindu-Muslim unity, as dissensions between these two large communities may
be taken advantage of by the Government, who may therefore indefinitely put
off granting our demands. I can also understand the social, religious and the
humanitarian aspects of the evil Of ‘untouchability’ but I cannot imagine how
this can be construed as a political problem, without solving which swaraj is
impossible.
I have no quarrel about the word. I abhor with my whole soul
the system which has reduced a large number of Hindus to a level less
than that of beasts. The vexed problem would be solved if the poor
Panchama, not to use the word ‘untouchable’, was allowed to mind
his own business. Unfortunately, he has no mind or business he can
call his own. Has a beast any mind or business but that of his
master’s? Has a Panchama a place he can call his own ? He may not
walk on the very roads he cleans and pays for by the sweat of his
brow. He may not even dress as the others do. The correspondent
talks of toleration. It is an abuse of language to say that we Hindus
extend any toleration towards our Panchama brothers. We have
degraded them and then have the audacity to use their very degra-
dation against their rise.
Swaraj for me means freedom for the meanest of our country-
men. If the lot of the Panchama is not improved when we are all
suffering, it is not likely to be better under the intoxication of swaraj.
If it is necessary for us to buy peace with the Mussalmans as a
condition of swaraj, it is equally necessary for us to give peace to the
Panchama before we can, with any show of justice or self-respect, talk
of swaraj. I am not interested in freeing India merely from the English
yoke. I am bent upon freeing India from any yoke whatsoever. I have
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 137

no desire to exchange King Log for King Stork. Hence for me the
movement of swaraj is a movement of self-purification.
72. THE ARYA SAMAJISTS

A storm of indignation on the part of Arya Samajists is blowing
against me. I have letters and telegrams of energetic protest against
my references to the Samaj, its illustrious founder, Swami Shradd-
hanandji and the shuddhi movement. They are from Ghaziabad,
Mutan, Delhi, Sukkur, Karachi, Jagraon, Secunderabad, Lahore, Sial-
kot, Allahabad, etc. I omit mention of individual letters. Probably all
of them expect me to publish their protests; some have specially insis-
ted upon my doing so. They will forgive me for not complying with
their desire. The majority are worded after the fashion of the telegram
I reproduced last week.1 All resent what they regard as an attack upon
the Arya Samaj, the Satyarth Prakash, Rishi Dayanand, Swami
Shraddhanandji and the shuddhi movement. I am sorry to have to say
that my position still remains unaltered. I have read with careful atten-
tion the argumentative correspondence received by me. Those who
have attributed my statement to my ignorance have done so probably
to leave me an open door for a safe retreat. Unfortunately for me, I
have left no such chance for myself. I cannot plead ignorance of the
Satyarth Prakash or the general teachings of the Arya Samaj. I cannot
even say that I might have been prejudiced against the Arya Samaj.
On the contrary, I approached it with the greatest veneration. I had, as
I still have, profound regard for the personal character of Rishi Daya-
nand. His brahmacharya was an object of emulation for me. His
fearlessness commanded my admiration. And my provincialism, if I
have any in me, was flattered by the fact of the Rishi being of the
same little Kathiawar as myself. But I could not help myself. The
conclusion I came to was in spite of myself, and I published it only
when its publication became relevant. Its suppression would have been
a cowardly omission on my part. Instead of becoming enraged against
me for an honest expression of opinion, I appeal to them to take my
criticism in good part, examine it, try to convince me and pray for me
if I cannot be convinced. Two letters have challenged me to sub-
stantiate my conclusion. It is a fair challenge and I hope before long
1
Vide “Notes”, 5-6-1924.

to produce from the Satyarth Prakash passages in its support. My
friends will not engage me in a religious discussion with them. I shall
content myself with giving them the grounds of my opinion, So far as
Swami Shraddhanandji is concerned, there is no question Of
substantiating my opinion. My critics will oblige me by leaving him
and me to ourselves. In spite of my opinion, I shall not quarrel with
the Swamiji. Mine is the criticism of a friend. As for shuddhi, the
critics in their blind fury have forgotten the qualification ‘as it is
understood in Christianity or to a lesser extent in Islam’. This is quite
different from saying that there is no proselytism in Hinduism.
Hinduism has a way all its own of shuddhi. But if the Arya Samajists
differ from me, they may still allow me to retain my opinion. If they
will re-read the statement, they will discover that I have said that they
have a perfect right to carry on their movement if they like. Tolera-
tion is not a coinciding of views. There should be toleration of one
another’s views though they may be as poles asunder. Lastly I have
not said that Arya Samajists or Mussalmans do kidnap women. I have
said ‘I am told’. By repeating what I was told, I have given both the
parties an opportunity of repudiating the charge. Was it not better that
I should publish what was being said, so that the atmosphere might be
cleared?
Let me point out to my Arya Samaj friends that their protests
betray want of toleration. Public men and public institutions cannot
afford to be thin-skinned. They must stand criticism with good grace.
And now for an appeal to them. They have almost all entered their
protests. I do not mind them. I assure them that I share their sorrow. It
pained me when I wrote my criticism. It pains me now to know that it
has hurt them. But I am not their enemy. I claim to be their friend.
Time will prove my friendship. They do not want to quarrel with
anybody or any faith. That is what almost all have said in their letters.
Let them take to heart the tribute I have paid to the Samaj, its founder
and to Swami Shraddhanandji. I know the purifying work that the
Arya Samaj has done. I know that it has laid its finger on many
abuses that have soiled Hinduism. But no one can live on his capital.
I want them to outlive the latter and extend the spirit of their reform.
In spite of their denial, I repeat that their shuddhi propaganda
savours of the Christian propaganda. I would like them to rise higher.
If they will insist upon reform from within, it will tax all their energy
and take up all their time. Let them Hinduize the Hindu if they believe
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 139

with me that Arya Samaj is a part of Hinduism. If they consider it as
distinct from Hinduism, I fear it will be a hard task for them to convert
the Hindus. Let them ascertain where they stand. I have criticized
because I want them to help the great national and religious move-
ment that is now going on. The Samaj has a great future if it can out-
grow what has appeared to me its narrowness. If the Samajists think
there is no room for expansion, I shall feel sorry. I ask them, in that
case, not to be irritated because I cannot see their liberalism. They
should charitably overlook my blindness and patiently endeavour to
remove it.
73. NOTES
‘RABBI MAY ’
A most intimate Jewish friend often used the expression ‘Rabbi
may’, to signify that the highest in the land may commit most atroci-
ous crimes, not only with impunity, but may even carry with them
popular congratulations for those crimes. The expression may be
fittingly used in connection with the O’Dwyer-Nair case. The judge
showed bias from the very commencement. Day after day, the report
of the case was painful reading for the public. And though the judg-
ment was a foregone conclusion, the public had hoped against hope
that the judge would do some measure of justice in his summing up
and judgment. It was not to be. The worst has happened. But a British
judge may do with impunity what an Indian may have to lose his head
for.
By accepting Sir Michael O’Dwyer’s challenge, Sir Sankaran
Nair 1 had put the British constitution and the British people on trial.
They have been tried and found wanting. Even in a simple matter, a
man of Sir Sankaran Nair’s proved loyalty could not get justice. If Sir
Michael O’Dwyer had lost, the British Empire would not have gone to
pieces. But its false prestige would have suffered a bit. And were not
the British people pledged to stand by their faithful servants, even
though they might at times make mistakes, so long as they were in
favour of the Empire which enriched them? I know that Sir Sankaran
1
1857-1934; judge of the Madras High Court, 1908; President, Indian
National Congress, 1897; Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, 1915-19

Nair has the sympathy of every Indian in his defeat. For me it was a
foregone conclusion. As the case dragged along its weary length, I
admired Sir Sankaran Nair’s pluck in fighting a forlorn cause. He has
provided one more powerful count in the indictment against the
present rule which must be ended at any cost.
THE WRONG WAY
But let us not lose patience because we fancy we are helpless.
The Serajganj Conference has given us the wrong lead. I have not got
before me the text of its resolution regarding Gopinath Saha. It reads,
I am sorry to say, much worse than the wording shown by The Times
of India reporter. Here is the text. I copy from the Forward (4th
June).
While adhering to the policy of non-violence, this conference pays its
respectful homage to patriotism of Gopinath Saha who suffered capital
punishment in connection with Mr. Day’s murder.
I cannot but regard the resolution as a travesty of non-violence.
It would have been less undignified if non-violence had not been
dragged in at all. The patriotism of Gopinath Saha could only consist
in the murder and not in the capital punishment which was the
consequence of the murder. He was not out to die, but to murder one
who was odious to him. The knowledge that he ran the risk of being
hanged made him brave, but not necessarily patriotic. For every
murderer knows that he runs such risk and may, therefore, be called
brave. The patriotism, if any, therefore, consisted in the act of murder.
Now murder is inconsistent with non-violence even when regarded
purely as a policy. Non-violent suffering in one’s person and violent
injury to another cannot both be patriotic at the same time. The
patriotism of every lover of his country demands that, whilst the
country pursues a policy of non-violence, he does not disturb it by
committing murder. And if anybody does, those who are pledged to
the policy of non-violence are in duty bound not only to dissociate
themselves from such acts, but to condemn them in unmeasured terms,
if only because they must, by thus cultivating public opinion against
them, discourage such murder. And this condemnation is necessary
even though the motive is the purest imaginable. In practical politics,
actions count and not mere motives or ‘mental attitudes’ bereft of acts
or results. Had the belief in the policy of non-violence not been
reiterated, much of my argument would no doubt lose its force. But I
do submit that, so long as the Congress creed stands as it is, every
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 141

Congressman to be true to his creed is pledged to oppose and
condemn in thought, word and deed every act of political violence. I
would, therefore, humbly advise the Bengal Provincial Congress
Committee to dissociate itself entirely from the resolution of the Con-
ference or explain its position to the public, if there is any explanation
for the resolution, which appears to have been carried with an over-
whelming majority.
AM TIRED OF ‘ MAHATMA ’
The scene in Serajganj Conference over attaching ‘Mahatma’ to
my name has caused deep pain to me. Those who, out of their
infatuation for the application of the title ‘Mahatma’ to me, either
howled down the gentleman who would not use the name or who
implored him to do so, rendered no service to the cause or to me.
They harmed the cause of non-violence and pained me. What relish
could they have in a person using a title from compulsion? I
congratulate the gentleman upon his courage in having withdrawn
from the Conference rather than use a title under compulsion. He
showed, in my opinion, a truer appreciation of what I stand for than
my blind admirers. I assure all my admirers and friends that they will
please me better if they will forget the Mahatma and remember
Gandhiji, as the gentleman in question quite courteously did, or think
of me simply as Gandhi. The highest honour that my friends can do
me is to enforce in their own lives the programme that I stand for, or
to resist me to their utmost if they do not believe in it. Blind adoration,
in the age of action, is perfectly valueless, is often embarrassing and
equally often painful.
AN APPROPRIATE QUERY
A correspondent writes:
You have practically called on the Swarajists to resign immediately
from Congress executives. The presumption is that they are in a minority in
the country and that the majority of Congressmen, if not Indians, are No-
changers. While it is true that at Gaya there was a clear verdict by the country,
there was quite a deal of doubt regarding the composition of the Delhi and
Cocanada sessions. The atmosphere in the country has been decidedly on the
side of the No-changers, but was it not due to a feeling of loyalty to your
personality when you were at Yeravda? Should we not ascertain indisputably
that as a free nation (free from the obsession of sticking to your views simply
because you could not expound your case yourself) we vote for the No-changers
or rather against the Pro-changers? Whilst such a referendum is inadvisable till

the Congress meeting in December, should it not also be accepted that the
strengthening of Congress executives in actually carrying out the constructive
programme should be done voluntarily by workers serving under what may be
called a mixed jury?
I must confess that there is considerable force in the objection
raised by the writer. I fear it is highly likely that the No-changers
voted for the original programme out of loyalty to me. If that is the
case, they should now be absolved from the awkward predicament.
Happily for me, I have anticipated my correspondent by suggesting
that, if the present members of the All-India Congress Committee do
not believe in the Congress programme, they should not hesitate to
throw me overboard. The cause is everything. Those even who are
dearest to us must be shunned for the sake of the cause. Loyalty to it
is paramount to every other consideration. All I plead for is common
honesty and that in the interest of efficiency. Those who do not
believe in the whole programme should give place to those who do. If
all or the majority do not believe in it, they should frame a new one,
and carry that out. I would not make a fetish even of Congress resolu-
tions. The goal of the Congress is swaraj. And if last six months’
experience has shown us a better method, let us by all means adopt it.
We shall be truer to the Congress by acting up to our convictions than
by pretending to follow the Congress resolutions in which we never
had faith or in which our faith has now suffered a shock. If the six
months’ experience inclined us to the Swarajist view, we should can-
didly and courageously confess it and unhesitatingly join the
Swarajists. All I am pleading against is camouflage and make-believe.
It will ruin our cause. If we cannot run Congress organizations without
practising lawyers, let us by all means remove the lawyers’ boycott.
And if we do not believe in the spinning-wheel, let us ignore it. No
mere lip-loyalty to the wheel will give us the yarn we want for the
thirty crores. In other words, let us do what all successful organisations
have done hitherto; that is, to be entrusted to those who must
thoroughly believe in them. Orators cannot run an organization whose
chief business is to teach and popularize spinning nor can spinners
run a debating assembly where oratory: counts for everything.
Another appropriate objection has been raised by another
friend. He says my position would be correct if the A.I.C.C. was a
purely executive body. But he says it is also a debating and practically
legislative body in that it frames resolutions for the following Con-
gress. How can an executive be elected before it knows the laws it is to
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 143

carry out? The objection is, in my opinion, thoroughly sound. But
here again I am safe; for I have simply given my opinion as to how
the Congress resolutions can and should be carried out during the
ensuing six months. No technical difficulty can be allowed to stand in
the way of the Congress work. And if my view of Congress executives
commends itself to the Congressmen, the difficulty suggested by the
friend can be easily overcome for the next year by providing for re-
election of executives after the Congress sessions. My opinion. in so
far as it has any weight, should be treated purely as a guide for
members as well as electors. I have been obliged to give it because I
shall be held largely responsible for carrying out the programme. In
giving my opinion, I have therefore also stated the terms on which my
services can be effectively employed.
THE AGA KHANI KHOJAS1
The foregoing is a literal translation of what appears in the
current issue of Navajivan. I now invite the correspondents to support
what they have written to me about worldly inducements said to have
been offered by Khoja preachers to those who would be converted to
their faith.
P ARTIAL TO MUSSALMANS
The charge against me of partiality to Mussalmans is being
renewed with redoubled vigour. My critics say in effect, ‘You exagge-
rate the Hindu blemishes and underrate the Mussalman’s!’ I gladly
subscribe to the charge in a way. If we are to give a correct judgment,
we should follow the excellent natural rule of seeing things in their
proper perspective. Habit has made us reverse the natural process. We
belittle our own faults and exaggerate the opponent’s. That develops
the attitude of intolerance. If we would be charitable and tolerant, we
would endeavour to see our opponents as they see themselves. We
shall never completely succeed in the endeavour, but it will give us the
true perspective. What, therefore, appear to be my exaggerations of
Hindu blemishes are only seemingly so. ‘But,’ says a critic, ‘you do
not want us to believe that Maulana Abdul Bari is such a simple child
of God as you make him out to be. We in the U.P. find him to be vain,
untruthful and unreliable.’ I can only assure them that, if I had found
Maulana Saheb as they said he is, I would not have hesitated to say so.
1
What followed this was a translation of part of the article in Navajivan; vide
“My Views”, 8-6-1924.

I have said the utmost. I know against him when I say that he is a
dangerous friend. I have not found him to be untruthful. The critics
must not think, as some of them do, that I am flattering the Mussal-
mans for gaining a political end. Such a thing is impossible for me,
because I know that unity cannot be achieved by flattery. Courteous-
ness must not be mistaken for flattery, nor impudence for fearlessness.
A M USSALMAN OUTBURST
Here are some extracts from a Mussalman letter on the Hindu-
Muslim statement.
‘Am more ashamed of Hindu cowardice. Why did not the owners of the
houses looted die in their attempt to defend their possessions etc.’ These
sentences are likely to excite the Hindus. I regret very much that you should
have written such things. . . . What your writing will do is dangerous to think.
I fail to see anything dangerous in my writing. I should be glad
indeed if my statement energizes the Hindus to defend themselves in
the face of danger. We may not expect unity before we cease to fear
one another. The writer has not suggested an alternative. What am I to
say to a Hindu who lives in the fear of a neighbour, if I am not to tell
him that he should know how to die in the attempt to defend himself
against his neighbour either non-violently, by simply standing at his
post, or violently, by returning blow for blow? This friend says again:
No wise man, Hindu or Mussalman, will accept your judgment that
Pandit Malaviyaji is ‘no enemy of Mussalmans’. He is an open enemy, as
open as daylight. I am sure even Hindus will not believe you in this. Lala
Lajpat Rai stands in the [same] category with Pandit Malaviyaji. Re. Jeramdas
and Choithram you are doing only injustice to yourself. Their conduct towards
the Mussalmans is as clear as daylight to every reader of newspapers. Let me
assure you that you will not advance the Hindu-Muslim problem by all inch by
praising these Hindu leaders and condemning the Muslim leaders.
The Hindu friends tell me that unity is impossible so long as I
trust the Ali Brothers and Maulana Bari Saheb. All these friends
should know that, if neither the present Hindu nor the present Mussal-
man leaders are to be trusted, unity can be achieved, if at all, only after
their death. The friend proceeds:
Why do you refer to the Aga Khan literature and tabligh? No harm, not
a bit, is done by them to the national movement. They are carrying on their
tabligh in the most peaceful manner. You are referring to the worst form of
Moslems’ preaching. What about the shuddhi movement? You have run a
great risk by mentioning that the methods advocated in the pamphlet are
exten-sively practised in the Nizam’s deminions. By this you have
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 145

unconsciously attacked a Muslim State. . . .
This writer’s is an attitude typical of a growing class of workers,
namely, that we should not speak as we think, but hush up everything.
I can understand the necessity of not washing every rag of dirty linen
in the open, but we cannot afford to slur over things that stare us in
the face and of which everybody thinks. In the heat of his passion, the
writer has forgotten to note that I have delivered no attack upon a
Muslim State. I have said ‘I am told’ that the questionable tabligh
referred to in my statement is extensively practised in the Nizam’s
dominions.
The writer says further:
I cannot understand how cow-slaughter and music stand on the same platform.
Mussalmans are enjoined by the Quran to sacrifice cows whereas Hindus are
not enjoined to play music before a mosque. Hindus have to stop their music
before Government hospitals and offices, but their obduracy does not allow
them to do the same before a mosque.
The writer should know that Mussalmans are not enjoined by the
Quran to sacrifice a cow. They are said to be enjoined to sacrifice
certain animals including the cow on stated occasions. The sacrifice of
a cow is not therefore obligatory. But seeing that it is permissible, it
becomes obligatory when a third party claims to force a Mussalman to
refrain from cow-slaughter. Similarly, while there is no obligation
upon a Hindu to play music before a mosque it does become an
obligation immediately Mussalmans claim to stop Hindu music before
mosques by force of arms. Both these things must, therefore, be left to
voluntary adjustment.
THE BHOPAL APOSTACY C IRCULAR
Friends sent me a copy of the apostacy law of the Bhopal State
now over a month ago. I purposely refrained from dealing with it,
because I was not then ready to publish my views on Hindu-Muslim
tension and because I wanted to make further inquiries into the
matter. Meanwhile, I have seen Dr. Ansari’s note upon it.
Here is a translation of the circular:
Copy of Jaridah, dated, 7th July 1920, Resolution No. 17, dated 5th
July 1920.
Her Highness the Ruler of Bhopal has been pleased to order that, in
pursuance of section 300 of the Shahjehani Penal Code, Rule No. 1, 1912, that
is in the Compiled Penal Code of Bhopal, section 393, after section 393 A,
the following be added, which after the date of publication will be in force and
enforced:

APOSTACY AFTER EMBRACING ISLAM
Section 393A. Any person renouncing his faith after once embracing
Islam shall be liable to be sentenced to punishment of either description
extending to three years’ imprisonment or to fine, or both.
This order is published for general information and observance.
I do not know whether the dates are accurately given. But
assuming the correctness, the law is of a fairly recent date. But whether
it is recent or ancient does not much matter. The question is whether it
is good law or whether it is bad law according to pure Islam. The ideal
before us is that the two, and for that matter, all religions should live in
peace and that there may be free interchange among them if the
people so desire; in other words, there should be no compulsion in
religion. Some of us Hindus and Mussalmans are endeavouring to
bring up the practice to the level of that ideal. If, therefore, Islam does
not make it penal for one who has embraced it to go back to one’s
own faith, the law in question must be considered to be against the
spirit of Islam and, therefore, it should be abrogated at the earliest
moment. I hope that, if the position is as I have stated, the Mussalman
leaders will request Her Highness the Begum Saheba of Bhopal to
repeal the law.
LIBERALS AND KHADDAR
A friend belonging to the Liberal Party writes:
I have been thinking and discussing the question of khaddar with my
colleagues. I find that there is no difference Of opinion as regards the merit of
khaddar, but the hitch arises the moment they associate the movement for the
spread of khaddar with your declaration that it is a preparation for civil disobe-
dience. If it stood apart and did not form an item of the Non-co-operation
movement, I think that the support to this propaganda will become wider and
more universal.
The prejudice referred to by the writer is as old as non-co-
operation. I have tried to show times without number that no one save
civil resisters need think of civil disobedience in connection with
khaddar. Civil disobedience has no direct connection with khaddar. I
have led many a battle of civil disobedience before khaddar was
reborn. The civil resisters (say) in the Kaira campaign knew nothing
of khaddar. Even Vallabhbhai’s band at Borsad were not pledged to
khaddar. Apart from the Congress volunteers, nobody in Borsad was
obliged to wear it before he could be enlisted as a civil resister. The
reason was obvious. It was not a campaign to establish swaraj. I have
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 147

suggested khaddar as indispensable for civil disobedience or swaraj
for two reasons. The first is that swaraj I hold to be an impossibility
without khaddar becoming universal in our country. Secondly, it is
the most efficient aid to mass discipline without which mass civil
disobedience is impossible. Liberals and others should realize that the
best way to avert civil disobedience is for everybody to take up the
constructive programme of the Congress; especially three items. If all
of us worked with one mind to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity and
universalize hand-spun khaddar and if all Hindus united to remove
the curse of untouchability, swaraj will be within sight. There are some
Englishmen who use khaddar but they will naturally repudiate even a
suggestion of sympathy with civil disobedience or non-co-operation.
NARAYANAVARAM AND UNTOUCHABILITY
The following touching account shows the need for a vigorous
campaign against the curse of untouchability:
With the exception of three streets, Panchamas (the depressed classes)
were allowed to pass by the pubic streets. The three streets are the north and
the south Mada streets and the eastern street in front of the Kalyana
Venkateswara temple. Most of the inhabitants in these streets are Brahmins.
The temple lands were cultivated mostly by the Panchamas. As the temple
authorities could not remove the paddy brought by the Panchamas and left at a
distant place, they allowed the Panchamas to carry the paddy through the
above streets and place in front of the main gate of the temple. Then came the
informal Panchayat into the village. The Brahmin Chairman cannot but
engage Panchama sweepers. He even allowed them to remain in the village to
cook their food and sleep during nights. One Brahmin gentleman engaged
Panchama servants to protect him against his enemies, day and night. They
were allowed to take their meals and sleep in the Brahmin street during nights.
This innovation is highly objectionable from an orthodox point of view. Still
no one objected.
Then Mr. C. V. Rangam Chetty opened a Weaving School for
Panchamas on 9-4-1924 on the main street near Taluq Board school in Sjt. M.
Rangaswamy Iyengar’s house who very kindly and boldly gave permission.
Mr. C. Doraiswamy Iyengar, M.L.A., did the opening ceremony. Two
Brahmins who are the personal enemies of Mr. Rangam Chetty started the
opposition, engaged touts and organized the meeting of the villagers. In one
of their public meetings, they demanded Mr. Rangam Chetty to remove the
Panchama Weaving School from the village as it is against Shastras for
Panchamas to live in the village. When questioned why the Panchamas were
allowed on three previous occasions, they replied they did not see Shastras
then. As Mr. Rangam Chetty refused to remove the School, most of the

Brahmins boycotted him, and the Hunuman Library and Reading Room. They
requested the leaders of other communities to boycott him. None complied
with their requests. The Brahmins then refused to take the god round the
streets.
One Brahmin gentleman who collects large sums of money for the
Annual Brahma Utsavam festival wanted to see [that] at least the school is
dosed for the festival. Mr. Rangam Chetty agreed to dose the school if the
boycott is withdrawn by the Brahmins. The temple Amina as the spokesman
of the Brahmins said in the public meeting that there is no boycott. Mr.
Rangam Chetty then closed the school for 7 days.
Panchamas freely come even on festival days to make their purchase,
to speak and to sundry work if any to their landlords including Brahmins. One
Panchama student of the Weaving School came one morning into the village
and attended the garden work attached to the Library. In the afternoon he seems
to have taken some rest in the Weaving School which has no back door. The
temple Amina took with him some persons and maltreated him severely and
then went to the Library and abused Mr. Rangam Chetty for still running the
School. Mr. Rangam Chetty took the party to the Weaving School and proved
that the School was actually closed. Some badmashes were then engaged who
approached Mr. Rangam Chetty fully drunk. Mr. Rangam Chetty escaped from
falling into their clutches. The temple Amina then organized a public meeting,
misrepresented facts, terrorized the leaders through the drunkards and made
them all boycott Mr. Rangam Chetty. The Panchmas were summoned, threat-
ened and asked not to send their boys to the Weaving School. After the
meeting was over, stones were thrown on the house of Mr. Rangam Chetty. I
hear from reliable sources that there is a plot to murder Rangam Chetty. The
Puthur Sub-Inspector of Police came to Narayanavaram and found the true state
of affairs. I hear he is contemplating to book some of the ring-leaders. Mr.
Rangam Chetty was compelled to leave the station by his friends to avoid
murder by the assassins. He is at present in his brother’s house, No. 23
Narayana Mudali Street, G. T., Madras. If any protection is forthcoming, he is
prepared to go back to Narayanavaram and resume his humble work at his own
cost.
It is to be hoped that Mr. C. V. Rangam Chetty will have the
courage to return to the post of duty without waiting for protection.
God is one protection in a good cause.. If assassination came his way,
he should gladly face it. It will remove the curse at once, the only
condition being that he remains spotless.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 149

HANDLOOM AND HEIRLOOM
In sending me some beautiful hand-spun yarn from Assam Mr.
Andrews writes:
This is given to you by the little children of an ashram that I have just
been visiting; it is being conducted by Mr. Phookan and his workers, near his
own beautiful house. His sister is in charge, and little children are the handi-
workers. I wish you could have seen with your own eyes how happy they all
were!
There is one striking factor here in Assam, which you most probably
know. Every girl who is married is expected to be able to weave with her own
hands. That is why you called this land beautiful Assam. In every house there
is a household loom. These looms are frequently heirlooms, using the old
English word in its literal sense, which reminds one of the days when in
England also spinning and weaving were fine arts. Now they have been
banished to the Hebrides, where still the cottage looms produce the strongest
and most durable cloth known in the West, called the Lewis Tweeds. The
spinning-wheel there is worked by the foot, as both hands are needed for the
wool; and the spinner sits on a three-legged stool. On my last visit to
England, I found one of these old spinning-wheels in a house at Sally Oak, in
my own city of Birmingham, still being used by the spinster,—only in this
case the: spinster was not unmarried, as the old English word usually implied,
but a housewife. I believe the days are coming when these forgotten arts will
again be renewed in the West, wherever objects of beauty and durability are
demanded, just as the hand-press can still produce the most beautiful printing
that no machine can rival.
OPIUM
Of opium in Assam Mr. Andrews writes:
The curse of opium is very deep on this fair land, and l trust that a full
Congress enquiry will now be made into its ravages, so that the facts about the
Government of India’s opium revenue policy may be placed before the Geneva
Convention. Here, when I spoke last night at the meeting, and told the
audience that the Government of India declared that the Indian opium
consumption was legitimate, there rose a laugh of derision from the audience
which I wish the Opium Convention at Geneva could have heard. It alone
would have convinced them concerning Indian public opinion on this subject.
I am quite certain now that we shall have some thorough work done here in
Assam towards opium prohibition.

74. “CHHOP” OR SPINNING COMPETITION
A Punjabi friend writes thus about spinning competitions that
once were universal in the Punjab and which, let us hope, will not be
allowed to die out. The gentleman sends with it a drawing, made by
himself, of sisters at their wheels taking part in one such competition.
About twenty or twenty-five years ago, it was a very common practice
in the Punjab among women, in villages as well as in towns, to hold spinning
competitions called chhops. Women of all ages participated in the general
competition. Even small girls with their little charkhas joined as auxiliary
forces. The competitors would get up so early as 2 o’clock in the morning and,
taking an equal weight of carded cotton done into punish, they all sat to work
in right earnest, the competition generally coming to an end at seven or eight
to enable them to attend to duties personal and domestic. While working the
machines with their hands, they sung happy and sacred songs such as the exile
of Rama, virag 1 of Gopi Chand, virtuous life of Puran Bhagat, the melodious
hum of the charkha supplying the music. The healthy and pure atmosphere
surrounding the chhops can be better imagined than described. Alas, such
happy scenes have become now very rare and it is very seldom that one
witnesses them.
75. LETTER TO M. R. JAYAKAR

[June 12, 1924]
. . . It was kind of you to have written to me about Ramdas. I
agree with you that he has a modulated voice and can make good
progress in spite of his age. But the poor boy has not still found his
peace. Had he remained in Bombay in the natural course, he would
have continued his lessons, but he will not go to Bombay particularly
for music. Will you please accept his and my thanks for yourself.
The Story of My Life, Vol. II, p. 265
1
Renunciation
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 151

76. LETTER TO K. MADHAVAN NAIR
June 12, 1924
DEA R MAD HAVAN NAI R,
I am glad you have written. 1 I have sent it to Dr. Mahmud for
reply. I am glad my views were liked by the committee.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photos tat: G.N. 5673
77. LETTER TO DR. YUDHVIR SINGH

Jyeshtha Shukla 10 [June 12, 1924] 2
BHAI YUDHVIR SINGHJI,
I have your letter. I do not deny that the teachings of Rishi
Dayanand have benefited many. I have only pointed out the
shortcomings—and that as a friend—so that the activity of the Arya
Samaj should become even more beneficent and it should be purged
of whatever harmful things it contains.
I have called Satyarth Prakash the bible of the Arya Samajists
because of the great esteem in which they hold it. I do not write more
because what I have written for the forthcoming issue of Young India 3
will clarify a great deal. If even then doubts remain do write to me
again and if difference of opinion persists please put up with it and
forgive me.
Yours sincerely,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
From a photos tat of the Hindi: C. W. 9309. Courte sy: Dr. Yudhvi r Singh
1
This letter is not available.
2
The year is inferred from the reference to Gandhiji’s writing on Swami
Dayanand in Young India. In 1924, Jyeshtha Shukla 10 corresponded to June 12.
3
Vide “Hindu-Muslim Tension: Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924

78. LETTER TO ANASUYABEHN SARABHAI
Thursday, [June12, 1924]1
RESPECTED ANASUYABEHN,
Received both your letters. I tore up your second letter soon
after reading it. Do not hesitate to write anything you want to. No one
reads personal letters written by you. They are passed on to me intact
as they come. If I put them in a file either by mistake or intentionally,
they may be read by others as access to files is not restricted. But I
shall tear up the letters marked “personal” after reading them and as
for my letters to you, I shall write them myself. I do not like it at all
that Bhai Shankerlal has some new ailment now. He appears to be
brooding over something. I can’t even ask him to come and stay with
me because my entire life is led in the open. There is no such thing as
privacy for me. What else can I do when persons who are more ill than
I am, expect my help? Even as I try to help them, I become unhappy.
So in spite of having an intense desire to help delicate flowers that you
and Shankerlal are, I have become unfit for the task. What can I do? I
do keep thinking about you both and I do wish Bhai Shankerlal gets
well soon. I believe that on such occasions the spinning-wheel and
Ramanama are effective medicines. I believe, therefore, it augurs well
that Shankerlal can concentrate on the spinning-wheel.
I have not had any letter from sister-in-law. Write and tell her
that I am happy to learn that she is all right.
The issue of Majoor Sandesh is good. Send me all the issues
from the beginning and keep sending them henceforth.
Ba was here and left yesterday after two days’ stay. I am doing well.
These days I begin writing regularly from almost 4.30 in the
morning. I cannot cope with the work otherwise. I keep worrying if I
cannot finish it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photos tat of the Gujara ti : S. N. 32776
1
From the references to Majoor Sandesh, a periodical published by the
Majoor Mahajan, Ahmedabad, and to Kasturba’s stay with Gandhiji; June 12 in 1924
was a Thursday; “Letter to Devchand Parekh”, 8-6-1924 and “Letter to Vasumati
Pandit”, 11-6-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 153

Jeth Sud 11 [June 13, 1924] 1
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
Your letter received today is beautiful. Your handwriting is clear
and neat. I would certainly give you 4 out of 10 marks. Prabhudas has
returned from Abu. Now none is left there. Today Radha came here
on foot. Let us hope she will recover where she is staying.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujara ti origin al: C.W. 445. Courte sy: Vasuma ti Pandit

Jeth Sud 12 [June 14, 1924] 2
BHA ISHRI VAL JI,
I got both your letters. I did not know that you had wanted the
proof; a second time. Your first article has already been printed. Khe-
data has been printed instead of Medata. Your mother has arrived
here. It appears there has been some difficulty in your brother getting
the job.
Vandematram from
MOHANDAS
From a photostat of the Gujarati original: C. W. 6010. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
81. SURAT DISTRICT

Two years ago, Surat was the leading district in Gujarat. It stood
first in raising funds, first in respect of the spinning-wheel, first in
respect of national schools. But today one does not see there as much
progress as one would have expected. Collection of funds is slow.
Even the spinning-wheel plies indifferently. The foundation of
national schools has not been strengthened.
The reasons are not far to seek. The differences of opinion
1
2
In a poem about the spinning-wheel published in Navajivan, 25-5-1924,
“Khedata” was printed for “Medata”, a village in Rajasthan. In 1924, Jeth Sud 1 2
corresponded to June 14. Vide also “Khedata for Medata”, 15-6-1924.

which prevailed all over the country affected Surat also. There is no
need to think of the past. The sole question is, what should be done
now?
The first task is to take action in regard to the decree for Rs.
40,000 passed against 22 ex-Municipal Councillors of Surat. This
decree has been passed, not against the 22 members but against the
former Municipal Council as a whole. Nay, one can say that this
decree was passed not even against the latter, but against the citizens
who backed it and those voters who elected the members. Therefore,
the responsibility for collecting that amount rests on the non-co-
operating citizens of Surat.
The responsibility of non-co-operators does not end with contri-
buting money. They will surely see to it that the 22 representatives do
not have to pay the money themselves. But it is their responsibility to
so manage things as to make it impossible for the Government to
execute the decree. This can be done simply through local satyagraha
directed against the decree alone. That is to say, the citizens should
write respectfully to the Government that, if it gets this decree exe-
cuted, they will resort to total non-payment of other taxes to register
their protest. The sum of forty thousand rupees has surely not been
utilized by anyone for personal use. The Government may well have
the amount realized, but in that case it will have to bear the
responsibility of collecting municipal taxes. If there is any difficulty
in refusing payment of all taxes, the people should refuse payment
only of those taxes which can be justly withheld. There was a time
when we regarded this step as easy. Now that the people’s enthusiasm
has waned, it appears difficult. But, in view of the recent example of
Borsad 1 in Gujarat, it should not appear difficult.
Now a word to the Swarajists. Those of them who have entered
the Councils can write to the Government that, if it intends to realize
the amount in this way, they cannot continue their membership. It
may be said that this is precisely what the Government wants. Perhaps
it is. We have only to consider the question of our own duty. If
members of the Councils find themselves helpless even in regard to
this very small matter, what will they be able to accomplish by staying
on in the Councils?
1
In the Borsad taluka of Kheda district, satyagraha was started in December
1923 against a punitive cess and Government had to withdraw the cess in January
1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 155

I firmly believe that, if both the Swarajists and the true non-co-
operators are reunited, Surat will be its former self again and recover
its foremost position. Of course, self-confidence is needed to do so. If
those who have entered the Councils do not discreetly get out of it
even when they have got tired of them, the old lustre will not return. It
is only if we have intelligent, not blind, faith in all the aspects of non-
co-operation that our work will shine forth. We should have faith in
non-violence, truth and the fivefold boycott. If that is not there, those
who wish to work in accordance with public opinion or my personal
opinion will only court failure.
Non-co-operation and non-violence have passed the (limited)
experimental stage. Now for those who have understood them, they
have proved successful in the experiments, and have become princi-
ples. Swaraj may be won today or tomorrow, but in their opinion
peaceful non-co-operation is the only means to win it.
I have written this much about the calamity that has befallen
Surat today.
But what reply will Bardoli give? We thought it was prepared
[for civil disobedience] two years ago.1 Has it become more prepared
today? How many workers have been working there? I have heard a
lot about Bardoli, but on this occasion I shall say no more.
The report I have so far received from there is not hopeful.
Untouchability still prevails there. Kaliparaj2 has not yet secured the
status of Dholiparaj3 . The Dublas4 have not yet become Sabalas5 .
Schools6 have all but closed down. Even khadi work is being carried
on perfunctorily. I long to go to Bardoli and ask the people. there to
satisfy me in regard to all these complaints. My heart holds firmly
even now the promise which the representatives of Bardoli gave me,
with God as witness. They took a pledge to eradicate untouchability,
to uplift the Kaliparaj community, to put an end to the sufferings of
the Dublas and to spread khadi throughout Bardoli. Today I expect
1
The Bardoli Taluka Conference, held on January 29, 1922, had accepted
Gandhiji’s proposal to launch civil disobedience.
2
The dark-skinned, backward community in South Gujarat
3
Literally, fair-skinned community; here, economically and culturally advanced
community
4
Literally, the weak ones; here, farm-labourers who had then to work like
slaves in the Surat district of Gujarat
5
Literally, the strong ones; here, persons having authority and money
6
National schools established in 1920-21

Bardoli to say to me: “We had got prepared within only six months of
your going to jai!. We are prepared to launch civil disobedience
whenever you ask us to.” I know Bardoli is not quite prepared for
this. The question of course is, will it ever be prepared? When will it
be? What have the workers to say?
As I was writing this, I received a telegram to say that Pragji1 has
been arrested. There is significance in his being arrested. He has, of
course discharged his duty, but have the people done so? What will
Surat district do?
[From Gujarati]
82 “KHEDATA” FOR “MEDATA”

“Shikharnivasi”, who had sent me Rentiyano Swadhyaya2
writes to say that a “terrible mistake” has crept into the article,
“Daily Plying of the Spinning-Wheel”. This in fact was a spelling
error. Still another was committed through oversight. What I wrote as
a footnote to be printed at the bottom [of the song] got printed as an
introduction and “Shikharnivasi’s” fine introduction was left out.
But the error to which “Shikharnivasi” has drawn my attention is
quite a different one. In the song Medata has been printed as Kh-
edata. There is a village called Medata in Rajasthan. I agree with
“Shikharnivasi” that this error may be termed “terrible”. The other
errors are of course being noted down. Some day “Shikharnivasi”
will surely present them to the reader. He informs me that I often use
the word talleen3 in the sense of leen 4 . Since the meaning of talleen is
teman5 leen, it is wrong to say gavaman 6 talleen instead of gavaman
leen. The reader may easily correct this error.
[From Gujarati]
1
Pragji Khandubhai Desai, Gandhiji’s associate in South Africa and later a
Congress worker in Gujarat for many years
2
Published in Navajivan; vide “Daily Plying of the Spinning Wheel”, 25-5-
1924.
3
Engrossed in it
4
Engrossed
5
In it
6
In singing
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 157

83. SATYAGRAHA IN PRINCELY STATES
A correspondent writes:1
I am sorry if my articles have given such an impression.
Satyagraha can be circumscribed only by truth and non-violence.
Wherever the two are to be found, satyagraha can always be launched.
Considered thus, I believe no contradiction will be found in my
writings.
There can be no satyagraha in the princely States in order to win
swaraj for India. It can be in respect of local problems. But if there
exists even the slightest element of untruth, satyagraha cannot be
offered there or in any other place. Even though a cause may be
truthful, a person who cannot observe non-violence, who is irascible,
who hesitates to tell the truth and who is not ready to suffer, is not
qualified to launch satyagraha.
By and large I see that the present atmosphere in the entire
country is unfavourable to satyagraha. Jealousy, untruth, violence, etc.,
have grown rife. Satyagraha has been misconstrued as harassment of
opponents. One sees duragraha masquerading as satyagraha. In this
situation, even when a matter calls for satyagraha, a satyagrahi should
act with caution. But in spite of being cautious, if he finds that things
have reached a state when satyagraha becomes inevitable, nothing and
no one can hold back a satyagrahi.
[From Gujarati]
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had observed that recent
articles in Navajivan tended to give the average reader an impression that Gandhiji
was opposed to satyagraha in the Princely States.

84. TODAY v. YESTERDAY
The same correspondent who has asked a question about
satyagraha in the Indian States also writes:1
While thinking over this letter, let the reader forget the Bhav-
nagar Conference. The reference to that Conference here is merely by
way of example. I have already stated my views about it. The reason
for not holding the Conference in Bhavnagar is what I gave and
nothing else. If we do not remember this, there is a danger, while one
issue is being clarified, of our getting confused about another.
I for one do not believe that there is any contradiction or
discrepancy between my earlier writings on satyagraha and what I say
now. It is true that, as the situation changes, one will find new condi-
tions being laid down, but a thoughtful person will immediately see
that these are inherent in the basic principle itself. For example, the
Ahmedabad session of the Congress2 laid down that non-violence
should be observed in thought, word and deed. That certainly was not
a new condition. When it was found that people harboured violence in
their hearts and merely refrained from overt acts of violence, then it
became necessary to make it clear that a person could be regarded as
non-violent only if he was so in thought, speech and action. In other
words, if people were told that non-violence for show was not non-
violence, this cannot be regarded as something new. The conditions
concerning character, etc., are meant for leaders of satyagraha and
were always there. We see the importance of character even in
ordinary matters, and it should not be surprising, therefore, that in
satyagraha, I have never expected the observance of difficult condi-
tions by large masses of people. If this had been expected of them,
there could have been no satyagraha even in Borsad.3 There were only
two conditions to be observed by the general public, that they should
never use violence in the movement and should obey the leaders.
I have of course taken it for granted that the satyagrahis of
Bhavnagar and Vaikom are members of Congress Committees. How
can Congress workers be considered fit to launch satyagraha if, know-
ing the generally accepted conditions prescribed by the Con-gress,
1
2
Held in December 1921
3
It was undertaken in 1923-24 and was led by Vallabhbhai Patel.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 159

they do not observe even those? If they do not keep a pledge taken in
respect of one activity, how will they keep any other? Satyagraha for
swaraj has a direct connection with khadi. It is necessary for a
Swarajist to demonstrate that he is one even when starting satyagraha
for some other cause. The masses in Borsad did not need to wear
khadi or give up drinking before launching satyagraha, but the
workers certainly did have to do so. If, now, the Dharala sisters and
brothers of Borsad wish to launch satyagraha for swaraj, they must
necessarily wear khadi, give up drinking and free themselves from the
sin of untouchability. To me this appears to be a self-evident
proposition. If we get power without having first persuaded all people
to wear khadi, we shall not be able to spread it among the people
afterwards without the use of force. In that case, our swaraj will
certainly not be true swaraj. Moreover, if a majority of people do not
adopt khadi with love, we shall not be able to pass a law for the
universal adoption of khadi. From these examples, it will be seen that
what seems new is not new but old. It must be clear to everyone by
now that there is not a single condition for mass civil disobedience
which is too hard to fulfil. But, for those who start and conduct
satyagraha, such difficult conditions are necessary and have always
been so. An expert musician needs a preliminary practice of years. He
should have control over the most delicate notes, and should have the
ability to judge whether a note is too loud or too low. But, for society
at large, the ability to take up the tune given by a music expert is
considered sufficient. A leader of satyagraha ought to be like an
expert musician.
Let me explain one thing here. I see it being said against me in
the papers that I raise subtle issues on every occasion when satyagraha
is started; and that the logical conclusion of my attitude would be that
I myself should be there to lead every such movement.
This is a purely fanciful idea. I was not there in Borsad, Nagpur
and Chirala Perala.1 I may say that no one even bothered to consult
me. How did those satyagraha movements go on even then? If,
however, the person who leads a satyagraha movement without
consulting me lacks experience and self-control, he will certainly get
confused. But we have now reached such a stage that anyone wishing
to do so can start satyagraha on his own responsibility. If I am at all
1
The Borsad satyagraha took place in 1923-24, the Nagpur Flag satyagraha
in 1923 and the Chirala Perala satyagraha, in Andhra Pradesh, in 1921.

consulted, I would certainly offer advice according to my lights, but it
does not mean that satyagraha should never be started without prior
consultation with me. Otherwise, satyagraha would be a useless
weapon. How many problems can I attend to? And how long am I
going to live? If satyagraha is a weapon which can be used at any
time, there must be, and in fact there are, many men and women
capable of wielding it.
[From Gujarati]
85. TO GUJARATI ARYA SAMAJISTS

I have received telegrams and letters from the Arya Samaj from
all over India. I have already replied to them in Young India.1 Even
the Arya Samajists of Gujarat are angry with me. I had hoped that
they at any rate would not misconstrue my meaning for, I thought,
they understood me better. I have already read five letters by Gujarati
Arya Samajists, and there may be more. They too have been much
hurt. They should forgive me. I cannot understand why they should
take it ill if I say honestly what I feel to be true. If we feel hurt every
time someone says something unpalatable, how and when shall we
learn to be tolerant?
There is little attempt in all these five letters to argue with me.
One correspondent has become so angry that he has advised me to
commit suicide. He writes:
Even if, now, the country may gain something through you, it can do without
it. Hence, I would request you to devote yourself to Rama’s name and win
heaven.
Others say that I have always given too much importance to
Muslims. Another correspondent has sent me an account of the
sufferings of Hindus based on information collected from newspaper
reports.
The reply to all this is more or less included in the reply I have
already given in Young India. Here I need merely add that all this
anger proves our intolerance. We still lack the capacity to bear one
another’s criticism. This is a very important quality in public life. I
am certainly willing to make an inquiry into the grievances of the
1
Vide “The Arya Samajists”, 12-6-1924.
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 161

Hindus. I am not ready to believe everything which appears in
newspapers, and I advise all readers to discount much of what they
read. If my correspondents see Muslim papers, they will find in them
a big list of accusations against the Hindus. What reply will the Hindus
give to them? Like Hindu newspapers, these too contain a lot that is
concocted. If the Hindus are likely to shed their fear by organizing
themselves, I would join the movement. But I understand that it means
nothing more than attending a gymnasium. I do not join it because I
know that this will not help people protect themselves right now. For
that purpose, we must cultivate fearlessness. If that can be developed
by attending gymnasiums, let the Hindus start them by all means. I
have never said that they should not. I have never run down those
started by the Purani brothers in Gujarat. On the contrary, in Gujarat, I
have also expressed my approval of them. I have merely suggested
that organizing ourselves is not an effective way of protecting
ourselves against the attacks of Muslims. Doing that only aggravates
the quarrels, does not decrease them.
This issue can be decided by asking these questions: Do we want
Hindu-Muslim unity? Is it necessary? If it is essential and if it is
desired, the Hindus will have to abandon all preparations for fighting
back or would have to pit equal strength against the Muslims, as they
would have to against the Government if they fought it, and let rivers
of blood flow for securing peace. Even that is improbable in regard to
Hindu-Muslim differences, for, as regards Government, the desire is to
hate the English and drive them out of the country. This may be
possible, since the English do not look upon this country as theirs. If
they get tired of remaining here, they may quit. But this country
belongs as much to the Muslims as to the Hindus. I believe it to be
wholly impossible to drive them out of the country. And so the sole
way is to live with them in peace. The only other alternative is trusting
ourselves to the mercy of the British Government.
Let us consider what we wish to do. We want to prevent the
Muslims from kidnapping our women. Hindus can ensure this only
by everyone risking his own life. All Muslims certainly do not kidnap
women. Let us suppose some do so in the name of religion. Do not
some Hindus kidnap Hindu women? The only difference is that the
Hindus who do this are prompted by lust. If we do not have the
strength to protect our women against them, who will give it to us? I
have already indicated a remedy, effective in the present and at all

times, against such molestation. It is satyagraha. That is, to lay down
one’s life, without killing others in defending ourselves. Even a
woman child can do this. Why do all Hindus not take such training?
In acquiring the power to kill one has to cultivate physical
strength, while in acquiring the strength to lay down one’s life, one
has to cultivate spiritual strength. If only one sees the way, it is
comparatively easy to cultivate this. Is it possible for anyone physi-
cally maimed to acquire physical strength? Nobody’s soul is ever
maimed. I can, by calm reflection, acquire the strength to lay down
my life if someone attacks my dear ones. But I certainly must cultivate
a peace-loving temper in order to prepare myself to do this. I must
control my anger and convert it into strength. If I wish to develop
such strength, I should not get agitated by newspaper reports. I must
go wherever I desire to give protection to people, and be ready to die.
As there can be an army of soldiers, there can be an organi-
zation of satyagrahis too. One Ravishankar suffices for dealing with
thousands of Dharalas. He is still living. If hundreds of men be come
Ravishankars, they save the weak Hindus from attacks and, in the
process, also make the weak strong.
So much against physical attacks. For saving cows, Hindus
should never use force against Muslims. They should try to save them
only by winning over their heart.
They should not play music near mosques, as far as possible. In
any case, they should discuss the matter with the Muslims and, if the
Muslims do not listen to them or apply improper pressure, they sho-
uld not submit to the coercion, but play music and die while doing so.
Apart from these, the other matters mentioned are trivial. For
instance, how many Muslims should have seats in Councils, and so on.
I for one would agree to as many of them being elected as may desire
to be elected. In my opinion, the question does not at all arise at
present. One who has embraced non-coo operation should not think
about Councils or Government service.
[From Gujarati]
VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 163

86. VALLABHBHAI’S DIFFICULTY
Vallabhbhai is up against a serious difficulty ever since I took
charge of Navajivan. In order to serve Gujarat, he wishes to collect
from it Rs. 10 lakhs in my name. He used to take the help of
Navajivan in this selfless work. Now that I have become its editor, how
can I be so brazen as to print in my own paper anything about raising
funds for myself? Because of this scruple of mine, Vallabhbhai’s
appeals have ceased appearing in Navajivan.
The problem, now, is this: If Vallabhbhai does not get his Rs. 10
lakhs, he will drive me out and snatch the editorship. If, on the other
hand, I publish his appeals out of such fear, I shall prove not only
shameless but also cowardly. I cannot afford to give up the editorship,
nor to be brazenly shameless. And so I have thought of a middle way.
This is that I should clear Vallabhbhai’s confusion.
The simple thing is that, if Gujarat wants constructive work,
Vallabhbhai must certainly have the money. Some will be ready to
pay, if not for the sake of the constructive programme, at least for my
name. With that expectation, my name was attached to the appeal for
funds. Vallabhbhai needs money, and he does not mind in whose
name he gets it. If Gujarat believes that Vallabhbhai has served it well,
if it believes that he has embraced poverty for the sake of Gujarat and
made others also follow suit, if it moreover believes that funds are not
being misused, that accounts are maintained and published, if it
believes that, however difficult the task which the Gujarat Vidyapith
has undertaken, the work it is doing is valuable and also that, through
it, thousands of children are being trained for swaraj, that khadi is
being popularized and the cause of the Antyajas is being served—if
the Gujaratis believe all this, they will put Rs. 10 lakhs into the Gandhi
purse, that is, the Swaraj purse or the purse for the poor. According to
the saying, “A dancer who does not wish to dance finds fault with the
floor”, anyone can trot out the excuse of trade being bad, etc., etc.
Despite poor business, we do eat and drink, celebrate weddings, and so
on; let us, then, help this essential national work as well. If every
Gujarati understands that it is his job to steer the Congress ship in
Gujarat, he should donate “a petal if not a flower” to the purse and
help Vallabhbhai out of his difficulty.
[From Gujarati]

87. “A BUFFALO FOR A THONG” 1
A friend has sent me a pamphlet entitled Lakshmino Vinash2 . It
bears the name neither of the publisher nor of the printer. It is being
distributed gratis. The writer’s object is to get people to buy his
books. But, for such a paltry object, he has attacked Muslims. I quote
a few samples: “The Muslims are barbarians.”“What sort of men are
these whom we help and support? They sever the necks of cocks,
goats and cows.”“Why do you show consideration for those from
whose hands you cannot even accept water to drink?” Why do you
buy your books from Muslims?” “Yours is a religion of compassion,
that of the barbarians is steeped in sin.” There are more such
intolerant statements. My name, too, has been misused. I hope that no
Hindu will touch this pamphlet. I hope further that the writer will
himself atone for having violated the religion of compassion which he
claims to follow and throw his pamphlet into the fire.
[From Gujarati]
88. TO WORKERS
I have quoted these passages 3 from a correspondent’s letter,
omitting some adjectives for the sake of brevity. I simply do not have
the time to meet every worker in private. But I invite all those who
have any special information in their possession to communicate to
me in private their facts and suggestions. Many who write to me have
a handwriting worse even than mine. I request them to write legibly,
out of kindness to me if for no other reason. Some write long
prefaces. One sees their point only after going half way through their
letters. I suggest that they drop the prefaces. Some put it as you like—
adorn or ruin their letters with adjectives. I advise them to omit them. I
should like to receive letters of this type:
1
Gujarati saying implying that one does not kill a buffalo for the sake of a
little strip of leather
2
Destruction of wealth
3
Not translated here. The correspondent had suggested that, before resuming
his work in Gujarat, Gandhiji should fully acquaint himself with the real state of
affairs.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 165

“With reference to your request in the Navajivan of
15-6-1924, I have given up Congress work since A, B, or C, with
whom I used to work, did this wrong thing at such and such a time, or,
since I could not at all agree with the views of A, B, or C, or, since they
treated me in this manner, or, since my views have changed. I have lost
faith in non-violence or truth or the spinning-wheel. Personally, I
suggest that work will proceed well only if the Committee carries out
these reforms, gives up these activities or removes these workers.”
It would help if I receive letters giving such straightforward
facts. It is against public interest, in my opinion, to keep back
anything in public life. However, those who know me know that I
never publish names, nor preserve letters. I have destroyed even very
important letters. I try to preserve only letters of public interest.
However, I do not wish to receive a single letter with the proviso that I
should not make any use of the communicated facts, for I have no
desire to know anything which cannot be used. Let no one write
anonymous letters either. I still receive such letters. The letter from
which I have quoted suggests that our public life has not yet become
clean. From that point of view, our movement of non-co-operation
should be considered to have failed; in any case, its success should be
measured only by the degree of purity it has brought about in our
public life. We are opposing the present system of Government
because we are convinced that it is evil. That necessarily means that,
comparatively speaking, we are pure and wish to establish a pure
administration. Our public life, therefore, should be pure, so pure
indeed that even our opponents should see and acknowledge it. The
very movement of non-co-operation means turning our enemy into a
friend. One who has no faith in this principle can never become a
peaceful non-co-operator.
It is also necessary to think about one drawback of ours. We are
much too eager to see faults in others, especially in our co-workers,
and never see the good in them. Consequently, we are always finding
fault with people. A worker may be doing much work; but, if he gets a
little angry or speaks rudely, we begin to think low of him. If he does
not receive us well or does not understand our point of view, we
ignore all his services. I have had much experience of persons with
such temper and so wish to caution people also against the habit of
always criticizing others.
In placing both the sides before the reader, my purpose is to

ensure that those who see only good observe things carefully and
admit any evil which may be present, and those who see only evil try
to observe the good as well, if, afterwards, such persons write to me
objectively, the information in their letters may prove useful.
Finally, I must also state that I have no desire to be captain of
the ship. In Vallabhbhai we have the captain. All I can do is to advise
and guide. I already have the work of editing Young India and
Navajivan. That job is quite enough for me. If people oblige me to
give it up, I shall have the work of Ashram. At present, I am not fit
even for that, as these two journals leave me no time for anything else
at all. It is only as an adviser that I can be of service to Gujarat and the
country. Letters giving detailed information help me very much in
forming my opinion.
[From Gujarati]
89. A NOTE
F ALSE NOTION
“You and I have had our pleasure of wearing fine clothes and
now wear khadi; if, however, we clothe these delicate children in khadi,
the poor things will never know the pleasure of wearing other
clothes.”
This is what many elderly persons, looking at their grandsons,
say to the latter’s father and this is their way of showing their love for
the little ones. Writing in this strain, a gentleman asks what he should
do in this predicament. I for one see no great difficulty here at all. By
surrendering ourselves to such inordinate love of our elders, why
should we compromise the future of our children or harm the great
fight to banish starvation from India? How can we, succumbing to
such sentiment, give up what we consider to be our duty? Moreover, it
is merely a false notion that mill-cloth, whether foreign or Indian, is
better than other cloth because it is fine! Today there are many child-
ren who will not touch fine cloth and will wear only khadi. Children
form such habits as we let them form. It is difficult to understand what
pleasure there is in wearing mill-cloth. After some years, when
everyone will be wearing khadi and nothing else, we shall come to
believe that there is pleasure in khadi. On the little bodies of innocent
children dyed clothes which stick to the body and which are often
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 167

dirty never look so well as milk-white khadi. Moreover, in the climatic
conditions of our country, the fewest clothes are best for us. For our
children, shoes, socks, and too many clothes are a source of disease.
To make them wear these things is the surest way of making them
delicate and is needless expenditure besides. How strange it is that we
shower the wrong kind of love on our children and, right from the
beginning, give them wrong education!
[From Gujarati]
90. LETTER TO NAVINCHANDRA

Jyeshtha S. 14, 1980 [June 16, 1924]
What should I do to put into practice the highest ideal of life?
This is the question. Think a little and you will find the answer
implicit in the question itself. If someone asks you what he should do
if he wanted to eat something that he relished, you will answer, “Eat
it.” Similarly putting the idea into practice teaches us what we should
do. The real difficulty is in regard to our loving the ideal. We often
believe that we like a certain thing, but in reality we do not. If truth is
our ideal, we should practise truth. If brahmacharya is our ideal, we
must find pleasure in its observance. If body labour is the ideal, we
should find pleasure in spinning, carding, weaving. If service be your
ideal, never be tired of rendering service. If we want to serve through
teaching, we must each to the best of our ability.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujara ti origin al: G.N. 2170

91. NOTE ON J. B. PETIT’S LETTER
[After June 17, 1924] 1
Show this to Benarasidas and let him say who told him that Mr.
Petit had promised a part of the money asked.
From a photos tat: S.N. 9978
92. TELEGRAM TO GANGADIN CHAVNIVALA2

[On or before June 18, 1924]
THEY MAY. IF THEY TRY THEY CAN MORE
EFFECTIVELY PUSH KHADDAR.

Jeth Vad 1 [June 18, 1924] 3
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
I cannot give 4 marks for your handwriting today. You ought to

improve your handwriting every day. You should keep the printed
alphabet always before you. If you have not taken a copy book with
you, I shall send you one. Ba and Devdas have returned. Today they
will go to Surat to give a send-off to Pragji who is going to jail. I
believe you have read about his having been arrested. We had a
drizzle here also. We shall have some relief if there is a shower.
1
This was scribbled on the following letter dated August 17, 1924, from J. B.
Petit: “I do not remember ever having undertaken to pay even a part of Pandit
Banarasi Dass’s salary and expenses. A letter from Pandit Banarasi Dass asking for
such help was placed before the Committee of the I.l.C.A., I believe, more than a year
ago and was turned down. The Committee wanted Mr. Banarasi Dass to be a
whole-time Officer of the Association, but on the latter expressing his inability to do
so, his application for help was rejected. I do not think the Committee will therefore
sanction anything towards his expenses; but if you wish me to place the letter before
it again for its consideration, I shall be glad to do so, hearing from you.” Vide also
“Letter to K. Natarajan”, 15-8-1924:
2
This was in reply to a telegram asking whether Non-co-operators should
enter the Cantonment Boards.
3
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 169

Your English handwriting is fairly good. But you can improve
here too. I write this not to shame but to encourage you.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
LEELAVATI S ANATORIUM
DEOLALI
94. LETTER TO PRABHASHANKAR PATTANI

Jeth Vad 1 [June 18, 1924] 1
DEA R FRI END,
I am writing this to you about the suit that is going on between
Babusaheb (Yashavantprasad), Veerubhai and Dinkarrao. I knew
about the case only after Veerubhai and Markandarai came to me.
Veerubhai and Babusaheb are ready to refer the case to arbitration but
do one knows about Dinkarrao’s attitude. Can you not get all the
parties together and persuade them to settle their differences through
arbitration and stop the family quarrel from going to the court? There
is one suit due for hearing on the 25 th at Bhavnagar. Please do
whatever you can before that date. You are much closer to this family
than I. Hence it is not for me to recommend anything to you. Since
you are a Government official, someone has to approach you. You
may take it that I have approached you on behalf of all the three.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujara ti origin al: C.W. 3180. Courte sy: Mahesh Pattan i

June 18, 1924
MY DEA R FRI END,
Really, you are wonderful. Your Gujarati letters far surpass your
English letters. It is you I meet in your Gujarati letters; in your
English letters I used to be captivated by your English language.
1
In his letter to the addressee dated July 3, 1924, Gandhiji refers to Dinkarrao
mentioned in this letter. It is liekly that this letter was also written in 1924, in which
year Jeth Vad I fell on June 18.

Today you see the thread of yarn from the charkha coming
between you and God; but on this very thread you will see Him
dancing. Wherever faith is He is.
If despite your age the rains did not bring you cold, it is, first,
because you are growing young and, second, because you labour in
service. He would be no God if He does not protect from harm those
who go out to do His work in His name.
Please pass on to Mrs. Abbas, Rehana and other members of the
family your zeal for the charkha.
I grant you pardon in advance for any number and any kind of
letters you may write.
Yours,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
From a photos tat of the Gujara ti: S.N. 9547
96. NOTES
VAIKOM S ATYAGRAHA
His Holiness Sri Narayan Guru, spiritual leader of the Tiyas1 , is
reported to have disapproved of the present methods of satyagraha at
Vaikom. He suggests that volunteers should advance along barricaded
roads and scale the barricades. They should enter temples and sit with
others to dine. Though I have compressed the interview. I have
reproduced almost the exact words.
Now the action proposed is not satyagraha. For scaling barri-
cades is open violence. If you may scale barricades, why not break
open temple doors and even pierce through temple walls? How are
volunteers to pierce through a row of policemen except by using
physical force? I. do not for one moment suggest that by the methods
proposed the Tiyas, if they are strong and are willing to die in
sufficient numbers, cannot gain their point. All I submit is that they
will have gained it by something the reverse of satyagraha; and then,
too, they would not have converted the orthodox to their view, but
would have imposed it on them by force. A friend who has sent me
the press cutting recording the interview suggests that, by reason of
the violent advice of the guru, I should ask the local Congress
committee to call off satyagraha. I feel that would mean want of faith
1
Community in Kerala
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 171

in one’s means and surrender to violence. So long as the organizers
strictly keep within the limits which they have prescribed for
themselves, there is no cause for calling off satyagraha. The friend
cites Chauri Chaura as an illustration. In doing so, he has betrayed
confusion of thought or ignorance of facts. The Bardoli satyagraha
was suspended because Congress and Khilafat men were implicated in
the Chauri Chaura outrage. If Congressmen connected with the
Vaikom movement entertain the suggestions said to be favoured by
the Tiya spiritual leader, there would be a case for penance and,
therefore, suspension, but not otherwise. I would, therefore, urge the
organizers at Vaikom to make redoubled efforts and, at the same time,
keep stricter watch on the conduct of those who take part in the
movement. Whether it takes long or short to reach the goal, the way is
the way of peaceful conversion of the orthodox by self-suffering and
self-purification and no other.
MEANING OF ‘UNTRUTHFUL ’
A Swarajist friend writing from Simla about the use of the

adjectives ‘violent’ and ‘untruthful’ in my recent writings says:
You mean those who are ‘untrue’ to the triple boycott. May I suggest
most respectfully to explain that observation, by the way, in one of your
notes? As it has pained some prominent friends here, so must it have pained
others elsewhere. I have understood it in the light in which I have interpreted
it above. But I believe, especially when you will be the last man in the world
to be misunderstood, a reference in one of your notes will not be futile
Had not the friend kindly drawn my attention to the misunder-
standing, I should never have known its existence. The whole of my
recent writings have been directed to the untruthful atmosphere that
surrounds us. My criticism is all-inclusive. I know No-changers who
do not enforce in their own persons the khaddar resolution. Their
action is, in my opinion, decidedly untruthful. When we do not believe
in the boycott of law-courts and still pretend as if we did, our attitude
is untruthful. Many of us do not believe in non-violence in thought,
word, and deed, and still profess to subscribe to the policy of non-
violence. We are untruthful whether we are Pro-changers or No-
changers.

S PECIAL S ESSION?
I note that Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya1 has given notice of
intention to move at the forthcoming meeting of the A.I.C.C. a
resolution for a special session of the Congress. There is hardly any
case for a special session. The Congress resolutions are there. There
should be no difference of opinion as to their meaning. Even if there
is, parties may agree to differ and set to work. All that is required is
for the members to decide upon the method of work during the next
six months. Policies may be determined at the Congress session. The
special session will not help us to remove our indecision, indifference
or inertia. I feel sure that these would persist so long as each party
continues to accuse the other of retarding the progress of the country.
In my opinion, nobody retards it who acts to the best of his lights. But
he does retard it who is too lazy to think and act for himself, or too
timid to do so lest he may give offence. We must dare to say ‘no’
even if it wounds.
INFLAMMATORY LITERATURE
A friend has sent me a pamphlet called Rangila Rasul, written in
Urdu. The author’s name is not given. It is published by the manager,
Arya Pustakalaya, Lahore. The very title is highly offensive. The
contents are in keeping with the title. I cannot without giving offence
to the reader’s sense of the fine give the translation of some of the
extracts. I have asked myself what the motive possibly could be in
writing or printing such a book except to inflame passions. Abuse and
caricature of the Prophet cannot wean a Mussalman from his faith and
it can do no good to a Hindu who may have doubts about his own
belief. As a contribution, therefore, to the religious propaganda work,
it has no value whatsoever. The harm it can do is obvious.
Another friend sends me a sheet called Shaitan printed at Public
Printing Press, Lahore. It contains untranslatable abuse of Mussal-
mans. I am aware of similar abuse by Mussalman sheets. But that is no
answer to or justification for the Hindu or the Arya Samaj abuse. I
would not have even noticed these prints but for the information given
to me that such writings command a fair patronage. The local leaders
must find a way of stopping these publications or, at least, discrediting
1
1880-1959; physician and public worker; President of the Indian National
Congress, 1948; author of History of the Indian National Congress
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 173

them and distributing clean literature instead, showing tolerance for
each other’s faiths.
THREE AGAINST ONE
A Mussalman friend writes to say that, whilst the Bhopal State
apostasy law is undoubtedly bad, the agitation against it is not
genuine. He says the law is old and has never been enforced. He
contends that the Hindus m that State have been most justly treated
and have often occupied posts of the highest responsibility. ‘But,’
says the friend, ‘do you know what is happening in the Hindu States
or Palol, Rewa and Bharatpur? Palol you mentioned yourself. In
Bharatpur already three mosques have been demolished. The order of
Rewa is said to be that, it a Hindu becomes a Mussalman, he will be
awarded one year’s imprisonment and the man who convert him to
Islam will get two years’. I, the facts are as set forth, Hindus have little
reason to complain of a law that is a dead letter. Personally, I think
that on the principle that two wrongs do not make one right, the
wrong must be condemned wherever it exists. Wherever conversion is
punishable by law, it is a token of intolerance which must be rooted
out. But the first appeal of Hindus must be to the Hindu States.
KENYA INDIANS
The Kenya Indians are continuing their brave fight in the face
of heavy odds. Messrs Goolam Hoosen Aladina, Ahmedbhai Karim,
Valibhai Ismail, and Kasim Noor Mahomed, together with many
others, are already in jail. And now comes the news that Mr. Desai too
shares the same honours. The Kenya Indians deserve congratulations
for sustaining the fight. But the law chosen for civil disobedience
affects only a limited number of Indians. The penalty imposed is
slight. If, therefore, our countrymen in Kenya are intent upon
carrying on the struggle till justice is done to them, they will have to
find other State-made unmoral laws for civil disobedience, such as will
enable a larger number, if they are willing, to offer battle and to
undergo a stronger course of suffering. The Kenya Committee that is
now sitting in London may give them temporary relief. Public agita-
tion here may encourage them. But the real remedy lies with them.
They should remove every cause of legitimate complaint against them
and, at the same time, by offering civil disobedience prove their
courage for prolonged suffering in a common cause. Then success is
a certainty.

VALUE OF S ILENT WORK
Borodada (Dwijendranath Tagore) sends the following hopeful
note:
The following has come to my mind like a flash of lightning. How great a
value a simple good work has when done silently before the all-seeing eye of
God seems to me to be unknown to the generality of men of our present
generation. Most people, who are worthy in other respects, place an undue
value on the high-sounding names of things and persons, disregarding
altogether their real import. Are the rishis of ancient India less of rishis
because their names are unknown to the superficial histories of modern times?
When will the eyes of our understanding be opened to this simple and
soul-satisfying truth that mere names are words echoed from mouth to mouth
signifying nothing? How many people pay homage to the name of
Shakespeare without ever having opened a single book of Shakespeare? How
many people bow to the name of Christ with the appearance of sincere
reverence, whose daily life throws to the dogs every word of Christ spoken in
love to all humanity irrespective of caste and creed? I am perfectly sure that
each good work, however insignificant in appearance, will bear tenfold fruit in
comparison to the grandiloquent and pompous works performed mostly with a
view to acquire names in history. It is obvious that if we want to gain success
in this great movement which Providence has placed in our hands without our
asking, we must concentrate all our efforts on the real work we have to do, and
totally cut off all connection with those names of things and persons which
exert undue influence over our untutored minds and which ‘hover through the
midnight air’ of our ignorance (of avidya) like the witches of Macbeth. The
name of non-co-operation may shock the prejudiced ear of a student of the
abstract ethics of the schools, while the thug non-co-operation is the best
medicine for the cure of our mad endeavour after the attainment of all the
nourishment that bread can give from the stones thrown at us in mockery by
the well-fed and well-clothed house holder at whose door we stand begging, in
out present half-starved and ragged condition, to be allowed the privilege of
co-operating with him, on equal teams, with regard to the right distribution of
food and clothing amongst us for our mutual benefit.
I wish every worker will treasure the beautiful thought contained
in Borodada’s note and believe with him that all true work will abide
when names will have been forgotten.
1814 AND 1914
Babu Kshitish Chandra Dasgupta of the Khadi Pratishthan says
that in 1814 two crores (now equal to twelve crores) of rupees worth
of khadi was exported from Calcutta alone. In 1914 India imported
sixty-six crores of rupees worth of piece-goods. No wonder that we
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 175

have become a nation of paupers. We would not be so badly off if we
had given up the spinning and the weaving industry in exchange for
another. That we could not do because the national industry was
deliberately killed and no other was substituted by its murderers.
C HARKHA IN TRIVANDRUM JAIL
Mr. K. Kumar, a satyagrahi prisoner in the Central Jai! at
Trivandrum, says:
This is one of the happiest days in my life being the day of my arrest and
imprisonment (after one month) . . . I send you the product of the hours of
silent spinning. We have the charkha working here almost from 6 a.m. to 6
p.m. daily. . . . I spin not less than three hours daily. . . . Some of us are
learning Hindi or Urdu, we read the Gita. and the puranas . . . we have prayers at
6 p.m. which are attended by all without distinction of caste or creed. . . . The
officials show us every consideration.
97. ARYA SAMAJISTS AGAIN

So many Arya Samajists have written such long dissertations on
my (in their opinion) ignorance of Arya Samaj teachings and their
excellence that I was anxious to publish at least one of them so that
the reader might have the Arya Samajists’ view of my comments. At
last I have a letter which it gives me pleasure to publish. It is from
Principal Ramdeva of Kangri Gurukul. I have taken the liberty of
removing only one passage which, in my opinion, must have been
written in haste and does not do him justice. It does not affect his
argument and certainly takes nothing away from his passionate
exaltation of the founder of the Samaj. Here is Principal Ramdeva’s
letter:
I was deeply pained to read your article on Hindu-Muslim Unity in Young
India. I have never in my life read an article so disappointing from the pen of
one so great. The article has caused deep resentment and heart-burning in the
Punjab and the U.P. Instead of easing the situation, it has inflamed the Hindu
mind and led many thinking people among the Aryas to the conclusion that
you are so much biased in favour of Islam and against the Arya Samaj that you
cannot help rendering—though quite unconsciously—a grave injustice to the
latter. Your attacks upon the metaphysical beliefs of the Arya Samaj were quite
irrelevant and had no bearing on the Hindu-Muslim question. They were not
well reasoned out and you are in no mood for a metaphysical discussion. The

Arya Samajists’ belief in the plenary inspiration of the Veda has as little
connection with Hindu-Muslim tension as your belief in metempsychosis has
with the split in the Congress. . . . Besides, if belief in verbal inspiration
makes for narrowness, Islam is just as narrow as the religion of the Vedas. For
this belief formed an essential part of the Muslim creed even in the palmy days
of the Mohammedan faith on which you dwell with such fervent enthusiasm.
Your implication that Maharshi Dayanand was the first sage to proclaim the
doctrine of Vedic infallibility is absolutely without any foundation in fact and
only reveals the dangers of dealing with subjects which a man—however great
he may be—has not studied. May I respectfully point out that the Upanishads,
the Manusmriti, the six systems of philosophy, the puranas and the works
on Shankaracharya, Ramanuja, Madhvacharya, Chaitanya and other mediaeval
saints and scholars all preach this doctrine? Again, the view that the Vedas
contain the germs of all true knowledge including physical science is by no
means new, all ancient scientists—like Arya Bhatta, Bhaskaracharya—held it.
Besides, modern Vedic scholars like Pavgee, Paramashiva Iyer, Dwijdass
Datta—none of whom is an Arya Samajist—have independently arrived at the
same conclusion. I wonder if you know that Aravind Ghosh has publicly
declared that Swami Dayanand alone had discovered the right axioms of Vedic
exegesis. The testimony of such eminent authorities—who devoted their
lifetime to the study of the Vedas—cannot be discredited by the mere ipse dixit
of a Mahatma—however lofty his character and however great and overflowing
his love for his kind—who has not devoted even five consecutive years to the
study of the Vedas and the Vedangas in the original. I am afraid you were
ill-advised in venturing into the field of theological polemics while writing as
the supreme political leader of men of all faiths and creeds. Your
characterization of the Satyarth Prakash is most unfair. It seems you have not
read the first ten chapters which deal with prayer, brahmachaya, pedagogics,
marriage reform, sannyas, politics, salvation, knowledge and nescience,
Vedas and vegetarianism and form the main book—these chapters do not, as a
rule, touch upon other religions—and have only skipped over the four
supplementary chapters. In fact, you had by means of the mysterious stirrings
of your subliminal consciousness, arrived at the queer conclusion that Swami
Dayanand was intolerant, long before you had glanced at the Satyarth Prakash
and your hurried reading was vitiated by your preconceptions. You were in the
position of a judge who pronounced his sentence after hearing the prosecution
and then addressed himself to defence evidence in order to be able to write out a
judgment in support of the sentence. Men who have read Dayanand’s works
carefully—your friend Andrews is one of them—or had the privilege of sitting
at his feet—men like A. O. Hume, Revd. Scott, Sir Syed Ahmed, Ranade,
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 177

Telang, Malabari, Raghunath Rao and Bishan Narayan Dhar—had never any
difficulty in declaring that, whatever the merits of individual comments based
upon data supplied to him, he was the most tolerant religious reformer of the
age and his love for his kind transcended the bounds of race, country, colour
and ever cultural unities. I must finish now. What I have written may sound
presumptuous if solely regarded as the comments of a very small man upon the
conduct of one justly regarded as the greatest man of the world. My only
defence is that my reverence for you is equalled only by my love and devotion.
Love and devotion have between themselves, the miraculous power to raise the
humble to the level of the mighty.
With love and reverence,
Yours affectionately,
R AMA DEVA
I have always said that my politics are subservient to my
religion. I have found myself in them, as I could not live my religious
life, i.e., a life of service, without being affected by them I should
discard them today if they hindered it. I cannot therefore subscribe to
the doctrine that I may not, being a political leader, deal with matters
religious. I have dealt with the Arya Samaj because I felt that it was
losing its usefulness and its present activity was doing harm to the
country itself. As a friend and a Hindu, I claimed to speak pointedly
to those who derived their belief from a common source. Had I been
dealing with the relative merits of religions, I should certainly have
given my views on Islam too.
I confess that I have no first-hand knowledge of the Vedas. But
I know enough to be able to judge for myself. Principal Ramdeva is
wrong in thinking that I was prejudiced against Maharshi Dayanand’s
teachings. I do not know the exact terms of the tribute paid to the
great reformer by the great men whom Principal Ramdeva mentions. I
should have joined them in their tribute and still retained the opinion I
hold. I do not love my wife the less because I know her limitations.
My critics have made the mistake of thinking that, because I have
criticized the founder, I have no affection or regard for him. Let me
also assure Principal Ramdeva that I have read all the chapters of
Satyarth Prakash. Will he forget that a man’s moral teaching may be
of a high order and yet his vision may be narrow? I know that many
of my-friends, who believe me to be a highly moral man and my
moral teaching of a high order, consider that my outlook upon life is
narrow and even fanatical. I do not take their criticism as an offence,

though I consider myself to have a broad outlook upon life and also
entitled to be classed among the most tolerant among mankind. I
assure my Arya Samaj friends that I have only judged, if I have
judged, as I should be judged by them. Let us therefore cry quits. Let
them consider me to be the most intolerant and ignorant among their
countrymen and leave me the liberty to retain the opinion I have
expressed.
98. THE ACID TEST

I propose to move at the forthcoming meeting of the All-India
Congress Committee the following four resolutions:
l. In view of the fact that the members of Congress organiza-
tions throughout the country have themselves hitherto neglected
hand-spinning, in spite of the fact that the spinning-wheel and its
product, hand-spun khaddar, have been regarded as indispensable for
the establishment of swaraj and although their acceptance has been
regarded by the Congress as a necessary preliminary to civil disobedi-
ence, the A.I.C.C. resolves that all the members of the various repre-
sentative Congress organizations shall, except when disabled by sick-
ness or prevented by continuous travelling, regularly spin for at least
half an hour every day and shall send to the secretary of the All-India
Khadi Board at least ten tolas each1 of even and well-twisted yarn of a
count not below ten,2 so as to reach him not later than the 15th day of
each month, the first consignment to reach the secretary3 not later than
the 15 th day of August 1924, and thereafter in regular monthly
succession. Any member failing to send the prescribed quantity by
the prescribed date shall4 be deemed to have vacated his office and
such vacancy shall be filled in the usual manner; provided that the
member vacating in the manner aforesaid shall not be eligible for
re-election before the next general election for the members of the
1
The resolution was moved by Gandhiji at the A.l.C.C. meeting, with certain
verbal changes, on June 27. The words “ten tolas each” were replaced by “two
thousand yards”.
2
The words “of a count not below ten” were omitted.
3
The words “not later than the 15th day of each month, the first consignment
to reach the secretary” were omitted.
4
Here the words “unless unavoidably prevented” were added.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 179

several organizations.1
2. Inasmuch as complaints have been received that provincial
secretaries and other members of Congress organizations do not carry
out the instructions issued to them from time to time by officers duly
authorized thereto, the A.I.C.C. hereby resolves that those in charge of
matters referred to them failing to comply with the instructions of
officers thereto appointed shall be deemed to have vacated their
offices and the vacancy shall be filled in the usual manner, provided
that the member thus vacating shall not be eligible for re-election till
the next general election.2
3. In the opinion of the A.I.C.C., it is desirable that the Con-
gress electors elect to various offices in the Congress organizations,
only those who in their persons carry out to the full the Congress
creed and the various non-co-operation resolutions of the Congress
including the five boycotts, namely, of all mill-spun cloth, Govern-
ment law-courts, schools, titles and legislative bodies; and the A.I.C.C.
hereby resolves that the members who do not believe in and do not in
their own persons carry out the said boycotts shall vacate their seats
and that there should be fresh elections in respect of such seats;
provided that, if the members vacating so choose, they may offer
themselves for re-election.3
4. The A.I.C.C. regrets the murder of the late Mr. Day by the
late Gopinath Saha and offers its condolences to the deceased’s
family; and though deeply sensible of the love, however misguided, of
the country prompting the murder, the A.I.C.C. strongly condemns
this and all such political murders and is emphatically of opinion that
all such acts are inconsistent with the Congress creed and its resolution
of non-violent non-co-operation; and is of opinion that such acts
retard the progress towards swaraj, and interfere with the preparations
for civil disobedience which, in the opinion of the A.I.C.C., is capable
of evoking the purest sacrifice, but which can only be offered in a
1
Though this penalty clause was included in the resolution moved by
Gandhiji, it was later rescinded by him in view of the Swarajist opposition; vide
“Speech and Resolution on Penal Clause”, 28-6-1924.
2
This was moved and passed without any change; vide “Resolutions at
A.I.C.C. Meeting”, 29-6-1924.
3
This resolution was revised twice—first in the Working Committee and again
before Gandhiji moved it at the A.I.C.C. meeting on June 29.

perfectly peaceful atmosphere.1
At the present moment, I seem to be doing the very thing I
claim to wish to avoid, viz., dividing the Congressmen and plunging
the country into a controversy. I however assure the reader that it will
not last long at least so far as I am concerned. Everyone will share my
anxiety and eagerness to clear the air of uncertainty. Some discussion
is inevitable if we are to know where we are. I am supposed to work
wonders, lead the nation to its predestined goal. Fortunately for me, I
entertain no such hallucinations But I do claim to be a humble soldier.
If the reader will not laugh at me, I do not mind telling him that I can
become also an efficient general on usual terms. I must have soldiers
who would obey and who have faith in themselves and in their general
and who will willingly carry out instructions. My plan of action is
always open and very definite. Certain well-defined conditions being
fulfilled, it guarantees success. But what is a poor general to do when
he finds soldiers who subscribe to his conditions and yet do not carry
them out in their own persons and, maybe, do not even believe in
them? The resolutions are designed to test the qualifications of the
soldiers.
But let me put it another way. The soldiers are in the happy
position of being electors of their own general. The would-be general
must know the conditions of employment. I remain where I stood in
1920. Only my faith has increased with the years that have gone by. If
such is also the case with my employers, I am theirs body and soul. I
have no faith in any other plan. I am, therefore, not available on any
other terms, not because I am unwilling, but because I am unfit. How
would it do if, in answer to an advertisement for a red-haired young
man of thirty-five measuring six feet six inches, a grey-haired, old,
toothless man of fifty-five, broken down in health, offered his services?
All the four resolutions then constitute my application for emp-
loyment as general and lay down my qualifications and limitations.
Here there is no imposition of autocracy, no impossible demand. The
members, if they are true to the country and themselves, will not spare
me if they find me to be in the wrong. I hold no man to be indis-
pensable for the welfare of the country. Every one of us is debtor to
the land of our birth and there through to humanity. Every debtor
must be dismissed the moment he has ceased to pay. No past services
1
This was later revised and moved by Gandhiji on June 29; vide “Resolutions
at A.I.C.C. Meeting”, 29-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 181

however brilliant should be counted in distributing present employ-
ments. The country’s good may not be sacrificed to one man or one
hundred men. Rather should he or they be sacrificed to the welfare of
the country. I invite the members of the A.I.C.C. to approach their
task with a determined purpose, without bias, without false emotion or
sentiment. I adjure them not to take me on trust. Nothing need be
right because I say so. They must decide for themselves. They must
know their own minds and their capacity. They should know by this
time that I am a difficult companion and a hard task-master. They will
now find me harder than before.
I have seen the argument advanced that khadi cannot bring
swaraj. This is an old argument. If India wants the fineries of Europe,
whether made in the mills of Manchester or Bombay, she must cease
to think of swaraj in the terms of the millions of her sons and daug-
hters. If we believe in the message of the wheel, we must spin it
ourselves and I promise that it will be an inspiring occupation. If we
want swaraj through non-violent means, and, therefore, through
non-violent disobedience, we must produce a non-violent atmosphere.
If, instead of haranguing crowds, we would give spinning demonstra-
tions in their midst, we would have a peaceful atmosphere. If I could
help it, I would gag every member of the Congress organizations
except myself and, perhaps, Shaukat Ali, till swaraj is attained, and put
him to the spinning-wheel or in charge of a spinning-centre. If the
silent wheel does not inspire faith and courage and hope, let the
members say so boldly.
The second and the third resolutions are complementary of the
first.
The fourth resolution tests our belief in member non violent
policy. I have read Deshbandhu Das’s statement on the Gopinath
Saha resolution. It does not-affect what I said last week. So long as the
Congress retains and believes in its present creed, there is no half-way
house to the resolution drafted by me.
99. WHAT MAY HINDUS DO?

I have received many communications on the Hindu-Muslim
statement, but there being nothing new or striking in them, I have not

published them. But I gladly print Babu Bhagwandas’s letter 1 and
answer his questions.
Regarding the first two questions, the writer has answered them
himself. In my opinion, they are only partly true. Though the
majority of the Mussalmans of India and the Hindus belong to the
same ‘stock’, the religious environment has made them different. I
believe and I have noticed too that thought transforms man’s features
as well as character. The Sikhs are the most recent illustration of the
fact. The Mussalman, being generally in a minority, has as a class
developed into a bully. Moreover, being heir to fresh traditions, he
exhibits the virility of a comparatively new system of life. Though, in
my opinion, non-violence has a predominant place in the Koran, the
thirteen hundred years of imperialistic expansion has made the
Mussalmans fighters as a body. They are therefore aggressive. Bully-
ing is the natural excrescence of an aggressive spirit. The Hindu has
an ages-old civilization. He is essentially non-violent. His civili-zation
has passed through the experiences that the two recent ones are still
passing through. If Hinduism was ever imperialistic in the modern
sense of the term, it has outlived its imperialism and has, either
deliberately or as a matter of course, given it up. Predominance of the
non-violent spirit has restricted the use of arms to a small minority
which must always be subordinate to a civil power highly spiritual,
learned and selfless. The Hindus as a body are, therefore, not equip-
ped for fighting. But not having retained their spiritual training, they
have forgotten the use of an effective substitute for arms and, not
knowing their use nor having an aptitude for them, they have become
docile to the point of timidity or cowardice. This vice is, therefore, a
natural excrescence of gentleness. Holding this view, I do not think
that the Hindu exclusiveness, bad as it undoubtedly is, has much to do
with the Hindu timidity. Hence, also, my disbelief in akhadas as a
means of self-defence. I prize them for physical culture but, for
self-defence, I would restore the spiritual culture. The-best and most
lasting self-defence is self-purification. I refuse to be lifted off my
feet because of the scares that haunt us today. If Hindus would but
believe in themselves and work in accordance with their traditions,
they will have no reason to fear bullying. The moment they recom-
mence the real spiritual training the Mussalman will respond. He
cannot help it. If I can get together a band of young Hindus with faith
1
Vide Appendix “Letter from Bhagwan Das”, 5-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 183

in themselves and, therefore, faith in the Mussalmans, the band will
become a shield for the weaker ones. They (the young Hindus) will
teach how to die without killing. I know no other way. When our
ancestors saw affliction surrounding them, they went in for tapasya—
purification. They realized the helplessness of the flesh and in their
helplessness they prayed till they compelled the Maker to obey their
call. ‘Oh yes,’ says my Hindu friend, ‘but then God sent someone to
wield arms.’ I am not concerned with denying the truth of the retort.
All I say to the friend is that as a Hindu he may not ignore the cause
and secure the result. It will be time to fight when we have done
enough tapasya. Are we purified enough, I ask? Have we even done
willing penance for the sin of untouchability, let alone the personal
purity of individuals? Are our religious preceptors all that they should
be? We are beating the air whilst we simply concentrate our attention
upon picking holes in the Mussalman conduct. As with the English-
men, so with the Mussalman. If our professions are true, we should
find it infinitely less difficult to conquer the Mussalman than the
English. But Hindus whisper to me that they have hope of the
Englishman but none of the Mussalman. I say to them, ‘If you have
no hope of the Mussalman, your hope of the Englishman is fored-
oomed to failure.’
The other questions can be briefly answered. The goondas came
on the scene because the leaders wanted them. The leaders distrusted
one another. Distrust never comes from well-defined causes. A variety
of causes, more felt than realized, breeds distrust. We have not yet
visualized the fact that our interests are identical Each party seems
vaguely to believe that it can displace the other by some kind of
manoeuvring. But I freely confess, as suggested by Babu Bhagwandas,
that our not knowing the kind of swaraj we want has also a great deal
to do with the distrust. I used not to think so, but he had almost
converted me before I became Sir George Lloyd’s guest at the Yera-
vda Central Prison. I am now a confirmed convert.
The ‘points of contact’ referred to by me is a phrase intended
to cover all social, religious and political relations alike as between
individuals and masses. Thus, for instance, instead of accentuating the
differences in religion, I should set about discovering the good points
common to both. I would bridge the social distance wherever I can do
so consistently with my religious belief. I would go out of my way to
seek common ground on the political field.

As for the referee, I have named Hakim Saheb’s name
undoubtedly for the universal respect that it carried with it. But I
would not hesitate to put the pen even in the hands of a Mussalman
who may be known for his prejudices and fanaticism. For, as a Hindu,
I should know that I have nothing to lose even if the referee gave the
Mussalmans a majority of seats in every province. There is no
principle at stake in giving or having seats in elective bodies. More-
over, experience has taught me to know that undivided responsibility
immediately puts a man on his mettle and his pride or godfearingness
sobers him.
Lastly, no proclamation or any such thing will avail unless some
of us begin to act up to the proclamation even though we may be the
fewest possible.

[June 20, 1924] 1
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
I have your letter. Your hand should attain the perfection of
print. You have not said anything about the copy-book. Ramdas and
Ba returned from Surat yesterday. Pragji’s case has been postponed.
Stay on there without worrying and recover your health. Radha is
pulling on as well as she might, Mani is progressing rapidly. There has
been no rain yet, only some advance showers.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI & C.
1
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 185

Jyeshtha Krishna 5 [June 21, 1924] 1
BHA I GHA NSHYA MDASJ I,
I have your letter.
We should remain non-violent, unmindful of whether we
succeed or fail in our undertaking. This is the only natural way of
demonstrating the principle of non-violence. It would be more correct
to say that the result of ahimsa is always good. Such being our firm
faith, we are not concerned whether our efforts are crowned with
success today or years later Those who were forcibly converted to
Islam two hundred years ago cannot be a source of strength to it in so
far as the policy of compulsion was resorted to in converting them.
Similarly, if anyone is converted to Hinduism through force or fraud,
that would be sowing the seeds of its destruction. We are as a rule
misled by immediate results. In the history of a great community, two
hundred years are a mere nothing.
Making people give up their habits with the help of law does not
by itself constitute brute force or violence—to stop the sale of liquor
by law and thereby force the addicts to give up the habit of drinking
is not violence. If it were suggested that those given to drinking
should be whipped, that would certainly be brute force. Selling liquor
is no duty of the State.
Yours sincerely,
MOHANDAS
[PS.]
As regards Y.I., Swami Anand tells me that the bill has been sent
to you.
From the Hindi origin al: C.W. 6011. Courte sy: G. D. Birla
102. LETTER TO M. R. JAYAKAR

[June 21, 1924]
DEA R MR. JAY AKAR,
Thank you for your letter. You may let our friends use my letter
to you. In this connection I do not want to lose touch with you. My
1
This letter was written to the addressee in reply to his of June 11, 1924.
Jyeshtha Krishna 5 fell on June 21.

sole reliance for the cleanness of their work is on you. What I am
anxious about is that they should collect funds on the strength of their
character. We may come in to supplement. Thank you for your
concern about my health. I am giving me as much rest as possible
under the circumstances.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
The Story of My Life, Vol. II, p. 298

Jeth Vad 5 [June 21, 1924] 1
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I have both your letters. I understand about Gan. Shi.2 So, there
was really no need to write.
If Jinnabhai comes again, please pacify him. As he has not written to
me, I do not intend to do anything. If in spite of our modest efforts,
he forsakes his duty, we are helpless. But we cannot let ourselves waver
from fear of it. We must examine the question purely from a religious
point of view.
There is no difficulty at all in your coming here when the
A.I.C.C meets 3 . But you must give up the idea of attending the
meeting. I think the passes will be issued by Maulana Mohammed Ali.
But the fewer the persons seeking them, the better it will be.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
It seems you have sent the original application of Jinnabhai.
Hence, I am returning it.
From the Gujara ti origin al: Pyarela l Papers . Nehru Memori al Museum and
Librar y. Courte sy: Belade vi Nayyar and Dr. Sushil a Nayyar
1
For an extract from the letter, supplied under this date, ibid.
2
Presumably the reference is to Gandhi Shikshan; vide “The Acid Test”, 19-6-
1924.
3
From June 27 to 30
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 187

June 21, 1924
DEA R BRO THER,
Please return this letter 1 after reading it. My conjecture has
proved true.
Khuda Hafiz from
MOHANDAS GANDHI
ABBAS TYABJI
C AMP BAWDA
From a microf ilm of the Gujara ti origin al: S. N. 10468
105. MY NOTES
S PINNING-WHEEL MADNESS
An old man, who is a friend, noting the mistakes of young
people, fell to examining himself. He writes:2
This friend has started spinning only recently. It is, therefore,
not a small thing that he forgets the world while spinning. I am sure
that when the yarn comes out uniformly, he will catch a glimpse of
God in his heart and he will even see God dancing on the thread. Is
there a single thing or place without Him? Though we can see, we are
in fact blind and, therefore, do not see Him. When we come to
associate with the spinning-wheel the sacred idea that it will end the
sufferings of the country, will feed the hungry, will protect the honour
of women, will end the indolence of the idle, will win swaraj for the
Swarajist and help a person in his effort for self-control, then surely
God will dance on the yarn and the writer of this letter will see Him as
he plies the spinning-wheel. “As the faith, so the achievement.” 3
Spinning-wheel in Somaliland !
A Khoja merchant of Somaliland, Mr. Mahomed Hassam
Chaman, informs us that there are many women in the country who
weave. So far they used to weave cloth from mill-yarn, but now even
1
Not available
2
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had said that, while
spinning, he forgot the world but could not think of God.
3
Gujarati saying

the spinning-wheel has come into use. No great effort has been made
to spread its use, but some effort is being made now. The movement
in India has had a good effect on the Arabs of Somaliland. Mr. Cha-
man feels that the spinning-wheel will be taken up fast in Somaliland.
He further tells us that schools are run there almost free, so to say. The
children receive only religious instruction to start with. Every child
has to learn to recite passages from Koran-e-sharif. The school houses
are put up with strips of bamboo and cost little. Every child takes to
school daily a handful of jowar1 and that is accepted as the teacher’s
Finally, Mr. Chaman reports that though the population of Somaliland
consists principally of Arabs, with a few Hindu merchants in their
midst, the latter live happily there and the Arabs treat them as friends.
Why should Hindus and Muslims quarrel in their own land?
KHADI WEAR FOR WEDDINGS
A correspondent from Wadhwan writes to say that three hundred
families have, for some reason or other, broken away from the
Jhalawad Visha Shrimali Sthanakvasi circle and have reduced
customary expenses on several heads. Among other things, they have
passed a resolution to the effect that at the time of wedding the bride
should be dressed in khadi and wear bangles of sandalwood. If others
also adopt such a rule, it will save people from many difficulties and
go a long way to help the poor. The correspondent adds, however, that
on other occasions these families use foreign cloth and that the
practice is likely to continue. If this small group of three hundred
families wants to, it can take the vow of using khadi on all occasions.
The stock of khadi produced in Wadhwan itself is still lying unsold.
That, despite all this khadi propaganda, only a little of it has been
produced and that too has not been sold immediately suggests, not
only that its use has not become universal yet, but that it has not even
come to stay. How is it that the twenty-six lakhs of people of
Kathiawar do not purchase annually even ten lakhs worth of khadi?
IN A S CHOOL
A lady teacher writes:2
Here is a fine example of how much can be accomplished by
the faith even of one sister. If only all daughters of cultivators’
1
Coarse millet
2
The letter is not translated here. She had written that she was sending to
Gandhiji a handkerchief woven in her school out of yarn spun there from cotton
grown in her father’s field.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 189

families asked for cotton from their parents’ homes, got it carded,
spun, woven and made into garments by the children! Every reader
can work out for himself what gain this would mean.
[From Gujarati]
106 THE “PURDAH” AND THE PLEDGE

I have not given this caption because these two words have
anything in common. Writing about the Rajput Conference1 , I wish to
write separately on these two topics only and have, therefore, put the
words together here. A visitor at the Conference informs me that there
was unbounded enthusiasm there. About fifteen thousand Rajputs
must have gathered on the occasion. Even the number of women
present exceeded anyone’s expectations. There must have been a
thousand of them. The number was indeed very large. But the curtains
were so effectively disposed that a stranger could not know that
somewhere in the Conference pandal there were women too present.
Even the arrangements for carrying them from where they were
lodged to the Conference site were so skilful that no one could judge
that women were passing along.
The organizers of the Conference certainly deserve congratu-
lations on making such perfect arrangements. But one can only
express sorrow for the fact of curtains having been put up. The time,
one may say, when curtains were necessary is past. There seem to have
been no curtains during Rama’s rule. It is of course true that we still
do not have Ramarajya2 , but, if we so desire, we may act right from
now as if we had it. We have yet to show that, even in the absence of
curtains, we can conduct ourselves with decorum. None can say that
the communities which do not observe purdah show any the less
decorum. When women were regarded as chattels and were often
kidnapped, the purdah might well have been necessary. If men were
kidnapped, they too might have to remain under purdah. In places
1
The Kathiawar Rajput Conference
2
Rule of Rama, traditionally regarded as the ideal social and political order

where a man, when seen, is made to do forced labour, the men observe
purdah even today, that is, they hide themselves. The purdah,
however, is not the means of saving women from men’s evil eye; the
only means is men’s own purity of character.
A woman can take a big hand in teaching men such purity. But
how can a woman who remains in purdah, suppressed, teach a man
purity? If she is taught to live in fear of men right from the beginning,
how can she reform them? Moreover, the very fact of keeping a
woman behind purdah has the effect of creating moral weakness in
her. I believe that purdah helps not the maintenance but the destruc-
tion of morality. What is necessary for promoting it is education in
morality, a moral environment and moral conduct among the elders. I
do not write at this length about purdah with a view to finding fault
with the Conference. It would have been difficult to abolish purdah
right at the start. But a few Rajputs must start working for the future.
Now about the pledge. I hear that a good many people took it. I
also hear that it was taken with deliberation. The procedure adopted
for the taking of the pledge was also good. Let us hope, therefore, that
the pledge will be kept scrupulously. It has been my experience,
however, that a good many pledges taken in big gatherings are not
acted upon. This, of course, does not mean that we should not take
pledges. It is, certainly my opinion, confirmed by experience, that one
never progresses without taking pledges. A pledge means a resolution
to be kept up unto death. No task can ever be accomplished without
such resolutions. “According to my capacity” is of no help at all. A
pledge confers on man inexhaustible strength. A person who would
do a thing only to the best of his capacity is sure to weaken some time
of other. He will have, then, no support. A pledge, however, will save
him in such a contingency. He had taken the pledge with God as
witness. When he loses his own strength, the Helper of the helpless will
be there by his side.
Unfortunately, we put little value on pledges. As people do not
think much before taking one, they are unable to keep it. Having got
into the habit of not keeping pledges, they have almost come to
believe that it is not necessary to keep them. We should all wish that
the Rajput brothers and sisters who have taken the pledge will keep it.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 191

The simplicity of the Conference was worthy of emulation by the
Congress. There was nothing more than chapatis and dal by way of
meals for this huge concourse. Nothing else is possible in a big
gathering and nothing else would be appropriate either. The Sikh
brethren, too, observe like simplicity in their gatherings. The
members of the Congress should learn the lesson of simplicity. It
saves expense, time and labour and, in addition, makes the body
strong and preserves health.
[From Gujarati]
107. TO THOSE WHO GET THEIR CLOTH WOVEN

We often hear the complaint that those who spin have no
facilities for getting the yarn woven. The Vijapur (via Kalol)1 office,
which is run by Mrs. Gangabehn Majumdar, undertakes weaving of
khadi at the following rates:
Breadth in Length Yarn Yarn Specific
inches thick fine patterns
Rate in rupees
24Per 15-yd. length 2-4 as. 2-8 as. 2-12 as.
28,, ,, 2-12 as. 3-00 3-8 as.
42Per 8-yd. length 2-l2 as. 3-00
48 ,, ,, ,, 3-00 3-4 as.
The yarn to be woven should be sent to the above address.
Anyone who wants further details may also write to them. The same
production centre has started a store called Shri Shuddha Khadi
Bhandar on Richey Road (Chudgar Pole, Ahmedabad). At this store,
one can get even slivers at Re. I a seer.
Anyone wishing to get yarn woven should remember that he
may even be disappointed if he sends any sort or any quantity of yarn
there. Yarn enough to make one tani 2 at least should be sent.
Moreover, if the yarn is not good and well-twisted, the cloth woven
1
In North Gujarat
2
Same as tano, which represents a length of 20 yards. A whole piece of cloth
generally has this length.

will be poor. It is certainly a help that one can go and buy slivers, but
it is very necessary that each one should card his own cotton. The
process is very easy and, for anyone who spins only a little every day,
carding the required cotton is but child’s play. The cotton carded in
half an hour would certainly take not less than four hours to spin into
good yarn.
[From Gujarati]
108. PROFITS IN WEAVING

I have received several replies in response to my request that
people should write to me about the profits actually made in weaving.
I present this time some of them which are worthy of note. Bhavsar
Chandulal Chhaganlal from Cambay writes:1
It is to be regretted that Shri Chandulal uses foreign yarn as
warp and woof. We hope that, even if it means working hard, he will
start using hand-spun yarn. From the account given by him, one can
see that, if hand-spun yarn is available and khadi produced sells
regularly, a weaver family will certainly earn enough. Weavers and
others should take a lesson from the fact that Shri Chandulal and
other members of the Bhavsar community in Cambay use only khadi.
Even those who have to deal in foreign cloth can certainly use khadi
themselves.
Upadhyay Vijeshanker Kashiram reports his experience as
follows:2
This relates to the exclusive use of hand-spun yarn and is from a
man who has just learnt weaving. It should, therefore, be regarded as
more useful to us. It is clear that, if the hand-spun yarn is uniform and
well-twisted and, if the weaver has more experience, his earnings will
be higher.
Shri Jivanlal Champaneria sends us the third report, which is as
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had stated that, having
lost his job for taking part in the Non-co-operation movement, he learned in a few
months his family craft of weaving and was then able to earn Rs. 50 every month.
2
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had reported that, if a man
worked for 10 to 12 hours a day, he could turn out 6 to 7 yards of khadi from
hand-spun yarn. Besides attending to other processes, a weaver could turn out 16
yards in four days, his monthly income working out at Rs. 15. That was better than
Rs. 8 to Rs. 10 which a village teacher or a clerk earned.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 193

follows:1
I had stated that the earnings, not of one weaver as reported by
Shri Jivanlal, but of a weaver-family amounted to Rs. 2 to Rs. 3 a day.
From the three examples cited above, we see that the weavers’
product reaches the consumer not directly, but through the dealer.
Normally, it should of course be so. It is clear that, if the weaver
functions as a dealer as well and has control over the quality of
spinning, his earnings will be higher. If yarn of the quality spun in
Andhra can be produced everywhere, saleable saris can be manu-
factured out of it and one will certainly earn a higher profit on them.
The complaint that the average weaver gets no time at all for his
moral progress is quite justified. It is part of the excessive rigidity of
the caste system that its artisan families following their profession for
generations remain without literary and moral education. The
educated, these days, seem to form a separate class, as it were; they
have paid no attention at all to the rest, that is, the artisans, farmers and
others. We, the educated people, have got on the backs of the artisans
and other classes of people. Personally, I am convinced that if the
educated class gets off the back of the uneducated classes, the latter
will have few problems. This is the main idea behind our present
activity. Many among the educated have come to understand the value
of physical labour, and also to see the sin in riding on the back of the
uneducated. Meanwhile, sensible weavers can save some time by being
more regular in work and by better organizing their industry. As the
khadi movement progresses, weaving and other related work will come
to be better organized and will be placed on a sound basis.
[From Gujarati]
1
The letter is not translated here. Saying that he could not understand how
Gandhiji had calculated that a weaver could earn on an average Rs. 2 to Rs. 3 a day, the
correspondent had reported that, among the members of the Bhavsar community in
Borsad, the daily earnings of the husband, the wife and a boy or girl amounted to no
more than Rs. 1.37. He had also complained that, owing to the necessity for the
whole family to work for their livelihood, they knew little of India’s immemorial
civilization, the women did not understand the importance of cleanliness and
personal hygiene and, as a consequence, their lives were dull and drab and lacked
culture.

109. THREE QUESTIONS
(1) Does not spinning and weaving make a man a Sudra?
(2) Is it not contrary to principles of economics that even one who
can earn much more through his brains should make a living
by spinning and weaving?
(3) Does not spinning and weaving by all destroy the principle of
division of labour?
In my view a Sudra is one who earns his living by doing service
or wage labour for others. Thus considered all who do service are
Sudras. How can one who pursues an independent occupation be
treated as a Sudra? I do not see this does any harm to varnashrama.
Now the second question. My conviction tells me that God gave
us the intellect for knowing ourselves. A living should be got out of
agriculture, etc. The chief cause of all the wickedness that there is in
the world is the misuse of the intellect. It is through the. misuse of the
intellect that there is so much inequality in the world. Tens of millions
go about begging while a hundred or two become millionaires. The
true economics is that by which every man and woman gets a living
by physical labour.
Now as to the third question. There is no harm done to the
principle of division of labour. For the masons, the goldsmiths, etc.,
are not being asked to take to spinning. Yes, those who do service, or
practise law, or have no occupation at all are advised to earn their
livelihood by spinning and weaving. Spinning, at the present time and
in this field, I consider a yajna. Spinning is a necessary yajna for all—
young and old, men and women, rich and poor. Honest men have to
go hungry. They should feed themselves through spinning. But the
others should, for their sake, pray to God and spin.
[From Hindi]
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 195

110. LETTER TO GANGABEHN VAIDYA
Jeth Vad 6 [June 22, 1924] 1
PU. GAN GABEH N,
I have your letter. I am glad to know that you will be able to
come within a month.2 When we are unhappy, it is certainly better to
find fault with ourselves rather than with others.
You cannot abandon your daughter-in-law. If you persuade
your son and with his consent stay away for a fairly long period, she
will, I believe, come round. If, however, such separation even for a
short period is not possible, you must consider the unhappiness as
inevitable and suffer it. There is nothing unusual if a mother lives
away from her eldest son. Your son is obedient; you will therefore
have no difficulty even in separation. If he provides you with the
necessary money, his wife need not know it or have anything to lay
against it. If this is done with perfect sweetness, reconciliation is bound
to take place in the end. This is what is called domestic non-co-
operation. The non-co-operation which aims at ultimate co-operation
is moral.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujara ti origin al: C.W. 6012. Courte sy: Gangab ehn Vaidya

Jeth Vad 7 [June 23, 1924] 3
CHI . VAS UMATI ,
I got your letter written in a beautiful hand. Now I believe you
can be given five marks [out of ten]. I shall send you a copy-book.
If there arc many reforms that have to be brought about, we
should find out the principal ones and concentrate on them. The
1
The addressee went to the Ashram in 1924 with her daughter’s two children.
In that year Jeth Vad 6 fell on June 22.
2
ibid
3
Gandhiji’s letters to the addressee dated June 13, 16 and 20, 1924, suggest
that this letter too was written in the same year. In 1924 Jeth Vad 7 fell on June 23.

others will follow automatically.
You are definitely debarred from cherishing mental worries. The
mind itself is our enemy as well as our friend. It is our duty to keep it
under control. No medicine from a doctor is required for this. Please
let me share your mental worries without any reservation. You caught
my eye the very day we first met. I have looked upon you as a
well-behaved daughter ever since. I know that I have not been able to
share your grief to the extent I would have wished to, for I could not give
you sufficient time. This only shows my inadequacy. Do shake of mental
worry. This is the true and perhaps the only reform worth the name.
I shall give your letter to Ramdas. I shall not stop him if he
wishes to go.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
I do not remember to have written Jeth Vad. If, however, it was
written, it was done quite inadvertently.
112. INTERVIEW TO ASSOCIATED PRESS OF INDIA1

[AHMEDABAD ,
June 24, 1924]
Asked whether from all he had seen he was still certain that he would be able to
avoid a fratricidal war, Mr. Gandhi replied:
Certainly. There seems nothing to make me despair of being
able to avoid internal dissensions. Opinions may differ as to the
interpretation of the phrase, but I have very little doubt that there
would be no unseemly dissensions. I regard members of the All-India
Congress Committee, whether Swarajists or No-changers, to be patri-
otic enough to consider the welfare of the country in preference to
every other question. It is perfectly true that the Swarajists feel keenly
about their own position as I do about mine. But I give them the same
credit for love of country as I claim for myself. That being so, there is
not the slightest reason why it should be impossible to come to an
understanding whereby both can work along their own lines.
1
Gandhiji was interviewed in the afternoon at the Sabarmati Ashram by a
special representative of the Associated Press of India.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 197

To the next question, if he did not think that the spinning-wheel was too tame
for young workers, Mr. Gandhi said:
It appears to be too tame only to those who have not worked at
it and who have been too lazy to think out its economy and unifying
value. Those who are nurtured on theories of political economy
deduced by Western writers from Western conditions have taken no
note of the special conditions of India. It presents a problem all its
own, as I have repeatedly said. Whatever judgment may be pronoun-
ced upon many things I have advocated, history will pronounce only
one judgment on the spinning-wheel, namely, that it was the only
thing that could put India on her feet. I know that the difficulties are
enormous, but they are not insurmountable and certainly not nearly as
great as the difficulty of reaching the top of Mount Everest; and when
a few brave Englishmen have succeeded in the enterprise, I must leave
to the experts to say what the gain will be to the world. But it requires
no expert to say what the. success of the spinning-wheel must mean. I
am convinced that, as soon as the Congress workers realize for
themselves the possibilities of this simple invention, in an incredibly
short space of time the charkha will occupy a place in the Indian home
next only to the simple village stove.
113. OPEN LETTER TO A.I.C.C. MEMBERS

[Before June 26, 1924]
DEA R FRI ENDS,
We rightly regard the Congress to be the most representative of
the nation whether for better or for worse. In my opinion, the
Congress has an almost perfect constitution designed to represent the
nation to the fullest possible extent. But being ourselves imperfect, we
have worked it very indifferently. Our voters’ roll has been reduced
practically to nil in many parts of India. But, in spite of it all, an
organization that has persisted for forty years and weathered many a
storm must remain the most powerful in the land. We regard ourselves
as its chosen representatives.
The Congress took a resolution in 1920 that was designed to attain
swaraj in one year.1 At the end of that year we were within an ace of
getting it. But because we failed to get it then, we may not now regard
1
Vide “Extracts from Sir Sankaran Nair’s Letter”, 17-1-1922.

it as indefinitely postponed. On the contrary, we must retain the same
attitude of hopefulness as before. Above all, we must be determined to
get swaraj soon, sooner than the chilly atmosphere around us will
warrant.
It is in that spirit that I have framed the resolutions for sub-
mission to you. They have been before the country now for a week. I
have read some of the criticism directed against them. I believe I am
open to conviction. But the criticism has not altered it. I have no axes
to grind, or the only axe I have to grind is that which will enable us to
strike at the root of every impediment in our way.
I believe in khaddar, I believe in the spinning-wheel. It has two
aspects—terrible and benign.
In its terrible aspect it is calculated to bring about the only boy-
cott we need for independent national existence, viz., that of foreign
cloth. It alone can kill the demoralizing British self-interest. Then and
then only, when that interest is killed, shall we be in a position to talk
to British statesmen on equal terms. Today they are, as we would be in
their place, blinded by self interest.
In its benign aspect, it gives a new life and hope to the villager.
It can fill millions of hungry mouths. It alone can bring us in touch
and in tune with the villagers. It is the very best popular education that
is needed for the millions. It is life-giving. I would not, therefore,
hesitate to turn the Congress into an exclusively khaddar-producing
and khaddar-propaganda organization till the attainment of swaraj,
just as I would not hesitate, if I believed in the use of arms and giving
violent battle to England, to make the Congress an organization
exclusively devoted to training the nation in the use of arms. To be
truly national the Congress must devote itself exclusively to that which
will bring the nation most quickly within reach of swaraj.
Because I believe in the potency of khaddar to give swaraj, I
have given it the foremost place in our programme. You will not hesi-
tate summarily to reject it, if you do not share my belief. But if you
believe in khaddar you will regard the requirements I have sub-mitted
as a mild minimum. I assure you, if I was not afraid of putting an
undue strain on you, I would not have hesitated to implore you to give
four hours per day to spinning instead of a paltry half hour.
In this connection, let me confess my distrust of Swarajists. I
understand that the khaddar among them is on the wane more than
among the others. It distressed me to find that several Swarajists hat
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 199

said final good-bye to khaddar and that the material of which their
dress was made was foreign. A few have threatened that, if I persecute
them in the manner I am doing, they would give up khaddar and the
charkha altogether. I am told that many No-changers are not much
better. Khaddar with them still remains a ceremonial dress, but for
household wear they do not hesitate to wear videshi 1 or mill-cloth. The
wearing of khaddar to patronize me is worse than useless and the
wearing of it on ceremonial occasions only is hypocritical. Do you
not agree with me that both patronage and hypocrisy should be
banished from our midst? If you believe in the potency of khaddar,
you will take it up, not because I advocate it, but because it has
become part of your life. I note that a certain fashion of dress has
been prescribed for the Viceregal social function. Prohibition-of
khaddar is but a short step from de last. Yet another stage, and there
will be prohibition in the Assembly and Councils.
Another vexed question is about the practising lawyers. It is
clear to me that, if we cannot run the Congress without them, we must
make the frank confession and remove the boycott. I am free to
confess that removal of that boycott is a natural corollary to that of
the Councils. If entry into the legislative bodies can give, as they do,
some relief, so does practice in the law-courts. We are all aware of the
signal services that the late Manomohan Ghosh rendered to the poor
by the voluntary assistance rendered by him to them. The Govern-
ment institutions could not have existed if they had nothing attractive
about them. Only, this is no new discovery. Ours is a struggle consis-
ting of self-sacrifice pure and simple. We sacrificed the doubtful,
temporary and partial good done by these institutions for the lasting
good of the whole country. Moreover, if there is such a thing as
honour among us, does it not behove us to retain the boycott apart
from any other reason, for the sake of those lawyers who have been
disbarred in Tamilnad, Andhra, Karnatak, Maharashtra, and else-
where? We shall be building traditions of honour only if we cherish it
even for the least among us. Let the practising lawyers beware. No
family considerations can he allowed to override those of honour.
Don’t make the mistake. Ire of supposing that we can gain swaraj
within a short time, eyen though we may be dead to all sense of
honour. Unless the Congress can at the present moment produce
proud, defiant, self-respecting, sensitive, selfless and self-sacrificing
1
Foreign

patriots who would count no cost too great, there is, for this poor
country of ours, for a long time to come, no swaraj in which the
poorest can participate. You and I may get a larger share in the spoils
of exploitation, but I am sure you will refuse to call that swaraj.
Need I say anything about the schools? If we cannot resist the
temptation of sending our children to the Government schools, really,
I cannot understand the opposition to the system. If the Government
schools and law-courts and legislatures are good enough to attract us,
our opposition is clearly to the personnel and not to the system.
Non-co-operation was conceived for a much nobler purpose. If the
wish is merely that toe rather than Englishmen man the system, I grant
that the boycotts are not only useless but harmful. The logical
outcome of the Government policy is to Europeanize India and,
immediately we have become Europeanized, our English masters will
gladly hand over the reins of Government to us. We would be
welcomed as their willing agents. I can have no interest in that deadly
process save to put the whole of my humble weight against it. My
swaraj is to keep intact the genius of our civilization. I want to write
many new things, but they must be all written on the Indian slate. I
would gladly borrow from the West when I can return the amount with
decent interest.
Viewed in the light I have put before you, the five boycotts are
vital for the Congress. They are vital for swaraj for the masses.
Such a big question cannot be decided merely by a show of
hands, it cannot be decided even by argument. It must be decided by
each one of us by ringing for the still small voice within. Each one of
us must retire to his closet and ask God to give a definite guidance.
This battle for freedom is no play for you and me. It is the most
serious thing in our lives. If, therefore, the programme sketched by
me does not commend itself to you, you must summarily reject it, cost
what it may.
Your fellow-worker
in the service the
of the Motherland,
M. K. GANDHI
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 201

114. MY JAIL EXPERIENCES-IX
S OME C ONVICT -WARDERS
I have already dealt with the system of appointing convicts as
officers or warders. I hold the system to be thoroughly bad and dem-
oralizing. The prison officials know it. They say it is due to economy.
They think that the jails cannot be efficiently administered with the
present paid staff without supplementing it with convict-officers.
There is no doubt that, unless the reform suggested by me in the last
chapter is inaugurated, it is not possible to do away with the system of
entrusting convicts with responsible duties without a very large
increase in the prison expenditure.
However, it is not my purpose in this chapter to deal any further
with prison reform. I simply wish to relate my happy experiences of
the convict officers who were appointed to watch over and look after
us.
When Mr. Banker and I were transferred to the Yeravda Central
Prison, there was one warder and one bardasi. The latter is what the
name implies, a mere servant. The convict warder whose acquaintance
we first made was a Hindu from the Punjab side. His name was
Harkaran. He was convicted of murder. The murder according to him
was not premeditated but due to a fit of anger. By occupation he was a
petty merchant. His sentence was fourteen years, of which he had
almost served nine years. He was fairly old. The prison life had told
on him. He was always brooding and most anxious to be discharged.
He was therefore morose and peevish. He was conscious of his high
dignity. He was patronizing to those who obeyed and served him. He
bullied those who crossed his path. To look at him, no one would
think he could be guilty of murder. He could read Urdu fluently. He
was religiously minded and was fond of reading bhajans in Urdu. The
Yeravda library has a few books for prisoners in several Indian
languages, e.g., Hindi, Urdu, Marathi, Gujarati, Sindhi, Canarese,
Tamil. Harkaran was not above keeping and hiding trifles in defiance
of jail regulations. He was in the majority. It would be regarded
snobbish and foolish not to steal trifles. A prisoner who did not follow
this unwritten law would have a bad time of it from his fellows.
Ostracism would be the least punishment. If the whole of the jail yard
were to be dug up twelve inches deep, it would yield up many a secret

in the shape of spoons, knives, pots, cigarettes, soap and such like.
Harkaran, being one of the oldest inmates of Yeravda, was a sort of
purveyor-general to the prisoners. If a prisoner wanted anything
Harkaran was the supplier. I wanted a knife for cutting my bread and
lemons. Harkaran could procure it if I would have it through him. If I
wanted to go through the elaborate process of asking the superinten-
dent, that was my business. I must be prepared for a snubbing. When
we became friends, he related all his wonderful exploits; how he
dodged officials, how he procured for himself and others dainties,
what skilful tricks were employed by prisoners to obtain what they
wanted and how it was almost impossible (in his opinion) not to resort
to these tricks, was described in minute detail and with much gusto. He
was horrified to discover that I was neither interested in the exploits
nor was I minded to join the trade. He endeavoured subsequently
somewhat to repair the indiscretion he had let himself into, and to
assure me that he had seen my point and that he would thenceforth
refrain from the irregularities. But I have a suspicion that the
repentance was put on. The reader, however, must not run away with
the idea that the jail officials do not know these irregularities. They
are all an open secret. They not only know them, but often sympa-
thize with the prisoners who do these tricks to make themselves happy
and comfortable. They (the officials) believe in the doctrine of ‘live
and let live’. A prisoner, who behaves correctly in the presence of his
superiors, obeys their orders, does not quarrel with his fellows and
does not inconvenience officials, is practically free to break any
regulation for the sake of procuring greater comfort.
Well, the first acquaintance with Harkaran was not particularly
happy. He knew that we were ‘important’ prisoners. But so was he in
a way. After all, he was an officer with a long and honourable record
of service behind him. He was no respecter of persons Mr. Banker was
torn away from me the very next morning. Harkaran allowed the full
force of his authority to descend upon me. I was not to do this or that.
I was not to cross the white line referred to in my letter to Hakimji.
But I had not the faintest idea of retaliating or resenting what he said
or did. I was too engrossed in my own work and studies even to think
of Harkaran’s simple and childish instructions. It gave me momentary
amusement. Harkaran discovered his error. When he saw that I did not
resent his officiousness, nor did I pay any attention to it, he felt non-
plussed. He was unprepared for such an emergency. He therefore
took the only course that was left open to him and that was to recog-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 203

nize my dissimilarity and respond to me when I refused to respond to
him. My non-violent non-co-operation led to his co-operation. All
non-violent non-co-operation, whether among individuals or societies,
or whether between governments and the governed, must lead
ultimately to hearty co-operation. Anyway Harkaran and I became
perfect friends. When Mr. Banker was returned to me, he put the
finishing touch. One of his many businesses in the jail was to boom
me for all I was worth. He thought that Harkaran and others had not
sufficiently realized my greatness. In two or three days time I found
myself elevated to the position of a baby in woollens. I was too great
to be allowed to sweep my own cell or to put out my own blankets for
drying. Harkaran was all attention before, but now he became
embarrassingly attentive. I could not do anything myself, not even
wash a handkerchief. If Harkaran heard me washing it, he would enter
the open bath-room and tear the kerchief away from me. Whether it
was that the authorities suspected that Harkaran was doing anything
unlawful for us or whether it was a mere accident, Harkaran was, to
our sorrow, taken away from us. He felt the separation more perhaps
than we did. He had a royal time with us. He had plenty of eatables
and that openly from our rations, supplemented as they were with fruit
that friends sent from outside. And as our fame was ‘noised abroad’,
Harkaran’s association with us had given him an added status with the
other prisoners.
When I was given the permission to sleep on the cell verandah,
the authorities thought that it was too risky to leave me with one
warder only. Probably, the regulations required that a prisoner whose
cell was kept open should have two warders to watch over him. It
might even be that the addition was made for my protection. Whatever
the cause, another warder was posted for night duty. His name was
Shabaskhan. I never inquired about the cause, but I thought that a
Mohammedan was chosen to balance the Hindu Harkaran. Shabas-
khan was a powerful Baloochi. He was Harkaran’s contemporary.
Both knew each other well. Shabaskhan too was convicted of murder.
It resulted from an affray in the clan to which he belonged. Shabas-
khan was as broad as he was tall. His build always reminded me of
Shaukat Ali. Shabaskhan put me at ease the very first day. He said, ‘I
am not going to watch you at all. Treat me as your friend and do
exactly as you like. You will never find me interfering with you. If
you want anything done, I shall be only too happy if I can do it for
you., Shabaskhan was. as good as his word. He was always Polite. He

often tempted me with prison delicacies and always felt genuinely
sorry that I would not partake of them. ‘You know,’ he would say, ‘if
we do not help ourselves to these few things, life would be intolerable,
eating the same things day in and day out. With your people, it is
different. You come for religion. That fact sustains you, whereas we
know that we have committed crimes. We would like to get away as
soon as ever we can.’ Shabaskhan was the jailor’s favourite. Growing
enthusiastic over him, he once said, ‘Look at him. I consider him to
be a perfect gentleman. In a fit of temper he has committed murder
for which he truly repents. I assure you there are not many men
outside who are better than Shabaskhan. It is a mistake to suppose that
all prisoners are criminals. Shabaskhan I have found to be most
trustworthy and courteous. If I had the power, I would discharge him
today., The jailor was not wrong. Shabaskhan was a good man, and he
was by no means the only good prisoner in that jail. Let me note in
passing that it was not the jail that had made him good. He was good
outside.
It is customary in the jails never to keep a convict officer on the
same duty for any length of time. Transfers constantly take place. It is
a necessary precaution Prisoners cannot be allowed, under the existing
system, to develop intimate relations. We had, therefore, a most varied
experience of convict officers. After about two months, Shabaskhan
was replaced by Adan. But I must introduce this warder to the reader
in the next chapter.
115. ‘ET TU BRUTE!’

An esteemed friend says:
If we do not take effective measures in time, the United Provinces may
experience tomorrow what the Punjab is experiencing today. Hindu-Muslim
tension in Oudh is growing. To give you an idea, I give below some facts
about Barabanki. Serious allegations are made against the Municipal Board of
that city which, now that all its Muslim members who were and are still
staunch non-co-operators have resigned, consists of Hindu gentlemen only. I
had no time to make any detailed enquiry with regard to these allegations, but
one fact is pretty well established and is creating bitterness in the minds of
Mussalmans. These Hindu gentlemen have passed a law that all applications to
the Board be written in Hindi script. Applications in any other script will not
be accepted.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 205

I was painfully surprised to receive the above news. For,
Barabanki, if I remember rightly, used to be Maulana Shaukat Ali’s
pride. He used to speak in glowing terms of both the Hindus and the
Muslims of Barabanki. I still hope that my informant is incorrectly
informed. I cannot credit the Hindu councillors with having taken any
such thoughtless step as is attributed to them. They will ill-serve the
cause of Hindi script by compelling Mussalmans to adopt it. It should
be optional throughout India, wherever Hindustani is the provincial
language, for people to write petitions either in Devnagari or Urdu
script. Which script will be ultimately accepted depends largely upon
the intrinsic merits of the two scripts.
It is also difficult to understand why the Mussalman councillors
have resigned. I hope someone in Barabanki will give full facts.
116. THE AKALI STRUGGLE

The public were hoping that the negotiations going on between
the Akali leaders and the Punjab Government would bear fruit and
that the Gurdwara question would be satisfactorily settled and the
sufferings of the Akalis would end. But if-the S.G.P.C.1 is to be relied
upon, the Government had willed otherwise. The Akali leaders, it is
stated, were all that could be wished, but the Government would not
even promise to release those prisoners who are now undergoing
imprisonment, not for violence actually committed or contemplated,
but practically for having taken part in the Gurdwara agitation.
The Akali struggle will, therefore, in all probability be prose-
cuted with greater vigour. The Government will also probably adopt
more repressive measures. Fortunately, we have now become inured to
repression. It has ceased to terrify us. The Akalis have shown the stuff
of which they are made.
Let us see what they have already suffered for what to them is a
deeply religious question. I will say nothing of the Nankana tragedy2 ,
the Keys affair3 , the Guru-ka-Bagh brutality or the Jaito firing4 . I will
not also say anything about S.G.P.C. being declared an unlawful
1
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee
2
Vide “Message to Lahore Sikhs on Nankana Tragedy”, 4-3-1921.
3
Vide “Notes”, 12-1-1922.
4
Vide “Open Letter to Akalis”, 25-2-1924.

association. The Congress has regarded it as a challenge to all public
bodies that may be against the Government. Since the Jaito firing
the Akalis, recognizing that their passive resistance to arrest was
capable of being misunderstood for violence, have been regularly
sending to Jaito Shahidi Jathas of 500 men generally every fortnight
for quiet and submissive arrest. These allow themselves to be arrested
without any opposition whatsoever. They, on their arrest, are sent by
special train to what is said to be a jungle and there detained without
any trial, without any charge. Dry rations are provided which they
have to cook for themselves. The jungle which is supposed to be
malarial and overgrown with grass passes muster for a prison. I under-
stand that a few have died of fevers due to exposure and malarial
climate. Over 3,000 prisoners are suffering in this fashion. Besides the
Shahidi Jathas, smaller ones of 25 each have been crossing over to
Jaito daily for the past nine months. They are taken to a station called
Bawal and left there to shift for themselves. These Akalis often
undergo severe hardships before reaching their destination. And so
the awful routine goes on with clock-work regularity without appa-
rently producing any impression on the authorities.
Why do these Jathas suffer thus? Simply for the sake of perfor-
ming the Akhand Path ceremony which was rudely interrupted by the
Nabha authorities and whose performance is even now being
prevented. The Akalis have repeatedly stated that, whilst they claim the
right to demand and secure for the Maharaja of Nabha an impartial
and open inquiry, they do not want to we Akhand Path as a cloak to
carry on any agitation in his favour. Why the Akhand Path is preven-
ted no one can tell except that it is sought to crush the indomitable
spirit of the Akalis which has organized and is carrying on the reform
movement.
The demands of the Akalis seem to be absolutely simple. So far
as I am aware, they are.
1. Possession of historical Gurdwaras by a central body elected
by the Sikhs.
2. Right of every Sikh to possess a kirpan of any size.
3. Right of performing the Akhand Path in Jaito.
On the. face of it, every one of these demands is unexceptionable
and should be recognized for the asking. No community has shown so
much bravery, sacrifice and skill in the prosecution of its object as the
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 207

Akalis. No community has maintained the passive spirit so admirably as
they. Any other government but the Indian would long ago have
recognized the demands and the sacrifice of the Akalis and turned them
from opponents into its voluntary supporters. But the Indian Government
would not evoke the spirit of universal opposition which it has if it had
cared for and respected public opinion.
The duty of the Hindu, Mussalman, and other sister
communities is clear. They must help the reformers with their moral
support and let the Government know unequivocally that, in the
matters above named, the Akalis have the moral support of the whole
of India. I know that the distrust that pervades the Indian atmosphere
has not left the Akalis free from the contagion. The Hindus, and
possibly the Mussalmans, distrust their intentions. They regard their
activity with suspicion. Ulterior motives and ambition for the
establishment of Sikh Raj are imputed to them. The Akalis have
disclaimed any such intention. As a matter of fact, no disclaimer is
necessary, and none can prevent such an attempt being made in the
future. A solemn declaration made by all the Sikhs can easily be
thrown on the scrap heap if ever their successors entertain any such
unworthy ambition. The safety lies only in the determination of us all
to work for the freedom of all. From a practical standpoint too, moral
support of the reform movement, it is clear, reduces the chances of
unworthy ambition being harboured in the Sikh breast. As a matter of
fact, any such mutual suspicion necessarily hinders the swaraj move-
ment for it prevents hearty co-operation between the communities and
thus consolidates the forces of exploitation of this fair land and
perhaps even makes possible an ambition which is at present clearly
impossible. We must therefore judge each communal movement on its
merits and give it ungrudging support, when it is in itself sound, and
the means employed for its conduct are honourable, open and peace-
ful.
117. NOTES
JA-MEN v. A MEN
A friend writes:
I thank you for having given a clear-cut programme for the future. I know it is
the old programme you reaffirm. But it seems new and startling, because we

have erred from the right path. In Danish we have a saying Ja-men which
means ‘yes—but’—as against Amen which means simply ‘yes’. Most of us
seem to believe in Ja-men. ‘Yes, we promised to boycott Government
institutions and not serve our oppressors; but how can we do without them?’
we seem to say. These ‘buts’ are an invention of the devil.
Unfortunately, the last-named gentleman is always with us. He panders
to our weaknesses, works upon us through them and charms us into
his delusive snares. National workers will have to get out of his
clutches and burn all the ‘buts’. They may say ‘yes’ to the boycotts
if they mean ‘yes’ without any reservation. Even if, believing in the
boycotts, they cannot say ‘yes’ through their weakness, they should
make the confession openly. It would do them and the country a
world of good.
DR. M AHMUD AND F ORCIBLE C ONVERSIONS
Numerous letters, some angry and some even abusive, have been
received by me regarding my reference to forcible conversions in the
statement on Hindu-Muslim tension. One of them was a dispassionate
and reasoned letter from Mr. Madhavan Nair protesting against the
statement attributed by me to Dr. Mahmud. I forwarded the letter to
Dr. Mahmud for reply so that I could give the reader his version. But
before my letter could reach Dr. Mahmud, he had already posted one
to me on the very thing, he having received many protests himself. I
now give from Dr. Mahmud’s letter, which is in Urdu, a translation of
the relevant part as follows:
Quite a number of Hindu friends have written to me letters accusing me
of having given you inaccurate information with regard to the affairs in
Malabar. Some of them have even treated me with round, mouth-filling abuse.
I feel that their resentment is just. There seems to have been some
misunderstanding. What I said was that no instances of conversion by
circumcision could be found. Only one such case had been reported, the one
which Mr. Andrews had witnessed, and even that could not be properly
investigated into. As for instances of conversion by being made to wear fez
cap, or shirt in case of women, or by clipping off the choti, they could be cited
in any number. l had mentioned this point in my statement to Shwaib also.
Please do publish the necessary correction in Young India or it might give rise
to a fresh controversy in the Press.
I see that I have done an injustice to Dr. Mahmud. I was
thinking of forcible conversions only by circumcision. It was that
which had most shocked the Hindu sentiment. Anyway, it was that
which had affected me more than anything else.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 209

The following is the statement referred to by Dr. Mahmud:
Forced conversion.
(a) By circumcision. No eye-witness. No direct evidence available. No
case pointed out. Reliable persons amongst Hindus allege that three or four
cases occurred. The only direct evidence of a case of this nature is that Mr.
Andrews is reported to have seen one person who was circumcised. Have not
got it confirmed.
(b) Repetition of kalma. (1) Forced; (2) Through fear without actual
use of force.
(c) Cutting of choti
(d) Making Hindu (men) wear caps.
(e) Making Hindu women wear bodices or blouses.
The total number of conversions under (b) to (e) are estimated between
1,800 to 2,000 (Hindu version). Muslims put it at a few hundred.
I had thought that my statement was clear. Though I had not
mentioned Mr. Andrews’ name, it was common knowledge that the
had referred to a case of forcible circumcision which had come under
his own personal observation. Bearing that in mind, there could be no
mistaking my meaning. But I now see that I compromised Dr.
Mahmud by exposing him to the charge of partiality by an apparent
understatement of forcible conversions. I assure the reader that in
every case I have kept closest to facts and shorn them of all colouring.
The papers in my possession make out a much more terrible case
against all parties. But I have in each case toned down the charges and,
where I had no opinion of my own, merely stated on behalf of the
parties concerned the harges thus toned down.
NOT IN NIZAM ’S DOMINIONS
I my statement on Hindu-Muslim tension, I said I was told that
the pernicious propaganda pamphlet referred to was taken up in the
Nizam’s Dominions. 1 Khwaja saheb Hassan Nizami, on reading the
statement, forwarded the following telegram to me:
For the sake of Islam, Hindu-Muslim Unity, and your beloved persona-
lity, I am ready to accept your advice regarding the contents of my pamphlet
Dai ye Islam about which you have complained in you Press reforming and
organizing the Mussalmans and counteracting the open and secret efforts of
Arya Samaj, which work I am religiously bound to carry on. I had already taken
off much of the so-called objectionable matter from the later editions of the
pamphlet and am willing now to still more improve the future editions in
1
Vide “Hindu Muslim Tension : Its Cause and Cure”, 29-5-1924.

reverence to you wishes. Kindly let me know you suggestions after reading the
latest Urdu edition of the pamphlet carefully and not its Hindi translations
which have been published only to create misapprehension and to secure
sympathies.
He followed up the wire with a letter couched in similar terms;
and last week he paid me the honour of visiting me and tendering a
personal explanation. He told me that all the charges levelled against
him as to kidnapping of children, etc., were totally without foundation
and that his motive in publishing the pamphlet was not as I has
interpreted it. unfortunately, the visit happened to be when I was
observing silence. I was, therefore, unable to give him my opinion on
his pamphlet. The Khwaja Saheb was most anxious that I should
publish his assurance about the propaganda in His Exalted higness’s
Dominions. I have, therefore, gladly published the telegram and the
purport of the interview. I must, however, state that the information
about the alleged propaganda was given to me by reliable men. I have
received also letters confirming the same information. And my
assistants tell me that allegations of the same nature constantly appear
in the vernacular Press. In the absence, therefore, of any direct
knowledge of the state of affairs in the Nizam’s Dominions, I can but
given both the versions without committing myself to any opinion. I
shall certainly publish with pleasure anything the authorities in
H.E.H’s Dominions my have to say in the matter.
So far as the Khwaja Saheb’s pamphlet is concerned, while it is
admirable that he is ready to make such revision as may be consistent
with his faith, what is wanted is something more and something
different. In spite of the Khwaja Saheb’s repudiation of bad motives,
the pamphlet which I have read in the original does lend itself to the
construction I have placed upon it. the Mussalman friends to whom I
have shown the pamphlet agree with my interpretation. it is, therefore,
not enought that, even if I was so minded, the Khwaja Saheb should
amend his pamphlet as I may suggest. What is required is for him to
see the error of his thought and to recognize that he has really done
an ill-service to Islam by suggesting questionable methods of propa-
ganda. he should, therefore, revise the pamphlet radically in the light
of what is permissible and praiseworthy in Islamic propaganda. Need-
less to say that I appreciate the readiness with which the Khwaja Saheb
has come forward with his explanation and vowed his solicitude for
Hindu-Muslim unity.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 211

NEWS TO ME
A correspondent says that I am reported to have said that: ‘It is
better that one cow be sacrificed rather than seven goats.’ He then
asks me to disown or endorse the statement and, in the latter case, to
justify it. I do not recollect having made any such statement as the
correspondent refers to. And whoever has heard me make such a
statement will oblige me by reminding me of the occasion. According
to my correspondent I am supposed to have made the statement as
editor of Young India. If so, there should be no difficulty about
confronting me with it. But what I am likely to have said or written is
that, if I could non-violently persuade people, I would have them to
save the goat just as well as I would have people to save the cow. As I
have said before in these pages, for me the cow is the purest type of
sub-human life. She pleads before us on behalf of the whole of the
sub-human species for justice to it at the hands of man, the first
among all that lives. She seems to speak to us through her eyes (let the
reader look at them with my faith), ‘You are not appointed over us to
kill us and eat our flesh or otherwise ill-treat us, but to be our friend
and guardian.’
WELL DONE , D ELHI
So Delhi has taken the lead in forming an arbitration board in
the matter of Hindu-Muslim tension. Only two years ago, one felt
absolutely secure of Hindu-Muslim unity in Delhi where Hakim
Saheb was the uncrowned king and where Swami Shraddhanandji was
privileged to address Mussalmans in the Jumma Masjid. Surely it
should not be beyond the joint ability of Hindus and Mussalmans to
establish a lasting peace in Delhi. If a central place like Delhi can
secure such peace, the other places will, I have no doubt, follow suit. I
have not the heart to reproduce for the edification of the reader all the
pestilential literature that I have received from Delhi, each party
painting the other in the most lurid colours. The reader may be
assured, however, that all that I have adumbrated in my statement is to
be found in that literature. It would be a great blessing if the parties
concerned will but bring their charges to the notice of the board and
get from it an authoritative pronouncement.
S IKH S ELF-RESTRAINT
The Sikhs of Calcutta deserve the warmest congratulations of the
public for the wonderful self restraint exhibited by them under the

gravest provocation. Some of them were cruelly murdered by the
howling, suspicious crowd in Calcutta on utterly groundless suspicion.
The Sikhs everywhere are quite capable of taking care of themselves
and well able to take reprisals if they wish to. But, on the occasion in
question, they kept themselves perfectly cool. Being brave, they
realized that the mischief had no racial taint in it. The crowd in its
superstitious credulity would have murdered with equal indifference
members of any other community if they had suspected them. The
Sikhs of Calcutta have set us an example of correct conduct on
occasions of trial and provocation.
OFFICIAL DELAY
The reader will remember that, on seeing the Nabha State
Administrator’s reply to me, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to the
Administrator repudiating the suggestion that his release and that of
his companions, of whom Acharya Gidwani was one, was condi-
tional.1 Not having heard from the Administrator, the Pandit sent by
way of reminder on the 19 th June (his first letter was sent on the 24 th
May last) the following letter:
I sent you a letter under registered cover on the 24th May and requested
you to supply me with copies of the order suspending Principal Gidwani’s, Mr.
K. Santanam’s and my sentences and any other order relating to us issued at the
time. I have not yet received a reply to my letter, nor have I received the
copies asked for.
I have no doubt whatever that the statement you made in your letter to
the Editor, Young India, that Principal Gidwani, Mr. Santanam and I were
discharged conditionally is wholly incorrect and a reference to the orders ant
other papers must have convinced you of this. I trust that, being convinced of
this, you will take early steps to correct your previous statement and make it
clear that Principal Gidwani, Mr. Santanam and I were unconditionally
released. There can thus be no question of Principal Gidwani being sent to jail
without trial or sentence because he is said to have broken a condition which
was never made.
I would again request you to let me have a copy of the suspension order. I
should also like to know definitely if Nabha State is supposed to be out of
bounds for me and if so, under what order. I have no immediate with to go to
Nabha, but I should like to know what kind of a welcome awaits me there in
case I am moved by a desire to visit the State.
1
Vide “Notes”, 5-6-5924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 213

Let us hope that there will be no further delay in answering
the straight question put by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. There is as a rule
undue delay on the part of officials in answering public inquiries,
especially when such inquiries are likely to be embarrassing. If no
reply is forthcoming or, if an unsatisfactory reply is sent, Pandit
Nehru (Jun.) and Mr. Santanam may have to ask the Working Com-
mittee to let them challenge arrest. Such a step may become necessary
even as a matter of duty towards a comrade. The last paragraph of the
Pandit’s letter evidently fore shadows a challenge on his part. It is
preposterous that Acharya Gidwani should be kept in prison, even
though with him there was no question of civil disobedience when he
entered the Nabha territory at the time of Jaito shooting. He did so, as
we know from the impartial testimony of Mr. Zimand, in obedience to
a call of humanity.
MUNICIPALITIES
A local Congress secretary writes:
Among the persons you have urged to stand out of these (Government)
institutions, you have not mentioned anything about those who have captured
boards and municipalities. I know there are many among the No-changers who
still maintain that the principle of N.C.O. is by no means compromised by
their entering into district boards and municipalities. But in my opinion these
boards are semi-Government institutions. Have they not to work under
Government control? Can they bring about any effective change in the system
of education or sanitation?
So far as the Congress resolutions are concerned, it is open to
Congress members to enter these bodies and even become office-bea-
rers. Indeed, a later resolution requires Congressmen to capture these
bodies. In theory these bodies being under Government control fall
under the category of Government institutions. But ours is specific
non-co-operation directed against certain institutions only which are
calculated to demoralize the most and which most sustain Government
prestige. The best plan, therefore, regarding Government institutions
not specifically tabooed by the Congress is to test them by the
measure of service they render to the constructive programme. If they
hinder it, Congressmen, it is clear to me, must leave them alone. I have
had letters from several places complaining that all constructive work
was stopped by reason of Congressmen having entered munici-palities
and district boards, and that, in-some places, Congressmen had offered
themselves as rival candidates. In every such case, there is no doubt

that Congressmen should abstain. I cannot understand Con-gressmen
being rivals. Congressmen are subject to discipline, and only those can
offer themselves for election who are chosen for the pur-pose by the
Congress Committee concerned. So far as the ability to control edu-
cation (primary) and sanitation is concerned, generally speaking it
may be said that the municipalities have substantial control over them.
In any case, municipalities being largely elective bodies, there is ample
scope for civil disobedience whenever the proper occasion for it
arises.
A DANGEROUS P RACTICE
I have just read in the columns of The Hindu (of 12th June)
what purports to be an interview with me. I do recollect a long chat
with a gentleman whom I never suspected to be an interviewer. I
thought that he wanted honest doubts to be solved and, therefore,
bestowed considerable attention upon him and patiently answered all
his questions. As I could ill-afford the time, I should certainly have
declined the honour of being interviewed at the time and at that
length. I have no secrets. People who find out anything about or from
me are free to report it if they like. But I do mind being mis-reported.
If they did me the honour of showing me what they reported, I should
have no objection. The so-called interview is a caricature of what I
said. For instance, I am made to refer to ‘every Mussalman as a vaga-
bond’. Well, I never dreamt that every Mussalman was a vagabond. I
do not consider Hakim Saheb a vagabond; nor for that matter any of
my numerous Mussalman friends. I know many Mussalman bullies,
but 1 cannot recall having met any vagabonds in the accepted sense of
the term. I do not regard every Mussalman even to be a bully. I am
accused of having said that ‘the Government was indifferent to me
and that it would be terrified if I were to undertake an all-India tour
for six months.’ Well, I am proud enough to think that the Govern-
ment is never indifferent to what I say or do and I am humble enough
not to think that it would be terrified by any tour on my part It would,
however, be terrified if a real Hindu-Muslim unity can be brought
about, no matter by whom. The interviewer talks of fraud practised by
a khaddar worker. The statement is an abuse of the privilege of being
allowed to listen to a conversation I was having with fellow-workers.
There was talk of fraud alleged to have been practised. I do not even
now know whether any was practised. I have simply picked samples of
glaring inaccuracies. The ‘interviewer’ has, no doubt, meant well. But
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 215

well-meaning friends who act irresponsibly are more harmful than
ill-meaning opponents. I would urge those who visit me to spare me
whilst I occupy a responsible position. When I become irresponsible,
they may-take any liberty they like with my doings and sayings. To
those who see any ‘interviews’ with me, I ask them to reject them as
unworthy of belief unless they are authorized by me.
MACHINE S PINNING V. H AND -SPINNING
A friend, who at one time swore by the spinning-wheel, says in
effect:
Your activity is useless. Why are you wasting your body and mind in
dishing up old stuff in the pages of Young India and Navajivan? I can no
longer read them with profit. I have found by experience that the spinning-
wheel is no use. Do you know that the charkhas which people bought in the
first wave of enthusiasm are rotting? They will not pay.
I suggest turning your attention to something better. Substitute hand-
spinning with machine-spinning. Erect a spinning-mill in every Taluka.
Nationalize the profits. Only patriots should work the mills not for gain, but
for love of the country. Distribute the yam to the local weavers only. The
cloth woven should be confined to the respective Talukas. You thus save waste
of time and freight. To start with, organize one Taluka in this manner and you
will render great service.
As the argument is specious and comes from one who has in his
own way tried the charkha, I propose to examine it for the sake of
those who may hold the views that the friend does. The reader does
not need to be told that the scheme is as old as the khadi movement.
Like the proverbial bad penny, it turns up again and again.
The friend has forgotten the central truth that the wheel fur-
nishes occupation and a small income to the millions who must have
an additional income if they are not to starve. It is not possible to put
up a handloom in every home. A loom in every village, a charkha in
every home is the formula. If a spinning-mill is put up in every
Taluka, it will result in nationalizing the exploitation of the many by
the few. All cannot be employed in a Taluka mill. Moreover, we must
import the machinery needed for over 2,000 Talukas. And the experts
for managing and working the mills will have to be trained. Mills
cannot grow up like mushrooms, as charkhas can. The failure of a
charkha is felt by nobody; the failure of a Taluka mill will mean
consternation among the people of the Taluka concerned. In my

opinion, the proposition advanced by the friend is utterly unsound, I
have, however, suggested that, if he has faith in his scheme, he should
try it. I must continue to paddle my own canoe, because nothing else
attracts me. The charkha for me has a charm all its own.
I may be too dense to see its failure. I am not unwilling to be
convinced of my error.
The same day that I received the friend’s letter, I received
another from another friend who says that he has ten years, experi-
ence of the mill industry. He has tested power-spinning and hand-
weaving and is now engaged in the trade of hand-spinning and
hand-weaving. He gives the palm to the last as a solution for the
economic distress. I give this experience for what it is worth. The
whole experiment is in too nebulous a state for giving a firm opinion
on it. But this much is clear that the spinning-wheel is today the only
comforter in many a poor home to which no substitute can be taken.
Of the spinning-wheel it can be truly said, as of no other:
‘In this there is no waste of effort, there is no disappointment.
Even a little of it saves one from great distress.’
118. LETTER TO C. RAMALINGA REDDY

July 26, 1924
DEAR MR. REDDY,
I thank you for your letter. I do want to help the Swarajists.
‘How’ is the only question. I cannot possibly wish more.
They are just as good patriots as I claim to be myself. My swaraj
is the same as before. I have never excluded it from my conception. I
do mean political swaraj. You will see it clearly as soon as my scheme
is ready.1
Only I want [it] through the power of the people.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
C. R. R EDDY , E SQ.
C HITTOOR
From a copy : C. W. 11332. Courtesy : Dr. N. Rama Murthy and C. A. Reddi
1
Vide “Letter To Motilal Nehru”, 30-8-1924 and “The Realities”, 11-9-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 217

119. SPEECH AT A.I.C.C. MEETING1
AHMEDABAD ,
June 27, 1924
Mr. Gandhi, who was called upon by the President to explain his position on
the point of order raised by Pandit Motilal Nehru, spoke in Hindi. Mr. Gandhi said
that he was not going beyond the Congress constitution in bringing forward his
resolution. Articles 21 and 31 relied on by Mr. Das and Pandit Motilal Nehru laid
down certain conditions and those conditions, in his opinion, were not transgressed.
His view was that the A.I.C.C. had full powers of the Congress, when the latter body
was not in session. His resolutions did not restrict the right of the electors, but only
advised the electors to do the needful.
He said that only the All-India Committee had full powers to make rules to see
if members were efficiently carrying out the programme of the Congress or not. The
electors had certainly the right of free and unfettered choice, but once the elections
were over they could exercise no sort of control over the conduct of their represen-
tatives. Only the All-India Committee could do that. Surely it is the duty of the
committee to remove every obstacle to progress in the direction of carrying out the
resolutions of the Congress passed at Cocanada, which fully endorsed the Non-co-
operation programme and ensure efficiency in the manner of work. If it was argued
that the provincial committees had theright to frame its own rules, imposing condi-
tions of membership, ipso facto it follows the All-India Committee, which is the
fountain-head of all authority, has the like powers to condition its own
membership. 2 Continuing, Mr. Gandhi said that a new situation had arisen. The
Congress passed certain resolutions and the All-India Congress Committee had to see
that they were carried out. As to ex-Presidents, the speaker observed that even to them
some advice could be tendered. If Provincial Congress Committee would frame their
1
At the meeting of the All-India Congress Committee held from June 27 to 30,
Gandhiji moved four resolutions. After he had moved the first resolution, Motilal
Nehru and C. R. Das raised a point of order on its admissibility. The latter said that
“under article 21 only new matter could be considered. Unless new matter had arisen,
all the rule-making powers of the Congress could be pressed into service. Under
Article 31, this resolution making spinning obligatory could not be valid; for it
infringed the fundamental right of electors to choose their own representatives.
Further ex-officio members, like ex-presidents, were unfairly hit under this resolution
and their constitutional right to be present sought to be deprived.” Gandhiji’s speech
was reported by A.P.I. and a Special correspondent of The Hindu. Here both these
reports have been collated. For the text of the resolution, vide “The Acid Test”,
19-6-1924.
2
This paragraph has been extracted from the report by a special correspondent
of The Hindu.

own rules, the A.I.C.C. had a better and a larger right to do so. He therefore pointed
tout] that his resolutions were not at all ultra vires.
120. LETTER TO A BEREAVED FATHER

June 28, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I understand from George Joseph’s letter to my son that, whilst
your brave son Krishnasamy is in jail, you have lost your daughter. I
understand, too, that one of your sons is insane. Being father of four
sons myself, I can understand your condition in your bereavement.
Our trust in God is proved only when we are able to bear such grief
and greater with resignation. May He give you the strength you need.
When I was learning Tamil in the South African jails, I came across
this beautiful Tamil saying, “God is the sole help of those who are
helpless”. 1 I have forgotten much of my Tamil, but the music of the
above saying still rings in my ears. It often assists me. May it do
likewise to you.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: G.N. 6833
121. SPEECH AT A.I.C.C. MEETING

AHMEDABAD ,
June 28, 1924
FRIENDS,
It was with a full sense of responsibility that I took it upon my-
self to draft these resolutions and submit them before you. Fortu-
nately or unfortunately, I have been able to obtain the opinion of a
majority of the Working Committee2 in favour of accepting these
resolutions. Practically everything I had to say about them I have
already said in Young India. I have, therefore, nothing in particular to
say while moving them. I am not unmindful of the fact that the
resolutions which I propose to move have created a serious difference
1
Gandhiji writes here in Tamil script: dikkatravarku deivame tunai.
2
Which met on June 26
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 219

of opinion and led to much bitterness, and I am also aware that,
because of these differences of opinion, a time may come when we
may have to part company with co-workers. I have used the word
‘‘co-workers” on purpose because “friendship” is a cord that never
snaps, no matter what the strain upon it. That is its nature. And I may
tell you that though you may see Deshbandhu, Pandit Motilal,
Maulana Azad and many others ranged against me today, that is not
likely to affect the bond of friendship between us. Anyone who wants
to take up public work has no choice but humbly though firmly to
face situations when he may have to part company with the closest of
his friends and to seek new co-workers as occasion may require.
Malaviyaji and I are in opposite camps and yet no one can say that
this has ever affected our friendship in the least.
It is a grave error to hold that, when a difference of opinion
arises between two friends, their friendship too must break off. Of
course, such difference u ill mean an end of their working together.
However, no matter what may be said about our being able to work
together, history will surely record that our friendship remained
unaffected.
I request you to consider my resolutions in this spirit. Yesterday
I got some idea of the situation which prevails in the country. I have
practised law for many years and I know from experience that, when
people have once made up their minds on any subject, they do not
find it very difficult to discover legal niceties either in favour of or
against a proposition. For this same reason, I even admit that it would
not be surprising if the argument I have advanced to show that my
resolutions are in order was coloured by my views on the subject. I am
also prepared to admit that those who differ from me and believe that
my resolutions violate the rules of the Congress constitution and are,
therefore, out of order, do so quite honestly.
Shri Srinivasa lyengar1 are on intimate terms with each other. I
can say that the closest friendship exists between us. He came to me
this morning and asked me:“Did you not say somewhere that, if there
are equal votes on either side, you will leave the Congress?” I did say
this and yet I insist on moving this resolution, for I am eager to know
where you, the whole country and I stand. If I feel that this will lead to
1
S. Srinivasa Iyengar (1874-1941); lawyer and Congress leader of Madras;
presided over the Gauhati session of the Congress, 1926; elected to Central
Assembly, 1926

nothing but bitterness and that even those who are with me have voted
in my favour out of their loyalty to me, I may even break off my
connection with the Congress.
I find myself in a difficult situation. Today the country expects
me to lead it. I must admit that, under certain conditions, I may even
be able to take up the leadership. But, then, I must look for the means
and the instruments which I require. That is the reason for my moving
these resolutions even at the risk of creating a split in the country
today and of parting company with the dearest of friends.
But, in the situation prevailing in the country today, I feel my-
self altogether at sea. And so you must either choose another leader or
accept my conditions. I am convinced that there is no other way out
than this. No one is impelled without reason deliberately to violate a
constitution, as I am doing in the third resolution1 . I have stated that a
constitution should be held sacred only as long as it helps us to
progress. When it becomes instrumental in holding us back and emas-
culating us, we certainly cannot allow it to go on doing it. It is true
that, if the Congress is a living organization, it will punish you for
violating the constitution thus. I say that, if it does that and expels us,
we should have the courage to leave and make room for better ser-
vants. If, however, we believe that we shall not be able to bring swaraj
nearer unless we march ahead, even trampling underfoot the present
constitution, then it becomes our sacred duty to lay it aside and to
violate it. At the same time, when I saw that the Working Committee
was ready to place my resolutions before the Congress as its own
recommendations, I made some changes in my third resolution.
I have been asking myself since 3 o’clock this morning what
my duty is at the present juncture. I considered the matter from all
points of view, and saw that it was evident from the votes cast on
Panditji’s2 resolution opposing me on constitutional grounds that,
except Bengal, most of the other provinces were in favour of adopting
this realistic programme. The voting yesterday was in fact a true index
of the position. If it gives a correct picture of how the A.I.C.C. feels in
the matter, I have rightly drawn the conclusion that a majority of the
provinces want this resolution. I, therefore, asked myself if it was
possible to unite the provinces. Khadi is a thing of no ordinary power.
Not because we have started using khadi, but because it has been
1
Relating to election of delegates
2
Motilal Nehru
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 221

revived among us as a symbol of something which we cannot have
through any other means; it is only khadi which can unite us comple-
tely at the present hour. It is only through it that we can forge a close
bond with the masses in the country. You will not succeed in uniting
the country by entering the Councils or practising in the courts.
Only yesterday, an Indian magistrate sent a young non-co-
operator to prison. I want to see a thousand young men come forward
and face with contempt the repression by this Government which is
out to crush us. I am ready to sacrifice ten thousand Pragjis 1 in the
country’s struggle, because I see that it is necessary for us thus to
bring into contempt the courts of this Government. I want to say un-
hesitatingly that, if we can do so, it will be impossible for the bureau-
cracy so arrogantly to trample upon public sentiment. I think it is
necessary for us to show to the Government that it will not be able to
crush us—then it will not dare even to make the attempt.
Panditji also knows that the Councils will not suffice to win
swaraj. In his opinion, they are not everything. He too wants the whole
country to stand behind him. He wants the entire people fired with the
spirit of civil disobedience standing behind him in order to make his
work in the Councils effective. I tell you that, in this matter, his work
there cannot do much. Maybe the Councils play an important part in
the lives of some of us but, from the point of view of the life of thirty
crores of people, they do not count at all. And I have been entreating
you to consider this resolution from the point of view of these crores.
Are you eager to infuse life into the lives of these millions of our
brothers and sisters? These poor people living in the villages, do you
not wish to go into their midst and organize them properly? Just
imagine 5,000 persons, instead of haranguing crowds at big meetings,
going into villages as spinners and carders and spinning and carding
themselves, asking the people to spin for the sake of the country. You
cannot visualize this condition unless you have faith and sharpness of
intellect. The spinning-wheel is a kamadhenu 2 which will unite you
with the thirty crores of the country. And if you want to establish such
a close bond with them, you must pass this test.
Just think of it, it is only the spinning-wheel which brings us into
contact with the lowest of our countrymen. I do not wish to make a
1
Pragji Desai was sentenced to imprisonment for two years and three months
in June 1924.
2
A mythical cow which yielded whatever was asked of her

fetish of the spinning-wheel. If I come to see that it is an impediment
in the winning of swaraj, I shall immediately set fire to it. That way I
am an iconolast, and in that sense a Muslim. And yet, I am an idolator
too. If I feel that even a stone from the bed of the Narmada river helps
me to concentrate my attention on my chosen god, I would certainly
keep it and worship it. In that sense I am a Hindu.
Another friend of mine tells me that I should not thus treat the
spinning-wheel as a sort of rosary with which to say one’s prayers. I
do admit that for me the spinning-wheel certainly serves as a
prayer-wheel. And I am eager to see you all infected with the same
faith in the spinning-wheel which I have. If the object of your faith is
only Gandhi and not the spinning-wheel, you may be sure that you
have been trying to embrace pure smoke. What will it mean if you
merely throw 2,000 yards of yarn at me? I shall not be satisfied with
that. That way, yarn sent even by one person will only serve for a rope
to hang me by. But I certainly do not wish to die that way. Only for
the country I want to live and to die, die as the country’s purest
man—that is my aspiration. I wish to see you filled with such faith and
only if you have it, should you vote in my favour. Remember that you
have to examine your faith, not mine. What is needed is your faith.
Let me now address a few words to those who wish to vote
against me. Some have alleged that in presenting this resolution I have
followed the ways of the British bureaucracy. We are angry with the
bureaucracy because it has not been set up by us, its members are not
appointed by us. If, however, we purposely lay down some rules for
our conduct so that we may proceed systematically, and regard such
rules as binding on us, why should we be angry about that? Moreover,
what I am placing before you today is a principle that has held good
from time immemorial, and it is that we should act as we speak and do
as we say. If we want to build up a strong and indomitable nation,
capable of firm determination, we must impose upon ourselves the
strictest rules of discipline. Let anyone go to a military camp and look
at the position there. I have been to such a camp and have also worked
there. In these camps, you may have to starve for days, you may be
given dirty water which you cannot easily bring yourself to drink, you
may sometimes have to bear even being kicked by officials, and do it
all with a smiling face! And this is true of military camps where
mercenary soldiers fight. We, on the other hand, have come forward as
volunteers to serve the country; we are the elected representatives of
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 223

the people. In our case, then, how much more strictly applicable
should these military rules be considered? How can we ever resent
imposition of rules of discipline? If as a matter of conscience you are
opposed to this type of discipline, you had better leave the organi-
zation of your own accord and try to win over the public opinion in
the country to your side. But you must know that, once a resolution is
passed, it is your sacred duty to act whole-heartedly upon it. Even the
tallest among us must bow before that duty.
If we are not well prepared, if we are divided, then, even
assuming that the British are inclined to grant us swaraj right now,
there will be no end to quarrels and disagreements among us. I want
to tell you that, when the British have left, if the Afghans or the
Japanese are to come in their place, all our talk of our fitness for
swaraj and all our efforts would be worthless. I want you to wrest
swaraj with your own efforts, and not get it as a gift from the British. I
do not care in the least what the British Parliament says about us, nor
do I care what European public opinion thinks about our activities.
But I am very much interested indeed to know what the man in the
street here says about us.
I assure you that, if we but reflect a little, we shall see that this
programme is the quickest that can be imagined. Take it that you will
have swaraj the moment this programme is imple-mented. You had
carried it out to some extent in the historic year, 1920-21. Everyone
knows what impact it had. All this, to be sure, was not the result
entirely of Gandhi’s effort. In fact, Gandhi has a number of fads and,
had he placed them all before the people, the latter would have simply
laughed him out. Gandhi has merely felt the pulse of the nation. He is
ready to lay down his life for his programme. If you reject me today,
you will see me walk out cheerfully, with no complaint, no bitterness.
Staying outside, I shall try and raise an independent organization or
body, I will not place obstacles in your way. I do not believe in
obstructive tactics. I believe only in the purest, cleanest non-co-ope-
ration, and will non-co-operate with you.
If you wish to pass this resolution by a majority, calculate very
carefully the price you have to pay. You will have to give to the Khadi
Association1 minimum of 2,000 yards of yarn every month. That
means that you, too, will have to be crazy over the spinning-wheel, as I
1
The reference is to the All-India Spinners’ Association.

am. If your faith is not so intense, you should certainly throw out this
resolution. If any of you feel that by taking this step we shall be
committing suicide, they should dissociate themselves from it and try
to win over the Congress to their view at the next session. Surely, the
Congress does not belong to any one person. It will be in the hands of
anyone who serves the country best. It has been said that I am trying
to impose my will in the manner of a dictator by getting this
resolution passed. As long as I have not lost my balance, I do not
mind others calling me even a dictator. Personally I regard myself but
as an humble servant of the country. But, then, there are servants who
undertake to serve only on certain terms and their terms may
sometimes seem dictatorial to others.
In God’s name and with Him as witness, I submit my terms
before you and assure you that in doing so I have no aim in view
except your service.
[From Gujarati]
122. SPEECH AND RESOLUTION ON PENAL CLAUSE1

AHMEDABAD ,
June 28, 1924
The President said that the motion proposed by him was carried only by 67
against 37. The Swarajists who left the meeting had not voted. If their votes were also
added, at the most it gave him only a narrow majority. He therefore advised the
meeting to rescind the penal clause. It was suggested by one of those present that it
would not be in the spirit of the constitution.2
Mr. Gandhi, replying, reminded the House of a precedent at the Amritsar
Congress whose Subjects Committee had passed a motion on the subject of disorders
by the Punjab mob during the Rowlatt Act agitation days, but later on, on his plea,
rescinded the original motion almost immediately.3
1
After Gandhiji had spoken (vide the preceding item), an amendment to delete
the penal clause was defeated and the original resolution was carried. The Committee
formally adjourned, but immediately met informally under Gandhiji’s presidentship.
2
Shuaib Qureshi then said that it would not add to the dignity of the House to
rescind its own motion passed but a few minutes earlier. The House, in his opinion,
would be creating a bad precedent by accepting Gandhiji’s advice.
3
Gandhiji was supported by Pattabhi Sitaramayya. The meeting then resolved
itself into a formal meeting which was presided over by Mahomed Ali as ex-officio
president. Gandhiji then moved the resolution which follows.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 225

In view of the fact that certain members, whilst proceedings of
the All-India Congress Committee were going on, deemed it necessary
to withdraw from the Committee by reason of their resentment to the
penalty clause in the obligatory spinning resolution; and in view of
the fact that the said penalty clause of the resolution was carried only
by 67 against 37 votes, and further, in view of the fact that the said
clause would have been defeated if the votes of withdrawal had been
given against it, this Committee considers it proper and advisable to
remove the penalty clause of the resolution with the introductory
clause. 1
123. SOME QUESTIONS

l. What should we do if our co-workers of set purpose behave
badly towards us, dislike us without cause and burn with envy?
I quote this and such other questions from letters which I have
been receiving. We should behave correctly towards one who behaves
badly towards us, should like one who dislikes us and love one who
envies us. I do not know any-other way in which one can live in peace
in this world. If one decides to live thus, such behaviour becomes easy
and natural by and by. When we cannot behave in this straight
forward manner, we should keep aloof from others.
2. What should we do if, in an ordinary matter, there is a difference
of opinion and each one wants to have his way?
That this should happen suggests lack of experience of commu-
nity life. If everyone follows his own way, we should join him whose
way we consider best, so that there will be two co-workers at any rate.
If they are truthful, firm and humble, others will come and join them
of their own accord. He who does not yield to persuasion will submit
when he has no choice left.
3. If a worker feels convinced that a certain other worker really
harms the institution, what should he do?
He should humbly point out to that worker his mistake. If the
latter does not see it, he should leave that institution and save himself
from being a party to the mischief. If one acts frankly in this manner,
all the three—the institution, the one who harms it and the one who
1
The motion was seconded by Vallabhbhai Patel and the A.I.C.C. was
adjourned till 8.30 a.m. the next day.

notices it—will benefit.
4. What should one do when one finds the chief worker in a loca-
lity to be immoral?
This is a delicate and serious question. A leader has the eyes of
all fixed on him. Some among these may have even jaundiced eyes.
An idler has no interest except to observe the faults of others. We
should, therefore, never credit such rumours. If we believed every-
thing alleged against all leaders, not one person whose company we
would welcome would be left to work with us. All human beings have
their weaknesses. As Tulsidas says, all physical objects and all living
creatures partake of evil. The saint, discriminating like the swan, leaves
aside the water, the evil, the impurity, and drinks in the milk, the
virtue. But we cannot shut our eyes to what is there before us. What
should we do when we have not been looking for something ourselves
but, without our searching for it, we are confronted with irrefutable
evidence, with ocular proof? If we have courage and humility, we
should certainly speak to the leader about the matter and ask him to
give up his leadership. If he refuses, we should state the fact as our
reason and leave him.
This raises an important issue. How can we even think of
looking into a leader’s private life until he commits a mistake in his
public life? If we start doing that, we become watchmen of every
leader’s moral character. In these circumstances, a leader would find
his life bitter as poison. May we not, therefore, regard a leader’s
private life as quite distinct from his public life and remain indifferent
to it? Ordinarily, such an argument would perhaps be correct, but it
does not at all apply to our struggle. We have come to look upon it as
a movement of self-purification. Through it we hope to destroy a
wicked political system. Hence both our means and our workers must
be pure. In our struggle we cannot make a distinction between one’s
private life and public life. On the contrary, we know that one’s
private life has great effect on one’s public work. We are reformers,
and it is an ancient and correct belief that a reformer’s private life
ought to be pure. Let us take an example. We move among simple-
minded villagers. Some village communities are not aware of the
difference between morality and immorality. They welcome us with
confidence. Their wives, daughters and sisters go to the workers with
complete freedom. If even one worker of ours casts a lustful eye on
them, what would happen? It is quite evident that the most important
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 227

asset in this work of reform is the purity of every worker’s private life.
If impurity enters the life of our workers, our cause will itself sink like
a frail paper boat, drown us too and frighten off the people. I have
received some letters about such evil having affected certain workers
of ours. I do not know how much of it is true and how much false.
A worker in Kutch who had been doing khadi propaganda work
was guilty of a serious error. Everyone came to know of his immoral
conduct. The cause received a great blow. The worker had to leave the
place. I have heard that now he is living in solitude to atone for his
error! If he has really repented, he can still resume service some day.
But the harm wrought by his immoral conduct cannot be undone.
I, therefore, make this humble request to every worker. Be
on your guard. If you have no self-restraint, if there is wickedness in
your eyes, your ears and your hands, if your legs take you to places
you should not visit—run away, do penance and give up the work of
service. Rest assured that you will render true service by purifying
yourself. Do not add one more sin to your former one by continuing
public work. Remember always that you are in the midst of a fire. If
you let your armour develop even the smallest chink, the fire will
enter through it and burn you up. Why should he who has no control
over his own mind think at all of controlling others?
5. Workers have developed love of comforts. They want a conve-
yance on every occasion and have no use for a bullock-cart if they get
a horse-drawn carriage, and no use for either if they get a motor-car.
Being an invalid myself, my pen is without its old vigour in
criticizing people wanting conveyances. Even so, I recall to mind, and
desire readers to recall, the sacred days of the Kheda agitation and
would say that the rule should be just the other way round. As long as
our legs can serve, we should not think of a vehicle at all. Man has no
better horses than his two legs. If a bullockcart is available, we should
not think of a horse-carriage, and if a horse-carriage is available, we
should avoid using a motor-car. When the occasion is urgent enough
to require the use of a car, the person in charge of us will tell us. Then
we may certainly use a car. But, left to ourselves we should always
prefer the use of our legs. We want thousands of workers. If all of
them demand horse-carriages, our pilgrim-band will never reach
Dwarka!
6. What if the workers expect feasts wherever they go?
If they do, they should give up their jobs. I hear that some

villages actually take fright at the very mention of the word volunteer
or worker. As the workers demanded luxuries such as rich meals, cold
water and soft beds, the poor villagers had to serve the workers instead
of being served by them.
A worker should so behave that he would never be a burden to
the village. He should carry with him food which would not become
stale. He should expect only clean water, always carrying his own
drinking-pot, so that, when he comes to a lake, river or well, he would
himself go and fill it. He should lie down at any spot where he finds
the ground clean. A bed would be too much for him. He should not
ask to be served, as he is out himself to serve. He should not, therefore,
feel disappointed when he is not properly served, that is, feasted. He
goes among people, not to order them, but to obey their orders. He
should, accordingly, talk to everyone most humbly. He likes to serve;
service has become his life’s bread. He should, therefore, continue to
serve even if he receives abuses in return.“He has right knowledge
who returns good for evil,” says an experienced and practical-minded
poet. Every worker should have right knowledge in this sense. We
have moved about in Gujarat and other parts, but have not achieved
any great success because, though we regard ourselves as servants, we
have made others look upon us as leaders. Though we enlisted
ourselves as workers, we have become persons who take work from
others.
I have been saying that we should not become a burden to the
villages. No one should understand this to mean that we should put up
with insanitary conditions. I know a number of indolent workers
whoare themselves very dirty and who foul the clean places which
they visit. In the same way, he who is a servant must preserve inner
purity right to the moment of death; he must also preserve outward
cleanli-ness. His clothes may have fifty patches on them, but they
must be clean. His drinking-pot should be clean as a looking-glass. If
he stops at a place which is dirty, he will clean it and so teach a lesson
in cleanliness to the people. If the latrine is dirty, he will clean it
himself. If he goes to the outskirts of the village to answer the call of
nature, he should carry with him a small pick-axe and use it before
and after defecation. If only we cover excreta with earth., the nuisance
of flies and other insects will be less and public health will improve. A
worker ought to make himself familiar with the rules of hygiene.
[From Gujarati]
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 229

124. IN CASE OF DACOITY
When incidents of dacoity in Ghatkopar1 increased, the
inhabitants of the place got frightened. In such an atmosphere people
everywhere get frightened. Now the Municipality has taken necessary
steps and, with the beginning of the rainy season, escape has become
less easy for the dacoits, and so the fear of dacoity has also lessened.
Hence there is no need to consider what immediate steps the people of
Ghatkopar should devise.
But an increase in the police force is not the right remedy. Such
measures have always been taken in the past and yet dacoities have not
ceased. In America, which is considered very advanced, robbery is
committed on running trains and daring thieves manage sometimes to
waylay and rob people on the highway in broad daylight. Thefts, of
course, are a common occurrence. Many expert observers believe that
crime has increased along with the advance of civilization. All that has
happened is that the nature of crimes has changed. Along with the
people, crimes too become more refined. Along with greater skill in
the detection of crimes, the capacity to conceal them also grows. In
the result, therefore, we remain where we were.
Let us see where and how people become dacoits. No one robs
sadhus who live in forests and have no possessions. And what would
anyone rob them of? Robbers look for money. If people set a limit to
their love of money, the number of robberies will also decrease. If all
people possess more or less equal wealth, robberies will cease. But we
may take it that we shall see no such happy consummation in this age.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to bear this principle in mind. We
may not set a limit to our love of money, but we must make an effort
to understand the condition of dacoits. If they are without means of
living, we should offer them work; if they have made dacoity their
profession, we should explain its immorality to them. This is the work
of reformers and, therefore, the sadhus should be the fittest to under-
take it. I do not mean sadhus who wear ochre robes and go about
begging, but those whose hearts are dyed in ochre and who have
dedicated themselves to service of others.
The work of reform cannot be taken up when dacoits visit us. It
must commence from today. Such work requires little money, or
rather none at all and few men. Once the movement has started, it will
1
A suburb of Bombay

go on. There are instances of reformers in modern time shaving
effectedsuchre forms.
Sahajanand1 ,Chaitanya 2 ,Ramakrishna3 , and others have done so
on a big scale. Let no one ridicule the reform they brought about by
thinking or saying that it did not endure or that the reformers did not
succeed in putting an end to dacoities. Such refor-ms are not
extensive because they are for the most part limited in scope.
We think that there is no need to introduce such reforms among
the wealthy. Really speaking, the depredations of dacoits are a
reflection of the theft committed by the rich. The subtle theft of the
latter becomes, with the dacoits, physical robbery. The reformer,
therefore, will have to take in hand both the rich and the poor, the
subtle dacoit and the one who commits physical robbery. Only then
can the desired results be achieved. This is the work of acharyas4 ,
fakirs, sannyasis and the like. They have it in them to become the true
protectors and guardians of the morality of society, and it is their Job,
therefore, to end the evil of dacoity.
While such reforms are going on, dacoities will of course con-
tinue. In trying to effect such reforms, one should not expect quick
results. They come about slowly. Meanwhile, what should the rich do
to protect their property?
With police help, they do succeed in getting a measure of pro-
tection. It has become a practice to hold the Government responsible
for all shortcomings and evils. It is a laudable attitude and on the
whole right. Since we are under foreign rule today, we find it easy to
blame the Government. When there is swaraj tomorrow, even then we
shall be imperfect and we shall abuse the swaraj Government. But we
ourselves shall be the swaraj Government and, therefore, to cultivate
the habit of not blaming the present-day Government should be
regarded as a training for swaraj. To blame the Government alone for
the dacoities which take place is a confession of our weakness. How
many policemen can the Government maintain to protect people
living in forests? How can a people who can never protect themselves
1
1781-1830; founder of the Swaminarayan sect
2
16th-century Hindu religious reformer of Bengal who taught that caste was
subordinate to faith in Lord Krishna
3
19th-century religious reformer who preached equality of men and service to
the poor and the outcaste
4
Spiritual preceptors
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 231

ever enjoy swaraj? A weak people will always be doomed to slavery.
Hence people everywhere must make their own arrangements for their
protection. From this point of view, people of suburbs like Ghatkopar,
in fact people all over the country, should train themselves for
self-defence. It is necessary for young people from every house to
take training in self-defence. We can have protection through hired
men, but that method is extremely dangerous. If middle-class people,
instead of protecting themselves, engage others for the job, they will
only be spending money to create masters. Those who work for
wealth and possessions must be ready to defend themselves.
My criticism so far applies both to Hindus and to Muslims.
The Hindus have difficulties on account of the caste system, but their
attitude is mistaken. Every man must have all the four qualities—
knowledge, valour, the commercial instinct and readiness for service.
Varnashrama can only mean that each caste should have in
outstanding measure its special quality and that it should earn its
livelihood through that quality. That is to say, a Brahmin earns his
right to a handful of bajra by imparting knowledge, a Kshatriya by
defending, a Vaisya by engaging in trade, etc., and a Sudra by
rendering service. But a man who is unable to protect himself at a time
of crisis is an incomplete man. He is a burden to society. One can
defend oneself by soul-force or physical force. Anyone who has not
cultivated soul-force is in duty bound to defend himself and his
people by means of physical force. Both those who rely on soul-force
and those who rely on physical force will have to learn to face death.
The man of soul-force will treat his body as of no worth and lay down
his life without using force against the dacoits, whereas the other will
die killing. Everyone may not be ready to cultivate soul-force.
Moreover, “seeker of wealth” and “seeker of the atman” mean quite
opposite things. The former can never become a seeker of the atman
till he has given up his love of money. But either of them will be a
coward if he runs away in the face of danger. Hence, one should
cultivate the strength for self-defence to the best of one’s ability. It is
the clear duty of those living in suburbs like Ghatkopar that they
themselves, that is, some members of their families, take training in
personally fighting the dacoits.
[From Gujarati]

125. I ACCEPT DEFEAT
Sometimes people want to meet me and discuss the Shastras with
me. “Others may say or do what they like with regard to untouc-
hability, but you should not so much as even mention the subject, for
you appeal to people in the name of religion and so people get misled
by you. If the Shastras look upon untouchability as a sin, prove that
by citing texts. Else I can show by a reference to the Vedas that they
fully support untouchability. If untouchability disappears, the
Sanatana Dharma 1 will die out.” This is what a swami called on me to
tell me.
I was taken aback. I merely replied: “I always consider myself
worsted in argument. I cannot argue about the Shastras with you, I
admit immediately that I would be defeated in any such argu-ment
with you. All the same, I will go on saying that untouchability is a
great sin in Hinduism.” I could not, of course, satisfy the swami by
this reply. I felt quite satisfied. I felt that I had saved myself by this
brief reply. When the swami called, I was engaged in my daily work of
writing for the pleasure of readers of Young India and Navajivan and
was not ready to waste even a single moment in talk. In the circum-
stances, I thought a simple refusal would be the best way out. The
practical wisdom taught by our forefathers sufficed for me. I have
often acted on the saying, “A determined refusal will save one from
thirty-six diseases”2 and felt that it can save us not from thirty-six but
thirty-six hundred diseases.
The art of interpreting the Shastras is like a lawyer’s calling.
Who has not observed that people who argue about the Shastras can
prove that black is white? Many experts in the Vedas find authority in
them for all sorts of things. And others prove exactly the opposite
about things known by the very same names.
To other ordinary people like me I wish to show a simple way
which I have followed. After studying all religions, I have discovered
their highest common factor. Some principles seem to be immutable
which have not been contradicted by experience. A devotee like Tulsi-
das declared in just half a couplet.“Compassion is the life of
1
Literally, the eternal dharma, a name applied to orthodox Hinduism
2
Gujarati saying
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 233

dharma.”“There is no dharma other than truth” is another immu-
table saying. No religion has repudiated these texts. Every religious
principle claiming authority from the Shastras should be tested on the
anvil of truth with the hammer of compassion. If it is found hard en-
ough and does not break, it should be accepted as correct, else we
should say “Not this, not this” to a thousand experts in the Shastras.
In the words of Akha, which proceed from experience, discussion
about the Shastras is a “dark well”. Anyone who falls into it will
never be able to swim and get out of it, try as hard as he might. There
is but one atman. It inhabits every body. Can anyone, then, be an
untouchable?
Let us also understand the meaning of untouchability. A
woman in menses, a man back from the cremation ground, a man who
has not cleaned himself after removing stools, these are persons with
whom contact is avoided. We practise untouchability in this sense even
in regard to our parents. If, however, a son does not attend on his
ailing mother who happens to be in her menses, though by doing so
he will become untouchable for the time being, he will go to hell. All
who carry night-soil are Antyajas. If they do not bathe after doing
their work, we may, if we like, bathe on touching them, but to create
on the basis of this practical idea an Antyaja community, to confine it
to a locality reserved for it, to shun contact with its members more
than we do with animals, not to bother even whether they live or die, to
throw at them left-overs or rotten eatables, to refuse to teach their
children, not to help them to get treatment when they fall ill, not to
permit them to enter temples or draw water from a well, this simply
cannot be dharma, it can only be the opposite. By looking upon these
practices as an essential part of Hinduism, we are only destroying the
Hindu religion.
Untouchability of this kind will mean suicide. It is the extreme
limit of intolerance. I have not the ghost of a doubt that it is the
primary dharma of every Hindu to try to eradicate it and die in the
attempt.
[From Gujarati]

126. PRAGJI AND SURAT
O Surat, fallen on unhappy days, you are wailing now.

The Magistrate of Surat has invited Pragji Khandubhai Desai to
be a Government guest for two years and three months. He has now
become my neighbour 1 . Only the Government knows how long he
will enjoy the feasts of Sabarmati Jail.
If Pragji is a pure satyagrahi he has lost nothing. In fact, he has
been saved from trouble. Even then, I am certain he can render the
country the highest service. All I can do is to congratulate him.
Since I do not have with me the article for which he has been
sentenced, I can say nothing definite. True congratulations are due
only to one who is imprisoned though he is pure as crystal. There is
no room, in such a case, for delusion.
I know, however, that the Government which has sent Pragji to
jail is not impartial. I am vain enough to believe that the Government
would not have sent me to jail if I had written the article which Pragji
did, but I can also say, without being guilty of vanity, that it will not
send Shastriar to jail for writing such an article. An Englishman who
might write even more strongly would receive congratulations from
the Government. Hence, from a general point of view, Pragji is quite
innocent. I know that he had no intention at all of inciting people to
wrong courses. On the whole. therefore, he is bound to profit from
what has happened. Pragji is a seasoned jail-bird. He has had suffi-
cient experience of jail life in South Africa. He is not likely to be
daunted by hardships. His patriotism is of a high order.
That being so, why have I quoted at the top the line about Surat
by poet Narmadashankar 2 ? It is because Surat seems to have lost its
light. Pragji is a well-known worker of Surat. It is not as if he was not
known there. One of two results should have followed the imprison-
ment of a person like Pragji: either a large number of people would
have followed him to jail—they could have if they had wanted to—or
they would have taken up constructive work. Actually, however, Surat
1
The jail was near Gandhiji’s Ashram at Sabarmati.
2
19th-century Gujarati poet famed for his patriotic compositions
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 235

seems to have gone to sleep. She still takes no notice of the demand
for Rs. 40,000 which has been presented to her.1 The national school
there is in the condition of Trishanku2 . The treasury of the Surat
[District] Congress Committee is empty.
It is my prayer that the workers of Surat should be awake and
rouse the people there. I cannot bear to think that Surat has lost its
light.
[From Gujarati]
127. GOD OR NATURE TO BLAME?

If we accept the meaning which this correspondent gives to the
term “Nature”, I shall have to retain the word “God” in my reply to
Maulana Mahomed Ali on the occasion in question. In case of a
motor-car accident, everyone would rush to the help of the wounded,
checking the urge to answer even a call of nature. It does not require a
poor “mahatma” like me to do that. I believe, moreover, that control-
ling the call of nature at such a time will not have an adverse effect,
because the changes which take place in the body in virtue of
thefeeling of compassion counteract the harmful effects of inhibition.
Besides, one who knows the laws of Nature can also, by fasting,
prevent the harmful consequences of his action.
My meaning, therefore, would not have been conveyed merely
by the word “Nature” in the sense in which it has been employed by
the correspondent.
I cannot, for the sake of my “importance” at any rate, conceal
my drawbacks. I believe myself to be a very ordinary person. If there
is any exceptional power in me, it proceeds from my aspiration to
1
Vide “Surat District”, 15-6-1924.
2
Mythological hero who, being unsuccessful in his attempt to reach heaven,
had to remain helplessly hanging in space.
3
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had said that, in reply to
Mahomed Ali’s question, “Why such illness to a man like you?”, Gandhiji should
have said, “I must have committed an offence against Nature” and not, “I must have
committed a sin against God.”

serve truth and non-violence with single-minded devotion. It is
incorrect to state, “If one like me can commit so grave an offence
against God as to deserve such a serious illness, ordinary people
simply cannot hope to be able to save themselves from offences
against Him.” Since I am myself an ordinary man, none need lose
heart. The fever within is the only serious illness. An appendix means
a superfluous part. Its inflammation is appendicitis. The inflammation
of this superfluous part is not, in my view, a serious illness. To talk evil
or to do evil is, I believe, the only serious illness. God’s laws are so
subtle and their observance so difficult that in saving ourselves from
even unwitting transgressions lies the health and well-being of the self.
If, in thus trying to save oneself, one falls a prey to bodily illness, one
need not lament over it.
Now I shall explain a particular kind of “offence against God”
which I know of. First we shall take up the subject of food. I know
very well the need for moderation in eating. I have tried my very best
to follow the rule. A person who spends much of his time thinking,
one who wants to make fresh discoveries by delving into the depths of
his heart, should be a frugal eater. He should not be afraid of growing
thin. I have never been a frugal eater in this sense, and am not that
even today. I have not learnt to be unconcerned about leanness of the
body. I wish to maintain my constitution and also reflect and ponder.
I am torn by this conflict. My experiments go on, but so far I have not
discovered the measure of how little I should eat. This cannot be done
by magic. Only changes brought about in a natural way can be kept
up. Even for a frugal eater it is necessary to strive to be indifferent to
pleasure in food. I have been trying hard to keep the vow of res-
training the palate, but I am still very far from the goal. I have taken
only goat’s milk for sustenance, but I have caught myself enjoying
even that. As long as there is this pleasure in food, so long will there
be danger of illness. Failure in conquering the palate is the “offence
against God”.
But, then, have I succeeded in subduing unworthy feelings and
desires? Anyone who has read my jail experiences will know that even
in jail conflicts were my lot. I have certainly not described all my
experiences. I have not even referred to struggles with our people.
Those who wage these struggles from the religious point of view alone
know what suffering they involve. If we can fight these battles without
attachment and aversion, we shall never suffer bodily illness. But I get
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 237

angry. The good pleases me and the bad hurts. What difference does
it make if I do not show this? I alone know what effort is needed for
these struggles. The effort needed to make some great discovery in
electricity is one-hundredth part of what is needed to conquer
attachment and aversion. And the joy which fills one on winning that
victory is much greater than Newton’s joy when he discovered the
principle of the earth’s gravitational force. There were many occa-
sions in jail when I was angry. It was very difficult at such times to
control the mind. Strenuous effort is needed to work against the
environment of a jail. The passions of anger, etc., excited on those
occasions cannot but have their effect on the body. In the end, I could
not help mentioning the disturbance through dreams. As long as one
has not conquered disturbing thoughts, the danger of bodily illness
will remain.
The fact is that in the study of psychology we have so far
scratched only the surface. Vaids, hakims and doctors have merely
busied themselves with the body, and have not analysed the mind at
all; being themselves men troubled by desires, they have spent their
time finding out remedies merely by observing the changes in the
body.
They have not examined with care the terrible effects of mental
disorders on the body. It is yet to be discovered how, without the use
of external remedies, diseases can be prevented through control of the
senses. It would be more correct to say that such discoveries had been
made but were forgotten later. If the modern Vaids and hakims kept
in mind the atman while examining physical ailments, they would, I
am sure, revive the method of treating the mind rather than apply
external remedies. Instead of polluting the body by injecting all sorts
of serums, which are in fact forms of infection, they would be ready to
explain natural laws—God’s laws—for preserving health. I wrote my
book 1 health with some such idea in mind. I wished to make a great
many experiments in this direction, and I fell ill while making them.
As a result of this, I lost self-confidence; the responsibility for con-
ducting satyagraha campaigns became another obstacle in my way. If
I become free from it, I will resume my experiments.
Meanwhile, I should like the reader to know that I am convinced
that I myself was the chief cause of every illness from which I have
suffered. Even now, if only I can free my thoughts from the taint of
1
Chapters of this book in Gujarati first appeared serially in Indian Opinion, in
1913.

desire, my body would become healthy in this very life of mine,
would become strong as steel though thin and would be immune
against any infection, etc.
The lesson which the reader should draw from this article is that
one can become healthy by conquering troublesome desires of the
mind. If, in the attempt, he falls ill, he should not lose heart but should
persevere in his efforts. He should not despair if he does not succeed
in his aim, but should go on trying, keeping up his faith. Pamper his
body as he may, it is bound to perish. He does not at all know when it
will perish, and he should not have excessive love for a thing more
delicate than a glass bangle. Instead of deceiving himself, he should
know that the cause of most of the diseases from which he suffers is
violation of the simple laws of God.
We have wrongly come to believe that those rules are very dif-
ficult to observe. In our indolence we assume that, since everyone says
they are, they must be so. If we strive with energy enough, we shall
discover that it is natural for man not to submit to improper desires,
but to conquer them.
[From Gujarati]
128. MY NOTES
KHADI V. CALICO
A correspondent from Dharwar district writes:1
I receive such letters often. The lesson to be drawn from them is
that, though khadi may not be durable, and though it may be
more expensive yard for yard than calico and wear out too soon if the
yarn is not strong, still one should not forget that the use of khadi
naturally brings with it simplicity in other matters and is in its own
way far from expensive. No one would want to use four or five
garments of khadi at a time, but one would not be satisfied with
wearing only a muslin shirt. This is not to say that the use of khadi
will have the same effect on everyone which it has had on this gentle-
man, or that there is something in khadi itself which produces this
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had stated that he had
found khadi much cheaper than foreign cloth and, since he started wearing it, he had
ceased to feel it below his dignity to do simple jobs.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 239

effect. It is the result of the associations which go with khadi and the
sentiments which lie behind it. Anyone can see, with a little obser-
vation, that the use of khadi has brought about great changes in the
lives of hundreds of men.
C OMMUNITY DINNERS F OLLOWING DEATH
The same correspondent describes a great difficulty which he
is facing. His caste-fellows have been pressing him to give a commu-
nity dinner on the death of his mother. He himself does not believe in
this practice. He believes, rather, that such dinners do us harm. But
then, his caste-fellows will feel hurt if he does not observe the practice
and give the dinner. The problem is what one should do in this
dilemma. If age-old evils are to be banished from society, one who
takes the lead always has to face difficulties like this. Courtesy and
firmness—display of these two qualities helps at such times. One
should face the opposition to one’s own decision with civility and
firmness. We should not do something wrong even to please our
caste-fellows. Giving community dinners on death cannot possibly
earn religious merit. There seems to be a common practice of giving
gifts following a death though not as charity, at least in order that no
one may consider us miserly or indifferent to the good opinion of the
community. If we spend on the education of the boys and girls in our
community the amount which is likely to be required for 3
community dinner after death, or something more, the purpose would
be fully served. If we learn to save all the money, or a large part of it,
which we spend out of a false sense of pride or fear on dinners
following death and on other customs, we would not be faced, as we
always are, with shortage of funds. But God knows what spell this cus-
tom has cast and even men of wisdom forget their wisdom and, acting
like ignorant people, raise a loan and give the customary dinner. But,
in this age of simplicity of khadi, we can all spare ourselves such
expenditure.
WORTHY OF IMITATION
There had been bitterness between Hindus and Muslims in
Karad1 . Some Muslims had broken Hindu idols. Some Muslims were,
therefore, arrested and were being prosecuted in a court of law. Now I
have received a telegram from the Secretary of the All-India Congress
Committee saying that, at a public meeting of Hindus and Muslims,
1
A town in Maharashtra

the Muslims had apologized, expressed their regret and undertaken to
find out the idol-breakers. Moreover, they even agreed to give a
guarantee against the breaking of idols hereafter. Both Hindus and
Muslims would meet to draw up a code of conduct for the future. The
Muslims would pay compensation for the loss caused by idol-break-
ing.
Consequent upon this settlement, they applied to the Collector to
have the case withdrawn and, after satisfying himself about the above
settlement, the Collector permitted the withdrawal. The settlement
appears to be a genuine thing. The practice of appointing panchas
was initiated in Delhi, and now it has been admirably followed in
Karad. Let us hope that, wherever there is bitterness between Hindus
and Muslims, both will meet together and arrive at an understanding;
seeing that mutual interest lies therein, they should live amicably and
help one another. If both the communities come to an agreement and
mix with open minds, no misunderstanding will ever arise again. I am
told that an incident like the one in Karad has taken place in
Burhanpur1 . Won’t the local Hindus and Muslims themselves arrive at
an understanding?
[From Gujarati]
129. A WELCOME CORRECTION

A correspondent writes to tell me that in the article entitled
“Lack or Excess of Love” 2 my explanation of the use of “thou”
isvery good. But there is one sentence in it which suggests the “you”
relationship. He thinks that if, instead of writing “Rama is mine and I
am his slave”, I had written “Rama is mine and I am Rama’s”, my
explanation about “thou” would have sounded more beautiful. This
view appears to be quite true. “His slave” shows distance. “ I am
Rama’s” suggests perfect union. But how will the expression occur to
one when the feeling is not there in one’s heart? It seems slavery is
still dear to me. Perhaps even now I feel happy being at a distance,
and so regard myself as a slave. I realize every moment that it is not
easy to become a Mother Avvai. When we use language simply to
1
A town in Maharashtra
2
Vide “Lack or Excess of Love?”, 5-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 241

express our thoughts, we naturally say what is in our mind. Not having
seen God face to face, how was I to find the language of such
experience? But I shall certainly try. And so, too, should the reader.
[From Gujarati]
130. RESOLUTIONS AT A.I.C.C. MEETING 1

AHMEDABAD ,
June 29, 1924
Mr. Gandhi then spoke. He called upon the Swarajists to work the charkha
programme. He further expressed the hope that they would do so in a good spirit. Mr.
Gandhi then proceeded to move his second resolution:
RESOLUTION 2: In as much as it has been brought to the notice of

the All-India Congress Committee that instructions issued from time
to time by officers and organizations duly authorized thereto have
sometimes not been carried out properly, it is resolved that the exe-
cutive committees of the Provincial Congress Committees shall have
power to take such disciplinary action, including dismissal, as deemed
advisable and, in cases where the default is by provincial authorities,
the Working Committee of the All-India Congress Committee shall
have the power to take such disciplinary action, inclu-ding dismissal,
as may be deemed advisable by the respective Committees of the
Provincial Committees.
In moving the resolution, Mr. Gandhi referred to the visit paid him
last night by Pandit Motilal Nehru, C. R. Das and Moulana Abul Kalam Azad. He
was asked by them why it was that he advised the committee to expunge the penalty
clause from the first resolution passed yesterday. He was also asked as to the trend of
his mind at that time. Mr. Gandhi told them what he told the meeting yesterday: there
was no real majority in favour of that clause. It was therefore the dignified course for
the All-India Congress Committee to expunge the clause. After detailing the objec-
tions to the clause providing penalty made by Mr. Das, Mr. Gandhi said that Mr. Das
had agreed to the compromise placed before them and had further agreed to work the
constructive programme to the best of his ability and join the Working Committee of
the Indian National Congress. While drafting it, Mr. Gandhi did not consult anybody.
1
After his discussions with Motilal Nehru, C. R. Das and Abul Kalam Azad at
the Ashram the previous night, Gandhiji moved the second resolution as revised by
him. For the draft of this and other resolutions, vide “The Acid Test”, 13-6-1924.

He had tried to satisfy the Swarajists to the best of his ability. He had thus placed his
compromise before the meeting. He would ask them to dismiss him for a moment
from their minds in disposing of the resolution. Mr. Gandhi said:
If you want to reject the resolution, reject it, but, if you want to
pass it, shoulder the responsibilities.1
RESOLUTION 3: The A.I.C.C. draws the attention of the Congress
voters to the fact that the five boycotts, namely of all mill-spun cloth,
Government law-courts, educational institutions, titles and legislative
bodies, except in so far as they may have been affected by the
Cocanada resolution, are still part of the Congress programme and
therefore considers it desirable that those Congress voters who believe
in the Congress programme do not elect to the various Congress
organizations those who do not believe in carrying out in their own
person the said five boycotts except where affected by the said Coca-
nada resolution and the A.I.C.C. therefore requests such persons, who
are now members of Congress elective organizations, to resign their
places. 2
Mr. Gandhi then made a brief reply. 3 He discouraged strongly the idea of
confusing issues with loyalty to him. What would they do if he died tomorrow? What
did they mean doing if he had a sudden accident? Mr. Gandhi deprecated the tendency
to centralize everything round him. He called on the Committee to pass his resolution
if they were convinced it was the right course to follow or to reject it and adopt Mr.
Varadachariar’s amendment if they thought it was good.
The amendments were defeated and original resolution was passed by an
overwhelming majority.4
1
Vallabhbhai Patel seconded the resolution which was carried unanimously
without any discussion.
2
Gandhiji did not make any speech on the motion, which was seconded by
Vallabhbhai Patel. The resolution, as originally proposed before and accepted by the
Working Committee, ran as follows: “In the opinion of the All-India Congress
Committee, it is desirable that Congress electors do not elect to the various Congress
organizations practising lawyers, those who deal in or wear mill-spun cloth, parents
and guardians sending their minor children to educational institutions under
Government control, holders of Government titles and members of Legislative bodies
and the A.I.C.C. therefore requests such persons who are now members of the various
Congress elective organizations to resign their places.”
3
in regard to certain amendments which were moved
4
The Committee then adjourned till 9 p.m., when it was to discuss the
resolution on Gopinath Saha.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 243

Mr. Gandhi then moved the following resolution:1
Mr. Gandhi refused to make any reply2 the ground that, if the country did not
know its mind, at this stage of the struggle, there was no meaning in his saying
anything.
131. SPEECH AT A.I.C.C. MEETING3

June 30, 1924
What I saw after the Gopinath Saha resolution caused me
amusement as well as pain. I wondered what I could say to you. I shall
say something later through the columns of Young India. Why was I
pained so much? Only because we all who had taken a pledge to win
swaraj had gathered there; we had agreed to employ only non-violent
non-co-operation; and yet we spoke exclusively about violence. How
can we talk about violence at all in the All-India Congress Committee?
If we share the ideal and the resolve of the Congress, we would utter
not a word of violence. I won by eight votes on the last resolution 4 I
have not known a thing like victory in this world. . . .5 Dr Paranjpye
has not said a new thing; on the contrary, he has presented my princi-
ple in a diluted form. What I had said was: “Truthful means should be
employed even against scoundrels.” I had also spoken of kissing the
feet of the enemy who violates the modesty of your sister, who inflicts
a wound on you. I would not abandon this faith even if I were offered
the kingdom of the world. But I do admit that there is also the way of
violence. That is precisely why I had said in Delhi that we must speak
out our true belief. But today we have put up a pretence. If you want
to draw the sword, do so; and if you wield it truthfully, I shall repair to
the Himalayas and send you my compliments from there. But I am
tired of make-believe. Why should I have to talk about the Gopinath
resolution? About other resolutions I would certainly speak, argue and
explain. But if I have to make a speech today about a thing which is
1
Not reproduced here. For the text of the fourth resolution, which was passed
without any change, vide “The Acid Test”, 19-6-1924.
2
In regard to an amendment which was proposed
3
After the formal session was over, the A.I.C.C. met informally.
4
Gandhiji’s Resolution No. 4, which condemned the murder of Ernest Day by
Gopinath Saha
5
As in the source

the mainstay of the Congress, then we must give up our fight.
And after doing an act of violence 1 , we started fooling about.
Gangadharrao2 asked me what he should do. I replied that he should
resign. I for one would ask him to burn all his possessions. Asaf Ali
came and asked the same question. He asked, “What wrong have the
lawyers done?” I drafted my resolution3 under those circumstances. I
even saw how you treated that draft resolution. I liked your opposing
me, because my resolution would have reflected discredit on me—it
would have been like taking a cup of poison. But I drank it, because I
could realize the condition of the people, whom I have made it my
business to study for the last thirty years. I assessed the capacity of all
of us and I felt that I needs must draft such a resolution. But a point
of law was raised against me. Then I was taken aback. I asked myself:
“O poor creature! Do you serve God or Satan? Why do you trouble
yourself in this way?”4
I for one wish to deal only with straightforward men. All of you
are not that. What is the All-India Congress Committee? It will be what
you would make of it. If you wish to be true to yourself, leave the
Congress and work in the villages. You can take a donkey’s work
from me, lout that in a straightforward way, not in a cunning way.
True, you can hoodwink me, but when I see that you are betraying
me, I shall seek refuge in God and will stand aloof from you.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 6-7-1924
1
A reference presumably to the speeches of some A.I.C.C. members on
Gandhiji’s Resolution No. 4. Their “violence” consisted in their defence of Gopinath
Saha’s action.
2
Gangadharrao Balkrishna Deshpande; Journalist and Congress leader of
Karnatak
3
Gandhiji’s Resolution No. 5, which was not accepted by the A.I.C.C.; the
resolution was meant to protect litigants from the operation of Gandhiji’s Resolution
No. 3 passed by the A.I.C.C., suggesting resignation of members who did not believe
in the principle of the five boycotts, including that of law-courts, and did not carry
them out themselves.
4
At this point Gandhiji paused a little as tears began to flow from his eyes. He
soon regained his composure and continued his speech.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 245

AHMEDABAD ,
July 1, 1924
It is most difficult to give my impressions now, not because
there is none to give, but because there are too many. Just as a man
who eats too much does no good to himself except to impair his
digestion, so these impressions, not being digested and, therefore, not
arranged in the brain, do not lend themselves to a readable descrip-
tion. For the time being, therefore, I must invite the curious to be satis-
fied with the honest impressions of spectators or with the imaginary
pictures of reporters. It is highly probable that, on the principle that
spectators see more of the play than the actors, the honest impressions
of the former, supplemented by the enterprising imagination of
reporters will give the public an idea of the very important proce-
edings of the Committee.
One definite impression, however, I can give. Though on all of
the four resolutions that I had the honour of moving I had a majority
in their favour, I must own that, according to my conception, I was
defeated. The proceedings have been an eye-opener to me and I am
now occupied in a diligent search from within. As yet, I am with-out
an answer.
After having seen the newspaper reports yesterday and a private
telegram describing them, I am not sure that I was wise in discoura-
ging the Kerala members from pressing for a resolution of the
All-India Congress Committee on the Vykom Satyagraha. My general
opinion is that all such local struggles should depend for success on
their own inherent strength and not upon support borrowed from the
central body. But the new development probably justifies an emphatic
declaration by the A.I.C.C. I shall certainly recommend some
resolution for the Working Committee for adoption. If the reports are
to be relied upon, the Travancore State authorities have abandoned the
innocent satyagrahis to the goondas said to have been employed by
the orthodox opponents reform for which the satyagrahis have been
fighting. Travancore is said to be one of the most enlightened States
of India and I hope that, for its very fame, if not for the sake of
1
Gandhiji was asked to give his impressions of the A.I.C.C. session which
had just concluded.

humanity, the reports are without foundation. It is a serious thing if
satyagrahis are cruelly beaten by the goondas. Limes are thrown into
their eyes and their khaddar shirts torn from them and burnt. Why the
authorities can possibly take away inoffensive charkhas from the
volunteers passes my understanding. I hope the Travancore Durbar
will immediately set the matter right and revert to its original adm-
irable policy of merely preserving the peace between the reformers
and the orthodox section.
I hope, too, that the satyagrahis will remain calm, unperturbed
and withal particularly non-violent. It is a time of great trial for them.
If they can brave all the sufferings that may be heaped upon them
with dignity and without retaliation, success is assured. Their silent
suffering will melt the hearts of even the goondas and the orthodox
opposition will realize that they have nothing but disgrace in return
for their inhumanity.
The Hindu, 2-7-1924
133. MESSAGE TO VYKOM SATYAGRAHIS

S ABARMATI ,
July 2, 1924]
The unexpected development in Vykom puts a severe strain on
the satyagrahis. But, two things are needful for success— unlimited
patience and unconquerable courage. Patience means non-violence.
Let orthodoxy do its worst. Reformers will take the severest blows
without retaliation. Courage means ability to suffer. There must be
satyagrahis enough ready to suffer the most refined tortures. It is my
experience that those who fight in a just cause and in the name of God
receive just enough capacity for suffering.
M. K. GANDHI
The Hindu, 2-7-1924
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 247

134. DEFEATED AND HUMBLED
Reporters are rarely able to interest me, but one of them did
succeed the other day in interesting me in him. I therefore gave him,
towards the end of the interview more than he had expected. He asked
me what I would do if the house was evenly divided. I told him in
effect that God would send something to prevent such a catastrophe. I
had no idea that my innocent and half-humorous remark was
prophetic.
The proceedings of the A.I.C.C. reminded me of those at Delhi
just before I was imprisoned. The disillusionment of Delhi awaited me
at Ahmedabad.
I had a bare majority always for the four resolutions. 1 But it
must be regarded by me as a minority. The house was fairly evenly
divided. The Gopinath Saha resolution clinched the issue. The spee-
ches, the result and the scenes I witnessed after, was a perfect eye-ope-
ner. I undoubtedly regard the voting as a triumph for Mr. Das
although he was apparently defeated by eight votes. That he could
find 70 supporters out of 148 who voted had a deep significance for
me. It lighted the darkness though very dimly as yet.
Up to the point of the declaration of the poll, I was enjoying the
whole thing as a huge joke, though I knew all the while that it was as
serious as it was huge. I now see that my enjoyment was superficial. It
concealed the laceration that was going on within.
After the declaration, the chief actors retired from the scene.
And the house abandoned itself to levity. Most important resolutions
were passed with the greatest unconcern. There were flashes of
humour sandwiched in between these resolutions. Everybody rose on
points of order and information. The ordeal was enough to try the
patience of any chairman. Maulana Mahomed Ali came through it all
unscathed. He kept his temper fairly. He rightly refused to recognize
‘points of information’. I must confess that the suitors for fame most
cheerfully obeyed his summary rulings. Let not the reader conclude
that there was, at any stage of the proceedings, the slightest insubor-
dination. I have not known many meetings where there was so little
acrimony or personalities in the debate as in this, even though feelings
1
Vide “The Acid Test”, 19-6-1924.

ran high and the differences were sharp and serious. I have known
meetings where, under similar circumstances, the chairmen have found
it most difficult to keep order. The president of the A.I.C.C.
commanded willing obedience.
All the same, dignity vanished after the Gopinath resolution. It
was before this House that I had to put my last resolution. As the pro-
ceedings went on, I must have become more and more serious. Often I
felt like running away from the oppressive scene. I dreaded having to
move a resolution in my charge. I would have asked for postpone-
ment of the resolution but for the promise I had made the meeting
that I would suggest a remedy, or failing that, move a resolution for
protecting litigants from the operation of the third resolution which
requests resignation from members who do not believe in the
principle of the five boycotts, including that of law-courts, and do not
carry them out in their own persons. Protection was intended for those
who might be driven to the courts either as plaintiffs or defendants.
The resolution that was adopted by the Working Committee and
previously circulated among the members did protect them It was
substituted by the one actually passed by the A.I.C.C. As the reader
knows, it exempts from its operation those who might be covered by
the Cocanada resolution. In drafting that amendment I had not
protected litigants. I had wished to do so by a separate resolution. I
had announced the fact at the time of introducing the resolution. And
it was this promised resolution that opened for me a way out of
‘darkness invisible’. I moved it with the preface that it was in redemp-
tion of the morning promise. I mentioned, too, Mr. Gangadharrao
Deshpande was an instance in point. I do not believe in exemptions
and as-far-as-possibles. But I know that some of the strongest
non-co-operators have found it difficult to avoid law-courts. Unscru-
pulous debtors have refused payment to non-co-operators because of
their knowledge that the latter could not sue them. Similarly, I know
men who have brought suits against non-co-operators because they
would not defend themselves. The curious will be agreeably surprised
to discover, if theysearched among the rank and file, the numerous
cases in which non-co-operators have preferred to suffer losses to
defending themselves or suing. Nevertheless, it is perfectly true that
representatives have not always been able to keep to the prohibition.
The practice, therefore, has been to wink at filing suits and more often
at defending them. The Committee has from time to time also passed
rules legalizing the practice to a certain extent. I thought that now
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 249

when the A.I.C.C. was adopting a rigid attitude regarding the
observance of the boycotts, the position of litigants should be clearly
defined. Nothing would please me better than for the Congress to
have only those representatives on its executive who would carry out
all the boycotts to the full. But the exact fulfilment at the present stage
of the boycott of law-courts on the part of many is almost an impossi-
bility. Voluntary acceptance of poverty is essential for the purpose. It
must take some time before we can hope to man the Congress
organizations with such men and women, and run them efficiently.
Recognizing the hard fact, I was prepared to incur the odium of
having to move the said resolution of exemption. Hardly had I
finished reading it, up sprang the brave Harisarvottama Rao to his feet
and, in a vigorous and cogent speech, opposed it. He said it was his
painful duty to oppose me. I told him the pain was mine in that I had
to move a resolution I could not defend. His must be the pleasure of
opposing an indefensible resolution and of keeping the Congress
organization pure at any cost. I liked this opposition and was looking
forward to the voting. But the opposer was followed by Swami Govin-
danand who raised the technical objection that no resolution designed
to affect one previously passed could be moved at the same session of
the Committee. The chairman properly rejected the objec-tion, if only
because the previous day the very first resolution was amended after it
was passed by a majority. But the last straw was unwittingly supplied
by Dr. Choithram. I have known him to be a responsible man. A long
period of unbroken service lies to his credit. He has embraced poverty
for the sake of his country. I was not prepared for a constitutional
objection from him in a matter in which the Committee had on pre-
vious occasions softened the effect of the boycott resolution. But he
thoughtlessly asked whether my resolution was not in breach of the
Congress resolution on boycotts. Maulana Mahomed Ali asked me
whether the objection was not just. I said of course it was. He therefore
felt bound to hold my resolution uncons-titutional. Then I sank within
me. There was nothing, absolutely nothing, wrong about anybody’s
speech or behaviour. Allwere brief in their remarks. They were
equally courteous. And, what is more, they were seemingly in the
right. And yet it was all hopelessly unreal. The objections were like
reading a sermon on the virtue of self-res-traint to a hungry man
reduced to a skeleton. Each of the actors acted involuntarily, uncons-
ciously. I felt that God was speaking to me through them and seemed
to say, ‘Thou fool, knowest not thou that thou art impossible? Thy

time is up.’ Gangadharrao asked me whether he should not resign. I
agreed with him that he should do so at once. And he promptly
tendered his resignation. The President read it to the meeting. It was
accepted almost unanimously. Ganga-dharrao was the gainer.
Shaukat Ali was sitting right opposite at a distance of perhaps
six yards. His presence restrained me from fleeing. I kept asking
myself, ‘Could right ever come out of wrong? Was I not co-operating
with evil?’ Shaukat Ali seemed to say to me through his big eyes,
‘There is nothing wrong, for all will be right.’ I was struggling to free
myself from the enchantment. I could not.
The President asked, ‘Shall I now dissolve the meeting?’ I said,
‘Certainly.’ But Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who was evidently
watching whatever changes my face was undergoing, was all eyes. He
quickly came up and said, ‘We cannot disperse without the message
you have promised.’ I replied, ‘Maulana Saheb, it is true I wanted to
say something about the future plans. But what I have been witnessing
for the last hour, after the Gopinath resolution, has grieved me. I do
not know where I stand now and what I should do.’ ‘Then,’ he said,
‘say even if it is only that.’ I complied and in a short speech in
Hindustani laid bare my heart and let them see the blood oozing out
of it. It takes much to make me weep. I try to suppress tears even
when there is occasion for them. But, in spite of all my efforts to he
brave, I broke down utterly. The audience was visibly affected. I took
them through the various stages I had passed and told them that it was
Shaukat Ali who stood in the way of my flight. For I regarded him as
trustee for Hindu honour, as I was proud enough to regard myself as
such for Mussalman honour. And then I told them that I was unable
to say how I would shape my future course. I would consult him and
other workers who were closely associated with me. It was the saddest
speech I had ever made. I finished and turned round to look for
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. He had stolen away from me and was
standing at the farthest end opposite to me. I told him I would now
like to go. He said, ‘Not yet, for a while. For we must speak too.’ And
he invited the audience to speak. Those who spoke did so with a sob.
The sight of the hoary-headed Sikh friend who was choked as he was
speaking touched me deep. Of course Shaukat Ali spoke and others.
All begged pardon and assured me of their unwavering support.
Mahomed Ali broke down twice. I tried to soothe him.
I had nothing to forgive for none had done any wrong to me.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 251

On the contrary, they had all been personally kind to me. I was sad
because we were weighed in the scales of our own making—the Con-
gress creed—and found wanting; we were such poor representatives of
the nation! I seemed to be hopelessly out of place. My grief consisted
in the doubt about my own ability to lead those who would not follow.
I saw that I was utterly defeated and humbled. But defeat cannot
dishearten me. It can only chasten me. My faith in my creed stands
immovable. I know that God will guide me. Truth is superior to man’s
wisdom.
M. K. GANDHI
The foregoing was written on Monday the 30th June. I wrote it,
but I was not satisfied nor am I satisfied now with the performance.
On reading it I feel I have not done justice to the meeting or myself.
Great as the informal meeting was, the one that preceded it, and that
stung me to the quick, was not less great. I do not know that I have
made it clear that no speaker had any malice in him. What preyed
upon my mind was the fact of unconscious irresponsibility and
disregard of the Congress creed or policy of non-violence.
The informal meeting was a heart-searcher. It purified the
atmosphere. The whole of Tuesday I passed in discussing with
co-workers my position. My innermost wish was and still is to retire
from the Congress and confine my activity merely to Hindu-Muslim
unity, khaddar and untouchability. They would not listen. I had no
right, they said, to retire at a critical period in the history of the nation.
My withdrawal would not smooth matters. It would cause depression
and remove from Congress meetings an active restraining influence. I
must actively work the programme of which I was the author, so long
as the majority favoured it. The programme had a far greater majority
than the voting at the A.I.C.C. would indicate. I must travel in the
country and see things for myself. My second proposal was for all
who fully accepted the Congress creed to retire in favour of the
Swarajists. As the argument against it developed, I rejected it myself as
thoughtless. It was the last thing the Swarajists wanted. I felt that it
would be doing violence to them to expect them to do the impossible.
I know that they would not entertain even the first proposal. I offer
edit to them at Juhu and renewed it in Ahmedabad. I have therefore
reluctantly decided to drink the bitter cup and continue to be in the
Congress organization and shoulder the responsibility for working it
until the Congress puts me in an actual numerical minority.

1 may not choose short cuts. I must plod. I must pocket my
pride and wait till I am driven out.
I must seemingly become a party-man and show that I can still
work as a no-party man. I must strive for a majority at the next
Congress and endeavour, so far as it is possible, to act impartially. It is
not beyond the capacity of a satyagrahi.
The conditions are incredibly simple. The striving to be in a
majority consists in solid work.
1. Over and above the spinning for half an hour, every spare
minute should be given to it.
2. Extra spinning can be dispensed with in order to do khad-
dar propaganda.
3. We may swell the electoral roll by getting as many Con-
gress members as possible.
4. There should be no manipulation of papers.
5. There should be no manoeuvring for securing votes.
6. There should be no criticism of the opposite party, as
distinguished from policy.
7. There should be no undue pressure exercised on the
voters.
Both the parties are said to have resorted in the past to unscru-
pulous practices in the matter of election of delegates and members of
the subordinate organizations. The best way of avoiding corruption is
to be indifferent to the result after having adopted all honest measures
for influencing voters.
The No-change programme must be what it means. The pro-
ceedings of the Committee have but confirmed the view that the two
methods cannot be worked in the same organization. The Swarajist
method cultivates British opinion and looks to the British Parliament
for swaraj. The No-change method looks to the people for it. The two
methods represent two opposite mentalities. This is not to say that one
is wrong if the other is right. Each may be right in its own place. But
for one organization to work both is to weaken both and therefore to
damage the national cause. Whilst one school claims to give political
education through the Councils, the other claims to give it exclusively
by working among the people and evoking its organizing and
administrative capacity. One teaches to look up to a Government for
popular progress, the other tries to show that even the most ideal
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 253

government plays among a self-governing people the least important
part in national growth. One teaches the people that the constructive
programme alone cannot achieve swaraj, the other teaches the people
that it and it alone can achieve it.
Unfortunately, I was unable to convince the Swarajists of this
obvious truth. And I saw constitutional difficulty in the way of
securing a homogeneous organization. We must now, therefore, do the
next best thing. We must silently work up the constructive programme
without regard to what will happen in December, in the full belief that
whether the Congress rejects or accepts the programme, for us there is
no other. I would ask those newspapers that call themselves No-
change papers not to criticize the Swarajists in any shape or form. I
am convinced that newspapers play a very small part in shaping the
policy or programme of the masses. They do not know newspapers.
The No-changers have to reach and represent those who have had no
political education whatsoever.
135. BOMBAY, REMEMBER SAROJINI

Shrimati Sarojini Naidu returns to Bombay on the 12th instant. I
have no doubt that Bombay will give her a rousing reception. The
Congress could not have sent a better messenger to East Africa and
South Africa to plead the cause of her sons and daughters in those
distant lands. Sarojini has been a real mother to those sons and
daughters. She has not spared herself in their service. I present
Bombay with the latest letter received from her to remind it of its duty
when India’s nightingale returns to delight the Indian ear with her
sweet music. Here is the letter:
At long last I have, I confess with great sadness, disentangled the
tendrils of my heart from all the clinging hands in your South Africa that is
so full of your children.
After three months of ceaseless work and travelling when I got
aboard the Kargola, felt I could sleep and sleep and sleep—every fibre of
my body was charged with weariness and for the first few days I lay in my
chair like a lump of indolence, but now inspite of my fever (a faithful
companion), I am quite ready to start another month’s work in East Africa.
Tomorrow I land at Dar-es-salaam and, after finishing my tour in
Tanganyika, I go on to Kenya and sail from there on 2nd July and reach

Bombay on the 12th. I know there will be a struggle to keep me longer in
Kenya, but I shall be obdurate because of a selfish reason. My small
daughter is returning home for the long vacation from Oxford. I have not
seen her for three years. Have you not accused me of being a good mother?
You would laugh if you saw my luggage. I have arrived at a stage In
my life and mind when I am dismayed by too many possessions, but Africa
has added to them with both hands. I am devising means whereby to
dispossess myself of most of them to advantage. Fortunately I have a large
family clan! Seven silver jewel boxes and not enough jewels to put into
one! Seven silver purses and not enough money to fill one! Fine gorgeous
sets of hair-brush and not enough hair left to brush, and O! such beautiful
foreign silks which I cannot wear! Caskets of gold, silver, ivory,
tortoise-shell with scrolls full of praises of some imaginary lady whom I
don’t recognize, and so on and so forth,—about 175 presents and presen-
tations and I a wandering singer! How you would laugh at the joyous one
thing I was really in need of I could not get in the whole of the African
continent—a pair of Indian shoes.
This is quite a frivolous letter, but it is a wholesome temporary, from
the many South African politicians and the many addresses of high praise. I
am taking refuge in light magazines and playing with blue-eyed babies on
board.
My fellow-travellers are friendly. It is my good fortune that I always
find friendliness everywhere, even while some of the more rabid
anti-Asiatics were bitterly attacking me politically, they were most friendly
personally! Some people ask such funny questions like a young American in
a train who quite seriously asked me in the course of conversation if after
all, Gandhi was not verily a patriot at heart. I nearly collapsed on my seat.
136. THE ALL-INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE

All the resolutions of the All-India Congress Committee will be
found printed at another page. The first resolution is bereft of the
penalty clause. It was my first defeat in a series. Majorities cannot dec-
eive me. It was impossible for me to be satisfied with a bare majority
when I knew that, if the, Swarajist withdrawals were to be taken into
account, the defeat was a certainty. I therefore urged the meeting to
take into account the withdrawals and remove the penalty clause from
the resolution.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 255

The second resolution is not the same as the original draft, but
in substance it is the same. The principle of disciplinary action is
retained.
The third resolution constitutes real failure. I still feel that the
elective organizations of the Congress are executive and that, there-
fore, they should contain only those who heartily support the Con-
gress Programme for the time being and who are prepared not to
obstruct or tone it down, but to carry it out in its entirety. But it was
not possible to get over the constitutional difficulty. Any restriction
upon the Cocanada programme must be considered a breach of the
Congress constitution. Putting the interpretation that I do even now,
the original resolution was not a breach. But it was pointed out to me
that I have no right to put my own interpretation upon it and that the
Swarajists had the right to contend that those who entered the Councils
were not debarred from being on the executives. They said that, as a
matter of fact, there were Swarajists on the Working Committee
already. The argument had great weight with me and, in view of the
knowledge that the original resolution disqualifying the Swarajists
from being on the executives could only be passed by a narrow
majority, was decisive in reconciling me to the resolution as finally
adopted. It does not please me. But it was the only possible course left
save that of dropping the whole proposition. That was required for the
sake of keeping before the country the idea of having a homogeneous
organization and of insisting on purity of political conduct. Represen-
tatives must be expected to conform to the standards they lay down
for others. It must be pointed out in a variety of ways that the Con-
gress is no longer a begging association, but that it is primarily a
self-purification association designed to achieve its goal by develop-
ing internal strength. Public opinion must, therefore, be created in
favour of the things needed for the national life. The best way of
creating it is to frame propositions and enlisting support therefor.
Whilst, therefore, I have reconciled myself to the possibility of tem-
porary heterogeneity, I would strongly plead with both the parties not
to obstruct each other’s path.
The fourth resolution however completed my defeat. It is true
that the Gopinath resolution was carried by a bare majority. A clear
minority would have pleased me more than a narrow majority. I do
not forget the fact that many who voted for Mr. Das’s amendment did
so because of the rumour of impending arrests. Many naturally felt it

a point of honour to protect a valued chief and comrade who had
rendered signal services to the country and who had performed great
self-sacrifice. Sentiment often outweighs moral considerations and I
have no doubt that the Bengal Government will make a serious
blunder if they arrest Mr. Das and his supporters. It is too late in the
day to punish opinions. If there was no moral consideration against
supporting Mr. Das’s amendment, I would have had no hesitation
whatsoever in myself tendering my support. But I could not, no Con-
gressman could. Mr. Das sees no difference between my resolution
and his. I can only call it self-deception. Those who spoke in support
of his proposition did not mince matters. They had room for political
murder in their philosophy and, after all, is it not the common
philosophy? The majority of the so-called civilized peoples believe in
and act upon it on due occasions. They hold that for a disorganized
and oppressed people political assassination is the only remedy. That
it is a false philosophy, that it has failed to make the world better to
live in, is only too true. I merely state that, if Mr. Das and his
supporters have erred, they have the bulk of civilized opinion on their
side. The foreign masters of India have no better record to show. If
the Congress was a political organization with no limitation as to
means, it would be impossible to object to Mr. Das’s amendment on
merits. It would then be reduced to a question of expedience.
But that there were seventy Congress representatives to support
the resolution was a staggering revelation. They have proved untrue to
their creed. In my opinion the amendment was in breach of the
Congress creed or policy of non-violence. But I purposely refrained
from raising such an objection. If the members wanted the resolution,
it was well for them to have it. It is always best in my opinion to let
constitutional questions be decided as a rule by members.
The other resolutions do not require any discussion.
The resolution extolling the Sikh sacrifice and bravery was in
continuation of the traditional policy of the Congress.
The opium resolution became necessary for two reasons. Miss
La Motte, who has been doing most valuable work in trying to reduce
the world’s growth of opium to its bare medical necessity, has pointed
out in tragic terms the immoral opium policy of the Government of
India. Mr. Andrews has shown how the Government of India made
itself responsible for changing at the Opium Convention the word
“medical” to “legitimate” in describing people’s requirements. It,
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 257

therefore, became necessary, in view of the approaching convention at
Geneva for the A.I.C.C., to say what the nation thinks of the Govern-
ment of India policy. It had become equally necessary to investigate
the condition of the Assamese under the opium habit. A fine body of
men and women are undergoing a process of decay under the cursed
opium habit. The Assam Provincial Congress Committee is ready to
inquire into the matter. The A.I.C.C. has, therefore, thought it desira-
ble to appoint Mr. Andrews to conduct the inquiry in co-operation
with the Provincial Committee.
The seventh resolution authorizes the Working Committee to
appoint, if necessary, a deputation to inquire into the condition of
Indian labourers of the Malay Peninsula and Ceylon. We know
nothing of the condition of the labourers who emigrate to Ceylon and
the Malay Peninsula except from the stray reports that appear in the
Press. It is our duty to study their condition and do whatever we can to
ameliorate it.
137. NOTES
QUICK R ESPONSE
Immediately on the resolution requesting members who did not
carry out the boycotts in their own persons to resign being carried at
the A.I.C.C. meeting, Mr. Kalidas Jhaveri, who is a practising lawyer,
handed in his resignation as member of various committees. He was
elected with the full knowledge of the voters that he had resumed
practice. I congratulate Mr. Kalidas Jhaveri on the quick response to
the Committee’s invitation. He is a good worker. Let us hope that his
services will not be lost to the Congress because he had resigned
office. Everyone who either may not see eye to eye with the Congress
in all its programme, or because of weakness or circumstances over
which he may have no control and, therefore, cannot have a place in
the executive organization, can still work as effectively as if he was in
the executive. There is, for instance, nothing to prevent Mr. Jhaveri
from enlisting members, spinning, carrying on khaddar propaganda,
collecting subscriptions, etc. Indeed, a sincere worker prefers work to
responsibility of office and, by not being on the executive, escapes the
terrible wranglings that take place therein.
When the A.I.C.C. rejected the resolution exempting litigants,

Mr. Gangadharrao Deshpande immediately tendered his resignation
which was accepted as soon as tendered. Mr. Deshpande happened to
be the General Secretary of the Congress. He is also the chairman of
the Karnatak Provincial Congress Committee. It will be interesting to
learn how the difficulty in Karnatak is to overcome, seeing that Mr.
Deshpande is the moving spirit. He is organizing the Congress work.
Mr. Gangadharrao’s case is a very big experiment. If he is able to
guide the people under his influence without occupying any office, he
will have set an example for all of us to copy. It is necessary for us to
bring into being workers who would want no office and yet would
render as effective service as the strongest official. Such men and
women are the pride of a nation. They are its reserve force.
There is yet another reflection that arises from the interesting
situation. Why should all of us possess property? Why should not we,
after a certain time, dispossess ourselves of all property? Unscrupulous
merchants do this for dishonest purposes. Why may we not do it for a
moral and a great purpose? For a Hindu it was the usual thing at a
certain stage. Every good Hindu is expected, after having lived the
household life for a certain period, to enter upon a life of non-posse-
ssion of property. Why may we not revive the noble tradition? In
effect it merely amounts to this that, for maintenance, we place
ourselves at the mercy of those to whom we transfer our property. To
me the idea is attractive. In the innumerable cases of such honourable
trust, there is hardly one case in a million of abuse of trust. Of course,
there are moral considerations arising out of such transactions. Take
the instance of father and son. If the son is as good a non-co-operator
as the father, why should the father tempt his son by burdening him
with ownership of property? Such considerations will always arise and
the moral worth of a person is tested by his ability in delicately
balancing cross problems of ethics. How such a practice can be
worked without giving a handle to dishonest persons can only be
determined after long experimenting. No one, however, need be
deterred from trying the experiment for fear of the example being
abused. The divine author of the Gita was not deterred from deliver-
ing the message of the ‘Song Celestial’, although he probably knew
that it would be tortured to justify every variety of vice including
murder.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 259

VAIKOM
The Vaikom Satyagraha has entered upon probably the last
stage. 1 The newspapers report and the report is confirmed by private
advice—that the Travancore authorities have now practically aband-
oned the satyagrahis to the tender mercies of goondas. This is euphe-
mistically called the organized opposition of the orthodox section.
Everyone knows that orthodoxy is often unscrupulous. It has as a rule
prestige and public opinion behind it in comparison with the refor-
mer. It, therefore, does things with impunity which the poor reformer
dare not. But what baffles one is the attitude of the Travancore autho-
rities. Are they conniving at this open violence against the innocent
satyagrahis? Has such an advanced state like Travancore abdicated its
elementary function of protection of life and property? The violence
of the goondas is said to be of a particularly barbarous type. They
blind the eyes of volunteers by throwing lime into them.
The representatives from Kerala asked me if they should not
have a resolution of the Congress supporting the movement. I told
them that I did not like the idea. What they wanted was moral support.
It would have been given by the Committee for the asking, if they had
sent a resolution to the President. My responsibility in dissuading
them was, therefore, serious. But I am convinced that all local move-
ments must be self-reliant and that the A.I.C.C. should give its moral
support only in exceptional cases. The talk with the members was
followed by the resolution regarding the Sikhs. The members when
they found me settling the draft of that resolution asked me again
whether, in view of the Sikh resolution, I should not relent. I told them
that the Congress had already taken up the Sikh cause and that,
therefore, it could not very well now refrain without giving rise to the
suspicion it had given up the Sikh cause. The members did not
perhaps appreciate my reasoning. But they cheerfully submitted to it.
The Travancore authorities may, however, be respectfully told that the
Congress cannot watch barbarity with philosophic indifference. So
long as satyagraha is met by ordinary State processes, the movement
must remain local. But the letting loose of the goondas on the devoted
heads of the satyagrahis is bound to gather round the satyagrahis the
full weight of all-India public opinion.
A word now to the organizers of Vaikom Satyagraha. The
1
Vide, “Interview to Associated Press of India”, 1-7-1924.

challenge of the goondas must be taken up. But the satyagrahis must
not lose their heads. The khaddar dress of the volunteers is said to
have been torn from them and burnt. This is all most provoking. They
must remain cool under every provocation and courageous under the
hottest fire. Loss even of a few hundred lives will not be too great a
price to pay for the freedom of the unapproachables. Only the
martyrs must die clean. Satyagrahis, like Caesar’s wife, must be above
suspicion.
AN APOLOGY
I have much pleasure in printing the following letter. In my note
on Barabanki, I did not give the name of my informant. But I cannot
withhold the name any longer. I wish all will be as ready as Mr.
Shuaib to admit mistakes and slow to believe stories about Hindu and
Mussalman misdeeds. The reader will share my gladness that the
charge against the Hindu Municipal Commissioners of Barabanki was
baseless. I apologize to them for having been the unconscious instru-
ment of doing an injustice to them.
To the Editor, Young India
SIR,
Since I wrote to you about conditions at Barabanki, I am informed by a
Mussalman member of the District Congress Committee, Barabanki, who is
also a member of the Provincial Congress Committee, U.P., that the facts are
not as they were reported to me. All that took place was that, in place of the
old rule of Barabanki Municipal Board, by virtue of which applications to the
Board could only be given in Urdu script, the Board passed a law that they
could be given either in Devanagri or Urdu characters—a law which I
personally consider to be just and fair. I am very sorry that I supplied you with
facts which have turned out to be are incorrect. My only excuse is that my
informants were very reliable persons. I do not intend to name them, but
should like to say that they are both of them office-bearers of the Congress
and recognized by all to be absolutely free from communal prejudices. It was
because of this that I readily believed what they said. I, however, do not wish
to blame these gentlemen who, I may in passing say, fully believed those
facts themselves. The mistake is all mine. I should have thoroughly
ascertained the facts before writing about them to you even though they were
reported to me by persons whom I considered perfectly reliable. I shall know
how to act in future. But for the present I can only express my sincere and
profound regrets for having been an unconscious instrument in giving
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 261

publicity to facts likely to affect adversely Hindu-Muslim relations which are
strained enough already.
Yours, etc.,
S HUAIB QURESHI
C ORDIAL R ELATIONS
Mr. K. Rajagopalachari of Tirupati sends the following by way
of a variety in the unbroken series of unpleasantnesses between
Hindus and Mussalmans:
As you seem to have been presented with the dark side only of Hindu-
Muslim tension, I wish to present you with the bright site of it also.
Tirupati is a small place with a population of 18,000 people of whom
about 500 are Mussalmans, the rest being Hindus. You know it is one of the
sacred places of Hindus and men from all parts of India visit this place in
thousands daily. Naturally the Hindus are very influential, the head of the
temple being a northern Indian Bairagi and extremely influential with
Government. The Mussalmans are all traders and some of them are leading
merchants in the place. The Mussalmans are new-comers, but the relationship
between them and the Hindus is as cordial as possible. In September last, one
of the leading Mussalmans of the place, in celebrating the birth-month of the
Prophet, had put paper festoons right across the street (the only main street in
the town) and a red cloth in which was written ‘Mahomed’s birth-month
celebration’ on one side and ‘Prophet of all prophets’ on the other side.
Hindus were silently murmuring protests against the latter writing on the
cloth. But no trouble arose in any of the previous years. However, the temple
authorities stopped a number of processions of the Hindu Deity through that
street lest they should create some trouble between Hindus and Mussalmans;
more with a view it appears to respect the sentiments of Muslims. One day,
however, the procession of the Deity through the street could not be
prevented. The temple authorities took the precaution of speaking to the
Muslim friends beforehand and had arranged to get the cloth alone removed
when the Deity had to pass that street. The Muslim friend seems to have
consented, but, when the Deity actually came near his shop, the Hindus wanted
even the paper festoons to be removed, while the Muslim friend refused to
remove even the cloth. I happened to pass that way then and found a large
number of Hindus assembled in front of the shop and about a hundred Muslims
had also gathered to have a fight if necessary. I could not convince the Hindus
that there was nothing wrong in the Deity passing through the festoons nor
the Mussalmans that they would not lose their prestige by removing them at

once. The Hindus were in no mood to listen to me, for a large number of them
were drunk and no respectable Hindu was present there. When I argued with
such of the Hindus as were sober that it was not derogatory to Hinduism to take
our Deity underneath the festoons, they said I was pro-Muslim and even
conspired to beat me. Meanwhile, two or three responsible temple officials
appeared on the scene and dramatically announced that the Deity should be
taken underneath the festoons and no police help was needed so far as they
were concerned. The attitude of Muslims at once changed. They suggested that
their own men should go up and raise the paper festoons so that they might
not touch any portion of the sacred Deity and its ornamentations and that the
cloth should be removed at once. The matter ended smoothly that night. The
next morning, a hakim friend, a good Mussalman, as soon as he came to know
of the trouble the previous evening, ordered the festoons all to be removed or
he would come and remove them himself. The festoons were at once removed.
The temple authorities, even a few days after, declined to take the Deity
through the street, because, one of them told me subsequently, they did not
want to create the impression in the minds of the Muslims that the Hindus,
being larger in number and more powerful, were coercing them into doing
things which otherwise they would not do. Many of the prominent Hindus
agreed with us that what we did was commendable and we had their sympathies.
The Hakim Sahib, two or three days later, sent for me and told me that
he was ashamed to look up in the face of any Hindu of their magnanimity, in
the face of comparative unreasonableness on the part of Muslims. A few days
after that, both Hindus and Muslims closed their shops, the Hindus showing
their sympathy towards Mussalmans during Ramzan. Next time, the Muslims
closed their shops along with the Hindus on the new moon day to please the
Hindus and the mutual friendly relationship still continues and I am sure will
continue for ever. For a long time, there was only one mosque in this town and
recently another mosque has been erected. The Hindus refrain from music even
in front of the new mosque today. The Hindus are so powerful that, if they only
care, they can ignore the Mussalmans and have their own way, but they are
conducting themselves very considerately towards the Mussalmans and even
yield when necessary. By such behaviour, we have created in the minds of
Mussalmans a certain amount of confidence in us, and many sensitive
Mussalmans are ashamed even to talk of the incident of September last. By our
yielding to their demands, even though unreasonable, we disarm them of all
opposition. Our educated people can do and undo things. The masses follow
us, and if we lead them aright, there will be no Hindu-Muslim trouble and we
could reach our goal quickly.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 263

Let us hope that the cordial relations between the two sections
will continue for ever.
138. LETTER TO MOTILAL NEHRU

July 3, 1924
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I have today read a letter which has upset me, 1 was wondering
whether, if I wrote to you about it, I would be abusing the privilege of
friendship. The voice within me tells me I must not decide that
question but must leave it to you. If you regard it as an abuse, you will
forgive the offence and dismiss the letter from your consideration. 2
The writer has sent me the enclosed cutting (from The Leader). 3 I had
not read it before. He says that at another dinner you are reported to
have said: “Water has been called pure. But wine is made after being
thrice distilled. It is, therefore, purer than water.” 4 You will not
misunderstand me. I have nothing to say to your return to wine-drink-
ing, if you have. But, if the report is to be relied upon, I cannot but be
grieved that you, who lead the anti-liquor campaign, should publicly
drink it and, what is worse, chaff at teetotalism.
I must not say more. Needless to say I shall await your reply
with considerable anxiety.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
1
The letter is not available. It evidently referred to the drinking of wine by
Motilal Nehru at a dinner in Simla at which he was the chief guest. Vide M. R.
Jayakar, The Story of My Life, Vol. II, pp. 331-6.
2
Motilal Nehru, in a lengthy reply of July 10, wrote with reference to this:
“Let me at the outset assure you that so far from regarding your request for information
as an abuse of the privilege of friendship, I look upon it as your right as well as your
duty to know where you stand with those who, in spite of your public declaration of
distrust in them, are trying, for all they are worth, to be able to work with and under
you.”
3
The report in The Leader quoted by Jayakar had made sarcastic comments on
the incident.
4
These remarks, Motilal Nehru pointed out, were only an allusion to a
description of wine in Persian poetry.

[PS.]
I know that if a man drinks privately, he may drink publicly
too. A public man, how ever, may not drink publicly, if he is
likely to offend. I distinguish between private drinking and secret
drinking 1 .
M. K. G.
The Story of My Life, Vol. II, P. 332
139. LETTER TO PRABHASHANKER PATTANI

Thursday, Jeth Vad Amas [July 3, 1924] 2
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. Sardar Mangalsingh 3 was here for about a
fortnight. I got your letter after he left the day before yesterday.
Otherwise he would have certainly come there.
The real cause of the breakdown this time was Lord Reading 4
himself. Almost everything was decided. I still hope that the move-
ment5 will be free from bloodshed. But who can foretell?
Dinkarrao, it appears, has again gone away somewhere.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 3179. Courtesy: Mahesh Pattani
1
Motilal Nehru’s rejoinder to this was: “To me, it is clear that deceiving men
by keeping up false appearances is worse than offending them, and I must express my
utter inability to understand how you can possibly reconcile yourself to the
suggestion that I might drink privately if at all. I must also raspectfully differ from
the distinction you draw between private drinking and secret drinking. In my humble
opinion, it is a distinction without a difference.
2
In 1924, the Amavasya in the Vikram calendar month of Jyestha fell on July 1
and 2. Thursday, however, fell on July 3.
3
One of the leaders of the Akali movement
4
The then Viceroy and Governor-General of India
5
The Akali movement
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 265

[After July 3, 1924]1
DEAR GHANSHYAMDASJI,
I got both your letters. I shall wire to you when I leave for
Delhi.
I do not think any praise of Mrs. Sarojini Naidu is overdone. I
do not consider her an ideal Indian woman, but she was an ideal
ambassador for the work in East Africa. I must admit, nevertheless,
that I see in people only their virtues and I try not to notice their
shortcomings. This has done no harm to me, or to the persons I have
praised. Unless Maulana Mahomed Ali wants me to go earlier2 , I shall
not go to Delhi before September.
Yours,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
BIRLA HOUSE
HARDWAR
141. LETTER TO LAJPAT RAI 3
July 4, 1924
DEAR LALAJI,
I am glad that you have ultimately reached where you ought to
be. I do hope you will not leave the place before you have completely
recovered.
I hope you are not perturbed by what is happening here. I
cannot co-operate with the Swarajists on the same platform. Co-ope-
ration will be possible, no doubt, if both of us work independently.
The Congress should devote itself to one sphere at a time. How can it
give its attention to the Government and the people at the same time?
Yours sincerely,
GANDHI
[From Hindi]
Lala Lajpat Rai : Jivani, p. 418
1
Presumably, the letter was written after the publication of the article
“Bombay, Remember Sarojini”, 3-7-1924.
2
In response to Mahomed Ali’s invitation, Gandhiji left for Delhi on August
16, 1924.
3
The original letter, which must have been in English, is not available.

Ashadh Sud 2 [July 4, 1924] 1
CHI. VASUMATI,
I got your letter and postcard at the same time.
It was good that you stayed there for a month more. The more
our trust in God grows and we realize our littleness, the more we
become free from worry. Can worry lighten our grief?
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
143. MESSAGE TO NO-CHANGERS2

July 4, 1924
To the No-changers I have but one word. No one can prevent us
from working but ourselves. There is no active programme but that of
hand-spinning and production and distribution of khaddar. To this,
therefore, all young and old men and women should apply them-
selves. If our neighbours do not listen, we get all the more time for
spinning. No true worker can, therefore, complain of having no work
to do. I regard national schools as aids to the khaddar programme.
M. K. GANDHI
Amrita Bazar Patrika, 8-7-1924
1
2
This was addressed to the No-changers in Bengal through Hardayal Nag, a
prominent Congressman.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 267

144. TELEGRAM TO G. NALGOLA
[SABARMATI ,
On or after July 5, 1924] 1
COLLEGE MUST NOT BE CLOSED.
GANDHI
From a photostat: S.N. 8988

PU. GANGABEHN,
I have your letter. We have no control over the future, we do not

know the future. Even in the smallest things we are mere instruments;
why then should we grieve? We must keep looking at what happens,
go on doing what appears to us as our duty and be cheerful. This
covers the whole of religion. Why not regard as happiness what you
consider misery ? Through misery you have learnt to endure. There is
happiness in contentment. If we go in search of happiness, misery
comes to our lot, and by enduring misery we attain to happiness. We
are born to labour and if our life comes to an end while we are yet
working and doing service, it will have been fulfilled.
Please let me know when you decide to come here.34 I hope both
the mother and the new-born child are happy.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 6013. Courtesy: Gangabehn Vaidya
1
This was in reply to a telegram from G. Nalgola of July 5, 1924, which read:
“You have heard about Dacca National College from Prafulla Ghose. Wire what we to
do. Students.” Vide “Telegram to Students, Dacca National College”, on or after
9-7-1924.
2
From the reference p the addressee’s proposed visit to the Ashram, the letter
appears to have been written before July 22, 1924; vide “Letter to Gangabehn
Vaidya”, 22-7-1924. In 1924, Ashadh Sud 5 fell on July 7.
3
Ibid
4

146. TELEGRAM TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
[On or after July 7, 1924]
1
NOTHING WRONG ONLY WEAK.
GANDHI
147 TELEGRAM TO STUDENTS, DACCA NATIONAL

COLLEGE
[On or after July 9, 1924] 2
IF NO HELP FORTHCOMING STUDENTS MUST ORGANIZE
STUDY AND WORK AMONG THEMSELVES.
GANDHI
148. NOTES
C OUNCIL -ENTRY
After the closing of the session of the A.I.C.C., Pandit Motilalji
went to Rajkot for a domestic visit and halted at Ahmedabad on his
way to Bombay. We met during the halt. In the course of our
discussion, I happened to say that it would be disastrous if the
Swarajists retired from the Councils at this stage. He immediately
reminded me of my previous writing 3 that, if I could convince the
Swarajists, I would ask them to withdraw. I said I saw no contradiction
between the two. The one statement is permanent and based upon
principle, the other is applicable to the immediate present only and is
based on expedience. There is no doubt that the Swarajists have
created a stir in the Government circles. There is no doubt, too, that
any withdrawal at the present moment will be misunderstood as a rout
1
This was in reply to Mathuradas’s telegram to Krishnadas, inquiring about
Gandhiji’s health, which was received on July 7, 1924.
2
This was in reply to a telegram from the students of National College, Dacca,
dated July 9, 1924, which read: “Telegram suppressed by college authority. Principal
and professors faithless in school boycott. How to read under them. Wire clearly to
Jilani thirty Jindabahar Dacca.” Vide “Telegram to G. Nalgola”, on or after 5-7-1924.
3
Vide “Statement to Associated Press of India”, 22-5-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 269

and weakness. As a matter of fact, so far as the A.I.C.C. is concerned,
the Swarajist position has been never so strong as it is now. They are
entitled to claim a moral victory. Believing as they do in giving battle
to the Government in the Assembly and the Councils, they have no
reason whatsoever for withdrawing from the Legislative bodies at the
present moment. Their withdrawal at this juncture can only add to the
present depression in the country and strengthen the hands of a
Government which wants to give nothing to justice and which yields
gracelessly and reluctantly to pressure.
The only opportune time for the Swarajists to come out will be
when we the whole-hoggers have become active workers of our own
programme, which we consider to be the only one that can bring us
swaraj, and shown progressive success, or when the Swarajists are by
bitter experience convinced that the Councils can only give condi-
ments but no bread, and that, therefore, they should give their whole
time and attention to the constructive programme.
The key to the situation lies in the hands of us whole-hoggers,
We claim that the masses are behind us. I at least feel so. If they are,
we must show it by results—not by merely securing a majority at the
Congress, but by showing substantial work. All the No-changers in all
the provinces cannot show adequate results. The fault is probably not
theirs. We like the programme, but we have not evolved the capacity
for working it. But if that be the true diagnosis, we must now work, for
work not words—will give us the capacity. Then and not till then,
when we have shown substantial results, will the Swarajists of their own
accord come away from the Councils.
There is, in my opinion, no room for a centre party. A centre
party is a party of vacillation. It floats with the tide, whereas the time
has come for us all to decide one way or the other. Those who believe
in the Councils must remain in or, being out, enter them or organize
work for them. It will be disastrous for them and for the country if, in
spite of their belief in the Councils, they retired from them for fear of
public opinion. No one who wants swaraj can dare idle away his or her
time.
MY P OSITION
I would like to retain my hold on the Congress not by a
fictitious or manufactured majority—not merely because my with-
drawal is likely to create disorganization and depression. Even that
must be faced it I cannot make my programme acceptable. Enervation

is bound to be followed by rejuvenation. The Congress had become a
reality in 1920-21. There is fear of its becoming an unreality worse
than before 1920. In 1920 there was no organized dishonesty. Then
there was no limitation of delegates, no obligation upon Congressmen
to do any continuous work and no purse. Now we have a limitation to
the number of delegates, resolutions are almost all addressed to them
and we have even now a purse such as the Congress never possessed at
any time before 1920.
The natural result must, therefore, be dishonesty if we are not
incessantly watchful. Swarajists tell me that the No-changers have
dishonestly worked the constitution and the latter pay the same
compliment to the former. I do not know the truth. But I do know that
it bodes ill for swaraj if we cannot or do not work the Congress
constitution with the utmost honesty.
I would like the Congress to become progressively popular. I
would, therefore, man it with mercantile, artisan and agricultural
classes. I would, therefore, also keep all the boycotts intact and have
on the executive only those who fully carry them out in their own
persons. Those who cannot but still believe in them can help those
who do carry them out, but who are inexperienced in the management
of institutions or who are not known to the public as workers. It
should be the privilege of educated classes to be behind and push into
public life those who have hitherto kept aloof.
In an organization thus conceived, privileged classes have no
place on the executive. They can all be in the annual deliberative
assembly. Pandit Motilalji suggests a small standing deliberative
assembly. I should not mind it. It would perhaps be an advantage to
have such a body with all the powers of the Congress. There is no
doubt that the constitution requires some drastic changes. We must
secure efficiency and swiftness. And these cannot be secured even
under a perfect constitution, if we who have to work it are not honest
or do not want efficiency and swiftness.
A DESERVED R EBUKE
The Punjab Government have administered the public a
deserved rebuke in its communique intimating its intention of prose-
cuting those Hindu and Mussalman sheets which ply their calling of
abusing rival religions. Here is the communique:
The Punjab Government has for some time had under notice the fact that
certain newspapers, both Hindu and Mohammedan, published in the province,
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 271

have been issuing abusive and inflammatory matter regarding each other and
the religions which their rivals represent. The Government has anxiously
watched the course of this campaign in the hope that the scurrility and, in
some cases unfortunately, the obscenity with which it has been conducted
would disgust all respectable members of both communities and that the
papers in question would find that their articles held no appeal for any section
of the public. This hope has, however, unfortunately not been realized, and
Government has now been compelled to start criminal proceedings against
two of the offending newspapers. Government relies on the good sense of the
leaders of both communities to assist it by all means in their power in
suppressing these most objectionable expressions of religious animosity,
which constitute a grave menace to the existence of good relations between
the two great communities.
It must be regretfully confessed that the public could have
stopped these sheets if they had actively worked against them. It is to
be even now hoped that the publishers of these sheets will apologize
for their irreligious behaviour and stop their publications.
P OSTS UNDER S WARAJ
Mr. Ali Hassan of Patna takes exception to my suggestion that
swaraj service should be filled on the sole ground of merit and not
according to communal proportion. He cites the general statement
that most of the best posts are today monopolized by the Hindus. I
have not the statistics before me so as to enable me to test the
proposition. But my opinion would remain unaffected even if the pro-
position was proved. The existing Government, whose chief concern is
about its own stability, ensures its safety by conciliating the most
clamant party. We can deduce nothing from the state of affairs found
under it. The only way of doing justice is to grant special facilities to
educationally backward communities for receiving edu-cation. It is
the duty of the State to level up those of its citizens who may be
backward and it is equally its duty to make efficiency and character
the only test in the matter of making appointments. The greatest
impartiality should certainly be ensured in making them, but there can
be no hard and fast rule as to of percentages in the matter.
WHO ARE HINDUS ?
In this connection Mr. Ali Hassan makes this curious statement.
He says:
The Hindus of today practically mean Brahmins and Kayasthas. They
have no right whatever to secure advantages by the inclusion of untouch-

ables amongst them while they are not prepared to treat them equally. The
lower-caste people and untouchables are quite distinct bodies altogether and
they ought to be treated better. The Hindus and Muslims both should be
considerate to them as well as to other minorities.
I would not have noticed this statement but for my knowledge
that such belief is held by many Mussalmans. The writer, of course,
goes a step further than most and would regard all lower-class Hindus
as distinct from Hindus. This is a dangerous belief for a Mussalman to
hold because it seeks to decide who are Hindus and who are not. Now
‘Brahmins and Kayasthas’ —not Kshatriyas—are, according to the
writer, the only Hindus. Then, the Hindus are in a another minority.
As a matter of fact, nobody can decide for another what he is. The
untouchables have decided for themselves what they are. I have not
yet met an untouchable who has not claimed to be a Hindu. Naturally,
I exclude converts.
WHO IS S UPERIOR AS ADMINISTRATOR ?
The writer further says that since I have admitted that
Mussalmans are better than Hindus as administrators, there should be
no difficulty in my agreeing to an equal proportion of Mussalmans
receiving administrative posts. I have not made any such admission.
He has a postcard 1 from me in which a ‘not’ has been inadvertently
omitted. I informed him of the omission as soon as I saw the postcard
printed in a newspaper. Mussalmans are superior to Hindus in several
matters, but I have never considered them to be superior as adminis-
trators. I would like to be able to give the palm to them in everything.
Then there would be no cause for quarrels and jealousies. Jealousies
arise as a rule between equals in the same game. Lawyers have been
known to be jealous of one another,. but I have not known them to be
jealous, say, of doctors in their profession. But supposing that Mussal-
mans make, as a matter of fact, superior administrators, they should
have no difficulty in an impartial and open competition in securing
not merely fifty per cent but cent per cent of posts and I should rot
shed a single tear over the discomfiture of the Hindus. I have already
informed Maulana Shaukat Ali that, when I become the first President
of the Indian Republic or some such thing, I propose to appoint him
as the first Commander-in-Chief and his brother as the Minister of
Education. That bribery probably accounts for our friendship, but let
1
This postcard is not available.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 273

the Mussalmans beware lest they draw the inference that I regard
Mussalmans as a rule superior to the others as soldiers and edu-
cationists. My own opinion is that, on the whole, we are all about equal
and, under fair auspices, we can, if we make the effort, beat one an-
other in open competition.
A C ORRECTION
With reference to my note in Young India,1 giving the infor-
mation that the Rewa State had a law similar to that of Bhopal, a
correspondent writes:
No order is in force in the Rewa State prohibiting the conversion of a
Hindu to Mohammedanism nor is there any punishment prescribed for
convert or for the agent bringing about the conversion.
It is, however, true that before a Hindu can be converted to Islam, he
must obtain the Durbar’s sanction. Any person infringing the order renders
himself liable to prosecution and punishment in the ordinary course for
disobeying the order. This order is meant to exercise a salutary check on
conversion where the main end in view is some pecuniary gain, prostitution
or other illegal object.
The order also enables the State to keep figures regarding conversion
up to date. This order cannot be taken to prohibit or otherwise affect bona-
fide conversion from Hinduism to Islam.
I am glad to be able to publish the correction which my corres-
pondent assures me is authentic. It does seem to me, however, that the
condition of prior consent of the Durbar is more than a salutary
check. Why should an adult of full understanding be obliged to ob-
tain consent? Who will determine the bona fides of such conversion?
To a Hindu all conversion to another faith must appear a fall and,
therefore, he must approach every case of conversion with a bias
against it. I would, therefore, respectfully suggest to the Durbar to
remove the clause about consent. Registration of conversions will be
sufficient insurance against bogus conversions. It would be interesting
to know how the law as it is has worked in the State. All Hindu States
will best guard Hinduism by becoming themselves model States and
removing abuses that have crept into Hinduism. What I would like to
see in the Rewa State is a law against untouchability. No external
safeguards can possibly keep alive a system that is dying of internal
corruption.
1
Vide “Notes”, 19-6-1924.

F ALSE P RIDE ?
I understand that the Khadi Board which is employing a large
number of young men for the khadi work is finding it difficult to get
the right kind of men to give their whole time to the work. They want
to earn their livelihood by other means. In my opinion, this disincli-
nation to accept payment for work is not a healthy sign. We want an
army of whole-time workers. In a poor country like India, it is not
possible to get such workers without pay. I see not only no shame, but
I see credit in accepting pay for national work honestly and well done.
We shall have to engage many paid whole-time workers when swaraj is
established. Shall we then feel pride in belonging to the swaraj service
than Englishmen do in belonging to the Indian Civil Service? How
much more justification is there now when no one can be guaranteed
absolute permanence, much less pension ? Is it not also a grim irony
that, when lawyers are said to have gone back to practice for want of
maintenance, the Khadi Board is hard put to it to find suitable paid
workers?
There is another matter also that needs attention. When a person
volunteers his service for national work, whether with or without pay,
he undertakes to come under all the discipline of an ordinary emp-
loyee. If anything, the discipline is stricter in the case of a volunteer.
He may not, therefore, absent himself without leave. He may not even
invite imprisonment except under permission. Civil disobedience has
to be civil in more senses than one. There can be no bravado, no
impetuousness about it. It has to be an ordered, well-thought-out,
humble offering.
LADIES TO THE R ESCUE
Shrimati Hemprobha Mazumdar, a member of the A.I.C.C., has
left this note for me:
I think unless the ladies of our country take special charge of
spinning, the movement cannot be successful. So I pray that special appeal
to all the members of A.I.C.C be made to take special care for the training of
women for spinning.
I heartily endorse the remark and would like to add that many
more things are impossible without the help of the women of India.
The only question is: ‘who shall do it and how?’ Many sisters are
doing the work, but many more are necessary. There should be
whole-time women workers as there are men. Some I know there are
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 275

in the field, but they are all too few. I invite the fair writer to make the
commencement herself. She can do so by setting apart a time speci-
ally for spinning herself and mastering the science by carding, testing
cottons, understanding the counts, testing their strength, etc. She can
begin, too, with her neighbours by interesting them in the national
occupation and she will find that the circle will widen. I would
certainly appeal to husbands to let their wives organize the work. The
case of Bengal is, perhaps, the most difficult because the ladies,
whether Hindu or Mussalman, observe the purdah. I promise that
whoever commences the work with faith and earnestness will find it
most interesting and, from a national stand-point, most profitable.
BAKR-ID
This festival is at all times a time of anxiety for both Hindus and
Mussalmans. It should not be if we have toleration and respect for one
another. Why should Hindus interfere with Mussalmans who believe in
animal sacrifice and who, therefore, offer even cows in sacrifice? Simi-
larly, why should Mussalmans sacrifice the cow or perform the sacri-
fice in a manner purposely to offend Hindu susceptibility? Why
should not Mussalmans repeat the noble performance of 1921 when
they, for the sake of respecting their Hindu neighbours’ sentiments,
took it upon their heads to save the cow and actually succeeded in
saving hundreds as Hindus themselves acknowledged? Surely, on that
festival day, Mussalmans should specially exert themselves to cultivate
affectionate feelings towards Hindus and the latter should respect the
former’s rites and ceremonies even though they may be repugnant to
them, the Hindus, just as they expect the Mussalmans to respect their
idol worship even though it is repugnant to their feelings. God will
hold each one of us responsible for his own actions, not for his neigh-
bour’s.
BARABANKI AGAIN
I have received two illuminating letters about my note on Bara-
banki, one from a Mussalman and the other from a Hindu. Though
they are written independently of one another, they agree on facts
which they both deal with. There are a few new facts in each. Both
seem to give an impartial version. I suppress the letters because their
publication can do no good. The facts disclosed do no credit to
anybody except the writers. One thing, however, is quite clear that the
capture of the municipality has been an apple of discord between the

Hindus and the Mussalmans of the place. Apart even from non-co-
operation, it seems to me to be absolutely clear that, where there is no
heart-unity between the two communities, non-co-operators—whether
Hindu or Mussalman—should refrain from entering municipal or
district boards. Even where one party is eager to enter, the other
should refrain. Before the unseemly squabble in the municipality,
both the communities were, it is stated, living in perfect harmony. Now
because of municipal contest, there is tension not only among the
rivals in the municipality, but it has permeated the whole town. I do
hope that Barabanki will retrieve its once fair name by reverting to the
old cordiality.
A R EPUDIATION
With reference to the reported interview with the Tiya priest, Shri
Narayana Guru Swami, I gladly publish the following letter from Mr.
Narayanan:
I was very much pained to see your note in Young India regarding the
views of His Holiness Shri Narayana Guru Swami on the present methods of
satyagraha at Vaikom. A few days before that, I happened to see the Swamiji
with whom I had a fairly long conversation over the Vaikom struggle. The
Swamiji himself told me at the outset that one Mr. Kesavan, who had a talk
with him some time back in a railway train, has misrepresented him to the
public by publishing an unauthorized account of the so-called interview in
the vernacular Press. First of all, Swamiji is not in the habit of granting
interviews to Press representatives. But he freely expresses his opinions to
whomsoever he talks with on any subject. Very recently, Sjt. C.
Rajagopalachari also had a free talk with the Swamiji on the Vaikom affairs;
and it is said that the Swamiji expressed himself in unmistakable terms his
approval of the present methods of satyagraha at Vaikom.
What the Swamiji says is this. It is true that he spoke in favour of
entering temples and sitting with others to dine, because he has always been
an advocate of temple-entry and interdining. But he lays great stress on
non-violence. He says that even advancing into the prohibited area in the
absence of barricades is an act of violence, because the prohibitory board at
the boundary line carrying the Government order itself is equivalent to a
barricade of policemen who simply repeat the same order as the volunteers
advance. He is of opinion that, so long as the prohibitory board is there,
the volunteers should remain at the boundary line, praying God to give
courage to the oppositionists to change their mind and cause the removal of
the board. He might have told Mr. Kesavan that, if the volunteers may
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 277

advance into the prohibitory area disobeying the Government order put up
in the prohibitory board, they may as well scale the barricades and advance.
This, the Swamiji says, might have been misunderstood by Mr. Kesavan. He
drew my special attention to the fact that the volunteers must be of
exemplary character, and that they must not even show signs of distemper at
the greatest provocation. The Swamiji also expressed the view that the pro-
posed procession on foot of 500 caste Hindus from Vaikom to Trivandrum
will produce a great moral effect on all concerned. Lastly, he wished all
success to the movement saying that, if carried on in the same strain as at
present, success is not far off.
After the foregoing was prepared, I received the following
authoritative letter:
The report of the interview K. M. Kesavan had with me in the railway
train, published in the Desabhimani, seems to have been prepared without
correctly understanding my meaning. That report was not shown to me
before publication, nor did I see it soon after it was published. The removal
of untouchability is quite essential for the attainment of social harmony. I
have no objection whatsoever to the satyagraha movement started by
Mahatma Gandhi to fight this evil nor to the co-operationof people in that
movement. Any method of work that may be adopted for eradicating the evil
of untouchability must be strictly non-violent.
NARAYANA GURU
MUTTAKKADU,
27-6-1924
HALF A DOZEN AND S IX
My remarks on the unreadable pamphlet on the Prophet and on
the scurrilous sheet Shaitan have brought me a sheaf-ful of letters
from Arya Samajists who, whilst admitting the force and truth of my
remarks, say that some Mussalman sheets are no better and that they
began the abuse and the Arya Samajists followed by way of retalia-
tion. The writers have sent me some of these sheets. I have suffered
the pain of going through a few of the extracts. The language in some
parts is simply revolting. I cannot disfigure these pages by repro-
ducing it. I have also been favoured with a life, by a Mussalman, of
Swami Dayanand. I am sorry to say it is largely a distortion of the
great reformer. Nothing that he did has escaped the author’s venom.
One of my correspondents complains bitterly that my remarks have
emboldened the Musslaman speakers and writers to become more
abusive than before towards the Arya Samaj and the Samajists. One of

them sends me an account of a recently-held Lahore meeting where
unmentionable abuse was heaped upon the Samaj. Needless to say,
such writings and speeches can have no sympathy from me. In spite
of the opinion I have expressed, I claim to be one of the many hum-
ble admirers of the founder of the Samaj. He pointed out the many
abuses that were corrupting Hindu society. He inculcated a taste for
Sanskrit learning. He challenged superstitious beliefs. By the chastity
of his own life he raised the tone of the society in which he lived. He
taught fearlessness and gave a new hope to many a despairing youth.
Nor am I oblivious of his many services to the national cause. The
Samaj has supplied it with many true and self-sacrificing workers. It
has encouraged female education among Hindu girls as perhaps no
other Hindu institution save the Brahmo Samaj has done. Ignorant
critics have not hesitated to insinuate that my remarks about Shradd-
hanandji were due to his criticism of me. But the insinuation does not
prevent me from re-acknowledging the pioneer work done by him in
Gurukul. Whilst, therefore, I am unable to withdraw a single word of
my criticism of the Samaj, the Satyarth Prakash, Rishi Dayanand and
Swami Shraddhanandji, I repeat that my criticism was that of a friend
with the desire that the Samaj may render greater service by ridding
itself of the shortcomings to which I drew attention. I want it to march
with the times, give up the polemical spirit and, whilst adhering to its
own opinions, extend that toleration to other faiths which it claims for
itself. I want it to keep a watch on its workers and stop all discreditable
writings. It is no answer in justification that Mussalmans commenced
the campaign of calumny. I do not know whether they did or not. But
I do know that they would have been tired. of repetition if there had
been no retaliation. I have not even urged the Samajsits to give up
their shuddhi. But I do urge them, as I would urge Mussalm ans, to
revise the present idea of shuddhi.
To the Mussalman writers and speakers, of whose conduct I have
received the letters referred, I venture to point out that they neither
enhance their own reputation nor that of the religion they profess by
unrestrained abuse of the opponent. They can gain nothing, they can-
not serve Islam, by swearing at the Samaj and the Samajists.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 279

149. MY JAIL EXPERIENCES-X
S OME C ONVICT -WARDERS
(2)
Adan was a young Somali soldier who was sentenced to ten
years’ hard labour for desertion from the British Army, which he had
joined during the War. He was transferred by the Aden Jail authorities.
Adan had served four years when we were admitted. He was prac-
tically illiterate. He could read the Koran with difficulty, but could not
copy it correctly, if at all. He was able to speak Urdu fairly fluently
and was anxious to learn Urdu. With the permission of the Superin-
tendent, I tried to teach him, but the learning of the alphabet proved
too great a strain upon him and he left it. With all that he was
quick-witted and sharp as a needle. He took the greatest interest in
religious matters. He was a devout Mussalman, offered his prayers
regularly including the midnight one, and never missed the Ramzan
fast. The rosary was his constant companion. When he was free, he
used to recite selections from the Koran. He would often engage me
in a discussion on complete fasts according to the Hindu custom as
also on ahimsa. He was a brave man. He was very courteous, but never
cringing. He was of an excitable nature and, therefore, often
quarrelled with the bardasi or his fellow-warder. We had, therefore.
sometimes to arbitrate between them. Being a soldier and amenable to
reason, he would accept the award, but he would put his case boldly
and cogently. Adan was the longest with us. I treasure Adan’s
affection. He was most attentive to me. He would see to it that I got
my food at the appointed time. He was sad if I ever became ill and
anticipated all my wants. He would not let me exert myself for
anything. He was anxious to be discharged or at least to be transferred
to Aden. I tried hard. I drew up petitions 1 for him. The Superinten-
dent too, tried his best. But the decision rested with the Aden
authorities. Hope was held out to him that he would be discharged
before the end of last year. I do hope he is already discharged. The
little service I rendered gave rise to deep personal attachment. It was a
sad parting when Adan was transferred to another part of the prison. I
must not omit to mention that, when I was organizing spinning and
1
These are not available.

carding in the jail, Adan, though one of his hands was disabled, helped
most industriously at making slivers. He became very proficient in the
art which he had come to like.
As Shabaskhan was replaced by Adan, Harkaran was replaced
by Bhiwa. Much to our agreeable surprise, Bhiwa was a Mahar from
Maharashtra and, therefore, an untouchable. Of all the warders we met
he was perhaps the most industrious. The reader will be surprised to
find that the canker of untouchability has not left even the jails
untouched. Poor Bhiwa! He would not enter our cells without
considerable hesitation. He would not touch our pots. We quickly set
him at rest by telling him that we had not only no prejudices against
untouchables, but that we were trying our best to do away with the
curse. Shankerlal Banker specially befriended him and made him feel
perfectly at home with us. He permitted Bhiwa to be so familiar with
him that the former would resent an angry word from Mr. Banker and
the latter would even apologize. He induced Bhiwa to apply himself to
studies and taught him also spinning. The result was that Bhiwa
became, in an incredibly short space of time, an accomplished spinner
and began so to like it that he thought of learning weaving, and
earning his living through that occupation when he went out. I
cultivated in the jail the habit of drinking hot water and lemon at 4.15
a. m. When I protested against Mr. Banker doing it for me, he initiated
Bhiwa into the mystery. Prisoners, though they get up early enough,
do not like to leave their matting (which is their bed) at that early
hour. Bhiwa, however, immediately responded to his friend’s sugges-
tion. But it was Mr. Banker’s business always to wake up Bhiwa at 4
o’clock. When Bhiwa went (he was discharged under special
remission), Adan undertook the duty. He will not listen to my doing it
myself. And the tradition was kept up even after Mr. tanker’s dis-
charge, each outgoing warder initiating the incoming one into all the
mysteries. Needless to say, this morning duty was no part of the prison
task. Indeed, convicts when they became warders were not expected to
do any labour at all. Theirs is but to order.
Even as the best of friends must part some day, Bhiwa bade
good-bye. He was permitted to receive from Mr. Banker khaddar
caps, khaddar dhotis, khaddar vests and a khaddar blanket. He pro-
mised to wear nothing but khaddar outside. Let me hope good Bhiwa,
wherever he may be, is keeping the promise.
Bhiwa was followed by Thamu. He too belonged to Mahara-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 281

shtra. Thamu was a mild-mannered warder. He had not much ‘go’ in
him. He would do what he was asked, but did not believe in specially
exerting himself. He and Adan, therefore, did not get on quite well
together. But Thamu, being timid, always yielded to Adan in the end.
He had such a royal time (all had) with us that Thamu did not want to
be separated from us. He, therefore, preferred to bear Adan’s hard
yoke to being transferred. Thamu having come to us a considerable
time after Adan, the latter was Thamu’s senior with us. It is remark-
able how these fictitious seniorities spring up in little places like jails.
Yeravda was to us a whole world or, better still, the whole world. Every
squabble, every little jar, was a mighty event commanding sustained
interest for the day and sometimes even for days. If the jail authorities
permitted a jail newspaper to be conducted by the prisoners and for
them, it would have a cent per cent circulation, and such toothsome
news as properly-cooked dhal, well-dressed vegetables, and sensational
items as war of words between prisoners, sometimes even resulting in
blows and consequent khatla (trial) before the Superintendent, would
be as eagerly devoured by the prisoners as the news of big dinner
parties and great wars are devoured by the public outside. I make the
present of a suggestion to enterprising members of the Assembly that,
if they desire fame, they cannot do better than introduce a bill
requiring Superintendents of jails to permit the publishing and editing
of newspapers by prisoners exclusively for their own use and under
strict censorship by the authorities.
To return to Thamu, though he was flabby, as a man he was
otherwise as good as any of his predecessors. He took to the charkha
like fish to water. In a week’s time, he pulled a more even thread than
I did. And after a month, the pupil out-distanced the teacher by a long
way. So much so that I grew jealous of Thamu’s superiority. I saw too
from Thamu’s rapid progress that my slow progress was a peculiar
defect of. mine and that an ordinary person could pull a perfect
thread in a month at the outside. Everyone of those who were taught
by me excited me in no time. To Thamu as to Bhiwa, the spinn-
ing-wheel had become a welcome companion. They were able to
drown the sorrows of separation from their nearest in the soft and
gentle music of the wheel. Later on, spinning became Thamu’s first
work in the morning. He span at the rate of four hours per day.
When we were shifted to the European yard, there were several
changes. Among them was a change of warders. Adan was the first to

be transferred. Though neither he nor we liked it, we took his transfer
bravely. Then came Thamu’s turn. Poor fellow, he broke down. He
wanted me to try to keep him. I would not do that. I thought it was
beyond my province. The authorities had a perfect right to shift
whom and where they would. Adan and Thamu were followed by
Kunti, a Gurkha, and a Canarese by name Gangappa. The Gurkha was
called Goorkha by everybody. He was reserved, but grew ‘chummy’
later on. For the first few days, he did not know where he was.
Probably he thought we would report and involve him on the slightest
pretext. But when he saw that we meant no mischief, he came closer to
us. But he was soon transferred. Gangappa I have partly described in
the introduction to the jail correspondence. He was an elderly man.
His almost punctilious observance of rules and his great devotion to
duty commanded my admiration. He put his whole soul into whatever
he was ordered by the authorities to do. He took up duties which he
need not have. He rarely remained idle. He learnt to make and cook
chapatis for my companions. His devotion to me personally I shall
never forget. No wife or sister could be more unsparing than
Gangappa in his attention. He was awake at all times. He took delight
in anticipating my wants. He saw to it that all my things were kept
spotlessly clean. During my illness, he was my most efficient nurse,
because he was the most attentive. When we were transferred to the
European yard, Messrs Mansar Ali and Yagnik used to join me at
prayer time. Mr. Mansar Ali was transferred to Allahabad for his
discharge in due course. Mr. Yagnik, because he needed more inten-
sive and philosophical rather than devotional meditation, dropped out.
Gangappa felt that without these friends I would feel lonely at prayer.
The very first time that he saw that I was alone at prayer, he
quietly took his seat in front of me. Needless to say, I appreciated the
delicate courtesy underlying the action. It was so spontaneous,
unofficious, and natural for Gangappa I do not call it religious in the
accepted sense of the term, though, according to my conception, it was
truly religious. I always hesitate to invite anybody to these prayer
meetings of mine. I did not want them to come for my sake. I did not
feel lonely. I realized most at that time the companionship of God. If
any one came, I wanted him not for keeping company but for sharing
the divine companionship. I, therefore, particularly hesitated to invite
the warders. I felt they might join merely out of form, whereas I
wanted them to join only if they naturally felt like joining. With
Gangappa it was a mixture of pity for me in my loneliness and desire
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 283

to share with me the sacred half-hour, though he could understand not
a word of what I sang save, of course, Ramanam. Gangappa drew to
the prayer meeting another warder, Annappa, also a Canarese, and
later, Ms Abdul Gani felt impelled to join. I imagine that Mr. Abdul
Gani was unconsciously influenced by Gangappa’s unobtrusive act of
joining me.
The reader will see that I had a uniformly happy experience of
these convict-warders. I could not have wished for more devoted com-
panions or more faithful attendants. Paid service would but be a patch
upon this and that of friends could only equal it. And yet the pity of it
is that society treats such men as criminals and outcastes because they
had the misfortune to be convicted. I entirely endorse the remark of
the Head Jailor, already quoted by me in a previous chapter1 , that
there are in our jails many men who are better than those outside. The
reader will now understand why I felt a pang when I heard that I was
discharged, and most of the companions who had covered me with so
much kindness and whom there was, in my opinion, no occasion to
detain any longer in the jails were left behind.
One word more and I must regretfully part with Gangappa.
Gangappa always knew his limitations. He would not spin. He said he
could not do it. His fingers had not the cunning for it. But he kept the
work-room in order, cleaned my wheel and devoted all his spare time
to sunning and cleaning the cotton for carding.
Of all the many happy memories of my prison life, I know that
those of the company of the convict-warders will perhaps linger the
longest.
150. SPINNING RESOLUTION

The spinning resolution2 of the A.I.C.C. is, in my opinion, the
most important of all the resolutions of the A.I.C.C. There is an
inclination to laugh at it. The members of Congress organizations can
demonstrate in a month’s time the impropriety of the laugh. Even if
the economic value of khaddar be admitted, it will be found on
experience that the resolution was necessary to bring about an econo-
1
Vide “My Jail Experiences - IX”, 26-6-1924.
2
Vide “The Acid Test”, 19-6-1924.

mic revolution. It is not too much to expect Congress workers to give
half an hour’s labour to its most popular programme.
Those who voted for the resolution are in honour bound to
carry it out. In my opinion, the penalty clause had a proper place in
the resolution. An organization has every right to prescribe penalties
for a breach by its members of self-imposed conditions. But now that
the penalty clause is out, I hope that even the objectors will comply
with the resolution.
Its possibilities are immense. Spinning is obligatory on all repre-
sentative Congressmen. There are, or should be, in every one of the
twenty provinces, provincial, district, taluka and village organiza-tion
They have each at least five hundred such representatives. I under-
stand that some provinces have several thousand representatives. But,
taking the lowest figure, we get over ten thousand members. Two
thousand yards of 10 counts means nearly ten tolas. Therefore, ten
thousand members would be sending 2,500 pounds of yarn. That is to
say, the representatives would have spun enough yarn to supply five
thousand poor men with one vest-length of cloth. Apart from every
other consideration, is this labour not worth taking for the sake of the
poor? Imagine the effect of such work on the poor people! The
knowledge of Congressmen working for them must fill them with a
new hope.
Take another consideration. Ten thousand representatives can-
not be satisfied with just spinning themselves. They must infect with
their zeal those they represent. And thus, khaddar which is supposed
to be on the wane will wax again with redoubled force.
The workers being intelligent men and women will learn the
science of spinning and will be, therefore, in a position to organize
their neighbourhoods for hand-spinning.
Moreover, half an hour and ten tolas is the minimum required.
As a matter of fact, one spins 100 yards in half an hour with the grea-
test ease. The minimum, therefore, one can send should be three thou-
sand yards. And half an hour is suggested for the busy worker. Many
should be able to spin for one hour. I know some who are now spin-
ning at the rate of two hours per day. The average receipts should,
therefore, be at least double the minimum counted by me, i.e., 5,000
yards.
I do not suppose anyone has yet realized what this hand-spin-
ning means. It is nothing less than making national work self-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 285

supporting. Here are some figures. I have taken low average rates and
low average work.
Rs. a. p.
Ginning one maund 12 hs. 0-8-0
Carding 13 pounds seed-free cotton out
of 1 md. seed cotton 40 hs. 2-8-0
Spinning 12_ Ibs. 10 counts at the rate
of 275 yards per hour 400 hs. 2-6-0
Rs. 5-6-0
Thus, one man working 452 hours (say 450) would earn Rs.
5-6-0 (say Rs. 5). ... 450 men working one hour would earn Rs. 5. ...
450 men working for thirty days at the rate of I hour per day would
earn Rs. 150. ... 450 men giving one hour daily can support with ease
5 volunteers at the rate of Rs. 30 per month.
And five volunteers can easily organize the whole Congress
work among 450 men and women. The united labour for a single
item of a large number of persons has illimitable possibilities, though
the labour of one person for it may mean practically nothing.
An ardent worker may work out many startling figures. I make
a present of three propositions to be so worked:
1. If hand-spinning in a poor district is chiefly paid, it can
remove its poverty.
2. If spinning in a well-to-do district is mainly voluntary, it can
support all the volunteers that may be needed.
3. Every village school can defray Sat least half its expenses if
the school children are made to work at all the processes up to
spinning for at least 3 hours per school-day.
I need not point out that no such results are possible if kha-
ddar does not become as saleable as a postage stamp. It would be
criminal if it does not become so in a country which grows more than
enough cotton for its wants, whose population is used to spinning,
which has all the accessories necessary for i. and which has a very
large, starving population waiting to be organized for such work.
If this work is to be done efficiently and economically, the
Provincial Secretaries and others will have to carry out to the full the
instructions they may receive from the Khadi Board. The head-
quarters must have a duplicate register containing the names of all the
members (serially numbered) who are expected to spin. All yarn must
be labelled containing the number of yards, weight and the name and

the serial number of the spinner. The Provincial organizations will
have to collect sufficient cotton for distribution. Carding will have to
be organized. Thus there is no time to be lost, if the returns are to be
complete, as they should be, the very first month.
Lastly, those who do not know spinning at all will make no
headway if they commence by spinning only half an hour daily. For
the first few days, before the fingers respond, the beginner will have to
work several hours per day.
151. ONE PROGRAMME

Friends have asked me to suggest one universal programme in
which rajas, maharajas, No-changers, Pro-changers, Liberals, Indepen-
dents, practising lawyers, Anglo-Indians and all others could join
without reserve. I am asked to suggest such a programme with the
condition that it must be effective and swift enough for the attainment
of swaraj. The most effective and the swiftest programme I can
suggest is the adoption and organization of khaddar, promotion of
Hindu-Muslim unity, and removal by the Hindus of untouchability. It
is my unalterable belief that, if these three things are achieved, we can
establish swaraj without the slightest difficulty. I further believe that, if
all the parties whole-heartedly work the programme, it can succeed
within one year. Success of khaddar will mean boycott of foreign
cloth. It is India’s right and duty to manufacture all the cloth she
needs. She has the means of doing it. And boycott of foreign cloth
will automatically purify the English mind and remove the one
insuperable obstacle in the way of Englishmen looking at things
Indian from the Indian stand-point.
If, therefore, the country as a whole adopts this threefold pro-
gramme, I would be prepared to advise suspension of the non-co-ope-
ration programme and civil disobedience for a period of one year. I
say one year, because an honest working of the programme must
bring about a virtual boycott of foreign cloth within that period.
I need hardly say that the co-operation of Swarajists alone in the
above programme is not enough to suspend Non-co-operation or
preparations for civil disobedience. Their assent is already there. They
are pledged like all other Congressmen to the full constructive pro-
gramme. Non-co-operation is necessary so long as there is no change
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 287

of heart in the Government. And without that change those who keep
themselves outside the Congress pale will not actively and openly
participate in the programme.
I fear that the time has not yet arrived for such sincere co-ope-
ration with the people on the part of the Government or those whose
position and prestige depend upon its patronage.
I know too that a very large number of people are not yet con-
verted to the programme of unadulterated khaddar. They disbelieve in
the mighty potency of the charkha. They even suspect me of evil
designs upon the Indian mills. Few take the trouble of drawing a
mental picture of the meaning of the message of the charkha.
I have no doubt that the country will soon come round to the
charkha if its votaries are true to their faith. But some of my friends
tell me that I am wrong in my diagnosis. They tell me that, if I would
but drop non-co-operation and civil disobedience, everyone will
gather round the charkha and that it is preposterous for me to suspect
the Government of a desire to divide Hindus and Mussalmans. I hope
I am wrong.
Let me make the position clear regarding our mills. I am not
their enemy. I believe they have a place in our economy for some
time to come. Boycott of foreign cloth cannot perhaps be brought
about speedily without the assistance of mills. But if they are to help,
they must become national in spirit. They must not be worked merely
for the agents and shareholders but for the nation at large. In our
programme, however, we must erase the mills, for khaddar has to carve
out a position for itself. The message of khaddar has not even been
delivered to one out of seven lakhs of villages. The mills have,
therefore, more than six-sevenths of India yet at their disposal. If
khaddar is to establish a permanent footing, Congressmen can only
use and popularize it to the exclusion of mill-cloth. Patriotic mill-
owners must see at a glance the utility, the necessity and the reasona-
bleness of my proposition. Indeed, they can help khaddar without
hurting themselves. If the time comes when the whole of India adopts
khaddar, they must rejoice with the nation and they will, even as the
Lancashire mill-owners will and must some day, find other uses for
their capital and machinery. I have sketched the universal programme
for the satisfaction of insistent friends. But I would warn the workers
against turning their attention away from the immediate task before
them which is to attend to their own and their neighbours’ spinning.

If universal acceptance does not come now, their spinning and
theirfaith will precipitate it. That it must come some day is a certainty.
The precise date can be determined only by those who have already a
living faith in it and who have proved it by acting up to it in the face
of heaviest odds.
152. LETTER TO JAIRAMDAS DOULATRAM

July 10, 1924
MY DEAR JAIRAMDAS,
I have neglected you altogether. I am ashamed of myself. But
my utter helplesseness is my only excuse. I shall be free only tonight
after prayer. We therefore meet then.
Yours,
M. K GANDHI
From the original: C.W. 11036. Courtesy: Arjun Jairamdas

BHAISHRI VALJI,
The time passed off even as I was wondering what I could write
about Abhechandbhai. The job that could be found for him would, I
think, have something to do with keeping accounts or getting yarn
produced. You know all about my activities; it is for you to suggest
[the job for him]. What would you do if you were appointed manager
for my activities (outside the Congress)? Of the articles you mention, I
have received the one entitled “Simla under Swaraj”. I shall inquire
of Swami 2 if he has got the other.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 6014. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
1
The article “Simla under Swaraj” mentioned in the letter was published in
Young India, 11-9-1924. In 1924, Ashadh Sud 8 fell on July 10.
2
Swami Anandanand
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 289

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter as well as Bhai Shanker’s. I was free from
anxiety about your health. What advice can I give you now? If I were
near you, I could think of some remedy; but the climate here is quite
different from what it is over there. For my part I wish that you stay
on at Hajira for a sufficiently long time even after the monsoon.
Change of climate is the best remedy.
Meanwhile do the following: reduce pulses; leave off chutney;
eat boiled vegetables; take as much as you can of oranges or fresh
grapes; and drink one or two bottles of Apollinaris—a kind of
[mineral] water. Whenever you are thirsty, drink only this water. Leave
off medicines and, if your bowels do not move, you should take an
enema even when it may not be necessary. The water should be
slightly warm and half a spoon of boric acid should be added to it. If
this does not give relief, one spoon of castor oil and ten drops of
turpentine should be added. A little pure soap also should be
dissolved in the water.
I do see that your health is deteriorating with medicines. Change
of climate and enema—with these two things, however, everything will
be all right.
I replied to your previous letter and postcard the very day they
were received. You must have received [the reply] by now.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Earlier letters in this volume to the addressee and the instructions regarding
diet, etc., in this letter suggest that it was written in 1924. In that year Ashadh Sud 9
fell on July 11.

155. SPEECH AT GUJARAT CONGRESS COMMITTEE
MEETING1
AHMEDABAD ,
July 11, 1924
. . . Mahatmaji, with his loin-cloth and characteristic smile on his lips,
arrived at 3.15. All stood up. In addressing the meeting, Mahatmaji reminded the
audience of the Fourth Gujarat Political Conference held at Ahmedabad in 1920,2 when
Non-co-operation was first proclaimed by Gujarat, before the special session of the
Calcutta Congress. Mahatmaji emphasized that he was still conscious and retained the
old, optimistic faith of those days, despite signs. Of depression, which was evinced
in the country. Gujarat should always be ahead of the Congress. Mahatmaji continued:
Our representatives should undertake to spin not only half an
hour as ordered by the A.I.C.C. and produce 2,000 yards, but they
must spin for one hour and produce 5,000 yards instead, in order to
encourage other provinces and also to set a precedent for other
provinces. Let there be no harangue now, but let your spinning
transmit its message of the charkha to those who are our neighbours
and friends. I know there are friends who are pessimistic about the
capacity of Gujarat to fulfil this programme. But let Gujarat, in whom
lies my only hope—except, of course, my hope in the Almighty,
which never leaves me—rise to the occasion and give the lie direct to
the pessimism and distrust of these friends. If we are not concentrating
on spinning even for half an hour every day, I have not the shadow of
a doubt that we will not be able to attain swaraj by non-violent means.
Rest assured that Councils shall not bring us swaraj. Without
constructive work outside, Councils can achieve nothing. The death of
constructive work would be the death-knell of swaraj.
Coming to the presidentship of the ensuing Belgaum Congress, Mahatmaji
said that, fortunately or unfortunately, there had been a split in the Congress camp
and people rather superstitiously believed that he was the man who would remove the
split. He informed members that Mrs. Sarojini Naidu would be landing in Bombay
within a day or two and he concurred with The Bombay Chronicle, which had proposed
Srimati Naidu’s name as the President of this year’s Congress.
1
A meeting of the Gujarat Congress Committee was held on July 11 at 3 p.m.
The agenda included, among other things, the future programme of Gujarat, action to
be taken on the A.I.C.C. resolutions and the appointment of the President of the
forthcoming Congress.
2
Vide “The Gujarat Political Conference”, 1-9-1919.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 291

I desire, . . . that the country should give her a befitting
reception in token of the noble services she rendered in South Africa.1
I know she is not able to satisfy everybody and, still, I propose
Sarojini Devi for the highest honour in the power of the country to
bestow on her, for, though a woman, she has achieved in Africa what
no man could have ever achieved and also because she is an ambassa-
dor of Hindu-Muslim unity. Dr. Ansari is another who deserves that
honour, if you want a Mohammedan as your President.
But let my name stand last, if at all you necessarily want it. I am
burdened with so many responsibilities that I would be glad to get rid
of some of them, if I could. The weight of responsibility lies so heavy
on my brow that I am afraid to invite any more of my own accord.
Opinion all round should not influence Provincial Committees
in the election of the President. Although at the present moment I
have [not] decided regarding this matter, I hope to do so before the
final choice is made.
After the address was over, Mahatmaji asked members to put him any questions
if they liked.
In reply to a question put to him, Mahatmaji replied that khaddar woven out of
yarn spun by Congress representatives would strike the imagination of the pubic in
such a way as nothing else can.
In reply to another question, he said that those who wanted to work the one
programme outlined in yesterday’s Young India should first ensure the spread of a
unanimous opinion about it and, failing that, they must work it out outside the
Congress organization.

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your postcard. Rain is tantalizing us by not arriving.
Signs of its coming are always visible, but it does not come. From the
water flowing in the river, it is evident that there has been rain higher
up. Radha is still weak; Perinbehn and Nargisbehn had been here;
they returned [to Bombay] with Jamnabehn. Only the lady who was
1
Vide “Sarojini’s Magnetism”, 10-4-1924.
2
The postmark bears the date 13 July, 1924.

superintendent at the Seva Sadan is now here. Try to stay on there as
long as you can. I hope you have received my letter giving instruc-
tions.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
157. FORCE OR RESTRAINT?

A friend has raised a very difficult question. He says:
If it is against the principle of non-violence to bring about any reforms by
force, it is violence to compel anyone to give up drink by legislation.
Here is some confusion of thought. The friend seems to believe
that law always connotes coercion. But this is not so. It is violence to
cause suffering to others out of our selfishness or just for the sake of
doing so. If, however, it becomes necessary to cause suffering to
anyone in order to make someone else happy, to do so dispassionately
and unselfishly can be non-violence. When I injure a thief to save
myself from him (that is, for my benefit), that is violence. When a
surgeon uses a knife on a patient and makes him suffer in order to
bring him reliefs that is non-violence. From this point of view, if a
thief is arrested and put into a reformatory, not in order to harass him
but to reform him, if kindness is shown to him and he is placed in a
good environment so that he may become a good man—in this there
is neither force nor violence but restraint exercised by society or the
ruler. The ruler who does this saves the thief from the risk of a
prosecution, which is a further kindness done to him. Similarly, there
is mere violence in a law that provides for the whipping of drunkards,
but to close down every liquorbooth by law and thereby to remove the
temptation from the drunkard is a form of restraint and is non-
violence. There is in this nothing but pure love. Likewise, if I intimi-
date someone to give up foreign cloth, that is force. But passing a law
to stop the import of foreign cloth is restraint. There is nothing but
pure love in this. However, a law to punish anyone for wearing foreign
cloth would be coercion. It signifies anger on the part of society.
We thus see that all laws do not connote force. Modern laws do
have an element of force in them because their makert’ object is to
produce fear in order to protect society from criminals, it is not to
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 293

reform the criminals.
The only question which remains is this. We see reforms
effected even through force. A person can be made to give up stealing
by beating him. Quite a few people say and believe that many
children have been reformed through beating. It is this belief which is
respon-sible for the increasing burden of sin in the world at present.
The use of force is soul-destroying and it affects not only the person
who uses it but also his descendants and the environment as a whole.
We should examine the total effect of the use of force, and that over a
long period of time. The use of force has continued over a long
period of time, but we do not find that those things against which
force has been employed have been destroyed. Formerly there used to
be heavy punishments for theft. It is the opinion of all expert obser-
vers that heavy punishments have not stopped thefts. As the punish-
ments began to be tempered with mercy, the number of thefts decli-
ned.
But the strongest proof of the damage that is being done by the
use of force is to be found in the fact that once the custom of
effecting reforms by force gets established, the people tend to become
dull and lifeless and, as the indolent and savage remedy of using force
is resorted to in respect of every matter, the people lose two of their
precious qualities: patience and perseverance. We may perhaps be
deluded into believing that we can secure peace through the use of
force, but there are innumerable instances to prove that, on the whole,
only evil consequences flow from the use of force.
[From Gujarati]
158. INFANTICIDE OF GIRLS

I have kept the following letter1 with me for a number of days. I
have not reproduced some part of the letter which contains details.
How far the evils mentioned in the letter are real—Patidars alone
know. I am supposed to have stayed among them for a time and yet,
my task being to know the good qualities, made no attempt to
acquaint myself with their defects, nor did anyone draw my attention
to them.
1
Not translated here

But if the account given in the letter is true, that should put us to
shame. The sinful superstition that the birth of a baby girl is in
auspicious is common among us. This superstition has as its basis
mere selfishness. It might well have originated in the dark ages. That
people should have detested the birth of a female child in the age
when virgins were being kidnapped is in some measure understan-
dable. Today that fear is practically non-existent. Even if it were there,
we are in a position to take remedial measures. If there is any reason
to rejoice at a birth, we should rejoice whether it is the birth of a boy
or a girl; both should be equally dear to us. The world certainly needs
both. One is a complement to the other. That being so, to rejoice at
the birth of one and to feel depressed at the birth of the other benefits
neither. In a well-balanced society, the proportion of men and women
ought to be equal.
It is common in Hindu society that the father of a girl has to
bear heavy expenses on the occasion of her wedding. Perhaps this
custom assumed grave proportions among the Patidars. There cannot
be two opinions on the absolute need to do away with this expendi-
ture. A very expensive custom only ruins poor parents and it becomes
almost impossible for them to get their daughters married and con-
sequently there arises the practice of administering poison to girls.
The example1 the teacher of Sunav has set is worth following. In
this age of khadi, weddings can certainly be celebrated with only
khadi garlands.
The writer has thrown the entire blame on the old folk. There
must be some exaggeration in this. But if the old should remain still
obstinate owing to their proud temper, youth organizations should
take control. If the young would firmly decline to participate in
expensive weddings, the extravagance would at once stop. For this
neither discourtesy nor great effort is called for. The deplorable thing
is that till today the youths have regarded such matters as outside their
sphere of activity. They have never used their educational attainments
for securing social reform.
But the order of things has changed now. The young have
begun to think for themselves. Hence this reform can be effected
1
In the marriage ceremony of a teacher of the national school at Sunav, there
were only ten persons in the bridegroom’s party, both the bride and the bridegroom
put on khaddar garments made from yarns spun by themselves, and the wedding
expenditure amounted to a hundred rupees only.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 295

without great effort. Only unshakable determination is called for.
I for one do not like even the association of twelve villages.1 I
believe in the four castes only. It is necessary to merge the sub-castes.
But that will take time. Yet, to divide Patidars into groups of villages is
the climax of caste division. Why should those who can interdine with
the Patidars of the whole of Gujarat not intermarry with them? Mere
pride, and not restraint, is responsible for the creation of this
twelve-village association. Where there is false pride, there is sin.
Hence wise and experienced Patidars should join hands to bring
about the desired reform ant immediately put an end to the infanticide
of girls and the above-mentioned wicked practices responsible for it.
[From Gujarati]
159. LETTER TO INDRA VIDYAVACHASPATI

Ashadh Sud 14 [July 15, 1924]
BHAI INDRA,
I have your letter. It reached me after I had already written
something [on the subject]. But I wrote nothing to hurt anybody. I
hope none will go to court and the matter has now calmed down.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
S HRI INDRA VIDYAVACHASPATI
“ARJUN” OFFICE
DELHI
From the Hindi original: C.W. 4857. Courtesy: Chandragupta Vidyalankar
1
Endogamy prevailed among the Patidars of only these villages.

160. LETTER TO KUNVERJI KHETSHI PAREKH
CHI. KUNVERJI,
I was sorry to read about the demise of your revered maternal
uncle. I know he was a great support to you. But knowing that birth
and death are our inescapable companions, we should neither rejoice
at the one nor mourn for the other.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
C HI . K UNVERJI KHETSHI
C/O PAREKH GOKULDAS TRIBHUVAN
MORVI
From a copy of the Gujarati original: C.W. 676. Courtesy: Navajivan Trust

Do not worry about my health. I have increased the quantity of
my food again. Who can understand my mind today? I myself do not
know where it will land me. The struggle is of course going on. I do
not insist on anything. I only try to make and keep myself as pure as I
can. I consider that to be my only duty. God may then pour into it
anything He likes. Young India and Navajivan mirror it for the most
part.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Prasadi, p. 73
1
The postmark bears the date 16 July, 1924.
2
As in the source
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 297

It is impossible just now for Ba to go there2 . . . What will she do
even if she goes? I therefore do not wish to press her to go. Tell
Anand 3 to excuse me.
[From Gujarati]

PU. GANGABEHN,
I have your letter. Whenever you get angry, you should ask
yourself, “Against whom do I have all this [wrath]? The atman is free
from passion; with whom can it be angry?” The external remedy to
control anger is to keep silent. One should speak only after one is
calm again.
You should forget past things. Just as we do not eat food left by
others after a meal, so also we should not remember past happenings
and derive pleasure or pain from them. We are entitled to take care of
the present only; we should not think about the future either.
Since you are not going to leave Borivli out of anger or malice,
you may pay a visit to them if your son is very importunate. After all,
you are not going to forsake either your son or daughter-in-law. You
are going to make room for her, so that she may not be embarrassed
and you despondent.
I shall be here till, at any rate, the end of this month. Even
during the first week of August, I shall be here.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
1
As in the source
2
The addressee had, at the instance of his mother, written to Gandhiji to send
Kasturba Gandhi to Bombay to attend some ceremony in connection with his wife’s
first pregnancy.
3
Addressee’s mother
4
From the reference to the addressee’s leaving her home at Borivli for the
Ashram, it is evident that the letter was written in 1924. In that year Ashadh Sud 15
fell on July 16.

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Keep me informed about the effects of the
new treatment. I may have to stay here the whole of August. I shall
very much like your going to Hajira. Shall I make arrangements for
you there? It will be better to go to the Punjab after October. What
fruits do you get and do you eat them?
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
165. NOTE TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI2

[About July 16, 1924] 3
Even if the Congress dismisses me, I must humbly bear with it;
but I cannot attack either party.
[From Gujarati]
166. NOTES
S AROJINI THE S INGER
The readers of Young India have shared with me several letters
received by me4 from South Africa regarding the wonderful work of
India’s gifted daughter. Here is one sentence for them to share from a
letter from Mr. P. K. Naidu:
Her work here was wonderful. Her charming personality and winsome elo-
quence won us not hundreds but thousands of European friends and also
shook up the Smuts Government.
1
The postmark is dated, Sabarmati, July 17, 1924.
2
This was written on a ‘silence day’ in reply to Mathuradas’s letter, in which
he had appealed to Gandhiji to leave the Congress because there were internal
squabbles in it.
3
As in the source
4
Vide “Sarojini’s Magnetism”, 10-4-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 299

India is therefore honouring herself by honouring her. For
myself I must confess that her presence is a great relief to me. For,
though I believe that I can contribute my humble share in the
promotion of Hindu-Muslim unity, in many respects she can do much
better. She intimately knows more Mussalmans than I do. She has
access to their hearts, which I cannot pretend to. Add to these
qualifications her sex, which is her strongest qualification in which no
man can approach her. For peace-making is woman’s special prero-
gative. Sarojini Devi has deliberately cultivated that special quality of
her sex. She showed it to perfection at the time of the disgraceful
rioting in Bombay in 1921. Her personal bravery and her tireless
energy had become infectious. Wherever she went, the rioters laid
down their arms. She has been a veritable angel of peace in East
Africa and South Africa. The best welcome India can extend to her is
to pray that God may give her the strength to continue her mission of
peace and that she may become an indissoluble cement between the
two communities. May the so-called weaker sex succeed where we, the
so-called stronger sex, have failed.
God presses not pride but humility in His service. Man knows
how to destroy, it is woman’s prerogative to construct. May Sarojini
be the instrument in God’s hands for constructing real unity between
Hindus and Mussalmans.
DELHI AND NAGPUR
Delhi has disgraced itself. The riots in Delhi would show that
there is no non-co-operation left there, for non-co-operation with the
Government means co-operation among the people. But in Delhi last
week there was more non-co-operation with one another than with the
Government. The Congress and the Khilafat men could not produce
peace among the people. It was reserved for the police and the
military to do so. Theirs is the glory and ours the disgrace. The letters
before me tell me that our volunteers, being baffled in their attempt to
bring about peace, chose the next best thing, viz., that of nursing those
who were hurt, not by the police, but in an affray among themselves.
The whole affair is said to have been due to an assault alleged to
have been committed by some Hindus on a Mussalman youth. What
though the youth had died? The aggrieved Mussalmans could have
had their remedy either through the recently appointed arbitration
board or through the Government courts.
Granted that some Hindus assaulted a Muslim boy, that

thereupon some Mussalmans assaulted the Hindus, why did the other
Hindus, whoever they might be, retaliate? For according to the letters
received by me, the fighting had spread to the whole of the Indian
area. The same letters tell me that, though it had so spread, the main
population was unaffected by the disturbance and that there were
instances of Hindus having sheltered Mussalmans and the latter having
done likewise to Hindus. All this is no doubt creditable. But the fact
remains that the main population was powerless to restrain the mob.
We have not yet gained control over the turbulent element.
Nagpur has fared no better. As yet only meagre details have
come to hand. It is evident that the Hindus and the Mussalmans of
Nagpur consider a free fight among themselves to be more profitable
than a joint fight (non-violent though it must be) against the
Government.
Thus, if Delhi and Nagpur are any indication of the temper of
the people at large, we must say good-bye to Hindu-Muslim unity for
a long while and must, therefore, be content to live as slaves rather
than strive to be free.
But I do not despair. I believe with Maulana Shaukat Ali that
these quarrels are a short-lived distemper and that both the commu-
nities are bound, in the near future, to settle down to a peaceful
programme.
And if we are to settle down to such a programme, I would like
to suggest both to the Delhi and the Nagpur Congressmen and Khila-
fatists that neither party goes to court on any account whatsoever, but
that the disputes be settled by arbitration. The lawyers, whether
practising or otherwise, can help a great deal in this direction. They
can simply refuse to take cases to court, but point out to the parties
that they have nothing to gain thereby and probably much to lose.
They can assure them, too, that if it is real peace they want they will
not get it through courts.
BARA BAZAAR C ONGRESSMEN
When I read the account of disturbances ending in assault
between Congressmen in Bara Bazaar, Calcutta, I was disinclined to
believe it. But three letters received by me from Congressmen who
were most of them eye-witnesses show that there was a free fight at the
meeting and all this for the sake, not of attaining the object of the
Congress, but for the sake of capturing the committee. All the three
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 301

letters are from professed No-changers. The letters do not enable one
to fix the guilt on any one party. I have no doubt that a Swarajist
account would entirely blame the No-changers. What puzzles me is
that any party should resort to violence for the sake of capturing an
organization which is claimed to be non-violent. The writers of the
letters say that they are ‘my followers’. If, by calling themselves ‘my
followers’, they claim to be votaries of non-violence, they must avoid
every occasion for conflict. They must, therefore, cease to take part in
an armed fight for capturing the Congress or any of its committees.
My correspondents tell me that, although No-changers are in a
decided majority in Bara Bazaar, the Swarajists are likely to pack their
meetings or break up No-changers’ meetings and thus control the
Congress organization. Supposing that all these charges are true,
surely the No-changers have a non-violent remedy open to them.
They must simply cease to attend Swarajist meetings and form their
own organization for working their programme, if it is the programme
they want to work and not the Congress they want to capture. I
promise that the No-changers will, if they work, make themselves
indispensable to the Swarajists. There is but one God, one goal, one
means. There is unity in disease, therefore, there is unity in remedy.
Whether it is the Government or the Swarajists, there is only one
sovereign remedy, namely, non-violent non-co-operation. ‘My follo-
wers’ will, therefore, do well to set up their own organization of work
and no talk. They must cut their way to the nation’s heart through
service. I have addressed my argument to the No-changers because
they are the protesting party and they write as ‘my followers’. I
neither believe nor disbelieve their charges against Swarajists. I claim
the latter too to be ‘my followers’ since they claim equally
with the No-changers to be the votaries of the Congress creed. If they
assert, as I have no doubt they will assert, that they were not in the
wrong, I would suggest to them the same remedy as I have to the
‘No-change followers’ of mine. ‘My followers’ wait for no response
from the opposite party, for they do not retaliate. Those that do not,
expect no return. They are, therefore, never hurt. To put it in the most
concrete manner possible, no one who wants to spin, or do what lies in
him to promote Hindu-Muslim unity, or, if a Hindu, to remove
untouchability, requires any organization. Organizations may want
him and he will gladly give his service wherever he is wanted. A
Swarajist friend tells me that in Maharashtra No-changers have and
retain their majority purely through brute force and that in Berar it

was they who resorted to blows. If that be so, I would ask the
No-changers to apologize and, wherever they are holding office
through brute force or unclean methods, to vacate office and yet do
their task. It is a gross superstition to believe that one cannot serve
effectively without the Congress prestige at one’s back.
A S TEP IN ADVANCE
The Gujarat P.C.C., while endorsing the A.I.C.C. resolution on
spinning, has advanced upon the original and has made 3,000 yards
of yarn obligatory for the first month and contemplates making 5,000
yards obligatory in the near future. It has also prescribed the penalty
clause that was dropped by the A.I.C.C. I have always held that it is
open to every provincial committee to advance upon the A.I.C.C.
requirements. Every province having the capacity should regard it as
its duty to do so. 2,000 yards is in the nature of subscription payable
by every representative. It is meritorious to give more. And there is
nothing wrong in disqualifying a member who does not pay his
subscription. I hope, therefore, that the other provinces which can will
follow the example of Gujarat. The 15th of August will give the
country a clear indication of where Congress representatives stand
regarding their faith in spinning. Let them remember that ‘faith
without works’ is like a body without soul—a corpse fit only to be
burnt or buried.
The burden of organizing spinning in every province rests with
the provincial committees. They should lose no time in ascertaining
the names of representatives and seeing that they do not neglect their
duty for want of material or knowledge. Our helplessness is pitiable;
we can be saved from impending ruin only if we become what we
were, a nation of spinners and weavers. The Congress has, on paper at
least, accepted the truth of the proposition. Its representatives through-
out the country are now expected to become skilled carders and spin-
ners, learn all about the science of spinning and organize their respec-
tive districts.
Half-hour’s labour is the preliminary. But the preliminary pro-
cess requires attention to details, stocking and supplying cotton, card-
ing and turning it into slivers and spinning it. The yarn collected
would have to be examined at the provincial centre. The wheels would
need attention. A proper wheel with a proper spindle will naturally
cause a great saving of time and would give pleasure to the spinner.
The duty of spinning by a Congress representative arises from
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 303

the A.I.C.C. resolution. But as a matter of fact, it is a duty incumbent
upon everyone, whether Congressman or other. Every enthusiastic
worker may form a spinning club whose business will be to get as
much yarn as possible spun by every one of its members for
presentation to the Secretary, Khadi Board. The reader will be glad to
know that the Registrar of the Gujarat Vidyapith has already set the
ball rolling by getting the staff of office to promise to spin five
thousand yards per month, of which two thousand yards are to be
presented to the Vidyapith and the rest to be preserved.
A DANGER
Gujarat has been in the habit of absorbing khadi to a very large
extent from Andhra, Punjab and Bihar. Whilst it was perhaps nece-
ssary to do so in the initial stages when Gujarat could produce practi-
cally no khadi for her requirements and the provinces named needed
encouragement, as a system it is vicious. The central fact of khaddar is
to make every village self-supporting for its food and clothing.
Therefore, every province must become self-supporting. It cannot
become so if it has to import khadi from another. For one thing such
a province has no staying power against famine. The exporting
province must suffer too. Abuse must creep in both production and
sale and there will be the greatest temptation to use mill-spun instead
of hand-spun yarn. I have a letter before me from Masulipatam in
which the writer says that habit is growing up among dealers of stock-
ing hand-spun yarn and getting it woven for export. The writer
further adds that the spinners, instead of themselves wearing
hand-spun, almost invariably wear mill-spun. It is, therefore, highly
necessary for workers to guard against such trafficking in khaddar.
The way to induce those spinners to wear homespun is to weave for
them free of charge. Yard for yard mill-spun is likely, for some time,
to sell cheaper than handspun. The poor spinners who spin merely for
their living will not listen to patriotic argument or that of national
economy. The only argument they will listen to would be that of their
pockets. And if they can have their own yarn woven for them free of
charge, they will gladly wear khaddar. For such work to be done
thoroughly and cheaply, it is necessary for many young men not
merely to learn spinning but also weaving so that they may weave for
the sake of their poor sisters. All these things cannot happen unless
the Congress becomes chiefly a khaddar-propaganda organization.
But the foregoing argument does not mean that there will be no

export of khadi. The special talent of Andhra will always be in
demand. But this interchange must be left to private enterprise. The
Congress can concern itself only with the things that need tender
nursing.
ADD THE ‘GAG ’
An English friend writes:
Only a week ago I wrote to a friend and said ‘Gandhi forgot when he
recommended rentia to add bookani or gag.’ You may remember my lecture
when I said the abuse of leisure or spare time was the curse of India and
recommended hobbies, i.e. gardening, carpentry, photography, reading
history, philosophy, etc. It is foolish, vapid talk which engrosses all the
spare time of the people of this country. They have not learnt to read, mark,
learn and inwardly digest. The remedy is continual essay writing in schools
and colleges on every kind of subject which will necessitate the study of
books and the mastery of their contents, the formulation of ideas and their
logical arrangement.
I have no hesitation in endorsing the friend’s suggestion as to
gagging. There is no doubt that we are suffering from a surfeit of
talking and writing. Much of both is inane when it does not contain
abuse or the Government or one’s opponent. I have suggested that
talking may well be left to Maulana Shaukat Ali and me. As for
writing, I am doing it already. We need not discount the friend’s
criticism because he is an Englishman. He also happens to be a
‘criminal’. He takes part in running the machinery which we are
seeking to destroy. But as I have no ill-will against these English
‘criminals’ who find themselves running the machinery, some of
them retain their friendship with me in spite of my opposition (mad as
it appears to some of them to be) to the system they are administering.
I would, therefore, ask the reader to give due weight to the friend’s
criticism. Essay-writing is good only to a certain extent. It does not
make a writer necessarily brief unless he practises the art of conden-
sation. Everyone who wishes may try to boil down all his thoughts and
compress them so as to take up no more than one side of half a sheet
of note paper.
Gokhale was once asked by Morley to perform a similar feat.
He did it. It took him more time than if he had to write 50 sheets
which nobody would read. Shankara delivered the whole of his cele-
brated message in half a verse: ‘God alone is; all else is not.’ The real
discipline, however, lies in curbing the desire to speak or write. One
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 305

would then speak or write only when one must.
But, as a matter of fact, spinning carries its own gag. When
spinning grows on a man or woman he or she has little leisure for
anything else. And whilst the English friend, not feeling as we do, not
knowing the condition of the masses as we do, can only speak of
spinning as one of the many hobbies for occupying idle hours, we
think of spinning as a sacred duty for the age and the country we are
living in. It, therefore, derives from that fact a value all its own and
cannot be spoken of in the same breath as the other occupations.
When Englishmen have realized this fact, they will no longer be
strangers in a strange land for its exploitation. They, too, will then spin
not for amusement or curiosity, but as a duty they owe to the country
whose salt they eat. But before we can expect them to do so, we must
prove our faith by our work.
A P OPULAR BAZAAR
The people of Champaran are amongst the most timid in India.
They have only lately been trying to stand erect. It is not an un-
common thing even now to see respectable people insulted or
assaulted in Champaran by petty officials. Babu Rajendra Prasad has
sent me a brief note relating the incidents that have led to the
establishment of a people’s bazaar in Bettiah and the desertion of the
one established by the Raj. I do not propose to go into the persecution
the people have suffered in the matter. There is, however, one incident
which I dare not ignore. It is reported that some people, instigated by
the authorities, are spreading rumours to the effect that I am averse to
the establishment of popular markets. I have no hesitation in repu-
diating the suggestion. Indeed, I knew nothing about the existence of
the market till now. But I would any day welcome such popular
enterprises. I hope, therefore, that the people of Bettiah will persist in
their enterprise in the teeth of all opposition and inconvenience. They
must not succumb to temptations or threats.
P AUPER ORISSA
Whenever I think of the pauperism of India, the living skeletons
I saw under the very shadow of Jagannath rise before my eye and
seem to rebuke me for the life of comparative ease I am leading in
spite of my vaunted vow of poverty. The striking address of Acharya

Ray1 before the Utkal Conference has renewed the uncomfortable
memories of the pictures I witnessed in Orissa during my visit there.
Dr. Ray had cited some terrible figures to demonstrate the poverty of
the people. He says that the death-rate in Bihar and Orissa is 35 and
birth-rate is 19.4. The net deficit in both is, therefore, 15.6 per
thousand. For Orissa alone the figures are worse, being 31 per
thousand. Let the reader imagine what these figures mean. The people
of Orissa are dying away at the rate of 31 per thousand every year. If
the things remain as they are, the net loss must progressively increase
every year. Orissa is a land of chronic famines. The people have no
other occupation save agriculture. It is facts such as these that have
converted Dr. Ray to the message of the charkha.
R ESIGNATIONS
One hears of resignations from Congress representatives in
virtue of the third resolution of the A.I.C.C. I regard it a healthy sign
if the resigning members have done so in a sporting spirit and if it
does not mean their ceasing to do Congress work. The country can
ill-afford to lose any the least service of any worker. Only, it must be
in accordance with its terms and requirements. The workers in every
province will, therefore, have to keep their heads cool and work
without any friction. Reconstruction of committees will tax the best
effort of workers wherever there are many resignations. Provincial
committees are unwieldy in many provinces. There is almost complete
self-government in the provinces. They may, therefore, frame rules
and make the committees much smaller than they are. They must be
useful rather than ornamental and efficient rather than bulky.
167. ‘AN APPEAL TO THE NATION’

Under the above heading Mr. Srish Chandra Chatterji and eigh-
teen other signatories have issued a document which I copy below:
We are passing through a series of national crises the gravity of which
can hardly be exaggerated. There are moments in the history of nations when a
decisive move in the right direction often leads a nation to a triumphant goal
and, when that supreme moment is lost in vague magination or false and
1
Prafulla Chandra Ray (1861-1944); professor of chemistry at Presidency
College, Calcutta; author of History of Hindu Chemistry; educationist and patriot
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 307

indecisive steps, it takes long centuries to retrieve the loss. India is passing
through some such crisis and we are extremely fortunate that the crisis is not
yet over. The whole world is shivering from the pains of labour, the
indications of a new life are manifest everywhere, and a regenerated India must
find a place among the new-born nations of the world. This rejuvenated India
cannot accept any overlord, she must be a free and independent nation.
At a time when all the nations of the world are fighting for
independence and liberty, at a time when our Indian heroes are championing
the cause of India’s independence abroad, it is simply ridiculous and shameful
that we Indians should hesitate to accept independence as our only legitimate
and logical goal; we therefore appeal to our nation to declare in the open
Congress in unmistakable terms that independence and complete independence
is our destined goal; let there be no ambiguous phrases to qualify it, let it be
preached in all its nakedness. It is the moral force of this ideal that creates
nations.
We must educate the country from this very moment in a way so that
the people may realize the significance of a republic and a federation. We may
postpone it for the future only at the risk of a great national calamity. We
therefore appeal to the Congress delegates to define swaraj as a Federated
Republic of the United States of India.
We also appeal to the delegates of this Congress to delete the words
‘by peaceful and legitimate means’ from the Congress creed, so that men
holding every shade of opinion may have no difficulty in joining the only
national organization in the country, though for the present it may be retained
as a part of the actual programme of Congress work. Our time is short and we
cannot dilate upon this point at any length, but we only say that means are
after all means and our object and means should not be confounded with each
other.
We are further of opinion that mere changing of the creed and passing
of resolutions would not bring us independence. We thereforerequest the
representative of our nation to engage the whole strength and the whole
resources of the Congress in organizing a band of national workers who will
devote all their time and all their energy in the service of their motherland and
who must be ready to suffer and even be ready to sacrifice their lives for the
national cause. When the Congress is backed by an organization of this kind
then and then alone will the Congress have any strength and only then can we
expect the voice of the Congress to be respected.
The other items in our programme should be:
(1) Boycott of British goods

(2) Establishment or helping in the establishment of factories and cottage
industries on a strictly co-operative basis.
(3) Helping the labourers and peasants of our land in obtaining their
grievances redressed and organizing them for their own economic good
and moral prosperity.
(4) And finally to organize a federation of all the Asiatic races in the
immediate future.
I know that this ‘appeal to the nation’ has been before the pub-
lic for some time. It contains nothing new. Nevertheless it represents
the views not merely of the signatories but of a large number of edu-
cated Indians. It will not, therefore, be a waste of energy to examine
the contents.
Whereas the Congress leaves swaraj undefined, the signatories
would have complete independence and, therefore, define swaraj as a
Federated Republic of the United States of India. There is nothing in
the Congress creed to prevent India aspiring’ after independence. In
fact, swaraj that does not enable India to declare her independence if
necessary is no swaraj. What, however, the independence of the signa-
tories means is severance at any cost and in every case with England. I
hold that such severance is not indispensable for India’s growth and
freedom. The burden of severance should lie with the English people.
It is more dignified for us to declare our readiness to be partners on
equal terms and at will with the English in a Federation of Free States.
Acceptance of such a position on the part of Englishmen may be
impossible, but we have no right to assume the impossibility of a thing
which, in its nature, is not impossible. Isolated independence is not the
goal of the world States. It is voluntary interdependence. England is
by no means so independent as to absorb any European State she
chooses. Her independence depends partly upon the goodwill of her
neighbours and partly upon her armament. In so far as she relies
upon her armament, she is a menace to the world, as in fact she
became during the late War. She stood, as we now learn, not for
righteousness but for plunder. Her statesmen, equally with France and
other States, were guilty of secret treaties, diplomatic fraud and barba-
rities hardly inferior to Germany’s. It must be clear to everyone that it
cannot be such armed independence that the signatories want and, if
they do, I am certain that they represent only themselves. Indepen-
dence is a word hallowed by centuries of usage and, therefore, it is
possible to raise round it a large body of opinion, but no one would
hazard a definition of it that would suit the whole of that body. I
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 309

suggest, therefore, that there is no substitute for swaraj, and the only
universal definition to give it is ‘that status of India which her people
desire at a given moment.’
If I were asked what India desires at the present moment, I
should say I do not know. I could only say I would have her to desire
truthful relations between Hindus and Mussalmans, bread for the
masses and removal of untouchability. That is how I would define
swaraj at the present moment. I give that definition because I claim to
be a practical man. I know that we want political independence of
England. It will not be attained without the three things mentioned by
me, not even if we had arms and we knew how to use them.
The second thing the signatories desire is the removal of the
clause restricting the means to what is ‘peaceful and legitimate’. I
share the signatories’ opinion, not for the reasons they give, but for
the very reverse of them. They say ‘means are after all means’. I
would say ‘means are after all everything’. As the means so the end.
Violent means will give violent swaraj. That would be a menace to the
world and to India herself. France obtained her freedom by violent
means. She is still paying dearly for her violence. She will presently
be at the mercy of her savage African army. I am a staunch believer in
absolute equality between man and man, but my belief does not take
me to the length that the French have gone. Their training of levies of
Africans is not proof of her acceptance of the doctrine of equality but
of her greed for absolute power. There is no wall of separation
between means and end. Indeed, the Creator has given us control (and
that too very limited) over means, none over the end. Realization of
the goal is in exact proportion to that of the means. This is a proposi-
tion that admits of no exception. Holding such a belief, I have been
endeavouring to keep the country to means that are purely ‘peaceful
and legitimate’.
But experience has taught me that the purpose has not perhaps
been served by the restriction of the means. For I see that those who
do not believe in the necessity of non-violence and truth for the
attainment of swaraj have also joined the Congress, for they regard it
to be quite the proper thing to sign the Congress creed, although they
do not themselves believe in it. Perhaps, they do not interpret ‘peace-
ful’ and ‘legitimate’ as respectively to mean ‘non-violent’ and
‘truthful’. I would myself, therefore, probably propose the deletion of
the clause ‘by peaceful and legitimate means’. It would be a faithful

representation of the present state of things. We would then not be
open to the charge of camouflage. Everyone will be free to follow the
policy he likes best.
The last paragraph of the ‘appeal’ reads extremely well, but it
shows the utter inexperience of the signatories about practical work. It
does not appear to have occurred to them that, if we have not yet got a
“band of national workers who will devote all their time and energy’,
it is not because the Congress has not tried, but because the Congress
has failed to get a large number of such workers. Surely it is open to
the signatories themselves to raise such a band if it exists. They will
find funds enough for the proper stamp of workers. If the signatories
will examine the different institutions of India, they will find that not
one languishes for want of funds. Is it not clear that a nation always
pays for organizations it needs? Only last week I drew attention to the
fact that the Khadi Board cannot get the workers it wants.
The other items of the programme suggested by the signatories
do not call for any lengthy notice.
I hope I have shown in a previous article1 that boycott of British
goods is a totally impracticable proposition.
The proposal for the establishment of factories has a strong
Western flavour about it and ignores Indian conditions.
The one cottage industry that is possible finds no mention in the
programme.
The proposal to help the labourers and peasants is a counsel of
perfection.
And the final proposal to organize a federation of all the Asiatic
races in the immediate future demonstrates the present impossibility
of the programme.
I, therefore, respectfully suggest to the nineteen signatories to
divide all the items suggested by them among themselves, each batch
to specialize in connection with the item taken up by it and, when suc-
cess is shown in any one of the departments, to come to the Con-gress
for national adoption. But if they have made the proposals without
any idea of carrying them out themselves, I ask them to accept the
opinion I have tendered and apply themselves to the working of
1
Vide “Empire Goods Boycott”, 15-5-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 311

khaddar—a programme that can harness the energy of all who will
work.
168. WHO SHALL BE PRESIDENT?

Ever since my name has been put forward as one of the
candidates for the presidential honour at the forthcoming Congress at
Belgaum, I have been torn between two opinions. My first thought was
immediately to discountenance the idea of my nomination. But I did
allow myself also to think that, in the face of the stormy weather that
the national barque is experiencing, probably I was the best person to
direct it safely to its haven. But I now see quite clearly that my second
thought was wrong. As I picture for myself the whole of the forth-
coming proceedings, I quail. The thought of officially conducting the
executive for the ensuing year baffles me. Being uncertain as to the
direction in which the country is going, I feel I am unfit to be at the
helm. I have no other programme but that of the charkha, Hindu-
Muslim unity and untouchability. I should be utterly unfit to carry
out any other programme, that, for instance, of boycott of British
goods or energizing the masses on the proceedings in the Councils.
These are but samples of many possibilities. And if I cannot help, I
must not hinder from within. It is contrary to my nature to be respon-
sible for a programme in which I cannot or do not believe. Moreover,
I must hold myself free for emergencies. If the Congress represen-
tatives do not carry out the simple duty of spinning for half an hour
daily and taking the trouble of sending 2,000 yards of good yarn of
their own spinning from month to month, I should not know where
my usefulness to the Congress could be. My presidential address must
be a thesis on hand-spinning, complete surrender by Hindus of their
material ambition to the Mussalmans and other minorities, and on
further asking Hindus to regard untouchability as a sin. If these things
cannot enthuse the nation, I should be a useless President. How would
it do for the Congress to have as President a man who sketched a
programme of putting the whole nation in pantaloons? We would at
once vote against him however sincere he might be in his professions
and however able in the execution of his design. We would not have
him because he would not suit us. So may the case be with me.
I must not, therefore, allow myself to be elected. I appreciate the

affection of those who have put forth my name. But I ask them to
appreciate my position, sympathize with me and withdraw my name.
There are two possible names, Sarojini Naidu and Dr. Ansari.
When I mentioned Dr. Ansari’s name, a friend said he would be the
fourth Mussalman President within four years. That for me is no bar.
Let the Hindus demonstrate their intense desire for Hindu-Muslim
unity by having a Mussalman as President. Dr. Ansari is one of the
few impartial leaders we have in both the communities. From the
Hindu-Muslim stand-point alone, therefore, Dr. Ansari may be the
best selection.
But I must confess that, at the present juncture, I would give
my vote to Sarojini. She stands for solid Hindu-Muslim unity. Mussal-
mans do not distrust her. We have not yet had an Indian woman as our
President. This is the fittest opportunity for paying our Indian sisters
the compliment that is long overdue. Her services in East and South
Africa are still fresh in our memory. We cannot reward them better
than by selecting her as our President for the coming session. It will
strengthen the cause of our countrymen overseas. They will realize in
a special manner that we are not unmindful of their interests. Her
election will be a graceful acknowledgment of the courtesy and
sympathy extended to our fair ambassador by hundreds of Europeans
in both the sub-continents and to the opponents among them. It
would be an indication of our determination to make our own the
cause of our countrymen abroad. Lastly,we want an impartialPresident
this year. I am frankly a partisan in the sense that I am an out-and-out
advocate of the old programme. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu has, fortunately
for her and the nation, no such unalterable views and, what is more, no
one will identify her with any programme as I rightly must be with the
programme I may advocate. I, therefore, respectfully ask the Provin-
cial Committees to withdraw my name and elect Sarojini Devi as Presi-
dent, unless for the reason mentioned, they would rather have a
Mussalman to preside and would, therefore, elect Dr. Ansari.
169. “ VARNASHRAMA” OR “ VARNASANKARA” ?

A fair friend writes:
A fellow traveller drew my attention to the message 1 of yours to the
1
Vide “Message to Saurashtra Rajput Conference”, 11-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 313

Rajput Parishad of Vartej. By reading it a protest which was lying suppressed
in the subconscious level of the mind made its way to the surface and claimed a
hearing. Man is one who does manan or thinking. So I hope you will be
tolerant to a fellow thinker and give an attentive hearing to thoughts that may
run counter to your habitual ones. These thoughts had occurred at the first
sight of the Sabarmati Ashram with its weaving shed in 1920, had disappeared
and reappeared off and on, till of late they have been busy building a
permanent abode in my mind for which your message to the Rajputs has
supplied the straw for the last brick.
In a place where the whole station was lined from one end to the other
with volunteers dressed in military style with swords hanging at their sides,
where the whole air was redolent with reminiscences of bravery and chivalry of
men of the military caste of India, was not your message urging them in a way
to substitute the music of your wheel for the music of their sword a preaching
of the dharma of your caste to all castes ad absurdum, like the Christian
missionary? Should you not rather, like the sages of ancient India, exhort a
Brahmin to be a true Brahmin, a Kshatriya to be an ideal Kshatriya and a
Vaisya to be a model Vaisya? The insignia of the Brahmin is the book or pen,
of the Kshatriya the sword, and of the Vaisya the wheel or the plough. You
may well pride yourself in being called a weaver or an agriculturist as thereby
you are true to the natural tendencies of your jati or to Vaisya dharma. But why
would you a Hindu, a believer in varnashrama principles, help in the degra-
dation of a Brahmin or a Kshatriya by insisting on their accepting Vaisya
dharma and rejecting or neglecting their respective jati dharmas? Can a
Kshatriya not serve and protect the poor even in these days but in the Vaisya
way?
The great men of India have always upheld swadharma for each individual
temperament. You are the first of them to preach the throwing in of the dharmas of all
people into the same melting pot and thereby Vaisyaising the whole nation. Uplift
the Vaisya by all means, but pray do not pull the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas by
their legs. Spiritualize your caste people, but do not materialize the men of other
castes by turning them into spinners and weavers with the spell of your personality.
To my thinking a Vinoba and a Balkoba would have rendered more potent service to
the nation as pure Brahmins with their intellects fully developed rather than as
spiritual weavers which you have turned them into.
I have not reproduced the whole of the letter but I have given the
cream of it. The rest is a commentary on the extract quoted by me.
The friend is born and claims to be a Hindu even as I claim to be one.
As I have regarded spinning to be superior to sectional religions, I had
hoped that I would not be misunderstood by cultured friends. But it
was not to be. The friend tells me she is not the only one to oppose
the charkha. I must, therefore, endeavour patiently to examine the

argument. I have noted in the course of my journalistic experience
dating from 1904 that most of the criticism received by editors is
based upon an imperfect under-standing of an opponent’s statement.
In the case in point, if only the friend had borne in mind that I had
presented the message of the wheel, not to the Hindus alone, but to all
Indians without exception, to men and women, to Mussalmans, Parsis,
Christians, Jews, Sikhs and all others who claimed to be Indians, she
would have written differently. She would then have inferred that I
had placed before the people of India something which not only did
not come in conflict with the several religions but which, in so far as it
was taken up, added lustre to one’s own religion and, in Hinduism, to
one’s own varna or caste. Mine, therefore, I claim to be a method not
of confusion but cleansing. I ask no one to forsake his own hereditary
dharma or occupation, but I ask everyone to add spinning to his
natural occupation. The Rajputs of Kathiawar knew this. They asked
me whether I wanted them to give up their swords. I told them I
wanted them to do no such thing. On the contrary, I added, I wanted
each one of them to possess a trusty sword so long as they believed in
it. But I certainly told them that my ideal Rajput was he who defended
without the sword and who died at his post without killing. A sword
may be snatchedfrom one, not so the bravery to die without striking.
But this is by the way. For my purpose, it is enough to show that the
Rajputs were not to give up their calling of protecting the weak. Nor
do I want the Brahmins to give up their vocation as teachers. I have
suggested to them that they become better teachers for sacrificial
spinning. Vinoba and Balkoba are better Brahmins for having become
spinners and wea-vers and scavengers. Their knowledge is more
digested. A Brahmin is one who knows God. Both these fellow-
workers are nearer God today by reason of their having felt for and
identified themselves through spinning with the starving millions of
India. Divine knowledge is not borrowed from books. It has to be
realized in oneself. Books are at best an aid, often even a hindrance. A
learned Brahmin had to learn divine wisdom from a godfearing
butcher.
What is this varanashrama? It is not a system of water-tight
compartments. It is a recognition to me of a scientific fact whether we
know it or not. A Brahmin is not only a teacher. He is only predo-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 315

minantly that. But a Brahmin who refuses to labour will be voted
down as an idiot. The rishis of old who lived in the forests cut and
fetched wood, tended cattle and even fought. But their pursuit in life
was pre-eminently search after Truth. Similarly, a Rajput without
learning was good for nothing, no matter how well he wielded the
sword. And a Vaisya without divine knowledge suffi-cient for his own
growth will be a veritable monster eating into the vitals of society, as
many modern Vaisyas, whether of the East or the West, have become.
They are, according to the Gita ‘incarnations of sin who live only for
themselves’. The spinning-wheel is designed to wake up everyone to a
sense of his duty. It enables every-one better to fulfil his dharma or
duty. When a vessel is running on smooth waters, work on board is
exquisitely divided. But when it is caught in the grip of a violent storm
and is about to sink, everyone has to give a helping hand to the
necessary work of life-saving.
Let us also bear in mind that, with the rest of the world, India
finds herself in the deadly coil of the mercantile cobra. It is a nation
of shop-keeping soldiers that claims to rule her. It will tax all the
resources of all her best Brahmins to unwind India from that coil. Her
learned men and her soldiers will, therefore, have to bring their
learning and their prowess to bear upon the mercantile require-ments
of India. They must, therefore, in order to be able faithfully to carry
out their dharma, learn and practise spinning.
Nor have I the least hesitation in recommending hand-wea-ving
as a bread-winning occupation to all who are in need of an honest
occupation. To the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas and others, who are at the
present moment not following their hereditary occu-pation, but are
engaged in the mad rush for riches, I present the honest and (for
them) selfless toil of the weaver and invite them, with a view to return-
ing to their respective dharmas, to be satisfied with what little the
handloom yields to them. Just as eating, drink-ing, sleeping, etc., are
common to all castes and all religions, so must spinning be common
to all without exception whilst the confusion, selfish greed and resul-
ting pauperism persist. Mine, therefore, is a method not of making
varnasankara—confusion worse confounded—but it is one of making
varnashrama—cleansing more secure.

170. WHAT KHADDAR CAN DO
A correspondent from the Andhra district writes:
When I discontinued my studies from the Presidency College, Madras, in
January 1921, I did so because I could not resist the appeal made by you. Then
I knew nothing about the greatness of khaddar. After I had come from Madras
to my village, I had to work hard for four months to get me two khaddar dhotis
and khaddar cloth enough for three shirts. Such was the situation then, and
having left the College, I did not know what to do. Fortunately, in May 1921,
my uncle gave me wood for twenty charkhas, some cotton and twenty rupees to
do khaddar business. With the help of a carpenter, I made charkhas out of the
wood and distributed about four of them to the Panchamas. With these five
charkhas I began the work, and now the spinning-wheels working under my
supervision are about four hundred. Till two months ago, the process of my
khaddar business was buying cotton, getting it done into slivers by pinjarees,
distributing the slivers to spinners and, after they spin the yarn, getting the
yarn done into cloth by weavers. To the spinners and the weavers I was giving
wages for their work. I had to do thus all these days and whenever I did not or
could not get cotton, the spinners and weavers had to suffer and so they had
always to depend upon me or someone like me. After struggling these three
years in khaddar business, I along with Mr. Ponniah, who is doing the same
business at Nagalapuram in Kurnool District, had to think out some other
scheme of doing khaddar business by which the spinners and weavers would
not suffer for want of helpers (khaddar workers) like us. We, after three years’
experience, found from the village people how thirty or forty years ago the
spinners used to preserve their own cotton, make it into yarn, sell yarn made
into warps of 15 cubits and 5 panjams (each punjam consists of sixty threads)
at the rate of eight warps per rupee, and how the weavers used to buy yarn from
them, make it into cloth and sell the cloth to buyers. This done, the spinners
do not suffer for want of mediators like us and, if there could be people to buy
all the cloth that the weavers make, there would be no difficulty at all. For two
months Mr. Ponniah at Nagalapuram and myself here are trying to bring this
process into working order and to the great relief of us and the people, we have
almost succeeded.
The writer gives further details of his interesting work into which
I need not go. There is sufficient in the foregoing to show what a
silent revolution khaddar is working in the economic life of the
nation.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 317

Here are a few extracts from a report from the Bijapur district.
From Bilgi we went to Badgi. We had come to this village in Febru-ary
1923. Then there were only 10 or 15 charkhas working and no looms. The
villagers have been quick in seeing the benefits of khadi. Now there are nearly
90 charkhas working. Being tired of the inconveniences of getting khadi
woven by outside weavers, they have got a weaver from Nagral. He has started
2 looms at Badgi and will start 2 more within the next fortnight. One or two of
the villagers are learning weaving at the Nagral weaver’s. The villagers are not
in a mood to sell their yarn. They have determined to get it woven for their own
use and will sell only the surplus. We arranged a spinning competition among
the village spinners. Twenty charkhas were merrily running for more than an
hour. The yarn spun was uniform and ranged from 15 to 20 counts. We gave
prizes to some 10 ladies as a token of our happiness. So long there were no
spinners among the Mahars there. At our exhortation a Mahar woman showed
her readiness to spin. She brought her broken wheel to the Congress
Committee which will forthwith repair the charkha and supply slivers and a
spindle to the enthusiastic spinner. I hope Badgi will be a model village in
respect of khadi. Much depends on the local workers. . . .
From Gani I proceeded to Bidri. This village has been foremost in
spinning work ever since the beginning. The yarn is fine and also spun in
great quantities. I visited nearly 50 houses and every house had got 2 to 4
charkhas, i.e., as many as there are adult ladies in the house. One old woman
said that she had been maintaining herself on spinning for the last two years.
There are nearly 250 charkhas working. They store their own cotton and sell
the yarn. Khadi producers from Bijapur, Jamakhandi, etc., purchase the yarn
from this place. The local khadi worker supported by the Congress committee
has been asked to prepare dhotis for the Congress Committee. There is great
promise of work in the village and also in three or four villages round this
place. . . .
From Bidri I went to Devargannur on the 19th. We had visited this
place in February 1923. There were only 10 charkhas working then. Now at
least 100 charkhas are working and the families are getting their yarn woven
into cloth for themselves. The surplus yarn, if any, will be sold to the local
Congress khadi workers. We arranged a spinning competition here. It was a
happy sight to see 25 village ladies, young and old, rich and poor, spinning
their hardest for one whole hour. We gave prizes to the ladies. A khadi worker
disheartened by the lull in the cities should go to such villages to see such
competitions to get hope and strength for his work.
These are examples of paid labour. When, in terms of the

A.I.C.C. resolution, the chosen representatives of the Congress and
others begin to spin as part of national duty, there will be no lull in the
cities either. The latter will be, as they ought to be, an extension of the
village life, and not as they now are—almost foreign growths blighting
and sapping the healthy life of the villagers.
171. A PLEA FOR MILLS

A correspondent writes:
According to you charkha and spinning-wheel are the best means of
winning swaraj. It is impossible to dispute your noble intentions or self-sacri-
fice, but it is not understood why you fail to realize that, by insisting on the
wholesale adoption of khaddar, you will be putting a large number of
mill-owners and a considerably larger number of shareholders to terrible loss
and distress, for, whereas the former have expended huge sums of money on
mills, the latter—of whom there are very many of even below passable
competence—have sunk their all in mill shares in the earnest hope of eking
out a comfortable living with the decent dividends would realize, having been
emboldened by the prosperity of the mills. Thus, while you hope to bring
prosperity to a very large number of lower orders who know no respectability
and can in any way make both ends meet, you will doubtless be bringing ruin
to an equally large or at least a very considerable number of high- and
middle-class men.
2. As a great mahatma imbued with the most disinterested and sympa-
thetic feelings towards mankind at large, it behoves you to hold the scales
even and to exercise your best intellect in striking a middle course so as, on
the one hand, to encourage charkha and spinning-wheel to a reasonable extent
and, on the other, to help the mill-owners and the huge body of shareholders.
3. By all means boycott foreign cloth, but allow the optional use of
mill-cloth and khaddar. You will thereby be helping many a high- and
middle-class man.
This is a pathetic letter. I wish the correspondent’s fears were
realized. Then he will discover that the impending ruin of mills and
shareholders of mills would be the time of their own and India’s
salvation. He will discover then that India will be pulsating with a new
life and the middle class will be drawing their sustenance—not as now
from a starving peasantry, but from prosperous farmers who would
gladly exchange their produce for things they need but cannot
themselves manufacture. A little reflection will enable the corres-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 319

pondent to realize that he and the rest of the shareholders as well as
directors of mills will have to co-operate with the people before the
spinning-wheel is so well established as to oust the mills. Let the
correspondent derive consolation from the fact that the spinn-
ing-wheel has to displace nearly sixty crores worth of foreign cloth
before it can touch the Indian mill-cloth. But for reasons I have stated
in these pages, every one of us must simply think of khaddar to the
exclusion of even Indian mill-cloth. Our mills need no patronage
from anyone else. They have their own agencies and peculiar methods
of advertising their wares. For those who are within the Congress beat
to have the option of using mill-spun is to kill the khaddar industry.
Khaddar needs all the protection that can be given to it before it can
produce an impression upon the market.
So much for the consolation of the correspondent or those who
think like him. May I, however, remind him that, if the letter were not
written in ignorant fear of consequences to the mills and the middle
class, it would be considered a heartless performance? What does the
correspondent mean when he refers to “lower orders who know no
respectability and can in any way make both ends meet?” Is he sure
that “lower orders know no respectability?” Have they no feelings,
are they not injured by an angry word? In what sense are they lower
except in their poverty, for which we, the middle class, are respon-
sible? And may I inform the correspondent that the “lower orders”
not only do not “make the two ends meet”, but the majority of them
are living in a state of semistar-vation? If the middle-class people
voluntarily suffer losses for the sake of the “lower classes”, it would
be but tardy reparation for their participation in their exploitation. It
is this arrogation of superiority and consequent callousness to the
sufferings of the so-called lower classes that keeps us from swaraj and
that retards the progress of the life-giving charkha. I invite the corres-
pondent to think in terms of the masses and, by taking to the charkha,
identify himself with his less fortunate countrymen.
Lastly, let the correspondent remember that, if I may be advised
on the ground of my broad humanity to be tender to our mills at the
expense of the “lower classes”, I must also be urged, as I have been
by other friends to be tender to foreign mills for the same reasons.
But if it is true, as it is true, that foreign mills have destroyed the
prosperity of the masses, the consideration of humanity demands that
the masses should be taught to revert to the charkha even though

foreign mill-owners may suffer. Even so must indigenous mills suffer,
if need be, for the sake of those on whose poverty their fortunes are
built. If an enterprising baker puts up cheap bakeries in our villages
so as to replace household kitchens, the whole nation, I hope, will rise
against such an enterprise. The reason for the opposition would be the
same as the reason for my opposition to the mills when they come in
conflict with the interest of the masses.
172. DEPRIVED OF HIS RIGHT

Mr. Jamaluddin Mukhmoor writes:
At the last municipal election held in the month of November 1923,
the Extra Assistant Commissioner, Merwara, who acted as the Polling Officer,
most autocratically rejected my name from the Beawar municipal electoral roll
on the ground of my conviction under section 108 Criminal Procedure Code for
the period of 6 months. He passed the order in the month of October 1923 and,
since it was appealable, I appealed to the Commissioner on the 10th October.
For one month complete silence was assumed. In the meantime, 26th of
November was fixed for recording the votes. Consequently, on the 20th
November, I sent a reminder to the Commissioner and a registered notice to
the Extra Assistant Commis-sioner, Merwara, to stop the further proceedings
till the final decision of my appeal. No heed was paid and the election carried
on the same day. Since then I had been waiting for the reply from the
Commissioner’s office and only today, 10th July, the following communique
has been received by me:
With reference to his letter No. 117/J dated the 22nd June 1924, Mr.
Jamaluddin is informed that the order by which his name was omitted from the
Beawar municipal electoral roll was revised by the Commis-sioner, who
directed that his name might be entered, but as this order was only passed on
the 26th November 1923, it could not be communicated in time to enable the
applicant to exercise the privilege of voting.
This is like sending a reprieve after hanging. The right of voting
at the present moment may not be of much consequence. But when
people become alive to their rights, one vote is enough to turn the
scales on momentous occasions. Mr. Jamaluddin is entitled to an
explanation of the extraordinary delay in a matter that required no
prolonged investigation and when the Commissioner must have
known that the elections were pending. For me the incident furnishes
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 321

an additional cause for non-co-operation. I look upon all such official
acts with considerable suspicion. They betray contempt of popular
opinion and rights. That people may not have an immediate remedy
against the abuse is to me no reason for associating directly or
indirectly with the authorities in conducting Indian administration in
utter defiance of public opinion.
173. LETTER TO NANABHAI ICHHARAM MASHRUWALA

S ABARMATI ,
Ashadh Vad 3 [July 19, 1924] 1
BHAI NANABHAI,
I have your letter. I went through the translation. There is no
reason why you should be unhappy. It is when the world worships us
that we have to be apprehensive. Maybe, God is nearer to us when it
condemns us. Mirabai used to laugh when she heard the eulogy of the
world. Do tender your resignation by all means. It is not at all desira-
ble to stay on at the cost of your health. However, to be cautious, you
may consult Jamnalalji2 . The test of one’s religion lies in suffer-ing
with equanimity heat and cold, misery and happiness.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
NANABHAI ICHHARAM, E SQ.
AKOLA
BERAR
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 4316. Courtesy: Kanubhai Mashruwala
174. ENLIGHTENED OR HALF-BAKED?

A student named Ganpat wrote this letter3 to the members of his
family and left his home on July 7.
There is as much ignorance as patriotism in this letter. There can
be no comparison between Dyerism and the act of an Englishman
who abused a woman. Those who move about in cities always see such
1
2
Jamnalal Bajaj
3
Not translated here

ugly scenes. It is not that the whites alone abuse Indian women.
Indians, too, do so and even beat them. Who has not seen impudent
Indian station-masters and policemen harass women? Can these acts of
wickedness be prevented by running away from them?
Why did student look on silently when he found the white man
abusing the woman? If he felt hurt, he had two or three alternatives
before him: Employing non-violence and willing to bear beating if he
got it while courteously dissuading the white man, he could have saved
the woman from the abuses. Or, if he was a believer in “tit for tat”, he
would have made the quarrel his own and fought with him. If he was a
co-operator, he would have employed the third alternative of taking
the woman to a police station and registering a complaint. If he failed
to get justice that way, he would have become a satyagrahi. Consi-
dered from any point of view, running away was by no means a
remedy. Such a remedy is likely to prove a further bondage. Student
Ganpat writes to say that he has now understood the significance of
life. God alone knows what he has understood. What will he achieve
by running away? He could have done what was expected of him by
staying at home. By becoming a coward and running away, one acqu-
ires no wisdom and no courage either. All cannot become Buddhas.
Sarasvatichandra1 lived, of course, in the imagination of Govardhan-
bhai. Student Ganpat aspires to surpass even Sarasvatichandra. Govar-
dhanbhai made Sarasvatichandra go round and round the same place
like an oilman’s bullock. He did not at all become “new”. Even after
having new experiences, he abandoned Kumud 2 and accepted
Kusum3 and in the end made her worship him. What we have to learn
from Sarasvatichandra is that we must never swerve from our duty. We
should face a hardship which we cannot remove and try to find out
remedies for it. Remedies will be found by studying hardship; they
will not be had by running away from them.
If student Ganpat has not yet become a forest-dweller and reads
Navajivan even in hiding, and if he happens to read this issue, he
should return home in response to the request of an experienced
person like me. He should continue his studies; if he has no sound
physique, he should acquire it; he should certainly remain a celibate;
he should, of course, be a devotee of God; he should learn that the
1
The hero of the Gujarati novel Sarasvatichandra by Govardhanbhai Tripathi
2
Sisters, characters in Sarasvatichandra
3
Ibid
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 323

essence of life is service and understand that one cannot serve by
running away.
I do not want to say that retreat to the forest yields no solution.
One can learn a lot by going there, but one must become qualified for
it. All of us should not set out to become Buddhas. We should remain
Sudamas.1 Lord Krishna who stopped Arjuna from fleeing 2 knew his
business. Rama honoured his father’s promise but kept Bharat pinned
to Ayodhya and himself went to the forest where he lived a life of
service. Even in the forest he shaped himself and became an ideal
man. Fortunately, there are not many students who run away; hence I
need not dilate further on the episode of student Ganpat. But students
who have not run away from home have a lot to learn from Ganpat.
When we see suffering, we should not feel unconcerned or apathetic.
We should try and cultivate a feeling exactly like Ganpat’s. We should
not sell our education for a cowrie. We should receive education for
the benefit of our country and use it in her service. Cultivating as
much feeling as Ganpat, we should add to it a sense of discrimination
and proportion. With the sense of proportion, we should cultivate
patience. Having analysed a situation and found remedies, let us be
firm in applying them. Let us think a lot before taking a decision, but
once it is taken, let us be adamant in implementing it. Ganpat certainly
does not deserve contempt. He is not to be pitied even. He merits
praise. Only, we should not take the step he took hastily; we should
create the solitude of a forest just where we are. Peace, renunciation,
and so on, are states of mind. It is true that some attain peace by
wandering about, but some others get it while shaping themselves in
the midst of ordinary, daily drudgery. We may follow the path
trodden by many. This is the royal road.
Live as you may,
Find God any how.
So wrote Akha. He was truly learned.
[From Gujarati]
1
Sudama was a poor Brahmin friend of Lord Krishna.
2
In the Mahabharata, Arjuna, the third of the Pandava brothers, had wished to
flee the battlefield as he did not like to fight his cousins, the Kauravas.

175. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
A friend who is a student of non-co-operation has asked me
some questions which I reproduce here as they are of interest to
many:
Q. Our opposition is directed not against individuals but against a “system”.
Then what does “system” mean—mobilization, tradition or culture?
A. Certainly, it is not mobilization. Tradition, yes; also culture
to the extent that it is responsible for tradition.
Q. In the article entitled “Rabbi May” in Young India, 1 you write that,
through the injustice meted out to Sir Sankaran Nair, the wickedness of this regime
has been further exposed. You write to the members of the Indian national Congress:
“If the Government courts and schools attract us and yet we oppose them, then our
opposition is not against a system but against individuals . . . My swaraj consists in
maintaining intact the spirit of our culture .”
Considering these two extracts, we find it suggested in the first that the
government is under the control of the whites, while the second one contains a dig at
our culture.
A. That is not so at all. Even if there had been an Indian judge in
the Sankaran Nair case, he would have dealt him similar injustice.
Since the judge was a supporter of the present policy of the British
Government, he could give no other judgment. We in India know
from experience that, at critical junctures, we cannot expect justice
from Indian judges working under the current administration. The
fault is not theirs but that of the system. An ordinary man cannot
transcend his environment. He who can transcend it will not work a
moment under such an unacceptable system. Non-co-operation
teaches us this very principle. I have often said that, if the adminis-
tration is to continue according to the current system, it would be
unacceptable to me even if every official is an Indian.
Q. It is my impression that the scheme of non-co-operation was devised not
to protect our culture—protection of culture may well be its indirect though, in a
sense, very important result—but to maintain our self-respect.
A. Since the attack on our self-respect was obvious, it was more
effective to give prominence to it. But our self-respect was the basis of
our culture. Now, when we see the danger of fascination exercised by
1
Vide “Notes”, 12-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 325

courts, schools, etc., despite the fact that the respect due to us has not
been restored as yet, we expose the veiled attack on our culture. Such
successive arguments, of course, are not deliberately advanced.
Circumstances give rise to them. If we go deep into the subject, we are
able to see that words like honour, culture, system, etc., have a close
relationship to one another and that all of them have a common
origin.
Q. I am not sure whether there is anything really harmful in Government courts
and yet I would not lodge there a complaint against my neighbour because they are the
courts of an alien Government which oppresses us. Likewise, he who does not see any
defect in the present educational system should also boycott it. Even if the medicines to be
had at a Government hospital are very good or even if the police arrangements are
praiseworthy, the non-co-operator should not take the benefit of these.
A. Those who see nothing wrong in the courts and schools
except that they are run by an alien Government find it difficult to
non-co-operate. What is wrong in these institutions is not their being
run by an alien Government, but their being a part of a faulty system.
But here a definition of system is called for because the questioner has
used the word “educational system”. I see defects even in the educa-
tional system of the Government. But that is not the reason for my
opposition. My opposition is to the system of Government adminis-
tration. It is the system in which the financial interest of the rulers is
dominant and in which religion or morality, call it what you will, has a
minor place. It is the system in which the rulers do not hesitate to
employ Dyerism in order to protect their economic interests and are
not afraid of committing any sin. If the system were not so selfish,
there would have been no reason to call the British Government alien.
The truth of this argument may be tested thus: Suppose this Govern-
ment feels sorry for the Punjab massacre, stops the import of foreign
cloth, encourages khadi, forgoes the income from opium and liquor,
reduces its military expenditure by 75 per cent, regards the promotion
of Hindu-Muslim unity as its duty and respects public opinion in
other ways; then who will oppose it? And if anyone does so, who will
listen to him? Even if they are defective in other respects, we shall not
boycott the existing courts and schools. This kind of selfishness in
Government administration or system is at the very basis of modern or
Western culture. But the Government’s Dyerism, etc., which are the
manifest results of that culture, are sufficient to rouse opposition even
in those who do not wish to think thus deeply over the matter.

Q. You write: “The aim of the Government’s policy is to Anglicize us. The
moment we get Anglicized, our English rulers will hand over the reins of Government
to us and accept us as their agents.” Have the Englishmen been here with such an
unselfish motive? They loudly proclaim as a virtue what you regard as a fault in them.
Will the Englishmen quit if we adopt the European system? Even then, how can we
become their voluntary agents? Do not conflicts arise between England and Germany
even though they have a common culture? I should say that conflicts arise precisely
because their culture is common.
A. Many issues are involved in this question. If we become
Anglicized we shall certainly cease to be wearers of khadi. Modern
culture is, in effect, materialistic and opposed to the claims of atman.
By becoming Anglicized, we shall be adopting a system of exploiting
all others in the world. Then we shall be indifferent to the condition of
farmers and make brute force the basis of our existence. In that case,
military expenditure, etc., will remain unchanged. If that happens,
they will have nothing to say against us.
When our wants considerably multiply, we shall be England’s
biggest customers and, consequently, its willing retailers, that is,
agents. That England and Germany fought with each other is also a
result of that same culture brought about in a different way. Both
wanted to exploit weak nations and both wanted the largest share;
hence the conflict. But there is a big difference between that fight and
our fight. Theirs was a confrontation of equals, so there was no ques-
tion of self-respect. We, of course, are conscious of our self-res-pect
every moment. Once we adopt the culture of Europe, there will be no
possibility of a conflict between Englishmen and us as long as we
remain the customers of England. Englishmen repeatedly tell us that
we are not yet fit to manage our own affairs; this is far from being
absolute hypocrisy. Many believe and say that as long as our culture
remains distinct, we shall not be qualified to carry on Government in
accordance with the European system. How is it that South Africa, etc.,
have complete autonomy? Observers may see for themselves that since
the whites there swear by the same culture, they have become
England’s agents. England sells its goods through those whites, hence
it has no need to post its own men there. No one should believe that
the same blood flows in their veins. If the whites of South Africa
would now turn selfless and give first priority to the interests of the
Negroes, England would feel embarrassed and worried despite the fact
that the former are whites. Our experience tells us that, when some
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 327

Englishmen adopt such a selfless attitude, English society boycotts
them.
[From Gujarati]
176. MY NOTES
S HRI INDULAL’S LETTER
I believe everyone has read Shri Indulal Yagnik’s open letter to
me. One sees clearly the spirit of patriotism in every line of this letter.
Nowhere can one notice even a shadow of discourtesy. One does not
like to point out blemishes, if at all there are any, in an article written
with such a good intention. A feeling persists in my heart that it would
be a sin to offer any reply to this letter. Is not refraining from reply
the perfect answer to it? Shri Indulal’s curiosity is endless. He wishes
to find out the logical conclusion of every question. He is a born
soldier and hence out for adventure. Just as he wishes to know every-
thing, he wishes to do everything. Because of his excessive attachment
to a cause, he does not feel even for a moment that there are things
beyond his capacity. Can attachment recognize any limit? What can
attachment not do? Hence, instead of setting a limit himself, he has left
it to God to do it. This is as much a virtue as a weakness. In this letter I
find him under the influence of both.
I for one welcome from him such a letter written out of love. I
take this and similar articles as warnings to me. I learn patience from
them and I come to understand my limitations.
It is not that I have given no thought to any of the draw-
backs or arguments that Shri Indulal has brought to my notice. I have
politely placed before the people the decision I have reached after
full deliberation. In this weekly I have already cleared most of the
doubts arising therefrom and shall give further clarification as occa-
sion demands. Nevertheless, in regard to what I cannot explain, I shall
merely say: “please find the rest of my explanation in my conduct.”
HUMOUR
A correspondent writes: 1
Let the gentleman2 from Dharwar submit if he likes an account
1
2
Who wrote to Gandhiji in June 1924, saying that his annual expense on all

of his clothes expense. But I should like myself to solve to some
extent the correspondent’s problem. Innocent replies should be given
to innocent queries. Since this correspondent has indulged in an inno-
cent joke, I wish to share with him the pleasure of the joke. Instead of
that gentleman from Dharwar, I intend to undertake myself the con-
tract of supplying clothes to this correspondent. Only this much
change will have to be made. No one can enter into a contract to
supply for Rs. 15 clothes worth Rs. l,000. We can know from the
Dharwar gentleman how many clothes he will need. He has been
spending on his clothes Rs. 15 a year. I probably spend not even Rs.
3. The cost of my loin-cloth does not appreciably exceed this amount.
Of course, I could do with only one towel while in jail. It served my
need for over a year. Again, since I am used to having a separate
handkerchief for the nose, I could improvise it from the superfluous
parts of my loin-cloth. I have not exhausted the stock of this surplus
material even now. But I do not ask this correspondent to feel satisfied
with a loin-cloth. Nevertheless he will not need waistcoats, coats or
costly dhotis. As a bedsheet cannot be included in clothes, according
to his own calculation a long shirt will cost Rs. 4, a short dhoti Rs. 3, a
towel Re. 1, caps Re. l, that is a total expense of Rs. 9. If this
correspondent does not mind imitating one who has Gujarat’s helm in
his hands,1 he can do without a cap and may thus save a rupee.
Satisfied with the above clothes as his dress, if he sends me what is
saved out of Rs. 34,2 I shall utilize it for the relief of people
reduced to skeletons in Orissa or elsewhere. Clothes are meant to
conceal the body as well as to protect it from cold and heat. Consi-
dering the question from this point of view, we do not need more
clothes than a short dhoti reaching up to the knee, a long shirt and a
cap. In the climatic conditions of our country, coats and waist-coats
are a mere burden. Motilalji does not feel ashamed to attend the
Central Legislative Assembly dressed in a long shirt, a short dhoti and
a cap. The Deshbandhu’s 3 dress does not consist of any more items.
The only difference in the Ali Brothers’ dress is that they wear
trousers instead of dhotis. This correspondent has suggested one
wrong thing. One need never wear dirty clothes for the sake of the
country. He who himself washes with due care his dhoti and long shirt
needs no soap at all or very little of it. Dirtiness is a sign of idleness. It
his clothes, which were made from khaddar, came to Rs. 15 as against Rs. 50 when he
used foreign cloth
1
Gandhiji has in mind Vallabhbhai Patel.
2
The correspondent had stated in his letter that one had to spend, in spite of
economy, Rs. 34 a year on one’s clothes, all of khaddar.
3
C. R. Das
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 329

has nothing to do with patriotism. It is the special duty of a
khadi-wearer to keep his clothes white as milk. Yes, it is true that in
that case there will be no room for superfluous clothes. And even if
one wants to have them, the expense on soap or a washerman is bound
to go up.
“SPIN, S PIN, S PIN’
A Maharashtrian gentleman writes:1
I place this correspondent’s example before every Gujarati
brother and sister. Those who firmly hold the faith that India can win
true swaraj only through peaceful means have no need at all to
employ other means. Swaraj through peaceful means is possible only
when the people have single-minded devotion to a common mission.
Violence becomes unavoidable when some people become impatient
and coerce others who do not co-operate with them. This, of course, is
not swaraj. It is nothing but falling out of the frying pan into the fire.
It is not likely to benefit the millions of our people reduced to
skeletons. On the contrary, they will be unwilling victims at a sacrifice.
The custom of offering human beings as a sacrifice, which is consi-
dered a thing of the past, will be revived. This custom undoubtedly
persists in Europe. What else are the recent terrible wars there if not
human sacrifice? If they take place in India, they will involve millions,
because they are not courageous enough to resist them.
At the present juncture, when there are many people with waver-
ing minds, when there is mutual hatred, when there is intolerance of
criticism, when allegations know no bounds, silence is the golden path.
But work should be there along with silence, and that work is the
plying of spinning-wheels.
To think that others will not spin at all is mere illusion. Like the
question of others eating, this question also must not arise. If I have
faith in myself, why should I bother about others? If others do not
spin, we should make it a point to spin all the moreourselves on their
behalf. If this happens, it will easily infect others.
EXAGGERATION
1
2
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had stated that Gandhiji
wished that all should cook and spin for themselves, but had wanted to know whether
Gandhiji wanted everyone to be self-dependent in respect of all work.

This is a very illusive argument and hence deserves to be
rejected. A man is born dependent. If he were not born that way, his
pride would have no limit. Leading an ascetic’s life is the highest state
of dependence, because an ascetic has to live on what others give him.
This state enables him to secure the freedom of the atman and to
realize its identity with the Supreme. We may do everything ourselves
to avoid giving trouble to others, we may do without a thing which we
cannot make, but a man who attempts to do all his work himself
merely to prove his claim of self-dependence finally ends up as a
self-willed individual. We wish to see the whole of society self-suffi-
cient in the matter of food and clothing. People have become
dependent on others in regard to cloth and hence they doubt whether
they can again become self-dependent in that respect. So I advise
every man and woman to become self-dependent in respect of cloth.
It is likely that society can become self-sufficient only after indivi-
duals become self-dependent. The attempt to become self-dependent
in matters other than this will halt the great, universal and essential
endeavour in respect of cloth. Suppose that we can make for ourselves
our own soap, pencils, pens, inkstand, etc., in addition to making cloth,
we shall find that only one or two of us can do so; but that will not
remove India’s poverty.
To eradicate India’s poverty, just the opposite course must be
adopted. That is to say, people must give up all other unnecessary
activities and try to make India self-sufficient in regard to cloth by
spinning with their own hands. We have for years been doing wrong
in our activities. Some say they will deliver India from bondage by
starting soap mills, others say they will do so by starting lock factories,
or leather works or bamboo-mat factories. This indicates the mis-
directed activities of society. It is only when we concentrate our minds
firmly on one objective and become engrossed in the task of imple-
menting it that we can achieve swaraj. I have found that such an
objective is only the spinning-wheel activity, and hence I keep on
harping on the theme. Hitherto no one has been able to point out to
me any other activity comparable to it.
[From Gujarati]
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 331

177. PROFITS IN WEAVING
A correspondent writes to me in detail about his experience as a
weaver. Omitting the details, I reproduce the substance here:1
It is clear that others cannot have such good opportunities or
experiences. But this account and the others that I have already
published show that, given perseverance and skill, weaving provides a
means of livelihood.
He writes further:2
[From Gujarati]
178. NEW TYPE OF SPINNING-WHEEL

We find a note on a new type of spinning-wheel in the news-
papers of Bombay. The Khadi Board has been asked to examine this
wheel. So far no one has to our knowledge been able to make a
spinning-wheel capable of turning out yarn with greater ease or of
better quality. We see several types of spinning-wheels with negligible
points of difference, but one need not give them any importance.
I urge every lover of khadi not to buy any “new type of
spinning-wheel” which has not been approved by the Khadi Board.
Many spinning-wheels of a new type have proved utterly useless and
belied the claims advanced in their behalf. As things stand now, we are
in a position to say that no one can supersede the old spinning-wheel
once a few changes are introduced in it. It would be, therefore, good if
no one goes in for any “new type of spinning-wheel”. If someone
comes across a miraculous spinning-wheel, he should send it to the
Khadi Board for inspection. He may propagate it or buy it only if the
Board has approved of it.
[From Gujarati]
1
This is not translated here. The correspondent had stated that two people
knowing all about weaving and working for 8 or 9 hours a day could easily earn Rs. 2
to Rs. 3, on an average. He himself had found spinning and weaving very good
leisure-time work.
2
This is not translated here. He had added that he bought 3 or 4 maunds of
cotton which provided cloth for 8 or 9 members of his family. His annual expense on
clothes in 1922 exceeded Rs. 300, whereas now that he and his family had started
spinning and weaving, it totalled only Rs. 40 or Rs. 50.

BHAISHRI VALJI,
I have your postcard. Mahadev told me yesterday that your

article on Simla had been sent to you by Swami, who added that it was
twenty days since it was sent. Have you not received it? I shall inquire
about the passage you have mentioned. I can’t say anything about my
going to Simla. Even the date for my visit to the Punjab is not yet
decided. And you are asking me to go to Simla. But you are neither a
lord, nor a Governor, nor [Lord] Reading. Your invitation, therefore,
stands no chance of acceptance.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
CHI. GANGABEHN,
I have your letter. You may come whenever you wish. God will
do only what is good. I would advise you not to bring your son’s
daughter with you. Let the husband and wife do whatever they deem
proper. The father is welcome to bring the daughter and leave her
1
The article on Simla referred to in the letter was published in Young India in
September 1924. In that year Ashadh Vad 4 fell on July 20.
2
Earlier letters in this volume to the addressee suggest that this letter also was
written in 1924. In that year Ashadh Vad 6 fell on July 22.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 333

here. If you bring her now there is a possibility of the estrangement
widening.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
Ashadh Krishna 6 [July 22, 1924] 1

CHI. INDRA,
I have your second letter. I hope you have got my reply to your
earlier letter. I have received the file too. I am very impatient to reach
Delhi. 2 Because of the doctors’ warning I have postponed my
journey. I will reach there as soon as possible.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
P ROF. I NDRA
“ARJUN” OFFICE
DELHI
182. LETTER TO FULCHAND K. SHAH
[July 23, 1924] 3

BHAI FULCHAND,
I have your letter. There is only one way for you. The
management are pledged to take the untouchables into that school 4 .
That pledge cannot be broken. You must welcome the untouchables,
and if, in consequence, all the students leave the school you should
put up with it. If the management hand over the building to you and
want to establish another school, they may do so. How can the
1
In response to a call from Mahomed Ali, Gandhiji left for Delhi on August
16, 1924. In that year Ashadh Krishna 6 fell on July 22.
2
Ibid
3
The postmark bears this date
4
The national school of Wadhwan in Kathiawar

principles proclaimed when the foundation was laid be now set aside?
I shall certainly write a note on this in Navajivan1
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Do not give up your peace, patience and humility
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 2821. Courtesy: Shardabehn Shah
183. THE PLIGHT OF TEACHERS

After describing the declining condition of national schools in a
district, where out of fourteen seven have died out and the rest are
sinking, and where attendance is reduced from 2,000 to 500, the
headmaster of one of them writes:
To be frank, the hearts of many of us, teachers of the national schools,
sink when they think of their half-starved families and their crushing debts,
and misgivings arise as to whether it is wise or foolish for a man embarrassed
with debts to undergo so much suffering and whether it is advisable or not to
serve the country in other ways than as starving schoolmasters, I should
mention here that some of these teachers gave up at the call of their country
much more lucrative situation.
This tale of woe need not frighten us. Nations are made after much
travail. Either we must die like flies in an armed rebellion, then
submit to military autocracy and, in the distant and dim future, hope
to have democratic rule; or by patient, natural, unperceived suffering
evolve as a self-ruling, self-respecting nation. It is by sufferings such
as the correspondent describes that we shall find a remedy for the
difficulties that face us. These constitute the real training in swaraj.
The fault is not wholly the parents’. It is in our surroundings. We have
not yet learnt the virtue of sustained work in defiance of all odds.
Teachers are the centre round whom the whole of the national edu-
cation system must revolve. If they lose their balance, the system must
topple. But the teachers have been inexperienced. They have not all
had the unquenchable fire for keeping alive the taste for national
education. They have not the organizing ability, nor the power of
concentration and consecration. Everywhere the workers, instead of
specializing in one branch of service, have dabbled in everything with
1
Vide “Religion on Trial”, 27-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 335

the result that they have been able to do nothing thoroughly. But this
was inevitable. We are new to the game. Our rulers have trained us as
clerks and put us to work requiring little thinking and less initiative.
But the old order is changing. In the first flush of enthusiasm we
seemed to be doing well, if not very well. No v that the enthusiasm has
died out and the moisture of public support has dried up, only the
hardiest plants will survive. Let me hope the schools and the
schoolmasters that still remain are of the right stuff. They must beg
from door to door for maintenance and not feel ashamed if they are
honest workers. The headmaster has asked also specific questions,
which being of general utility, I copy and answer below.
Q. How long can the poor teachers, embarrassed with increasing debts,
continue to have connection with these schools working on starvation allowance?
A.
Till death, even as a soldier fights till he is Victorious or,
which is the same thing, drops down dead.
Q. How long will the authorities continue these schools at a great at loss of
money, if even I per cent of the people do not want them?
A. No school has a right to exist if the people do not want it.
But I would blame the authorities if the people who brought a school
into being afterwards do not want it.
Q. Education can be suspended and workers can suffer for one year or two
years or three years, but what will be the case if the fight for swaraj continues for an
indefinite period?
A. Those who can suffer for one to three years will find
themselves inured to suffering for thirty years.
Q. How can the few boys that really want national education read where no
national school exists?
A. If the parents or the boys or girls, for that matter, are
resourceful, they will find out a way. It is a superstition to think that
education can only be had at schools or only through English or in a
particular, orthodox style. To learn spinning and weaving is an edu-
cation of first-class importance at the present moment. Let us also
remember that the majority of Indian villages have no schools at all.
Q. How long should our countrymen be allowed to vote for a resolution
which they will never carry out in practice? All will vote for boycott of Government
schools but very few of these voters will send their boys to national schools.
A. Not one minute longer than I can help. All my fight in the
A.I.C.C. was directed towards our being true to our resolutions.

I know that the replies I have given will be considered
unsatisfactory by many. But I dare say that they are the only correct
and practical answers. We must do away with camouflage. If the
nation as a whole does not want national schools in answer to the
boycott of (not supplementary to) Government schools, it must be
altered. The minority that may still want the boycott must make good
their desire by running their own national schools, but not under the
Congress aegis. These schools will be run only where they are wanted.
If there be only one such school, it will continue without being
disheartened. Faith knows no disappointment.
184. NOTE ON C. F. ANDREWS’S ARTICLE1

For a fuller account of the effects of the poet’s humanitarian
and peace-giving mission, I cannot do better than refer the reader to
the excellent Viswa-Bharati bulletins on the visit issued by the editors
of the Viswa-Bharati Magazine.
185. WHAT TO DO WITH THE YARN?

The Khadi Board continues to receive queries as to the use to be
made of the yarn that is to be delivered to it by Congress represen-
tatives. In accordance with the Congress resolution, every represen-
tative has to send at least 2,000 yards of well-twisted, even yarn per
month. It is in the nature of a subscription. But all kinds of questions
are being raised. Some members want to keep the yarn themselves and
have it woven for personal wear. It is an excellent idea but, at the
present moment, I would suggest suppression of that desire. The
efficacy of any programme depends upon uniformity and punctuality
and the magnitude of execution. It is the volume that counts. But the
volume is impossible if each member wants to act according to his
own wish. Whilst. there is much to be said in favour of each member
spinning for his own clothing, at the present moment much more is to
be said in favour of co-operative spinning. The cost of sending the
yarn is of no consequence when it is remembered that parcels are to
1
This followed Andrews’s article “India in the Far East” which, among other
things, gave an account of Rabindranath Tagore’s visit to Japan.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 337

be made up in each province and despatched to the Central Board.
But look at the advantages:
(1) Monthly return of yarn.
(2) Check from month to month on the quality of spinning
and consequent possibility of improvement.
(3) Check upon danger of slackness on the part of spinners.
(4) A healthy rivalry between spinners and provinces as to the
quantity and quality.
(5) The certainty of cheapening the price of khaddar if the
response of the Congressmen is at all in accordance with the
resolution.
My advice to the Khaddar Board will be to have all the yarn
woven where it can be done cheapest unless each province would
prefer to have it locally woven. The khaddar should be sold at very
low rates to the poor in famine areas at the discretion of the Board. It
can be sold to the spinners at concession rates if they so desire. But it
is really too early at this stage to decide finally as to the disposal of
the khaddar manufactured from the yarn. Much must depend upon
the quantity received. I suggest to those who are anxious to wear
khaddar woven from yarn of their own spinning that it is much more
meritorious to pool the whole yarn and for individuals to receive
khaddar equal in weight to their own yarn. Under the circumstances
created by the A.I.C.C. resolution, the desire to wear khaddar of
self-spun yarn will be regarded selfish in comparison to its gift to the
common fund. Lastly, no member is bound to send more than 2,000
yards of yarn if he does not wish to. He may give half an hour to the
nation and keep another half hour’s labour for his own use. Let me
say to novices that many have already finished their quota of 2,000
yards. And those who are giving all their spare time to spinning hope
to go beyond 10,000 yards. Some members of the staff of the Gujarat
Vidyapith, though not Congress representatives, are spinning 5,000
yards each per month of which they will give 3,000 to the nation and
collect the remaining 2,000 for their personal use. I would urge the
Congress men and women, whether representatives or others, for the
time being willingly and whole-heartedly to fall in with the national
project, imperfect though it may appear to them to be. They will find
that it will become perfect by reason of hearty co-operation. No
scheme has yet been produced by the human brain which has not
contained flaws or which has not been criticised. But practical wisdom

consists in helping the execution of a scheme which has commended
itself to the majority. Every objection must not be raised to the dignity
of conscience. Fundamentals are very few indeed In any case, there
can be no question of conscience in deciding whether it is better to
pool 2,000 yards of yarn or reserve it for one’s own use.
186. A GLOOMY PICTURE

A Mussalman correspondent writes thus feelingly from
Amritsar:
The free fights between Hindus and Mussalmans in Upper India which
have become almost a daily occurrence indicate the complete inability of the
two slave nations to find a solution of their domestic problems, more so their
inability to assume responsibility of governing a vast country composed of
many heterogeneous elements.
Your efforts at bridging the gulf were no doubt successful, but the
warring elements reappeared soon after your incarceration. Where before your
incarceration there existed fellow-feeling and sympathy between the two for
their having been long neighbours, today there is disunion and discord. All
the big towns of the Punjab are cockpits for both the nations and there appears
to be no prospect of the old relations ever being restored.
Will you please think out a remedy before the disease becomes
incurable? Please do come to the Punjab and see things for yourself Your zest
for khaddar is useless unless and until you have restored the old conditions.
Amritsar which saw the glorious days of 1919 is today a picture of gloom. Out
of nearly two hundred thousand people hardly 50 would be found wearing
khadi, and even these do so because they must, holding as they do Congress
offices. All this is due to the Hindu-Muslim tension. Remove tile curse and
everything will be all right. Alas, the foundation of sangthan was laid at a
most inauspicious moment.
There is no doubt that the picture given by the correspondent is
exaggerated. If there are free fights between Hindus and Mussalmans
daily in the Punjab, it must be a most difficult place to live in today.
But I have no doubt that at least outwardly the Punjab is as peaceful as
any other province in India. Nor is the correspondent correct when he
lays everything at the door of the sangathan. It has no doubt
aggravated the disease which was already there. Both the communities
have lost their balance.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 339

If the Punjabis have given up khaddar because of the tension,
their love of khaddar or of the country could only be skin-deep. But
as I do not think that they have less love of the country than the
others, the cause of the decline of khaddar must be sought elsewhere.
The obvious cause lies in the want of faith in the necessity of khaddar
for swaraj and the desire for the soft life which the muslin and the
calico denote. Of all the provinces, the Punjab is today able to carry
out the boycott of foreign cloth if it wishes. But it does not. I have
heard it said that many Hindus decline to wear khaddar because it is
woven by the Mussalman weavers and the Mussalmans refuse to wear
it because they say they are not interested in swaraj; they want to drive
away the English but they want to revive the old Mussalman rule. And
it is contended the old Mussalman rule cannot be revived if the
charkha binds both Hindus and Mussalmans to a common ideal.
These I regard as vapourings of heated brains. The poor Hindus and
the poor Mussalmans have no time to think of the things mentioned
above. They will gladly add a few rupees to their annual income
which spinning does.
Apart, however, from the decline of the khaddar and from the
exaggerations of the correspondent, the seriousness of the tension
cannot be denied, The break-down at Delhi of the authority of the
leaders is too glaring to be slurred over.
Fortunately, there are already indications of reviving sanity. The
Jats and the butchers are reported to have realized the folly of
breaking one another’s heads and to have made peace. But the most
hopeful news comes from correspondents who tell me that, if there
were frenzied men bent on slaughter, there were also sane men and
women bent on saving. These instances are not isolated but suffi-
ciently numerous to show that love of peace was at least as keen
between the two communities as the love of war. The latter is not
natural. It is like a carbuncle. But peace persists. The two sections have
simply to make up their minds to respect each others’ religious
customs and the rest will be easy. So far as asking me to go to the
Punjab is concerned, it is an open secret that I am pining to go there
as well as the other places where tension exists. The spirit is willing, the
flesh alone is weak. As soon as I can undertake travels with any degree
of safety, I propose in the company of Maulana Shaukat Ali to visit
Sand and the Punjab.

187. AFFLICTED SOUTH
The monsoons are playing an exasperating trick. The South is
submerged and the North is pining for the rains. There is a
heart-rending wire from South Canara which says: ‘Devastating floods
again. Forty feet above normal. River level only four feet below last
year’s.’ Then follows a detailed account of families rendered home-
less; people fleeing terror-struck in all directions. The volunteers were
hoping that the relief work done by them after last year’s floods
would put the starving families on their feet again. Now the hope is
perhaps blasted. It will be remembered that the volunteers were orga-
nising families by giving them spinning and carding work. Nature
however has more misery in store for the poor homeless families. No
wonder Mr. Sadashiv Rao1 appeals for help. Let us hope that the effect
of the floods is not so serious as the account before me suggests.
Detailed and accurate information is eagerly awaited.
188. WAR AGAINST OPIUM

The White Cross is an international anti-narcotic society whose
headquarters are in Washington. It appears to have branches all over
the world. Its letter-head contains distinguished names as trustees or
standing council. Its executive secretary, Mr. McKibben, writes a long
letter urging me to secure India’s co-operation in the White Cross
crusade against opium. I cull the following passages from the letter:
The people of China resisted its invasion in two wars and in 1906 took
the first opportunity in a century and a half to gain deliverance by pulling up
or ploughing under the poppy on millions of acres. So long and so binding
had been their enslavement that it was predicted that at any attempt to take
opium away the Chinese people would rise in insurrection. Spence, an English
writer, said in 1882 that “revolution would result if the Chinese Government
would undertake suppression of the growth of the poppy, the quiet seaports
would be turned into hell, streets would run with blood.” So far were these dire
forecasts from coming true that no action of the Chinese Government was ever
so popular as its determined and successful campaign for poppy destruction. It
1
Karnad Sadashiv Rao (188l-1937); lawyer, social worker and Congress loader
of South Kanara; four times President, Karnatak Provincial Congress Committee
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 341

became a fervent, sweeping, religious movement. In a thousand cities and
villages old smokers stacked up their pipes in piles as high as the houses as a
burnt offering to Heaven. Jubilant processions, music and banners, voiced the
general thanksgiving, while women wept tears of joy that the century-old
curse was lifted.
Their rejoicings were short-lived. The British Government kept its
promise to cease importing opium but, as has happened before and since, as
you too well know, the Western world kept the word of promise to the ear but
broke it to the heart. In place of opium there was poured upon devoted China a
flood of morphine, heroin and cocaine, ten times worse. In this atrocity, I
blush to say, the United States was a participant until a recent day. In
consequence of chaotic conditions, military chieftains have now forced upon
unwilling Chinese farmers, a renewal of poppy planting, excusing themselves
because native opium is better than foreign morphine. Those who know China
best believe that her fundamentally sound conscience will again respond when
the nations give them support and will again rid their land of opium.
It is universally recognized that no one nation can save itself. Opium
products are so compact, so easily concealed and the wages of the traffic so
enormous that, as long as the drugs are produced, they will find their
consumers. The American Congress has accordingly appealed to all nations to
unite in suppressing the opium poppy and the cocaine shrub, reserving only
such amounts as are considered necessary in medicine and science. A
Conference has been agreed on to meet in Geneva in November 1924, to put
into effect this proposal. This Conference will be vested with authority
whereby it may, if it will, inaugurate measures that will deliver the world from
the menace.
The question is now before the world, how may this Narcotic Con-
ference be brought to act in the spirit as well in the letter of this mandate?
Shall they meet the world’s hopes or blast them? To you, Sir, I need not name
one all-powerful agency that may be invoked, namely, the power of public
opinion, the focussing of the world’s conscience and conviction upon the
meetings of that Conference.
The organization of which I have the honour to be a representative, the
White Cross International Anti-narcotic Society, is seeking a voicing of public
opinion and conscience, focussing it upon the November Conference in a way to
move them irresistibly to use the opportunity providentially in their hands and
rid the world of its greatest physical menace.
The experience of China should convince India that fears which have
sometimes been expressed of “Oriental revolt” against “deprivation of opium”

will prove groundless in India as they did in China It is perhaps not strange
that some representatives of the British Government in India fear that India is
so wedded to opium that “serious consequences would follow any attempt to
take it away”. There is far less danger of this in India than in China India has
never become enslaved to the extent of China, even though its victims have
largely been those on whom the whole future depends, namely the babies
doped by their mothers day after day while the mother are at work in the
factories Indian ladies, who are devoted social workers, say this practice is
well-nigh universal. If “revolt” is apprehended, it would seem to a friendly
observer most likely to be a revolt of the people against a Governmental
policy which poisons to death the babies in their mothers’ alms, or leaves
them alive as if born old, pallid, emaciated, stunted, blasted in body and hope-
less of future, the motive being that the Government might get the revenues
“which it needs”.
The world can never be delivered until India saves herself by ceasing to
poison her own oncoming generations and by ceasing to pour her opium into
the veins of other nations. For the sake of India and of the world, we lay before
Mr. Gandhi and the people of India this our request for expressions of their
mind such as will convince the coming Opium Conference that India both
seeks deliverance from her own opium enslavement and joins hands for the
redemption of the world . . .
Furthermore, may we ask what is lie wish of the people of India as to who
shall be their representatives ant spokesmen at the Opium Conference? In
previous meetings, have the convictions of India been accurately voiced?
Whether sent unofficially or, as would be more fitting, clothed with full
powers of representation, we would suggest that India send some of her bat
sons to speak for her that the world may know her mind. If in any way our
organization can assist in bringing before the Conference the expressions of
Indian conviction, we shall be at your service.
The White Cross may rely upon India’s co-operation in its
noble work. The A.I.C.C. has only recently unanimously passed a
resolution which places on record its emphatic condemnation of the
opium policy of the Government of India. If every poppy plant were
rooted out, there would be no protest in the land against the act. The
people will certainly rejoice when the whole of the revenue from in-
toxicating drinks and drugs is stopped, their sale absolutely prohibited
except strictly as medicines to be sold by certificated chemists or
druggists.
But unfortunately for us and the world, India’s opinion is today
represented by a Government that does not represent its people. At the
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 343

forthcoming convention, therefore, it will not be the people of India
that will be represented, but it would be the foreign rule over India
that will be represented, in the interests not so much of humanity as
chiefly of its revenue. Whether it would serve any useful purpose to
send an unofficial representative, such as Mr. Andrews, truly represen-
ting the people, is a matter to be considered by the A.I.C.C.
Let us, however, see what the goal of the humanitarian crusade
is. Miss La Motte has shown by unchallengeable figures that the
world’s production of opium is far in excess of its medical require-
ments and that so long as it continues, so long will the immoral and
soul-destroying traffic in it continue in spite of efforts to the contrary.
She has shown, too, that the Government of India is the greatest culprit
in the matter. The goal cannot be reached till the Government of India
honestly carries out the wish of the best mind of the world, imme-
diately to reduce the cultivation of opium in its jurisdiction to the
lowest term possible and without counting the cost. The Government
of India alone has blocked the way and it is feared that it will do so
again. And it will do so not because India wishes, but because she is
helpless.
189. IN FULFILMENT OF PROMISE

When Mr. M. K. Acharya wrote his open letter to me, I
promised to attempt a reply to it in these pages. I am sorry that I was
not able to do so earlier. Having very carefully read the letter, there is
not much room for difference. My fortunate position is that I am able
to look at things from my opponent’s standpoint and share his views
to that extent. It is, however, my unfortunate position that I do not
always succeed in inducing them to look at things from my
stand-point. If I could, we should have? delightful agreement even in
our differences.
With the presentation of causes and the origin of non-co-ope-
ration, there is tolerable agreement between Mr. Acharya and me. But
on the construction of Congress resolutions we differ. But I should
agree with him from his standpoint that the preamble to my resolution
before the A.I.C.C. goes beyond the letter of some Congress
resolutions. But much water has since flown under the Kaveri bridge
(shall I say?) I invite him to study the previous A.I.C.C. resolutions

and he will find the preamble adumbrated there. I thought the
adoption of the charkha was held to be an indespensable prelimi-nary
to civil disobedience. The conditions have been repeatedly laid down
in resolutions. There was enough opposition at the last A.I.C.C. to
many things, but not a voice was raised against the preamble, for the
simple reason that almost every one had previously acknowledged the
necessity of the charkha for the purpose of civil disobedience. I hold
that I was, therefore, justified in introducing the preamble.
On merits, I must reiterate my belief that, without hand-spinning
becoming universal, there will be no swaraj in terms of the masses. It is
true that we were hand-spinning before we came under foreign rule.
But we did not then know the national necessity of it. Do we not often
neglect our lungs by inhaling impure air? When, however, they
become bad, we realize their necessity as well as that of pure air.
Return to the spinning-wheel means so much organization, so much
co-operation, so much saving of money and so much distribution of it
among the masses and so much removal of temptation from the way
of the Englishmen, that it surprises me to find anyone question the
possibility of establishing swaraj through the spinning-wheel. I need
hardly point out that I have not suggested the spinning-wheel under
every circumstance to every nation for the attainment of swaraj. Mr.
Acharya will see that he argued against the charkha from premises I
have not advanced.
Then take the Councils. I do not deny the use, to some extent of
Councils. All I contend is that they are of no consequence to the
masses. And since the Congress to remain national must mainly
represent the masses and present a programme in which masses car
freely participate, I submit that wisdom lies in keeping the boycott
intact. The soundness of my proposition will be realized in the same
proportion as we descend to and identify ourselves with the masses.
The lawyers and the Councillors, if they will appreciate the truth of
what I am saying, can serve the masses and belong to the Congress
without aspiring to executive offices.
The evil is not in the programme. The evil lies in our mutual
distrust, intolerance, want of imagination and hankering after office. If
both the parties will cease to want power and learn merely to serve, the
programme of non-co-operation will be found to be the only true
national programme. Is it difficult to realize that the majority of
villages that are outside the influence of the rail-roads know nothing
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 345

of law-courts, schools or Councils and are boycotters of necessity? If
we who want to serve them will discard the Government influence,
there is hope for these millions of villagers. If we do not do so, the
truth of a remark seriously made by an able patriot will be realized.
He said:
I do not believe your programme because I do not feel as you do for the
masses. Rather than that they should die of starvation and plague, I would
sacrifice them on the battle-field by simply driving them to it. It will be a
reluctant sacrifice, it is true, but it is necessary. When these millions who are
merely a burden to society are made to die on the battle-field, India will be a
land worth living in. It will be a free India containing only free men, not
starvelings and helots.
I told the friend that his argument was irresistible if I could
accept . his premises. But, as we could not accept each other’s
premises, we agreed to differ, respected each other’s conclusions and
parted the best of friends. For me I must sink or swim with the lowest
of my countrymen. If Mr. Acharya can be induced to realize this
position, he will find that I am the same person he knew me in 1920.
190. NOTES
TO P. B.
I must apologize for having delayed my reply to your ques-
tions. Here it is:
(1) I do advocate a prohibitive import duty on foreign cloth
even though it may only benefit home mills and not khaddar. I am
impatient to bring about a total boycott of foreign cloth. I do not
dread the home mill competition with khaddar, for I know that our
mills are today not in a position to supply India’s requirements. But
supposing they do, I should not hesitate for the sake of protecting the
masses, to protect khaddar against our mills as I would now protect
them against foreign competition. My study of the figures goes to
show that boycott of foreign cloth will equally benefit both our mills
and hand-spun khaddar.
(2) Protection of khaddar I do not regard as compulsion just
as I would not regard prohibition of drink as compulsion. It is no part
of the duty of the State to countenance for the sake of a minority what

public opinion regards as detrimental to the moral or the material
well-being of the people as a whole.
(3) I do not dread foreign capital or foreigners coming to
India if they do not, as now, receive favoured treatment in a variety of
ways. We are well able to hold our own in fair and equal competition.
(4) I am personally opposed to great trusts and concentration
of industries by means of elaborate machinery. But at the present
moment I am concerned with destroying the huge system of exploi-
tation which is ruining India. If India takes to khaddar and all it
means, I do not lose the hope of India taking only as much of the
modern machinery system as may be considered necessary for the
amenities of life and for life-saving purposes.
ACHARYA GIDWANI
Shrimati Gangabai Gidwani has received the following from her
husband:
The Superintendent has been good enough to allow me to write a two-page
letter to you. My privilege letter will be due at the end of the next month. I
have ready nothing much to communicate that will be allowed to go. My
health is perfectly good. Do not believe any rumours to the contrary. I have
got wed to my room and I get quite good food, I am given a seer of milk and a
chatak of ghee from the jail and I sendfor pumpkin and potatoes from the
bazaar. Sometimes I send for mangoes also. Nothing else is available here. I
was given a charpai but I refused it because, you know, I always prefer to sleep
on the even hard floor in the embrace of Mother Earth. I was also offered the
privilege of half an hour morning and evening outside my room; but I declined
the offer as I think it will only make me feel the confinement of the remaining
23 hours the more. I am spending eight hours a day in reading, six in sleep,
three in spinning, four in walking and exercise and the rest in cooking, eating
and whiling away. I have been given a prisoner to help me in cooking and
cleaning. I used to be given all letters and parcels received for me. But owing
to some misunderstanding, they were stopped three weeks ago. I am glad to
inform you, however, that the Superintendent has been good enough to restore
this, the sweetest of all my privileges, I trust that you will now send me daily
accounts of the progress you are making in your studies, the children’s health
and all about relations and friends. Please thank Bapu, Jivat, Kodu, Champaneria,
Karamchand, Valecha, for their letters. I hope you are spinning regularly and that
you have not neglected your Hindi. Two pages art finished.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 347

‘GLIMPSES OF KHADI WORK’
Under the above heading, the indefatigable Mr. B. F. Bharucha
has issued a report of his tour in Bengal. It is a business-like and
instructive document. I pass by the paragraph bemoaning the fact that,
had the Ahmedabad mills not played false during the Partition days,
Bengal would today be wholly swadeshi; also the fact that, at Serajganj
Swadeshi Exhibition, the khadi was bastard khadi except at Dr. P. C.
Ray’s stall. I pass by Mr. Bharucha’s appeal to Deshbandhu Das ask-
ing him to insist upon his Satyagrahis wearing khaddar and to set
apart a number of workers for pure khaddar organization. But I must
let Mr. Bharucha speak in his own enthusiastic manner of the splendid
work being done by Dr. Ray and his able lieutenant, Babu Satis
Chandra Dasgupta:
Dr. P. C. Ray is the Apostle of charkha in Bengal. Despite a weak frame and
poor health, this old Professor of Chemistry is crossing fields and flooded
areas to save the Bengal farmer from the ravages of famine and flood. And his
panacea today is rot any Western mechanism, nor Western preparation. It is
the ancient and universal cottage wheel, the charkha. In the flooded areas of
Rajshahi, etc., Dr. Ray has saved the starving people by reviving the charkha,
and by popularizing khaddar. Besides that, he started the Khaddar Board, the
Khadi Pratishthan and the Deshi Rang. Fund to carry on the khaddar
propaganda in Bengal. Every week he needs three thousand rupees to keep his
charkhas and looms going. He has been having a fairly large stock of khaddar,
and unless this is sold off regularly, it will be very difficult for old Dr. Ray to
keep all the charkhas going. The revered Acharya went on his knees at the
Serajganj Khaddar Exhibition, and begged of the audience to buy khadi. Will
not Bengal—patriotic, sensitive, swadeshi Bengal—respond to the clarion
call of her devoted son: ‘Buy khadi and keep the charkhas going?’ Dr. Ray has
given away even his savings (Rs. 40,000/-), for khadi work. Verily he is the
Apostle of khaddar in Bengal.
I shall now give some glimpses of the spinning and weaving centres visited
by me. They are Atrai, Raninagar, Talora and Sukhia (Chittagong). At Atrai
they (Dr. Ray and Satish Babu) run a school for ginning, carding, spinning,
dyeing and weaving. They also have a dispensary and a small hospital which
is a real boon to villagers. Atrai is the base where they stock kapas and
distribute it in surrounding villages for ginning, carding spinning and
weaving. Atrai had an old silk industry, which was practically killed by the
East India Company. Here we saw the charkhas plying again; and the yarn was
good. A boy that had appeared at the Matriculation Examination could ply the

charkha very well. At Raninagar we saw the handlooms working. Whilst it was
pleasant to see them running, it was painful to see the weavers clad in foreign
cloth, and worse still, making their own clothes from mill or foreign yarn!
They promised to discontinue this. At Talora, we saw the spinning and
weaving centres. At all these places, there was much enthusiasm for the
charkha and the loom. Even girls of seven and eight could spin so well. We
had a sort of spinning competition, and nearly a dozen girls came forward
spontaneously. Even old women joined them. The males were silent spectators
and we obtained from them a pledge not to buy foreign cloth anymore. And
what a splendid organization has been got up by Babu Satish Chandra
Dasgupta, the able, unassuming, and indefatigable lieutenant of Dr. Ray! He
has standardized the gin, the carding-bow, and the charkha. He holds stocks of
these and the spare parts at the base. He is running the school where ginning,
carding, spinning, and weaving are taught. Here he prepares his volunteers,
workers and inspectors. He has written three booklets in Bengali for
instructions to workers. He has introduced a complete system of records. There
are altogether eighteen different kinds of printed books to keep a complete
record of Kapas purchased, issued and stocked; of cotton purchased, issued, and
carded; of cotton spun and of yarn woven. There are ledgers of carders,
spinners and weavers. There are the weekly reports, and classified records of
gins, carding-bows, charkhas and looms. There are the usual account books.
The records are complete, and are very well kept. Then Satish Babu has
prepared a contingent of willing and diligent workers. They leave the base
early morning with two sacks across their shoulders. They carry cotton, spare
parts, scales and account sheets. They look like the village postmen and are
greeted as such! Nay, they are welcomed even by the purdah women. They give
the cotton, take yarn, pay charges, and write up the spinners’ a/c card. They
repair the charkhas, give some help or instruction to that need it, and thus are
means of supplementing the family’s income. The weavers usually call at the
centre for yarn, deliver khadi, get the charges and take away further quantity of
yarn. They have their cards also, and these are regularly written up. The
workers return in the evening after their village rounds, and it is a sight to see
them toiling in scorching sun or heavy rain, and yet all cheerful! Satish Babu
has not only put his heart and soul into the khadi work; he has even given
away [rupees] three thousand at the start and rupees six thousand in June last
for khadi work, and he is not a rich man. Satish Babu has prepared slides for
khadi propaganda. He has written a book, with telling illustrations. May God
bless pioneers and workers like Dr. P. C. Ray and his able lieutenant, Babu
Satish Chandra Dasgupta! Amen!
I join mine with Mr. Bharucha’s ‘Amen’.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 349

Mr. Bharucha is equally enthusiastic about the ability of the
charkha to bring the Hindus and the Muslims together. Here is his
paragraph:
In Bengal all the volunteers and the workers of the Bengal Relief
Committee khadi work, of the Khadi Board, the Khadi Prathishthan, and Deshi
Rang Fund are almost all Hindus. And the largest numbers of those who take
the benefit of these institutions are Muslims. These Hindu workers walk miles
from their centres, and carry kapas or cotton to Muslim hamlets. They weigh
the spun yarn, and pay for it; they repair the charkhas, supply parts, prepare
the spinners’ a/c, and give kapas or cotton as required. They (the Hindus) thus
render such splendid brotherly service to their Muslim sisters. There is such
regard and respect between the Hindu workers and Muslim spinners, weavers,
and their families, that none can ever perceive or feel that they are divided by
their religions. They talk and act as though they are of one race—Bengali—
and of one brotherhood—of humanity. Verily, if the charkha is pushed on in
other parts of the country as assiduously and amiably as is done by Satish
Babu’s ‘boys’, much of the present tension amongst Hindus and Muslims will
diminish, and Heaven helping, will vanish.
OVER-PRODUCTION ?
The reader will have noticed in Mr. Bharucha’s report
Dr. Ray’s difficulty in finding purchasers for his khadi. The same
complaint is lodged by Dr. Hardikar from Karnatak. I have already
referred in an early issue to the stock lying idle in the Punjab.
As Gujarat must stop buying much from Andhra, even Andhra
may complain of over-production. The same thing applies to almost
every khadi-producing province. And yet the whole stock of khadi
throughout India will not be more than twenty lakhs at the outside.
Compare this with crores of rupees worth of foreign stock. Is it not a
sad commentary on our work and the patriotism of monied men? One
millionaire can buy out the whole of the present stock of khadi and
sell at cheap rates to the poor. Yes, even a patriotic mill-owner can do
so without hurting himself. Tens of thousands of men and women
flock to our meetings. They can buy up all the khadi in one single
day without having to pauperize themselves. Public institutions can
make their cloth purchases in khadi without losing anything or much.
Bombay has always been to the fore in such matters. If Bombay willed
it, its immense population can buy out the present surplus without
much hurt to her two million pockets. But I do not wish to grumble.
The fault is not the people’s. In any event, it is not yet proved. It lies

at the workers’ doors. We must organize sales as we organize
production. The formula being each province to sell what it produces.
At the same time each province must produce to its fullest capacity
and send the surplus, if any, to the chief towns such as Bombay, Cal-
cutta, Madras, etc., which will not themselves be effective producing
centres. All this means organizing and thinking out. Each province
must fix its own minimum sales. It would not do for spinners and
workers of a province themselves to be clad in foreign or mill cloth
and send their manufactures for sales. The first step towards such
organization is undoubtedly the full working of the spinning
resolution of the A.I.C.C.
NON -REPRESENTATIVES
It is, therefore, a matter of joy that the various provinces
are endorsing the spinning resolution and organizing spinning in
their own provinces. Let me hope that no province will be found
wanting. But I hope no one thinks that, because the spinning reso-
lution does not apply to him or her, he or she need not spin or send
yarn to the All-India Khadi Board. The resolution is mandatory and
the A.I.C.C. cannot issue mandates to the whole nation. But if it is
obligatory on Congress representatives, it follows that all the other
Congress members, i.e., the electors who have paid 4 as. and even
others should impose the obligation on themselves and make it a point
of honour to send as much hand-spun yarn as possible to the
All-India Khadi Board Secretary or to the provincial representative for
despatch to the central organization. If the whole nation, irrespective
of parties, co-operates, it will be found that we can banish foreign
cloth and with it pauperism from our midst in an incredibly short
space of time. Nothing is so easy as the organization of this khadi
work and if we cannot as a nation organize this simple thing, we shall
organize nothing else that is constructive on any large national scale.
C LOTH OR S TEEL
Acharya Ray has issued a pathetic appeal to the nation. He says
in effect that, if it is good to pay one crore and a half annually for
protecting steel, surely it is infinitely better to protect khadi cloth by
paying a much larger bounty.
Dr. Ray says:
But of the two industries, cloth and steel, which is of greater importance? Our
cloth industry died on account of unfair foreign competition. If protection is
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 351

to be given, which industry has the strongest claim for receiving State
protection? Our people are in dire want of the primary necessities of life, food
and clothes. Could not our hand-spinning industry be protected by duties, from
competition with imported cotton goods? But the Government would not do it.
India cannot do it until she has swaraj. What the Government would not do the
popular will can accomplish. It is for to say that we refuse to wear imported
cotton goods. It is for we to say that we shall use only hand-spun and
hand-woven khadi and thereby stop a drain of sixty crores of rupees annually.
It is for us to protect our cloth industry against foreign competition.
From my experience I can say that hand-spinning has come to stay— if
our countrymen will out of their patriotism bear with coarse product and
costlier stuff for only a few years. I would ask you who are unconsciously
paying one and a half crores to Tata steel, to consciously pay something for
revival of an industry in comparison with which even Tata’s steel industry is a
pigmy. Our patriotism must carry us through to success during the earlier days
of our struggle—till only the infant industry is established on a sure footing.
OPIUM IN ASSAM
The opium inquiry committee appointed by the Assam P.C.C.
has already commenced work and examined several witnesses at
Sibsagar. Many witnesses were leading men of the district and chosen
from all parties. They unanimously advocated total prohibition. An
experienced witness said that it was “a preposterous suggestion that
opium has any prophylactic action against kala-azar or malaria”. The
largest number of deaths, the witness added, were among opium-eaters
at Angera Khowa, a village in Sibsagar. Some witnesses gave the
interesting information that temperance workers were harassed and
prosecuted for “the offence of asking people not to smoke or eat
opium”. I hope that the committee will not be satisfied with general
statements, but will collect comparative statistics about opium culti-
vation, opium shops, opium dens. There should also be medical evi-
dence as to the effect of opium on the population of Assam. There
should be evidence showing the effect likely to be produced by
complete prohibition of opium. The report to be of use must be a
veritable mine of information.
A.I.K.B.’S C OMPLAINT
For the past six months the All-India Khadi Board has been
asking for certain monthly returns about khadi from the provinces in
order to ascertain the progress of khadi. Publicity is of the greatest

importance for stimulating production as well as sale. The Board,
however, says that the only provinces that send at all regular reports
are Tamil Nadu, Utkal, Punjab, Bihar and Maharashtra. Kerala has just
commenced. Maharashtra figures are incomplete. From some
provinces the reports received are irregular. Delhi and Burma have not
even formed Khadi Boards. This is truly deplorable. The headquarters
should have full figures as to all Congress activities in all its depart-
ments. Khadi is the most important of all. The provinces are, there-
fore, naturally expected to be up to date and accurate in the infor-
mation they give. It is for instance necessary to know the quantity of
khadi production in each province and in each district both under the
Congress auspices and outside. Similarly, it is necessary to know the
sales both local and outside the provinces, also their imports of khadi.
Such work should be done with clock-work regularity. The central
office should not have to send reminders. The word organization has
no meaning apart from attention to every necessary detail from top to
bottom and the harmonious working of all its parts.
191. LETTER TO A FRIEND

S ABARMATI
July 24, 1924
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I understand the difficulty raised by you. But I still retain the
opinion that my not being President will serve the cause better. Why
should khadi suffer because I do not preside? There was no difficulty
at Calcutta, Nagpur or Ahmedabad. My have any fear about
Belgaum? Think of the effect on the country of my withdrawal after
rejection of my programme. As you must have noticed, Maulana
Shaukat Ali has sent me a wire. What is at the back of his mind I do
not know. Probably he will be here to discuss the point. I simply want
to do what is right.
Yours sincerely,
From a copy: S.N. 9000
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 353

192. LETTER TO VITHALBHAI J. PATEL
S ABARMATI ,
July 24, 1924
SIR,
I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th
instant. I understand that it will be equally convenient for the Corpo-
ration if r fix the date at the end of August for the receipt of the
Corpo-ration address. Subject, however, to your convenience, I
suggest 30th August for receiving the address. Will you please let me
know the time when and the place at which I must present myself for
the ceremony?
I am,
Yours faithfully,
V. J. P ATEL , E SQ., BAR-AT -LAW
P RESIDENT , M UNICIPAL C ORPORATION
BOMBAY
Ashadh Krishna 8 [July 24, 1924] 1
I have your letter.
I have not yet been able to visualize how the spirit of non-
violence can lead to the commission of violence. I have thought about
this deeply. I also believe that, so long as we do not ourselves trans-
cend the [three] gunas 2 , we cannot think about this thing to our full
satisfaction in all its bearings.
Swami Anand has sent you the bill for Young India, etc.
1
From the reference to the bill for Young India it is evident that this was
written after the letter to the addressee dated June 26, 1924. In 1924, Ashadh Krishna
8 fell on July 24.
2
The three gunas (mental states) are sattva (purity), rajas (restlessness) and
tamas (torpidity).

I intend to go to Delhi, but it will take some time yet. I very
much wish I could go right now, but I am not yet ready to undertake
physical exertion.
Yours,
MOHANDAS GANDHI
194. TELEGRAM TO MAHOMED ALI 1

[July 26, 1924] 2
YOUR WIRE. ANANDAN AND WANDERING BETWEEN BOMBAY AND
AHMEDABAD. EXPEDITE DESPATCH MACHINERY.
GANDHI

July 26, 1924
DEAR MOTILALJI,
Here are my answers to your questions:3
(1) In my opinion it is open to No-changers to carry on active
propaganda against C[ouncil-] entry, but I consider it to be highly
inadvisable in the interest of the national cause.
(2) It is equally open to the other party, if one commences.
But I would advise restraint to both.
(5) I am not now 4 , and am not likely at any time, to ‘work’
for a majority unless work includes also spinning and5 such like.
(6) Whatever the No-changers may or may not do, I certainly
think that it is open to the Swarajists to consolidate their power by
1
This was in reply to Mahomed Ali’s telegram of July 25, which read: “Arrived
this morning. Await your suggestions. Shall post my impressions and information
soon. When may I expect my press. Waiting.”
2
In his letter to Mahomed Ali dated July 27, Gandhiji says, “You must have
got both my wires yesterday.” Evidently this one of them.
3
These questions were initially put to Mahomed Ali and later sent to Gandhiji
with the letter dated July 25; vide Appendix “Motilal Nehru’s Letters”, 25-7-1924. A
draft of Gandhiji’s replies on the questionnaire itself is available in S.N. 9002.
4
The draft here has ‘working’.
5
The draft has ‘or’.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 355

every honourable means.
(7a) They should be all executive bodies. I do not know 1 what
they are today. As I have told you, I would like to suggest amendment
of the constitution to make the Congress machinery more effective.
(7b) I am certain that if the Congress is to do effective work, its
executives should be in the hands of those who fully believe in and
carry out the Congress programme for the time being.
I certainly think that M. M. Ali2 should answer your questions. I
am to be in Bombay 30th August. I hope you received my card 3 in
reply to your last letter.4
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai
196. LETTER TO J. B. PETIT

S ABARMATI ,
July 26, 1924
DEAR MR. PETIT,
I have purposely delayed sending reply to your letter of the
17th ultimo which you kindly sent in reply to mine. I was hoping to
find out some details of a letter I wrote to you before I was im-
prisoned. But I cannot trace it. Mr. Chaturvedi recollects the letter, but
no trace can be found. The reference in your letter is to a letterMr.
Benarasidas wrote. Mr. Benarasidas has a distinct recollection of your
having promised in reply to my letter half the amount that was being
paid here. I venture to suggest that Mr. Benarasidas does not need to
be a whole-time officer. There is not work enough for him. As it is, he
being an expert, he does more than most of us. He has literary
obligations which bring him no fees and which he cannot do in
Bombay without much cost. As you know, he is a simple-living man.
He is, therefore, able to do here four times as much work in value as
he can do in Bombay. Three-fourths of his time is devoted to overseas
work. It is therefore in my opinion fit that funds specially earmarked
1
This was missing in the draft, obviously a slip.
2
Maulana Mahomed Ali
3
This is not available.
4
For Motilal Nehru’s reply to this, vide Appendix “Motilal Nehru’s Letters”,
28-7-1924

for the purpose are utilized for his work. It is cheaper for the
Association to pay for his work done from here than to have him in
Bombay and pay a heavy salary. Of course, he can be sent for
whenever his services are required there.
Before I ask you to place my letter before the committee, I
would like, if I can, to convince you that the position suggested by me
is the correct one. At the time of sending your reply will you please
mind sending me names of the members of the committee so as to
enable me to place my view before them too.
Yours sincerely,
M.K. GANDHI
197. LETTER TO W. POTON

July 26, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for your letter. The current issue of Y.I. gives my
considered opinion on opium. 1 If the whole of the opium traffic was
stopped today and sale restricted to medicinal use only, I know there
will be no agitation against it worth the name. From the moral
standpoint, there is no defence of the Indian opium policy.
I am keeping fairly good health. Thanks.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
MR. W. P OTON
111A, RUSSA R OAD
C ALCUTTA
1
Vide “Notes”, 24-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 357

198. LETTER TO C. F. WELLER
S ABARMATI ,
July 26, 1924
DEAR MR. WELLER,
I have been unable before today to overtake your kind letter
of 22nd May. I thank you for it and the offer of your home. I
must however resist the temptation. I must make no other experi-
ment till the one I am now making can be demonstrated to have
succeeded. Today I can make no such claim for it. On the contrary
my method seems to have dissatisfied many of my co-workers. I dare
not transfer my activity at the present moment to any other place. If
the plant I am tending here grows into a hardy tree, all else is easy. I
would, therefore, ask you and other friends, instead of tempting me
away from the present field of labour, to help me to success by
studying the problem and, in so far as it may commend itself to them,
by cultivating world opinion in its favour.
With my kind regards to you and yours,
I am,
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
C HARLES F. W ELLER, E SQ.
LEAGUE OF NEIGHBOURS
BROAD AND WEST GRAND S TREET
ELIZABETH , N EW JERSEY, U.S.A.

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Cast aside all your mental worries, take proper
treatment and improve your health thoroughly while you are there. I
am making arrangements for [your stay at] Hajira. Gangabehn writes
1

to say that she will come here on Monday. Radha is not able to take
enough food.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ISTER VASUMATI
200. MY NOTES
ACHARYA R AY S PINS DAILY
Acharya Ray is now over sixty years old. But he has started
spinning. He writes:
As a matter of fact, the music of the spinning-wheel has proved a solace to
my mind. My faith in khadi grows day by day, and as my khadi work
increases, the spinning-wheel has come to be a perennial fountain
sustaining my enthusiasm.
Thus if very busy veterans like Acharya Ray have begun to spin,
why should not young men and women with lots of leisure do so too?
It is easy to understand the source of Acharya Ray’s enthusiasm. For
many years he has been at the job of bringing relief to famine-
stricken people of Bengal. He has realized in the course of it that mere
charity saps the character of the famine-stricken and hence does more
harm than good to them. What sort of work can be given to thousands
of men and Women to enable them to earn their livelihood? What else
but the spinning-wheel can be so all-embracing? It was not difficult
for his keen and well-meaning intellect to discover this.
R ESIGNATIONS
A number of office-bearers of the Congress Committee at Hubli
have tendered their resignations on account of the A.I.C.C. resolution.
This situation has frightened some of us, but I regard it as a good
omen, because these resignations imply respect for A.I.C.C. resolu-
tions. Those organizations which have no sanctions like the Govern-
ment depend for their functioning on the respect they command from
their members. I did know that there were many office-bearers who
did not believe in the fivefold boycott or who did not practise it.
Hence, I had suggested a resolution calling on them to quit office. If
those office-bearers have thought it fit to quit and that, too, without
any resentment, it will benefit them and the community. By taking this
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 359

needed step of handing in their resignations, they have proved their
own worth and have purified the Committee. And yet the public will
not be deprived of their services. If they have resigned out of anger,
they stand to lose, because they are likely to forfeit the love of the
people which they have earned. But from what I hear, all of them have
resigned with goodwill. The public will continue to be served by them.
The good example that Shri Gangadharrao [Deshpande] has set not
only to Karnatak but also to the whole of India makes us hope that it
will be followed by all those who have resigned and yet continue to
serve the public. Gujarat, of course, has before it the example of Shri
Kalidas Zaveri. His resignation does not mean that he will cease to
serve the public. Those who continue as office-bearers in the Congress
even though they cannot comply with its resolutions deceive the
public and themselves too. No organization can ever be run that way.
How can they who themselves wear foreign cloth get others to boycott
it? How can those who continue their own legal practice make others
give it up? How can those who get their own children educated in
Government schools conduct national schools? If those who believe in
the triple boycott and practise it have no capacity to run the Congress
organization, of what use will swaraj be? And if there is none who can
practise the boycott, how can the programme of boycott be allowed to
continue even as a sentiment? A thing can continue to exist even as a
sentiment only if it is practised by a few at any rate. Something comes
to be fixed as a symbol of sentiment in the hope that some day it will
be a reality. If no one translates it into action, it will be regarded not as
a sentiment but as hypocrisy. It is not a small thing that the clearing
up that is being done at present rules out hypocrisy; hence, viewing
the matter from whatever angle we like, we shall reach only one
conclusion—that the A.I.C.C. resolution and the resultant resignations
are both to be welcomed.
WHAT ABOUT TEACHERS?
But one headmaster of a primary school puts this question to
me: “What should teachers do when the people in a village do not
care for a national school and teachers starve without pay?” A very
similar question was asked by a Bengali teacher and I have replied to
it in Young India 1 . Let us consider the question a little further here.
Abbas Saheb has asked me to consider the question in another way.
1
Vide “The Plight of Teachers”, 24-7-l924.

He says: There are no schools at all in a number of villages; what
should be done in their case? The reply to the first difficulty is simple.
If there is dynamism in the teacher, he will somehow accomplish his
work. A teacher works like a magnet. Children surround him and do
not leave him alone even for a moment. Separation from the teacher
becomes unbearable to the pupils. Parents would never forsake such a
teacher. If a teacher becomes rich, he is looked upon as a dishonest
person, and if he starves, he is taken to be “dull”. I advise the teacher
correspondent to live by begging from door to door, but not to
abandon his duty of teaching. Kaka 1 has written somewhere that
teaching should not be regarded as a profession. That is certainly
correct.
Moreover, education should cost less today. Children may study
and also earn for their education. In olden times it used to be exactly
so. A pupil used to go to a teacher with sacrificial fuel in his hand.
This had two meanings. One, that it amounted to taking a vow that he
would not be a burden on his preceptor, but would work to maintain
his guru and himself. The second implication was that a pupil would
ever be courteous. There is need of both these things even today.
There are elements of both labour and courtesy in the spinning-wheel
activity. The teacher concerned should teach his pupils all the pro-
cesses in respect of cotton and make them spin beautiful yarn. While
getting them to spin, he should sit in front of them and himself spin.
Alongside this he should make them learn multiplication tables, make
them memorize Sanskrit declensions, explain the meaning of verses,
and narrate good historical stories. He should make the pupils’
spinning activity interesting and instructive. When this is done, the
children will not feel bored. I have proposed the use of takli 2 . Its use
can ensure rapid performance.
Now let us consider Abbas Saheb’s question. The readers of
Navajivan may hardly be aware of the fact that, although knowledge
of English may have increased in India, knowledge of the three R’s
has on the whole diminished. The number of village schools in India
has dwindled in the last fifty years. That is to say, to the extent we
middle-class people believe ourselves to have advanced, the children
living in villages have lagged behind. As we in cities have prospered
economically, the villages have suffered a decline. Likewise, while we
1
D. B. Kalelkar, popularly known as Kaka or Kaka Saheb
2
Spinning device
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 361

have advanced educationally, the villages have had a set-back. Any
statistician can prove that this is a true fact, terrible though it is. It has
been found that, in Burma, almost all the children were literate before
the advent of British rule there, because there was not a single village
then without a rural school. Today the picture is being changed. Rural
schools are being destroyed and hence illiteracy has been growing.
Since our movement is chiefly concerned with the poor, to the
extent that it spreads among them, their material condition and literacy
will be promoted. The remedy is to seek out the teacher in every village
and get him to run a school. He should teach, sitting under a tree.
Hindu children should study in the premises of a temple; Muslim
children in, those of a mosque. Once such a beginning is made, a
full-fledged school for both can be set up in course of time. No doubt,
there are many difficulties in this, but our ability will be tested precisely
in removing them. We must create that much consciousness and that
much interest in education among the villages. All these things are
implicit in the spinning-wheel movement. The district and taluka
committees have to become alert and undertake this task.
KHEDA DISTRICT
The competition that is going on in Gujarat in respect of the
spinning programme deserves to be welcomed. The Kheda District
Congress Committee has resolved to turn out 5,000 yards of yarn a
month, and having decided to get the above yarn spun by not less
than 500 men and women, it has accordingly apportioned the quota
among the units of talukas1 and mahals
2
. I hope the people of Kheda district will not rest satisfied with
doing only this much. Our ultimate demand is for half an hour’s
labour on the part of each one among lakhs of people. Hence, while
congratulating the Kheda District Con-gress Committee, I give this
warning too that I regard their promise to procure 500 spinners as an
earnest of securing many more, which is certainly not beyond
Kheda’s capacity. I hope that, like the Kheda District Congress
Committee, other committees also will take the necessary steps in this
regard.3
1
Divisions and sub-divisions of a district
2
Ibid
3

MUSLIM KHADI C OMMITTEE
Shri Sayyad Hussain Urezi sends the following list 1 for publi-
cation:
I congratulate Maulana Azad Subani and the Muslim brethren
of Ahmedabad on setting up this [khadi] committee. Khadi propa-
ganda in India has certainly slackened, but the Muslims appear
generally to have given up khadi altogether. I have heard that there
was hardly any Muslim to be seen wearing khadi on the last Id Day.
The khadi committee referred to here can, if it so wishes, do a lot of
work. Spinning is such an activity that both Hindus and Muslims can
take equal part in it. In respect of some crafts, Muslims lead the world
and weaving is one of them. The Dacca muslin used to be woven by
Muslims alone. That is exactly why the weavers bore the sweet and
dignified name—noorbaf2 . No one can compete with them in jari
work. Gold or silver embroidery thread made by the famed weavers of
Patna is known throughout the world. Even today artisans who do fine
embroidery work are Muslims only. Nowadays they weave foreign
yarn. They alone used formerly to weave fine handspun yarn of one
hundred count. They also used to weave Dacca shuhnum or khadi
which was fine and bright like dew. The revival of the same embroi-
dery work is implied in this khadi movement. There are thousands of
noorbafs who have abandoned their vocation; they can now start
earning their livelihood by doing this khadi work. Even today the
Muslim sisters of Vijapur spin fine yarn. If they so decide, they can
spin the finest yarn. This committee can do a lot of work if it strives
hard. I take it for granted that every member of the committee wears
pure khadi; also that every member will spin at least 2,000 yards of
yarn every month. If the committee desires success, some of its
members ought to devote all their time to this work. I wish success to
the committee.
S TUDENT GANPAT
The reader will be pleased to know that student Ganpat has
returned home. 3 I hope he will never give up his efforts to seek a
remedy for the injustice which he has noticed. If he continues his
search for it, he will come to realize that swaraj alone is the remedy.
1
Not reproduced here
2
Luminous ones among weavers
3
Vide “Enlightened or Half-baked?”, 20-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 363

Now, the means of winning swaraj is the spinning-wheel. Hence, while
prosecuting his studies, Ganpat should acquire complete knowledge
about the spinning-wheel activity, spin regularly every day and send
the yarn to the Provincial Congress Committee. He will come to
discover other means also in the course of spinning activity.
[From Gujarati]
201. RELIGION ON TRIAL
A cloud is hanging over the national school of Wadhwan.

Whether it disappears or grows in size and bursts over the school, this
is a moment of trial for the latter.
I think the question of admitting Antyaja children to the school

was raised even at the time of its establishment and that the Governing
Board had then decided that they too could be admitted. The money
which was donated towards a building for that school was also given
on the understanding that Antyajas would be admitted to it.
Now that the time has come for admitting Antyaja children to it,
all sorts of difficulties seem to have arisen. Even if, on Antyaja
children being admitted to the school, some members of the Board
leave it, parents withdraw their children from the school and some
teachers resign, even if all this happens, the teacher and the parent to
whom their religion is dear should not swerve an inch from the path
of duty.
In my humble view, there can be no two opinions on what
dharma requires in this situation. It requires that the original pledge
must be kept. Not a single new factor has arisen which may put us in
doubt as to what our dharma is on this occasion. Antyajas have as
much claim on the school as the others. If we were among those who
would appeal to a court, there is only one decision the latter could
give, and it is that the teachers and the Governing Board were bound
to admit Antyaja children to the school. Members of the management
or teachers who objected to this would be committing a breach of trust
with the donors.

For followers or sympathizers of the Congress, abolition of
untouchability has become a basic national principle. The issue has
been before the people since 1920, and no one has had the courage to
propose a change in the principle we have adopted. The Vidyapith 1
risked its very existence in order to uphold it. Workers who were
collecting funds for the Tilak Swaraj Fund let go, for the same reason,
donations which had been actually promised. I should like the
religious-minded members of the Governing Board, the teachers and
other citizens of Wadhwan to be ready to follow this principle and
uphold dharma.
The citizens of Wadhwan are wise. They are generous. They are
not bigots, but are true lovers of religion—this is the impression they
have always produced on me. In that town, Antyajas should not be
despised. Let its national school welcome Antyaja pupils, encourage
them, and let the other parents look upon it as dharma to send their
children to a school attended by Antyajas. I request them to consider
this matter with a mature judgment and exclusively from a moral
point of view and see that the pledge once taken is kept.
The general rules of the school can be changed, but no one can
alter the principle on which the school has been founded. That school
has been dedicated to a certain cause, and the dedication is as unalte-
rable as the scroll of Destiny. The utmost that can be done is this.
Those parents who have a religious objection can withdraw their
children. But the members of the Governing Board or the teachers
have no justification at all to leave. They should be determined to run
the school even if it has only one pupil, an Antyaja. in that lies the
prestige of the school, the teachers, the members of the Governing
Board and of Wadhwan.
Indeed, there will be many such difficulties in the fight for
swaraj, for dharma ! We have decided to use only two means in this
struggle: truth and non-violence. If the principle on which the school
was founded is altered, it will mean abandoning truth and non-vio-
lence. It is the essential teaching of all religions that one may sacrifice
one’s wealth, honour, family or life, but never truth, which on this
occasion means our pledge, and non-violence, which here means love
for Antyajas. On the measure we fail in this, we fail in dharma.
Religion will not be in danger if all children leave the school, nor will
1
Gujarat Vidyapith, National University at Ahmedabad founded by Gandhiji in
1920
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 365

the cause of swaraj suffer nor Wadhwan be disgraced. All the three,
however, will be disgraced if Antyaja children are turned away out of
fear that other children may leave.
I believe that it should be quite unnecessary now to prove that
the practice of untouchability is a great sin. Members of the Congress
and lovers of swaraj can have no doubt about it at all
It is my humble prayer to the citizens, to the members of the
Governing Board and the teachers of Wadhwan that they keep their
pledge. May God grant them the necessary strength.
[From Gujarati]
202. NEED FOR CLOSED ATTENTION TO DETAIL

In order to observe the spinning vow thoroughly, it is necessary
to pay attention to the smallest details. There is a saying in English,
“Take care of the pence, and the pounds will take care of them-
selves.” One who is not careful about a pie will never save a rupee.
This is true about all big undertakings. If small details are neglected,
big tasks suffer. If, in a big machine, a small nail is not in its place or
has become loose, or when a very small particle is sticking somewhere,
it very often comes to a halt.
Our capacity to manage our affairs under swaraj will be mea-
sured by our ability to pay attention to details. Our vow of spinning
will give us that ability. That spinning should be done regularly, the
yarn produced should be collected and registered with the Provincial
Congress Committee, that from there the record should go to the
All-India Congress Committee and the figure noted, that the yarn
should be collected into a central pool and then woven into khadi and
that, finally, the khadi should be sold—this is easily said, but to do it
all we shall need many kinds of capacity and great many workers.
The village should manage its own work; the taluka should look
after the villages, the district after the talukas and the province after
the districts and above them all should be the Khadi Board. Where
everyone understands his duty and is competent enough in doing it,
things will run smoothly. But where people do not understand their
responsibility, the Provincial Congress Committees will have to look
after everything.

A good stock of spinning-wheels should be maintained, they
should be repaired and kept in working condition.
It should be seen that spindles are serviceable and straight.
The leather supporting the spindles should be maintained in
such a condition that it easily fits in.
Mals1 should be provided for.
Cotton should be stocked.
Cotton should be ginned, carded and turned into slivers and
supplied where required, and, thereafter, the yarn produced should be
collected.
One who takes interest in this work will have time neither for
speeches nor for criticism, nor for ill will towards others. Such a one
will remain occupied in his own work.
The ideal is that everyone should provide himself with his own
spinning-wheel, procure the cotton he will require, card it, make slivers
from it, blow water on the yarn spun, take it off, wind it properly and,
together with his name and information about the count of the yarn,
its weight and its length in yards neatly set down, have it packed and
forwarded every month to the Provincial Congress Committee.
But till all spinners have become trained for this work, the
Provincial Congress Committee will have to take the responsibility for
most of it and for that purpose one or more spinning experts will also
have to be engaged for some time.
If we get men and women spinners in large numbers, we do not
have enough spinning-wheels for them, and it will take some time to
get them in sufficient number. To get them, moreover, will require
adequate funds. When we took up spinning, Shri Laxmidas2 intro-
duced the takli. I had a good laugh when I first saw it in his hands.
But I showed no curiosity about it. Next I saw it in the hands of Shri
Mathuradas in Juhu. I felt inclined to learn that art, and I did learn it a
little. But ever since the thing has remained in my mind. It costs at the
most two annas. Not much time is required to make it and it can
produce yarn half as fast as an ordinary spinning-wheel. It is infi-
nitely easy to handle. It can be carried everywhere. One can spin uni-
form and well-twisted yarn on it. Even today we see Brahmins using
this small wheel to turn out yarn for their holy thread. Many
1
Cotton-cord passing round wheels moving together
2
Laxmidas Asar, who had dedicated himself to the cause of Khadi
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 367

schoolboys call on me. In reply to my questions, some of them say
that they have no spinning-wheel and others that there is no one to
teach them spinning. Some school buildings are so small that they do
not even have room for spinning-wheels. In such circumstances, the
little takli is a very useful article. Any-one who learns to spin on it will
find it easy to produce yarn on a spinning-wheel. Hence spinning can
be learnt on the takli itself and it is easy to turn out daily a hundred
yards of yarn on that beautiful but simple contrivance. I hope that
persons or institutions that do not have spinning-wheels will use this
portable wheel and spin.
There if a profound significance in the proverb, “A dam is built
pebble by pebble and drop by drop fills the lake.” Asingle drop is of
little consequence. One pebble cannot become a dam to stop water.
But we know the miracle worked by many pebbles and many drops of
water. A like miracle will result from many people spinning regularly,
though only for a little while. Just as a building is erected not by
dumping bricks at one place, but only by arranging them properly, so
also durable khadi can be made from yarn properly spun and pro-
perly arranged through weaving.
Ordinarily, a small number of farmers produce a large quantity
of food. At the time of the Great War in Europe, England’s food
supply had run short. What was produced in the fields was not
sufficient. Potato was the easiest of crops to raise. Hence every citizen
was required to sow potatoes in the 20-or 25-yard courtyard of his.
On the potatoes produced in one courtyard, even one family could
hardly subsist; but the help rendered through potatoes raised in thou-
sands of courtyards proved invaluable. Likewise, a very large number
of Red Cross badges and shirts were required. The tailors alone could
not produce them. Hence even people who had never handled a
needle were pressed into service for this work. Models were made
available for the novices. Even instructors were provided for them. In
this way, lakes of Red Cross badges and shirts were got prepared free
through thousands of volunteers who could not join active service and
who had some time to spare. The value of one man’s labour is
nothing, but labour of the same kind undertaken by large numbers
proved of the utmost value then. Lawyers, students, commission
agents, men and women-all joined in that work and were proud of
doing so. Readers probably do not know that Sarojini Devi1 , and I too,
1
Sarojini Naidu

had joined in this work. We did not feel that it was tailor’s work. The
nobles, too, did not consider it below their status. When I see today
any educated person ridiculing the work of spinning, I recall my
experience during the War. Comparing the present with that time, I see
that it is more necessary for everyone to spin in order to extinguish
the great fire that is raging in the country than it was then for people
to prepare Red Cross badges or shirts during that terrible War.
[From Gujarati]
203. MY LOIN-CLOTH
A Muslim brother writes:1
I have reproduced this letter as it is. Believing that other Muslim
brethren, as also some Hindus, may have felt the same doubt as this
friend, I venture to give a reply to the letter. I receive many letters
about myself, but I do not discuss them in Navajivan, thinking that
doing so will serve no useful purpose. But I feel it necessary to point
out the many errors which this letter contains. The critic has correctly
understood the reason for my wearing the loin-cloth. It cannot be laid
aside except by securing swaraj. It will go when men and women of
India secure swaraj and help me to discard it, or God may make me
such an invalid that I could not do without more clothes. When I
started wearing the loin-cloth, I did fear that it would be labelled as
indecent. But having regard to the direction which my life had taken, I
thought it right to run the risk of being considered indecent in dress. I
am always ready to do the utmost for my Muslim friends. My need of
them is very great. I had even discussed the matter with a Muslim
friend before effecting the change in my dress. He approved of my
idea, and that gave me more courage. After an experience of three
years, I do not at all regret the change I effected, but on the contrary
feel daily happier with it.
I wish to be in tune with the life of the poorest of the poor
among Indians. I know that I can have a darshan of God in no other
way. I want to see Him face to face. I have become impatient for the
experience. I shall not be blessed with the vision until I have made
myself the poorest of the poor. It is painful to me to eat or to dress as
1
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 369

long as the poor do not have enough to eat or enough to cover their
bodies with. Had God not created me weak I would have introduced
more drastic changes in my life. My critic can have no idea of the
skeletons who stalk the country. To have it, he should repair to the
remotest villages and live among the people there.
The correspondent will not get, even in three or four hundred
years, the dress which he desires for the people of the country. He
should know that crores of people in India do not get even a
loin-cloth to wear. They move about only with alangoti. There are
crores who have not had even a look at a pair of sandals. They do not
even feel the need for them. How can these poor people afford a long
shirt with a collar? Who will give them a cap? If we would wear so
many garments, we cannot clothe the poor. But it is our duty to dress
them first and then dress ourselves, to feed them first and then feed
ourselves. This critic thinks about clothes. Let me ask him, in all
humility, when the poverty-stricken people of this country do not get
enough even to eat, how can we talk of dress reform?
Now about decency. The term decency has more than one
meaning. It does not mean the same thing everywhere. What is decent
in the West may be indecent in the East. Some of the styles of dressing
prevalent in the West have been considered indecent in the East. In
America, I would certainly be jailed. Narayan Hemchandra1 was
locked up in a prison for wearing a dhoti. My mother felt unhappy to
see us brothers wearing trousers. She thought we were not fully
dressed in them. Innumerable Hindus do not look upon the loin-cloth
as an indecent dress at all. The sadhus wear only a langoti, but are not,
for that reason, looked upon as uncivilized.
In my view, there is no indecency at all in being scantily
dressed. Clothes are necessary only for the protection of the body.
From the point of view of this critic, the shame which is there in
wearing too many clothes is not to be found in the loin-cloth of a
mendicant like me. If we but think of man’s body as it is, we shall see
no reason at all to be attached to it. This bag of bones can bear being
looked at only when dressed in all sorts and styles of clothing. I cite
only one example to show that this view is correct. We have never
heard of anyone having fallen in love with a corpse. The object of
attachment is the indwelling soul. Why, then, give so much thought to
the body? Why all this adornment?
1
A linguist and scholar from Gujarat whom Gandhiji met in England.

Sisters come to bless me with their darshan, love me and give
their blessings. There are both Hindus and Muslims among them. I
am sure they do not come to look at my body at all. I have never felt
that they ever watched it. This is but right. A man or a woman should
never look at the body of his or her friend. If one happens to do so
unwittingly, one should immediately take one’s eyes off it. One is free
to look at another’s face only. A man ofself-restraint like Lakshman1
had seen only Sita’s toes, for he used to salute her feet. Hence, when
sisters come to bless me, I never feel embarrassed in their presence
because of my loin-cloth. I only pray for their goodwill. I need much
help from them. I get some, but it is still too little. When Hindu and
Muslim sisters have adopted the spinning-wheel and come to look
upon khadi as their adornment, I shall feel that I have got all I wanted.
I shall then certainly please my correspondent by wearing a dhoti and
a long shirt with a collar, for I believe that, when the women have
fallen in love with khadi, swaraj will have been won. Meanwhile, the
correspondent should be kind to me and to those like me who wear a
loin-cloth and, even if he regards the loin-cloth as indecent, should
look upon people who wear it as his brethren, overlooking their
indecency.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan 27-7-1924
204. INVIOLABLE PLEDGE

These words were used for the first time at the time of the
mill-hands’ strike of 1917 2 . The workers used to parade the streets
with a flag bearing these words; they got exhausted and were on the
point of giving in. But God saved their honour. A compromise was
reached. I have not, however, taken up the pen to write a history of
that strike.
I only wish to remind Gujarat of its pledge, and cite the mill
workers’ pledge merely as an example. So far, the steps we planned to
take for securing swaraj were of the nature of collective action and,
therefore, no one was fully conscious of his own responsibility. One
could say that one had done one’s duty towards the Congress by
paying one’s subscription of four annas. Now the circumstances have
1
Younger brother of Rama, the hero of Ramayana
2
The Ahmedabad mill-hands’ strike took place in 1918.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 371

changed, and everyone is required to give half an hour every day for
the sake of swaraj. Let no one think that the Congress resolution
applies only to elected office-bearers. For them, of course, it is in the
nature of an injunction, but every thoughtful person who has the good
of the country at heart should follow it. It is the duty of every man,
woman and child to give half an hour to spinning for the sake of the
country. This is the earnest appeal of the Congress and everyone
should take a firm Pledge to respond to it.
Any sort of yarn will not do; it must be good, well-twisted and
uniform. Its quality should improve day by day.
It was a simple matter when one paid some money and had to
do nothing else. It was even easier to make speeches. To enrol others
was also, comparatively speaking, easy. But to put in regularly, daily
without fail, half an hour’s honest labour for the sake of the people
may seem difficult. If we but think about the matter, however, this is
the easiest thing to do, for there is no waste of time in it and no cause
whatever for disappointment. There is no need to flatter anyone.
Everyone who loves the country should feel that giving half an hour
for the country is no sacrifice at all.
But a friend feels that some will, for the first one or two months,
give yarn spun by themselves, as required by the rule, but will by and
by tire of doing so. I hope this fear will prove groundless. I do hope
that everyone who has taken the pledge will keep it.
I am told that there is keen competition in Gujarat. There is no
one who thinks of giving a mere three thousand yards. All are keen
on spinning more. This is commendable spirit if only it will last.
If this pledge is honoured, those who at present ridicule
spinning will themselves take to it.
If the Pledge is fully acted upon, I have no doubt that such
expressions of despair as “It will not be possible to produce fine yarn
in Gujarat” and “Spinning will not pay in Gujarat” will be heard no
more and we shall start spinning fine yarn in Gujarat. Not only that,
but khadi will cease being dear and become cheap. The people who
have, at present, no confidence in their power will come to have it.
Gujarat took the lead in non-co-operation. It can lead in the
final step to success. We have to save ourselves from one danger.
Among the charges against non-co-operation, one is that of arro-
gance. It is assumed that non-co-operators have got a licence to use
harsh language about co-operationists; the latter have got the im-

pression that non-co-operators believe that being non-co-operators
has placed them above the others. We should prove that this charge is
unjustified. Those who spin should not criticize others who do not
spin, but should win them over through humility. They should not
invite only those who are connected with the Congress, but should
appeal even to co-operationists to spin. If one appeals to lawyers in
the right manner, they will probably give half an hour of their time to
spinning. Others also would do as much. Even those who do not
believe in khadi will not be obstinate and refuse to spin for half an
hour. Everyone, probably, will believe that at any rate spinning will
not harm the country.
[From Gujarati]
205. A DENIAL
A report about some Vania having attacked an Antyaja on
Petlad Railway Station had appeared in the Navajivan some time ago.
A Vaishnava gentleman writes to say that it was found on inquiry that
the report was without foundation. I publish this refutation not
because I believe that the incident may not have occurred. Personally
I do not accept the denial. So long as we do not get the name and
other particulars of the victim and have not seen him, how can anyone
decide that the attack never took place? Even though all the people in
Petlad may assert, and truthfully, that they did not see the attack, it
may have taken place all the same. In my humble view, it is our duty
to build up public opinion against such attacks; we should do this
instead of denying that the incident occurred, for we know that similar
incidents do occur and we should, therefore, believe that this one also
is likely to have occurred.
[From Gujarati]
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 373

206. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
S ABARMATI ,
July 27, 1924
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
In my opinion, you should enter into correspondence with the
Government and ascertain the reason for the prohibition and say that,
if anything can be pointed out to the committee as really objection-
able, your committee would be prepared to delete the passages. If the
Government return an unsatisfactory reply, you should intimate to
them that the words will not be withdrawn from circulation.
The Government are not likely to bother the children and, even
if they do, the only thing they can do is to remove the books from the
children. The latter may be advised then not to mind and hand over
the books to the police. I do not think there is any other penalty.
Please look up the law and let me know. I feel that no matter how
much we may have become demoralized, we may not shirk a battle
that may be given to us. We need not take up aggressive civil
disobedience, we may not take up mass civil disobedience; but we
must face that which comes our way and tests us. Don’t you think so?
How to give battle will be a question for you to decide as the situation
develops.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
[PS.]
Pray do not worry about my health. It is all right and answers
my purpose. You must be resourceful enough to mend the charkha.
For the handle all you need is an iron inset. Wood always
non-co-operates with iron and gives in. Immediately you fix in an
iron ring, you will find it will work all right. Please note that mere
nails will not do. No part of the handle should have friction with the
iron axle.
Yours,
M. K. G.

207. LETTER TO MAHOMED ALI
S ABARMATI ,
July 27, 1924
MY DEAR BROTHER,
Yours is a hard task. I often think of risking my health and
running to Delhi. If you think I should do so, you have only to say
the word. You must have got both my wires 1 yesterday. I would like
you to make, if you will shoulder the burden, an exhaustive inquiry
and publish your finding. I know you can act boldly. Spare neither
the Hindus nor the Mussalmans whenever they may be in the wrong.
Hear patiently all the sides, publicly invite them. Take their written
evidence.
I am trying to hasten Anandanand. He is wandering between
Ahmedabad and Bombay. He has to get machines to replace yours.
It takes time to move these big things from place to place. He is
now in Bombay negotiating a purchase. I shall see him probably
tomorrow. Is told him, immediately you mentioned the matter, to write
to you from time to time and tell you what he was doing.
Pandit Motilalji sent me copy of the questions put by him to
you and complained that you had not yet answered them. I got the
letter yesterday. He asked me too to reply to his general questions,
which I have done. If you have not yet replied, I would suggest your
replying. Our strength must be in our work and only that.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
MAULANA MAHOMED ALI
DELHI
208. LETTER TO BHAGWANDAS

July 27, 1924
DEAR BABU BHAGWANDAS,
I thank you for your letter. I assure you I am continually taxing
myself as to how to end this wrangling. I know that there is room for
1
Only one of these is available; vide “Telegram to Mahomed Ali”, 26-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 375

both the policies. But, as you very properly say, they can only work
like submarines and aeroplanes. Fields of action must be different.
They will not then clash but help. I am seeking means of exit from the
Congress without a fireworks display. In Mr. Tilak’s own time, I had
no difficulties in working along my own lines. And I know that I
venerated him and that he did not dislike me and helped me whenever
he could.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
BABU BHAGWANDASJI
S EVASHRAM, S IGRA
BENARES C ANTT .
209. LETTER TO DR. SATYAPAL

July 27, 1924
DEAR DR. SATYAPAL,
I have your letter. I am doing all I can about Delhi. My weak
body stands in the way of my going to Delhi. If members resign
because they will not spin, it is as well that they resign. If Congres-
smen believe in spinning, they must spin, if they do not let us drop
khaddar from the Congress programme. About the peasants, if they
are willing to go through the fire, much can be done for them.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
DR. S ATYAPAL
BRADLAUGH HALL
LAHORE
From the manuscript Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

210. LETTER TO DR. CHIMANDAS J. JAGTIANI
July 27, 1924
MY DEAR CHIMANDAS,
I have your letter. You must have seen my argument in Young
India showing why it is necessary to send half an hour’s output to the
Congress for the nation. You may spin for yourself. But you must
spin for the nation too.
Pray do not worry about my health.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
DR. C HIMANDAS
NIHARJUNGO P IR
HYDERABAD (SIND )
211. LETTER TO EMILY HOBHOUSE

S ABARMATI ,
July 27, 1924
DEAR MISS HOBHOUSE1 ,
Friends had preserved your Letter of 8th December, ’22. It was
like meeting you to receive that letter. I never met Miss Adams.
I was quite happy in the Prison. I had as many books as I
wanted so long as they were non-political.
I wonder it you ever read Young India. It would be a privilege
to send it to you, if you would care to read it. How are you keeping
body?
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
MISS EMILY HOBHOUSE
THE WARREN HOUSE S T. I NES
C ORNWALL
1
An Englishwoman of liberal views.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 377

212. LETTER TO KHUSHI RAM DARYANOMAL
July 27, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. I endeavour to uphold the cause of truth only. As
for the Mussalman, I should advise the Hindus to ignore the thing
entirely.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
S ETH KHUSHI R AM DARYANOMAL
‘‘ZAMINDAR ”
JACO [BA] BAD (SIND )
213. LETTER TO DHARNIDHAR PRASAD

July 27, 1924
DEAR DHARNIDHAR BABU,
I was glad to hear from you. I agree with you about working
with separate organization. But am staying in just now for a separate
organization or a practically unanimous Congress. I hope your
domestic troubles will be soon over.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
BABU DHARNIDHAR P RASAD
P.O. S IRI (DHARBHANGA )
214. LETTER TO PATTABHI SITARAMAYYA

July 27, 1924
DEAR DR. PATTABHI,
I did think of the Kalashala and expected to hear from you. I
am now moving in the matter, but I may not be able to help you as
early as you would like me to be. Of course, I may fail altogether. Do
you contemplate help through the Congress? Is this Rs. 10,000 the last
that you will need or would you have continually to rely upon help
from outside the province? Give me all [information] you can to

influence donors. Yes, spinning is infectious. One friend is trying to
do 50,000 yards here all by himself.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
DR, P ATTABHI S ITARAMAYYA
MACHLIPATNAM

ASHRAM,
July 27, 1924
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I thank you for your affectionate letter1 . I would certainly have
listened to you if you had not been the party to tell me that a certain
very intimate friend of yours had, with high fever on, held on to his
post in the Assembly and would not forsake his post in spite of
medical advice. Even after the debate, he would not give himself rest.
If you could not prevail with such an intimate friend, how should you
with me? Example is better than precept, say so many copy-books.
But really there is no cause for anxiety about me. It is true that I have
lost weight to an alarming extent, but I cannot eat under great pressure
of work. The strain of sitting itself during those meetings was great. If
there were not so many calls on my time, I would certainly have
jumped at your offer of the Ganges retreat, but the Delhi people are
worrying me. I have many delicate problems in the Ashram. I would
love to write to you about them, if I had the time to disburden myself
and you the time to give a friendly ear. But I must desist. I wanted to
write an important letter to you today, but I must not as I have some
friends waiting for me. I shall try tomorrow. I would like you not to
hesitate to write on business matters whenever you feel you have
anything to say to me. I have written to Mahomed Ali asking him to
send you a reply.2 I have sent him copy of my answers to you.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
1
Vide Appendix “Motilal Nehru’s Letters”, 28-7-1924
2
Vide “Letter to Mahomed Ali”, 27-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 379

216. LETTER TO SHAUKAT ALI
S ABARMATI ,
July 27, 1924
MY DEAR BROTHER,
I had your wire from Itarsi. I am glad Mahomed Ali is in Delhi.
I have wired1 to him asking him as Congress President to investigate
and publish a preliminary report. Hakimji wires saying accounts are
most exaggerated. Anyway, if we can tackle the Delhi business in a
business-like way, much trouble can be saved. I am myself eager to go
early. My weak body prevents. But I do often think I should go in
any event and be by Mahomed Ali’s side. However, I restrain myself
unless there is a clear call.
Why do you want me to be President of the Congress at Bel-
gaum? Surely I shall influence people and proceedings whether I am
President or not. My usefulness is gone if I cannot get the country to
adopt H. M. Unity and the charkha as articles of national faith. If we
don’t get the expected response during the ensuing months regar-
ding spinning and if we do not get Hindus and Mussalmans to come
nearer, what should I do at Belgaum as President? As representing a
stubborn minority, it is possible to do a lot. A superficial make-believe
majority must hinder the movement.
Yours sincerely
M. K. GANDHI
MAULANA S HAUKAT ALI
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. courtesy: Narayan Desai
217. LETTER TO NANABHAI ICHCHHARAM

MASHRUWALA
BHAISHRI NANABHAI,
I have your letter. It was Jamnadas Mehta3 who told me. I will
write to him and ask him. We need not worry about what people say.
It is enough if we have done nothing wrong.
1
This wire is not available.
2
The postal delivery stamp is dated July 29, 1924. Ashadh Vad 11 fell on July
3
Jamnadas Madhavji Mehta, barrister-at-law, and politician

I hope you have stopped worrying. You must have received my
previous letter.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
NANABHAI ICHCHHARAM, E SQ.
AKOLA
BERAR
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 4317. Courtesy: Kanubhai Mashruwala

BHAISHRI VALJI,
My Magazine was received here. I shall write some other time
about the extracts you have sent. It is an ‘evergreen’ 2 (find out and
send me a Gujarati equivalent for it.). My health is good enough for
my work. It is only when I know what work Abhechandbhai can do
and what pay he expects that I can put him on to some job if I can
think of any. I have already told them to put an errata list in Y. I. How
nice it would have been if you had prepared one and sent it? You have
once again left off doing that. Send me as many Gujarati words as
you can for ‘charity’ 3 and ‘colourless’ 4 . What word can we use [for
colour-less] in “I have written a ‘colourless’ letter.”?
Vandemataram From
MOHANDAS
[PS.]
Do you go to enquire about Malaviyaji’s health? Do go on my
behalf and let me know how it is.
1
The reference to Abhechandbhai in the letter to the addressee, dated July 10,
1924, suggests that this was also written in the same year.
2,
English words have been used in the original.
3
Ibid
4
Ibid
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 381

219. TELEGRAM TO TRIVANDRUM RELIEF COMMITTEE1
P RESIDENT C ONGRESS R ELIEF C OMMITTEE
TRIVANDRUM
DAMAGE BEYOND CONGRESS CAPACITY COPE SUGGEST

AIDING GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS WHERE POSSIBLE.
OTHERWISE INDIVIDUAL SILENT PERSONAL AID MOST
VALUABLE AND SHOULD BE RENDERED.
GANDHI
220. MORE ABOUT “VARNASHRAMA”

The fair friend whose letter I reproduced in part in the issue of
the 17th2 with comments complains that I have not done justice to her
by giving only part of her letter and omitting that which was incon-
venient for my argument and challenges me to reproduce the whole
of the letter. As I had no intention whatever of suppressing any part of
her letter for the cause she mentions, I gladly place before the reader
the whole of her letter and her comments on my remarks. As I have
no desire to enter into any further discussion on the matter I have told
her that hers shall be the last say.
221. THE LOKAMANYA ANNIVERSARY

This fourth anniversary of the withdrawal of the physical
presence of the Lokamanya from our midst has a special significance
for me and the movement I represent. Both friends and critics inform
me that a section of the Maharashtra Press is delivering a series of
attacks on the movement and me which I should read and answer. I
1
This was in reply to a telegram from the Secretary, Trivandrum Congress
Committee, received on July 30, 1924, which read: “Tremendous floods in Kerala
especially Travancore. Terrible ruin famine. Congress organizing relief work. Subs-
tantial help needed. Pray do needful. Direct funds Changanacherry Parameshwaran
Pillay, president Congress Relief Committee Trivandrum,”
2
Vide “Varnashrama or Varnasankara?” 17-7-1924.

have resisted the temptation to do so. But from what they write and the
extracts they send, I know enough to understand their meaning.
I am anxious to pay my quota of tribute to the memory of the
deceased on this occasion of the fourth anniversary. But, in the midst
of distrust of me by some of the best of the followers of the
Lokamanya, how shall I pay my quota?
The task is difficult. Just as, on that memorable night in 1920, I
returned from Sardar Griha after having had a last look at the remains
as they lay in the death chamber, I felt an oppressive loneliness. I was
secure in the Lokamanya’s presence. But by his departure I felt
hopelessly insecure. I could differ from him and express my
difference in respectful terms, but we could never misunderstand each
other. I could not feel so with his followers, not because they would
want to distrust me but because, being without a guide whose word was
law to them, they would always feel insecure and hesitant about my
views and not in perfect agreement among themselves. Division in
their ranks was the last thing in the world I desired. I have more than
once expressed my admiration for the Maharashtra party. It has a
determined policy. It is well-drilled. It is able. It has a record of great
sacrifice behind it. I wanted and want still to capture, not to divide the
party. I wanted and still want to convert it to my view of the means for
the attainment of swaraj. With Lokamanya alive, I had only him to
convert or to be converted by him. He had an instinctive perception of
things and situations. As he said to me, ‘If the people follow your
method, I am yours.’
But today there is a divided Maharashtra. If, however, my faith
in satyagraha is immutable, I must conquer Maharashtra as I hope to
conquer Englishmen. But I must have the help of Maharashtra
No-changers. If they have understood the secret of non-violence and
truth, they must actively love the Pro-changers even whilst they differ
from them. They must not criticize them.
Each party has enough work to do without flying at each
other’s throats.
Two distinguished friends have appealed to me to bring the two
parties together and lead them. One of them, in the course of a long
letter, says:
To my mind there is no more necessary or radical contradiction but only a
difference between the Tilak policy and the Gandhi policy than between submarine
blockade and aeroplane attack. Indeed, the two can work together, (but along separate
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 383

lines—the Tilak policy within the Councils, the Gandhi policy in the country
outside, at large) in open, express and, therefore, rightous alliance against the
common enemy for the common good.
These sentences put forth the position clearly up to a point. I
say ‘up to a point’ because my conception of non-co-operation is
exclusive of participation in the Councils. That may be and is my
limitation. One man cannot control both the movements—those of the
submarine and the aeroplane; Nor can the two directors change places
though both may have a common aim. I can strengthen the work in
the Councils only by working outside and even by decrying the
Councils and thus turning the attention of the people away from them.
The better analogy for my purpose is that of anti-septic and aseptic
treatment. The two cannot be applied at the same time and on the
same patient. But the surgeons belonging to the two schools may try
their methods on different patients likely to submit to them and can
do so without hampering each other. The same friend says further:
While Tilakji and Gandhiji remain unreconciled, the heart of India
will continue to be torn between the two and will not be able to settle down
to steady work.
If such a catastrophe happens, if the country does not ‘settle
down’, I would prove, indeed an unskilful surgeon and an indifferent
representative of my own method. I assure the friend and the reader
that I am all attention. It is a matter of no pleasure to me that the strain
continues. It will not, however, continue a day longer than is
inevitable.
I invite assistance of the No-changers in hastening the process of
settling down. The No-changers’ faith consists in workings from with-
in and in that only. They can, therefore, religiously gag them-selves.
They will turn out better work. They must not retaliate. In every case
where a fight in the shape of canvassing or wire-pulling is required,
they may relinquish the Congress control.
The Pro-changers cannot afford to do without outside activity
and agitation. They may therefore control the Press and the Congress
organization if they choose. I would liken by their consent, to keep
the Congress a mass organization which it can only be, if the workers
concentrate their attention upon that: toe the exclusion of everything
else. But it cannot be so kept if there has to be a pitched and bitter
fight between two parties. In that case the No-changers must, even if it
is possible by manoeuvring to secure a majority, surrender control

with the greatest good grace to the Pro-changers. Let us recognize this
one fact. The masses do not yet actively participate in or understand
our method of works. Only workers in their midst can gain influence
over them. I could quote a dozen illustrations of silent workers who
have more influence with the masses than any of our notable orators.
We must not, therefore, use the masses as pawns in the game. Nor
should control of the Congress be surrendered in a manner to
embarrass the Pro-changers. The passage to their hands must be
decorous and frank, without mental reservations. Such delivery can
only be made by those who have a living faith in the charkha and who
will grudge to take away a single minute from it and its organization.
But whether the No-changers appreciate and follow my advice
or not, I hope, God willing, to prove my faith by completest surrender
at a time and in a manner that cannot embarrass the Pro-changers and
cannot compromise the national cause. When I have succeeded in so
doing, not before, I shall have paid my humble tribute to the memory
of the Lokamanya. I can deserve the heritage left by him only by
being true to myself.
222. NOTES
UNHAPPY MALABAR
Last week I referred to the floods in South Kanara. This week
the public has the painful news that Malabar is practically under water.
I have also a wire from Mr. Nambudripad giving details of the havoc
played by the floods and asking me for help. The matter, however,
seems to me to be beyond the capacity of private agency. The
Congress neither possesses funds nor influence nor an organization
that can cope with a calamity of the magnitude such as Malabar has to
face. It is best in all humility to admit our limitations. I would even
not hesitate to help the distressed people, if necessary, through any
committee that the authorities may appoint, provided, of course, that
they would accept our help. If we find that our service is unwelcome
or the organization of official help is make-believe, I should refrain
from joining the committee and should render such personal and
individual help as I may be capable of rendering. God will not punish
me for want of capacity. But He will for want of will. I would
therefore, advise local workers to do whatever lies in their power and
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 385

neglect no opportunity of alleviating distress. After all, money plays
the least part in such times. It is the personal touch, the readiness to
suffer for the sake of the sufferers, readiness to share the last morsel
with the neighbour in distress that counts for much more than
millions. The sacrifice of the Brahmin who shared his scanty meal
with the man in distress was infinitely more meritorious than the rich
sacrifice of king Yudhishthira who showered gold mohurs as
donations.
TO S. V. K.
I must apologize for having delayed my reply to your ques-
tions. Here it is:
(1) My fast in Ahmedabad in connection with the mill-strike of
1917 1 was against ‘lovers’—the mill-hands, and not against the
owners—‘the tyrants’. I announced at the time that my fast was not
flawless, because it was bound to influence the mill-owners who were
personal friends. But it was not possible for me unconcerned to see
the mill-hands, my associates, committing a breach of a vow, solemnly
repeated by them in my presence for twenty-one days. The effect of
the fast was electrical. The wavering labourers became at once strong
in their determination.
(2) My philosophy does teach me to love alike friend and foe.
But that does not do away with the distinction till the foe has become
friend. The letter to Mr. Joseph was cryptic. It was not written for
publication. Mr. Joseph could easily dot the i’s and cross the t’s. The
fuller enunciation of the proposition put before Mr. Joseph would be:
One may fast to reform a comrade in work and thought, but not
one however friendly if he is hostile. Thus, I may not fast against
Pandit Motilalji Nehru, although he is a dear friend, in order to
convert him to my view on Councils, but I fasted against the Bombay
rioters because they were, though not personal friends, comrades in
the same mission. We have no right by fasts to convert people to our
ideals. That would be a species of violence. But it is our duty to
strengthen by our fasting those who hold the same ideals, but are
likely to weaken under pressure.
(3) I happened to preside at a meeting of condolence on the
death of the great Irish patriot MacSwiney and humbly expressed my
opinion that I could not ethically justify the fast on the facts that the
1
This should be 1918; vide “Speech to Ahmedabad Mill-Hands”, 15-3-1918.

public had then before them. I have since seen no new facts to alter
my opinion. I am not here concerned with the political value of that
celebrated fast, if it had any. Nor must I be understood to cast any
reflection upon the memory of the deceased patriot. I am simply
giving my view as a satyagrahi on the ethics of the fast.
INDIA’S S HARE
An American friend sends me a long letter on the opium policy
of the Government of India. She quotes the following from a bulletin
issued by the British Society for the suppression of the opium trade:
The nations are face to face with a growing evil which, unless it is dealt
with speedily, internationally and drastically, may become the gravest curse
from which the world has ever suffered. Plague, war and famine could not
combine to present a more terrifying prospect than is presented by drug
addiction. . . . What is the crux of the whole position? It is, undoubtedly, the
over-production of opium in India. If that were arrested, other sources of
production could be dealt with with comparative ease. The Indian Government
maintains just this one trade. Condemned by a unanimous vote of the House of
Commons as morally indefensible when carried on with China, India is still
permitted to supply five Eastern Governments with as much opium as they
officially ask for. Boasting that she does not sell the drug to private persons
in those five countries, by agreement she drenches them with narcotics which
find their way by smugglers into China. Passing a Dangerous Drug Act for our
own country, which forbids the unlicensed possession of opium and its
derivatives, the British Indian Government yet maintains this scandalous and
nefarious traffic.
IGNORANCE
A friend sends me for answer a Guardian cutting wherein a
retired Indian police officer has succeeded in airing his general
ignorance of things Indian. It is so difficult to overtake newspaper
paragraphs and correct them. A movement to succeed has to pass
through the stage of ridicule and ignorance. But I may say cate-
gorically that the Non-co-operation movement is nothing if it is not
constructive. Its khaddar work, its efforts (it does not matter that they
appear to be unsuccessful at present), its work among and for the
untouchables, its national schools, its attempt to found panchayats, its
propaganda against drink and opium, its relief of distress due to
famines and floods are all examples of constructive work. The move-
ment does not seek to establish Hindu Raj by the ‘grace of British
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 387

Raj’, but it seeks to establish swaraj, meaning the government by the
chosen representatives of the people in the place of the British Raj i.e.,
government by British or Indian administrators utterly irres-ponsible
to the people and appointed in the interest of the exploitation of India
and her people. Full and frank expiation has always been made for
every mistake made in the course of the struggle. No movement on
such a large scale has been so free from violence as the Non-co-ope-
ration movement. Compare the Indian to every other contemporary
national movement and the list of murders and other violence com-
mitted in the name of patriotism. The writer brings up for commen-
dation the Christian work among the untouchables; I must not enter
into the merits of Chrisitian work in India. The indirect influence of
Chrisitianity has been to quicken Hinduism into life. The cultured
Hindu society has admitted its grevious sin against the untouchables.
But the effect of Christianity upon India in general must be judged by
the life lived in our midst by the average Christian and its effect upon
us. I am sorry to have to record my opinion that it has been disas-
trous. It pains me to have to say that the Christian missionaries as a
body, with honourable exceptions, have actively supported a system
which has impoverished, enervated and demoralized a people consi-
dered to he among the gentlest and the most civilized on earth. Lastly,
I do not share the belief that there can or will be on earth one religion.
I am striving, therefore, to find a common factor and to induce mutual
tolerance.
C HANGE OF HEART
Here is a reverse instance to the foregoing. An English corres-
pondent writes:
I was in an Indian regiment during the events of 1919 and I know only
too well how easy it is to be blind to truth, how difficult it is for Englishmen
to extend their very limited outlooks. I left the army for a university. While
there I was appointed to the Indian Civil Service. Fortunately as I see it now, I
was impelled to resign it. Lately, away from the seclusion of a university, I
have seen for myself the horrors of industrialism, materialism and machinery.
I have followed your great work for India as a rare example of spiritual
truth applied to the world. It has stirred me the more as I saw the more clearly
that there were two Englands. I hope and trust that, in delivering India from the
menace of a materialistic civilisation, you will also free the great mass of
English people from its evil results.

This aspect of the Indian movement is, of course, well-known to you.
But I thought that in a life which must entail its own disappointments
and sufferings, a tribute of recognition from one who was an ‘‘Anglo-Indian’’
in 1919 would not be unacceptable.
S CHOOL -BOOKS P ROSCRIBED
The U.P. Government issued on the I5th instant the following
notice:
In exercise of the powers conferred by section 99A (V of 1898), the
Governor-in-Council hereby declares to be forfeited to His Majesty all copies,
wherever found, of Pandit Ramdas Gour’s Hindi readers Nos. III, IV, V and VI
published by Baij Nath Kedia, Hindi Pustak Agency, 126, Harrison Road,
Calcutta, and printed at the Banik Press, Calcutta, and also all other copies of
or extracts from the same readers wherever printed inasmuch as the said
readers, in the opinion of the Local Government, contain seditious matter, the
publication of which is publishable under Section 124A, Indian Penal Code.
Now these readers have been before the public for nearly three
years. They are widely used in national schools. They have been
adopted in municipal schools also. The Provincial Congress Commit-
tee has, therefore, rightly congratulated Professor Ramdas Gour, dec-
lared the books to be inoffensive and recommended their continuance
notwithstanding the Government order. One would have thought that
the Government had now abandoned the policy of utilizing arbitrary
procedure against non-co-operators. The Government contend that
the books are in breach of Section 124A of the Penal Code. It was
then open to them to prosecute the author and secure a conviction
against him. It might then have been Justified in proscribing the
books. I have taken the trouble of going through the contents of all
the volumes. They appear to me to be perfectly harmless, i.e., from
the Government standpoint. The least that the Government owed the
public was to inform it of the objectionable matter in the several
books so as to enable the public to judge for itself as to the propriety
or otherwise of the Government order, assuming, of course, that it is
proper to exercise arbitrary powers in cases such as this. As it is, the
conclusion is irresistible that the Government do not like the growing
popularity of the readers and are seeking by questionable methods to
favour its proteges whose readers may have suffered a check in
competition with Professor Ramdas Gour’s. The Government must
have had the readers brought to its notice by its elaborate detective
agency if they were seditious. The long delay in proscribing adds to
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 389

the strength of my inference. I invite the Government of the United
Provinces to tender to the public full reason for its decision. I would
be glad to feel that the inference I have drawn is not justified. I advise
too the president of the committee to ask the Government to state its
reasons and offer to advise Professor Ramdas Gour to amend his
books or withdraw them from circulation if the committee is satisfied
of the justness of the Government decision.
HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY
No reader of the statement issued by Hakim Saheb Ajmal Khan
on the recent events in Delhi can fail to notice the deep grief under-
lying it. I must copy from it at least one paragraph:
Of all the incidents which form part of the recent disturbance in Delhi,
to me the most humiliating and heart-rending are the atrocious and cowardly
assaults committed on women. So far I know one Mussalman woman was
molested by the Hindus, but what is much worse is the fact that, during the
rioting of the 15th, some of those who claim to be the votaries of Islamic
faith, not content with attacking a Hindu temple and breaking the idols,
perpetrated cowardly assaults on women and children. I tremble with the
deepest indignation at the very idea of my co-religionists exhibiting such
wanton and callous disregard for the honour and sanctity of womanhood. No
word of condemnation is strong enough for the perpetrators of this crime and I
appeal to all true Muslims to condemn this depravity in unfaltering and
absolutely unqualified terms. I am inviting Jamit-ul-Ulema and the Khilafat
Committee to stand up and exercise all that is best in Islam in order to
condemn and to prevent the repetition of such acts of savage lawlessness. It is
our moral duty as true Mussalmans, to make these acts absolutely impossible
and, if we don’t succeed in this, we deserve to be defeated in our efforts for
national freedom and swaraj.
A correspondent upbraids me for saying nothing in my
statement on the assaults referred to by Hakimji. My note was based
on the very first news of the trouble. These had no reference to the
assaults. Events then took an uglier turn. The news was too serious to
base public criticism on the alarming telegrams. I, therefore, entered
into correspondence with friends in Delhi but I am not able to criticize
anything with effect now. Fortunately, Maulana Mahomed Ali is now
in Delhi. He is making inquiries and I have suggested that, if it is at
allpossible, he should, as President of the Congress, publish the results
of his preliminary inquiry. I am fully aware of my duty in the matter.
My place is just now by the side of the Maulana Saheb. I am deterred

from so doing by the advice of medical friends. All the medical
precaution that has been insisted on may not be necessary, for whilst I
am not moving about, I am able to go through a great amount of
work. But I want to avoid risks so far as it is possible. I may assure the
friends who are rightly reminding me of my duty at this juncture that
I have placed myself unreservedly at Maulana Mahomed Ali’s
disposal and I have asked him not to think of my health if he needs
me in Delhi immediately. And, in any event, I am trying to hurry
forward to Delhi. But if Maulana Mahomed Ali does not require me
to go to Delhi earlier, I do not want to commence travelling till the
end of August. It was because my health had suffered some deterio-
ration in Ahmedabad that Mr. Vithalbhai Patel was requested to ex-
tend the time for the presentation of the Corporation address to the
end of August. But I shall have no hesitation, if need be, to go to
Delhi before going to Bombay for the address.
F AVOURITISM OR JUSTICE
I note that the chief executive officer of the Calcutta Corpo-
ration has come in for a good deal of hostile criticism because of his
having given 25 out of 33 appointments to Mussalmans. I have not
read the comments themselves. But I have read the statement made by
the chief executive officer. In my humble opinion, it is a creditable
performance. I have no doubt that appointments have not till now
been made with impartiality, whether by Europeans or Indians. There
is no doubt, too, that in many cases Hindus have influenced decisions
in their favour. It ill-becomes them to quarrel against many posts
having now gone to Mussalmans. If the charge be true that the
appointments have a party purpose behind them, there is nothing
immoral or reprehensible in the fact itself if they are otherwise
justifiable. In England, such appointments are certainly made in party
interests, though, as a rule, care is exercised not to sacrifice efficiency.
Personally, I would like appointments to go to the best men irres-
pective of parties, and should, therefore, be made by a permanent
non-party board. But if Hindus wish to see India free, they must be
ready and willing to sacrifice in favour of their Mussalman and other
brethren. I can heartily endorse the remark of the chief executive
officer when he says:
With thousands of educated young men out of employment and on the
verge of starvation and, with a very limited number of vacancies, it is not
possible for any human being to do anything which will please all. Whatever I
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 391

may do, I am sure to leave the major portion of the unemployed as disconten-
ted as before. The only solution of this problem is the provision of technical
education and in this matter, the Corporation can, in my opinion, do much.
We must learn to do without these appointments. Only a micro-
scopic minority can get them. Education must cease to be merely
clerical. Why may not a graduate be an artisan or a hawker of
vegetables or khaddar?
A M USLIM KHADI C OMMITTEE
Mr. S. H. Uraizee, secretary of Muslim Khadi Committee recen-
tly established in Ahmedabad, sends me the following for publication:
Hazrat Maulana Azad Subhani Saheb of Cawnpore with the help of
some enthusiastic Muslims has been successfully able to organize the Muslim
Khadi Committee in Ahmedabad on the 15th instant, with an express view for
the wide spread of khaddar among the Mussalmans. The following gentlemen
have formed the Committee.
President—Hakim Syed Ahmed Saheb Dehlavi; Vice-President—Hakim
Samir Saheb Siddiqui; Secretary—Syed Hussain Uraizee; Treasurer—Seth
Mohamedbhai Rajahbhai Shaikh; Members—Maulvi Syed Sajjad Hussain
Saheb; Hakim Rahimullah Saheb Ajmeri; Munshi Manzar Ali Saheb, Seth
Noor Mohamad Mohamadbhai Mansuri Saheb; Seth Peerbhai Adamji Modi
Saheb; Seth Abdur Rahim Abdul Karim Saheb; Maulana Sharaf Saheb Dehlavi.
I have gone out of my way to advertise this committee. For, as a
rule, I have been loath to publish such details. Bitter experience has
shown that such committees grow up like mushrooms and have an
equally transient existence. They often exist only on paper. But I am
making an exception in favour of this committee in the hope that it
will do credit to the founder, Maulana Azad Subhani. I have not
known many Muslim organizations devoted specially to khadi work.
Nor are many Muslims found to take a lively interest in this
much-needed national work. Indeed, during the Bakr-Id in Ahmeda-
bad, a friend tells me, Mussalmans could be counted on the fingers of
one hand who were dressed in khadi. They were not even dressed in
Indian mill-cloth. It was all foreign. Let me hope this committee will
change this state of things. I hope too, that the members are all spin-
ners and khadi weavers.
TO S PINNERS
The manager of the Satyagraha Ashram tells me that he is inun-
dated with applications for slivers, spindles, holders, wheels, card-
ing-bows and ginning instruments. This is a healthy sign of response

to the A.I.C.C. resolution. But a word of warning is necessary. Those
who are new to the task would naturally require gui-dance and assis-
tance. But organizers and spinners must understand that it is not possi-
ble to organize national spinning if every spinner has to be supplied
with slivers from a distant central place. Slivers being very soft things
get damaged in transit. It is possible to prevent crushing if they were
packed in metal jars. But that means more cost than that of the slivers
themselves. The ideal thing is to learn both carding and spinning. But
where that is not possible, spinning clubs may be formed of thirty or
less. One member of the club may be a whole-time worker merely
carding and making slivers except for the half-hour he must devote to
spinning. Nor is it possible to work spinning successfully if wheels,
spindles, etc., have to be received from one place. There must be
depots connected with every provincial committee for the supply of
all accessories and repairs. The spinning-wheels are difficult to pack
and cost much railage. An ordi-nary carpenter should be able to make
a good spinning-wheel if he has a decent pattern to go by. It is
because thousands of details have to be worked out for an effective
organization that I would if I could make the Congress exclusively a
workshop for the supply of all the material and a warehouse for the
sale of khaddar. It must require hard thinking and harder toil to bring
about a complete boycott of foreign cloth by effort from within. One
man or one taluka becoming entirely khaddar-clad may not bring
swaraj, but the whole country doing so must bring it for all that a
successful boycott means. Oh ! for a little imagination that would
work out the implications of the khaddar movement and all doubt will
vanish. That khaddar may not appeal to the nation is another matter.
But that cannot be said until there is honest effort that comes only
from inward faith.
TO AN INQUIRER
No, it is not true that I reduced my meals because the country
was not spinning. I reduced them for the conservation of mental
energy and health. I have now reverted to three meals and bhakri. But
when the ‘Siamese twins’ lovingly pressed me before their departure
from Ahmedabad to return to three meals and increase the quantity I
was then taking, I said humourously that I would do so if they
re-established Hindu-Muslim unity and popularized khaddar. Either,
therefore, the reference by them to the reduction of my meals was a
friendly licence or their taking my joke seriously. In either case, I
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 393

agree with the inquirer that the reference to my personal habits or
restraints should have been avoided. Both the Hindu-Muslim and the
khadi questions must be decided on merits. Both are a vital necessity
for the national existence and we shall succeed only when we have
converted the nation to our view.
“FOR GANDHIJI OR C OUNTRY ”
A friend says in effect the fashion nowadays has become to
goad students into spinning ‘for the sake of Gandhiji’. He asks
whether the appeal is justified. To a certain extent an appeal of that
character under certain circumstances is not inappropriate so long as I
stand for the country and that alone. An appeal to spin for my sake
may go home more directly than one ‘for the country’. The proper
thing no doubt is for everybody to spin for the country, better still for
himself in the higher sense of the term. For everyone who works for
the country works for himself also. He who works only for himself
works to his own undoing. Our interest must be identical with and
must merge in the country’s. Those, however, who spin on occasion
only and for show and afterwards stop, practise deceipt.
F IRST IN THE F IELD
A.I.K.B. has already begun to get response to the spinning
resolution. The reason for the prompt response from some is obvious.
Practised spinners can easily spin 150 yards per half hour. 300 yards
per hour is the average speed. There are many already who have
finished their quota. The highest speed attained is over 500 yards per
hour.
Shrimati Avantika Bai and her friends are the first to send their
yarn. Most of them do not belong to the Congress. They are certainly
not on any Congress executive. But as I have said in these pages, it is
the duty of every Indian, no matter to what party he or she belongs, to
send his or her quota to the A.I.K. Board. I, therefore, congratulate
these ladies upon their gift. They would naturally like to know the
report of the experts on the quality of their yarn. So far as the quality
is concerned, it is good. But the manner of doing the hanks, etc.” is
naturally not as it should be. Over an hour had to be given to
examining and classifying the yarn. As a result of the examination of
this lot, the Secretary sends me the following specific instructions for
the attention of spinners:
(l) Each spinner should attach a label on each of his or her

hanks and it should contain:
(a) The length and number of strands in it.
(b) The weight in tolas.
(c) The count which may result on calculation.
These labels are in addition to the main label referred to,
containing name, etc., of the spinners.
(2) All hanks should be of uniform size and bulk.
(3) Every hank should contain two or more leases in it, which is
done by passing a piece of strong string round each skein of 80 or
100 or more strands and crossing the string after each successive skein
in the hank.
(4) It would be better to write down on the card attached to the
bundle the kind of cotton used. It will give an opportunity to the
collector of the yarn of knowing the varieties used in the different
provinces and of instructing as to the counts to be drawn from a given
variety.
It has been customary in Bombay, and elsewhere, too, for that
matter, to use mill slivers. Yarn drawn from mill slivers is perfectly
useless for the purpose intended. The purpose is to popularize all the
hand-processes in connection with raw cotton. Between mill slivers
and mill cotton there is only a shade of difference. If we may use mill
slivers, we may as well use mill-spun yarn.
The central idea behind hand-spinning is to put money into the
pockets of millions by finding them an easy uniform cottage industry.
Slivers must, therefore, be hand-made. The question of the circum-
ference of the reel should also be decided. That the reels should be
uniform goes without saying. If they are not, it is tedious to find the
count of a given quantity of yarn. Experience has shown that the
circumference of the reel should be four feet. Then 375 lengths or
strands would make a hank of 500 yards. Four such hanks would
make 2,000 yards. It is incredibly simple to find the count of such
hanks if we know the weight. Convert the tolas weight into anies and
divide the number of strands by the anies, the answer is the count.
Thus, if a hank of 375 strands weighs, say, 15 anies, the count is
375/15 = 25. Many suggestions have been made as to the size of the
reel. Experience seems to favour four feet circumference. These reels
are attached to the Ashram wheels. It is a convenience no doubt to
have them so. But reels can be easily improvised with slit bamboo.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 395

Four to six pieces of slit bamboos of required length, pierced in the
middle and supported on an upright [sic] whose ends pass through
three bamboo pieces on either side and held in position by means of
strings, make a serviceable reel. The appliances accompanying the
wheel are as simple as the wheel itself. Lastly, it would be well to
remember that the yarn should be sprayed and kept on the reel for an
hour for saturation and drying. The spraying settles the twist.
223. LETTER TO F. K. VILASINI

S ABARMATI ,
July 31, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
This is the answer to your question.
Love Truth at all cost. This can be done only by loving all that
lives, and feeling for them.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRIMATI V. K. VILASINI
HILLS PALACE
TRIPPOONITARA , C OCHIN S TATE
224. TELEGRAM TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI1

MY OPINION DAMAGE BEYOND OUR CAPACITY WE
MUST ASSIST LARGER AGENCIES WITH PERSONAL
SERVICE.
GANDHI
1
This was in reply to C. Rajagopalachari’s telegram of July 29, received on
July 31, which read: “Flood ravages terrible magnitude. Advise whether we should
attempt relief from Congress Funds.” A similar telegram was sent to Srinivasa
Iyengar in reply to a telegram of July 30, received on July 31, reading: “Large funds
immediately required for relief. Appalling distress caused by floods. Kindly advise
Working Committee grant fifty thousand immediately.”

225. MESSAGE TO “BANDE MATARAM”
[August 1, 1924] 1
I wish the readers of Bande Mataram will contemplate the life of
the Lokamanya on his anniversary. They will then realize that he
required of us selfless devotion to the cause of the country. Will they
give a paltry half hour’s labour in the shape of spinning with religious
punctuality till India becomes free?
M. K. GANDHI
226. LETTER TO ASAF ALI2

S ABARMATI ,
August 1, 1924
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. In one of your letters, I do not know whether
I should say, you were impatient or unreasonable. In any case, what-
ever it was it was perfectly natural, as you were working in most trying
circumstances and at a time when you never knew what the next
moment had in store for you. If I were similarly placed I would have
done probably the same thing and thought of blaming everything and
everybody. The statements which are now being issued will, I think, do
some good, but I would like all such statements to be stopped now
pending something definite and final from the President of the Con-
gress.
Can anything be done to stop these prosecutions? What does it
matter whether a particular offence is cognizable or not? After all, if
the parties concerned do not want any prosecutions, the police would
be hard put to it to bring such prosecutions to a successful issue. I
cannot help feeling with you that, if these prosecutions continue, we
shall not be able to find true facts because, as youvery properly say,
those who know will be afraid to come near us.
1
The message was sent on the Lokamanya Day, i.e., August 1, 1924.
2
Asaf Ali (1888-1953); barrister and nationalist Muslim politician; took a
leading part in the Khilafat movement
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 397

I return the papers you wanted.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
ASAF ALI , E SQ.
KUCHA -I -CHELAN
DELHI
From the original: C.W. 5995. Courtesy: Narayan Desai
227. SPEECH AT NATIONAL EDUCATION CONFERENCE1

AHMEDABAD ,
August 1,1924
SISTERS AND BROTHERS,
I am extremely sorry to say that I have not been able to prepare
my speech as well as I would have liked to. Honestly speaking, I
should not have embarked on this venture. I have neither the physical
energy nor the time for it. But so much pressure was brought to bear
on me that I had to agree to attend the Conference if it was held early
in August. Thinking about the matter, I saw that, besides attending it, I
would also have to do some work. I tried my best to find some time to
put my ideas on paper, but I could not manage to do even that; nor
could I think over the matter as carefully as I wanted to. I hope you
will forgive me for this.
Shri Kishorelal’s request is beyond my power to grant. If
teachers behave as brothers towards one another, it will mean swaraj,
and that is not within my power to give. Such a prayer can be
addressed only to God. If he grant it, we shall have received every-
thing. A request like this will probably seem no difficult matter to
you, but it is beyond me to grant it. I only wish to make some
suggestions to you and to place before you some figures which will be
an encouragement to you and me.
The country is today passing through a period of despair and
one of the reasons for this is myself. I placed before it a time limit of
one year within which, I said, we ought to win swaraj. Not one but
several years have passed and still it seems that swaraj is far away. To
1
The Conference of the teachers of national schools in Gujarat, over which
Gandhiji presided, was called “to organize the educational work in Gujarat and to find
means and ways of producing a better type of teachers and creating a brotherly feeling
and co-ordination of efforts among those engaged in the work of education”

some it may appear to be even farther away now than it was in the
year 1921. But I do not believe it to be so. To me it seems to be
nearer. To realize this one must have unshakable faith like mine. Such
faith is not to be had as a gift from anyone It only comes from
experience. If I had not set a time-limit and if we had not been
required to work on that basis, even the little progress we have
achieved would have been impossible.
You are not unfamiliar with the figures which I am going to
place before you. They are good enough to keep up our spirit. There
is no reason to be ashamed of Gujarat’s achievement in regard to any
item of the Non-co-operation programme, no reason not only for
Gujarat but for the whole country. It is true that we could not do what
fell to our share on the basis of numbers; if, however, everyone had
exerted himself to his best—and to my knowledge there is no reason
not to believe that it has been so—then we have nothing to be
ashamed of. Let me explain to you why I say this.
I have censured my co-workers and asked them why they could
do only as much as they did, because that was my duty. Anyone who
wants to serve and who, in consequence, has had to take up leadership
has no choice but to demand more and more of his co-workers and it
is his duty to censure them. When, however, I think over the matter
objectively, I do not feel that anyone has been dishonest about his
work.
I have said this in order to present the bright side.
I have obtained figures in support of it. You know them. They have
been recorded by the Registrar and have been compiled by you,
teachers. I want, with the help of these figures, to fill both you and
myself with hope. We have 10,000 pupils in the national schools, not
taking into account the number in the schools of three municipalities.
We have spent Rs. 3_ lakhs on them. There are 500 girls among the
pupils. That is a rather small number, but we have been educating
these. The Municipalities of Ahmedabad, Nadiad and Surat adopted
the principle of non-co-operation and turned their schools into
national schools. With the number of pupils in these schools added,
the figure comes to 20,000. Of these, 10,000 are from Ahmedabad.
We have 800 teachers. The salaries paid to them are included in the
sum of Rs. 3,50,000 I have mentioned. We nave two colleges, and also
a Puratatva Mandir1 . I have heard in this connection that such work is
1
School of archaeology
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 399

being done nowhere else in the country. There are three living
institutions which support us and are being supported by us. These are
the Dakshinamurti Vidyarti Bhavan1 , the Charotar Kelavani Mandal 2
and the Broach Kelavani Mandal3 . Their founders and managers will
grant that, if those institutions have, by joining the Non-co-operation
movement, added to its prestige, they have also gained vitality from it.
Further, we have prepared a number of text-books. I went
through many of them while in jail. I have seen and examined
carefully the books prepared by the Dakshinamurti and the Charotar
Mandal. I do not say I have read them, but, having gone through
many books, I have developed the ability to discover by merely
turning over the pages of a book what it contains, in what style it is
written and what the author wishes to say. The authors of these books
and the institutions deserve compliments. The books published by the
Vidyapith are in addition to these. If we examine recent history, that
is, the past 50 years, we shall discover that throughout it no such work
has been done. All the work till now used to be done by the
Government. We cannot take credit for it. Our people were engaged in
it no doubt, but the scheme was drawn up by the Government and the
men appointed by it. It strengthened the present system and was
conceived with the aim of imparting education which would do so. If
we compare the number of books that they produced in the first year
of their having started the work with what we have done, even then we
shall see that our performance is better than theirs. But we do not wish
to make comparisons with others.
Gujarat was, and is even today, the most backward province. The
Gujaratis are unlettered, they only know money as possible through
business. The idea of creating a literature for the general public was
not widespread before the Non-co-operation movement. The first to
start work in that direction was the Sastu Sahitya-vardhak Karyalaya,
which means Swami Akhandanand. He put into people’s hands a
large number of low-priced books in Gujarat. However, the Non-co-
operation movement has done much more, so that we may perhaps
forget the excellent work done by Akhandanand, though, of course, it
is such as ought not to be forgotten.
I have said more about text-books than I had intended. I shall
1
In Kathiawar
2
At Anand, in Gujarat
3
In South Gujarat

also sound a note of warning now. If there was a flow of such
text-books in Gujarat, I would not be particularly delighted with that. I
became alarmed when I was flooded with them while I was in the
Yeravda Prison.
The printing and get-up of all of them was beautiful. One I
liked in particular. But all this is not in keeping with Gujarat’s condi-
tion. Gujarat of course, is no beggar. Comparatively speaking, it has
enough money, but I feel that it cannot bear such a burden; it cannot
digest such a mass of books, nor can its pockets afford them. If such
books are brought out for cities like Ahmedabad, Surat, Nadiad and
Broach, I have nothing to say. No doubt, the brains of their residents
cannot bear such heavy reading, though their pockets can afford
them. Parents in villages, however, most certainly cannot afford them.
The books we print and place before the people must be such as the
children of even the poorest can buy. If I could, I would publish
books costing at the most four pice each.
I have been informed that the Navajivan Prakashan Mandir has
brought out a number of books. People do not know that I am not its
proprietor. It belongs to Swami Anandanand. He informs me only
after everything has been printed off. I have received complaints that
Anandanand has deceived Gujarat, that he has persuaded Navajivan to
donate Rs. 50,000, but do I know, they ask me, how much he has
swallowed? To that I shall reply that I have no such swindlers staying
with me and that, if there are any, I do not know them. In this institu-
tion, some draw no salaries and some take as much as they need; if,
however, I allow a reasonable rate of payment, I estimate that the
figure would exceed Rs. 50,000.
WANTED ONLY TEXT BOOKS
It is true that, had I been there, I would not have allowed so
many books to be published by Navajivan Prakashan Mandir. I would
think a thousand times before I presented a book to the people. I have
written a book called Balpothi1 , not much worth talking about. If I sit
down to read it, I can finish it in five minutes. If I read it a little
carefully, I would finish it in ten minutes. I have not read the
comments on it which have been received. I know that many of these
are not likely to please me much. There is no measure in the praise or
censure generally showered on me and, therefore, either has little
1
Vide “A Primer”, 14-4-1922.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 401

effect on me. However that be, the idea behind that book is great. It is
that a teacher should impart education only by word of mouth; that he
cannot do so with the help of books and text-books. Who knows what
stuff gets into the brains of children in countries where there are heaps
of text-books! The devil takes possession of them, the children’s
thinking power is reduced to nil. This conclusion of mine is based on
my experience of countless children and on discussions with many
teachers. I used to move about with wide-open eyes in South Africa.
There was a conflagration in the country, and moving even in the
midst of that I observed this thing. Let us compare two schools: one in
which teachers are supplied with text-books and another in which they
have to teach without the use of a single text-book. The teachers in
both are equally gifted. The one, then, which has no text-books to use
will be able to give more to the pupil; than the one which has them. I
do not want children to have any text-books. The teachers may, if
they wish, read them. We may write as much for them as we choose. If
you write for children, you will make the teachers mechanical and
destroy their originality and initiative. I do not, of course, wish to
arrest the progress of teachers. I merely want that you should also
know this point of view of mine. The authors of text-books are expe-
rienced writers. Where the people need their books, by all means let
them buy them, but please understand what lies behind my attitude.
You may ask me if I have worked as a teacher. My view is based
on considerable experience and I have thought a great deal about
education. Kindly think about the matter from the point of view indi-
cated by me and go a little slow. The point of what I am saying is that,
if you wish to bring out books for lakhs of children, well, Gujarat does
not have the money for that and it will lose interest in this business;
secondly, we should not burden the children’s brains with these
books.
If a person who has got some new idea sacrifices himself for it
and puts it before the world immediately he gets it, that will be a loss
both to him and the world. If, however, he keeps it back, experiments
with it, tries it on himself and on children and verifies it, and waits
even thereafter, the world will lose nothing. I have some examples of
great men in support of this. They kept back their ideas and neither
they nor the world lost anything in consequence. Such persons have
later on even revised their ideas or, in face of new experience, have
abandoned the original ideas. One example of this is our impatient

Andrews, a great friend of mine who is on the most intimate terms
with me. Ten years ago he was in the habit of immediately giving
expression in writing to any ideas which occurred to him. Those ideas
of ten years ago are not his today He is of course a religious man—
and so are we. If we die without expressing our ideas, the soul will
carry them forward and the world will certainly have them some time.
GENESIS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION
If we think over the circumstances in which the Vidyapith and
its subsidiary bodies came into being, many of our problems will
disappear. Today we are thinking about education as educationists. If
we think that the teachers’ business is merely to teach, we must do that
in the best possible manner; but our problem is not so easy. We have
not set up the Vidyapith and the schools merely for the purpose of
imprating education. We established it as part of the Non-co-operation
movement. That means that the teachers, pupils and parents have
joined the army of swaraj, are volunteers dedicated to the cause of
swaraj are Non-co-operators. But I am not here to tell you of the
wonders of non-co-operation. I wish to explain the duty of a patriotic
teacher. When you joined the movement for swaraj, you accepted at
that very moment that the principle of non-co-operation was right.
If there is any error in that principle, the Congress will revise its
policy; till then, we must go ahead, assuming that we are on the right
track. We are not here to decide whether non-co-operation is right in
principle. This is common ground between us, that the Vidyapith and
the schools exist to help the cause of swaraj. We shall think about edu-
cation as education after we have secured swaraj. Today we have to
look at it from the limited point of view which I have explained.
We should keep this point of view before us in running our
primary schools, Vinay Mandirs1 and colleges, as also the Puratatva
Mandir. We must on no account depart from the principle of non-co-
operation and of swaraj. We wish to get swaraj and we have accepted
truth and non-violence as the means. No matter what the words
“peaceful” and “legitimate” in the Congress resolution mean, to me
they only mean truth and non-violence, and I believethat Gujarat too
interprets them to mean the same. Besides this, we have adopted the
programme of fivefold boycott. If we abandon it, we cannot keep our
pledge. If it is true that we are the guardians of children’s moral
1
Secondary schools
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 403

character, we shall teach them a wrong lesson by abandoning the
boycott. Those who do not believe in those items should leave these
institutions. Everyone has to earn his living, but that cannot be our
principal aim. Anyone, then, who does not accept the conditions of
non-co-operation should leave. To join a national school merely for a
living does honour neither to the teacher nor to the taught.
Of the two aspects of our struggle, we have achieved our aim in
respect of one, the destructive. If we persist in that work even now we
shall be imitating a senseless farmer. When a farmer wants to sow, he
removes the weeds and pebbles from the field, ploughs it and makes
the soil even. If, even after he has done all this, he goes on turning
things this way and that in the field, he will be simply wasting his time.
Nor will it be proper for him to make the same experiments in another
field without first watching their effects in the first one. Similarly, it
does not help if one person leaves and another takes his place. The
first one should remain in his place and work on. And as he does so,
he should have patience and the faith that by and by the field will
have its crop. Our destructive work has been completed, and now we
have to take up constructive work, which will produce lasting results.
That constructive work will supplement the programme of boycott. If
the work which we have been doing wins people’s admiration, if its
value is recognized, the other schools will automatically disappear.
Everyone admits that those schools have no soul in them and asks us
to give them something else in their place. If we have unshakable faith
in our work, we would continue it whether it takes us one year or
twenty to complete it.
Our main task is to establish schools. The teachers should forget
all about panchayats and law-courts. It is not for us to think about
them. If we think about our own duty, we shall have conquered the
world. Our second responsibility is to win a good name for our
schools. We have enlarged the area a great deal, now we have to pick
and choose from it. Those of you who are farmers will understand the
point. From among the plants which grow from the seeds sown by
him, a farmer will pluck out those which are of indifferent quality,
sallow, or lifeless. Even from the crop of wheat which he has harves-
ted, he will stock the best portion as seed and will reap a better harvest
every year. We have succeeded in enlarging the area; now we should
address ourselves to improving the strength and quality.
The second item of work relates to the spinning-wheel and

untouchability, and the third concerns Hindu-Muslim unity. The
Hindu-Muslim problem is not so acute in Gujarat, but it certainly
exists. If we spread among children the idea that Hindus and Muslims
must live as blood-brothers, the mutual bitterness to be found even in
Gujarat will disappear. It is true no heads have been broken in Gujarat,
but our relations are not brotherly. The schools are responsible for
this, though not much. All the schools, of courses have the obligation
to admit Antyaja children The Vidyapith adopted the rule of
admitting Antyaja children at the risk of its own existence. What have
the teachers done? What have the parents done? The latter are afraid.
They are ready to run the schools without Antyaja pupils. They would
be happy if the latter could be kept out. Hence the schools do not
have many Antyaja children. It is our good fortune to have workers
like Indulal, Mama and others, through whose efforts we have 15
Antyaja schools. Those Antyaja schools are a matter of shame for us,
they are no evidence of our capacity for work or generosity. Special
schools for Antyajas become necessary only in places where the latter
are despised. If they are not despised, their children would be atten-
ding the common schools. We should employ the Force of our love
and bring in the Antyaja children. We should first, train them, then
help them and others to look neat and tidy, bathe them, feed them,
and, if they speak clumsily, correct their pronunciation of words. But
we have not done this, and that has been a great crime, not a minor
one.
If we hold, as we must, the removal of untouchability to be an
essential part of the work to be done by the Congress it will be im-
possible to win swaraj for the country as long as we continue to keep
the Antyajas at a distance and are not ready to treat them as our
equals. English newspapers and spokesmen of the British Government
may exploit this statement of mine, but I am not worried on that score.
We wish to win swaraj only through self-purification. Hence, I will
keep on repeating this statement.
I am often told that the teachers will resign, that the pupils will
leave. But will it matter if they do? Workers in Belgaum and Shri
Jamnalalji have informed me that resignations have been coming in at
several places. In some places, not enough members are left even to
run committees. I was happy to hear this If I have a crore of rupees
and, on testing them on the anvil, find that they are counterfeit, what
would I do with them? I would certainly throw them into the Sabar-
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 405

mati. If, however, there should be one genuine coin among that crore
and if I were asked to find it out, taking my own time about it, when
would I succeed? If I want to buy flour for my son, how will that coin
help me? I for one would search out that genuine coin right today and
throw away the rest. I am thus not worried about the resignations.
Those counterfeit coins may as well leave us. Let us teachers become
fearless, let us stand fearlessly on truth and maintain that the school
which the Antyaja children cannot attend is not a national school, not
a school for swaraj, not a non-co-operation school. I am a connoisseur
of precious stones, testing everything by the criterion of swaraj. I
would value only a school which served our aim. We should go and
join a school with a firm resolve that we would leave it if it refused
admission to Antyaja children and if the parents wanted to keep them
out indirectly. We should stay in an Antyaja locality and teach
Antyaja children there. If city children come there, well and good else
so much the less burden, so much the less financial risk. Why not
admit that we have no funds, that the people do not give us money,
that they do not approve of this Antyaja work, that they refuse to give
money because this work is at present unpopular? We must, all the
same, carry it on. We should think that the people are on a wrong
path, that they must come to the right path, and that, when they do so,
we shall be ready to help as signallers. If we describe as a national
school one which does not support an item of the Non-co-operation
programme which is of lasting importance, we shall be committing a
sin.
Have I become mad? If we really believe that we can win swaraj
by spinning, we must act accordingly. I have received two letters
which say: You have become a fool. Earlier, you showed some
moderation when talking about the spinning-wheel. But now you have
discarded that too. The world may call me a fool, a madman or give
me any other bad name; still I shall keep repeating the same thing.
What shall I do it I can think of nothing else? I for one would not pass
even a college graduate and would not give him a certificate till he has
passed the test of the spinning-wheel. People object to this, saying that
it is coercion. What does coercion mean? Is there no coercion in
laying down the rule that everyone must study English, Gujarati and
Sanskrit? In the same way, we can say spinning will have to be learnt
compulsorily. If we do not believe in the idea, then, it would be a
different matter. What is wrong in telling the pupils that they cannot
remain in the school if they do not spin? Just because a man will shout

when we touch a boil on him, should we refrain from touching it?
He will feel relieved after we have opened it. There is no coercion in
this, but only good order. We should feel no qualms in presenting to
children what we believe to be essential for them. Those children and
parents who do not like the thing should not join. If the primary
school, the Vinay Mandir and the college are schools for swaraj, they
ought to have this rule [about spinning]. Other considerations are
irrelevant for us. Those who have changed their ideas may resign. As
long as the Congress resolution stands, such men cannot stay on.
We should certainly not keep people in the dark about these two
conditions. Why fear parents? If they do not like the conditions, let
them send their children to Government schools. What is the diffe-
rence between Government schools and national schools? I myself
used to say that the only difference was the atmosphere of freedom in
our schools. Some will ask if that was not enough. Of course, it is. But
there was no time when the spinning-wheel and the Antyajas were out
of my mind. I have never believed even in my dreams that freedom
means licence. Let the children climb, if they will, over the teachers’
shoulders, abuse them, address them without proper respect, but they
must certainly obey them. What does the child who ill-treats an
Antyaja know about freedom? And what love will he have for free-
dom? The members of the advanced communities in Bardoli who
exploit the Dublas may know how to oppress, but what do they know
of swaraj? The teachers are pledged to banish oppression in every
form. I would certainly introduce a rule that a pupil should submit a
certain quantity of yarn at the time of every examination. I would
then be able to show in a short time that every national school could
become self-supporting.
I can show that the principles which I am placing before the
country are sound. If we wish to keep our schools “national”, we
must do both these things. Every teacher, who does not know spin-
ning, carding, ginning and cotton-testing, should learn them. He
should devote all his spare time to learning these things. If he himself
does, not know them, how will he teach them to his pupils? Some
teachers may say that they will impart only knowledge of letters and
that others should be employed to teach spinning and weaving. Just as
all of us know how to eat and how to wear clothes, so also must we
know spinning and other processes. Then alone can we set an example
to a child.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 407

So far all the money has been spent on colleges, Vinay Mandirs
and schools for Antyajas. The Vidyapith has given no importance to
primary schools. If we wish to give life to the principles which I have
stated, the Vidyapith should be turned into a school for khadi.
Non-co-operation is a movement of the people. It is not meant for a
few people. We want to bring life to crores of skeletons and cover
them with flesh. We get food to eat, so there is flesh on us. We feel that
we look all right. The skeletons in this country have no other covering
except the skin. I have wept to see them. If you saw them, you also
would weep and ask: “Is that the people’s condition?”
How can a Bombay man know what a skeleton is? Our task is to
bring awakening among the people. What matters it even if the
newspapers are closed down? The common class of people do not
read newspapers. They certainly read you and me. Place a pair of eyes
before them, they will look at these alone. Take this to be gospel truth.
If there is something in your eyes, the people will understand you and
will dismiss the papers with a laugh.
If we wish to educate the masses, we may well give Importance
to the colleges but ultimately we must make them like Gangotri1 . The
pupils trained in them should, at the end of their training, take
themselves to the villages. Train them with this idea in mind. Even if
only a few come forward, it makes no difference.
It is the primary schools to which I attach importance. I want the
Vidyapith to pay more attention to them and assume more
responsibility for them. We should think how these schools should be
run. I give my own idea. It is folly to imitate Government schools.
Two years ago I had published some figures in Young India. 2 I had
shown with their help that there were fewer schools in the Punjab now
than 50 years ago. In Burma, too, there were schools everywhere and
all children were given knowledge of the three R’s. That condition
does not obtain today, because the Government closed down what it
considered to be primitive schools and started its own. How can it
reach all the seven lakhs of villages? There are no schools in three
lakhs out of those seven lakhs. In this sorry state of affairs, what is the
point of starting schools on the Government pattern? We should
manage without school buildings; we need only teachers of character.
1
The source of the Ganges
2
These figures occurred in the articles by Daulat Ram Gupta in the various
issues between December 8, 1920, and January 26, 1921.

The teachers of old days were such men. They used to teach children
and lived by begging. They would beg for flour, and would accept
ghee if they got it. Where these teachers were not good, the education
was not good; and where they were good the education was good. All
that is no more today. Education cannot be imparted by means of
imposing buildings. If we are ready to go to the villages and live a
simple life, doing the work of spinning, etc., then we may reach our
goal. We may ask the Vidyapith to think about this, but it is not a
body distinct from you or me. If some men draw up a scheme and
place it before the Vidyapith and if a few self-sacrificing men are
ready to live in the villages, subsisting on what little they get, then only
will this be possible.
In a letter received by me and published in Navajivan, a teacher
informs me that he started his work with three children. Today there
are 96 children, 73 boys and 23 girls. He teaches them under a tree.
They are not the children of Brahmins or Vanias. it is a school
exclusively of Antyajas; can you and I not do what an Antyaja teacher
could? Can we not find even Antyaja children? If we do not, we might
experiment elsewhere. What I want to say is that we must pay serious
attention to primary education.
I have been told that parents have tired of our educational pro-
gramme. They are unhappy that the children are being educated
through The mother tongue! I laughed on hearing this. The pain
followed; when there is extreme suffering, one cannot cry, one laughs.
What degeneration was this, I felt. The parents fear that their children
will not be able to speak good English. They do not mind if they
speak bad Gujarati. Has it ever occurred to them that, if they learn
through Gujarati, they will bring a little of the education into their
homes too? I myself do not know equivalents of technical terms in
geometry, algebra and arithmetic. If I am asked to give a Gujarati
word for “circle”, I would have to pause and think. I know the
English names of the different kinds of triangles, but do not know the
Gujarati name of any one of them. What a situation! Personally, I
would gladly have these parents look after their own children. Should
I teach them through English and ask others for Gujarati equivalents?
Should I establish a national school and collect funds to do this? I
would, instead, start working myself and learn up all the equivalents,
and then go ahead smoothly. We have not known of a single English
scholar having experienced difficulties in regard to words in his own
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 409

language. An Englishman named Spurgeon was not a great scholar,
but, whenever he opened his mouth, it was simply a flow of words; he
would amaze everybody by his fluent use of the most obscure
technical words relating to the navy. If I were to approach our biggest
scholars, Narasinhrao1 and Anandshankar2 with such problems,
wanting maliciously to test them, I could easily show that they had fai-
led. If, in this pitiable situation, I am asked to teach through English, I
would decline. I should of course admit that education through the
mother tongue is not a necessary part of non-co-operation. If some
parents ask me to teach their children good English, permitting me at
the same time to teach them spinning, music, etc., I would certainly
accept the bargain. I would teach English for four hours and make the
children spin for a like duration. Even while teaching English, I would
teach as much Gujarati as I can manage. To that extent I would be
cheating the parents, and this because there could not but be some
reservation in my mind about the arrangement. Even those who have
passed M.A. write incorrect English and spell incorrectly.
I had wanted to speak at length about women’s education. But
this is a serious subject. In a sense, it has no bearing on our struggle.
Of course, we do not want our women to remain uneducated. But what
should be the method of education for them, at what point education
for a girl should end and that for a woman should begin—this is a
separate, a purely educational problem. At present, our approach to
the problem is a limited one. For the time being I would get girls to
attend primary schools and only make them turn the spinning-wheel.
I have not thought about other complicated issues, though few others
are likely to have made as many experiments in girls’ education as I
have. I have kept young boys and girls together while teaching them,
and I do not regret having done so. True, I have burnt my fingers, but
not too much, for I stood guard over them like a roaring lion. Please
do not think, since I do not speak about the problem, that I make light
of it.
I have drafted these resolutions3 as reflecting the sum and
substance of my thinking on this subject. Think them over. Do not
accept them just because I have moved them. I attended the All-India
Congress Committee, determined to have my resolutions accepted;
1
Narasinhrao Divetia
2
Anandshankar Dhruva
3
Vide the following item.

here, on the other hand, I have placed these before you merely as so
many recommendations. If you oppose these resolutions fearlessly, I
shall not be hurt; but I shall be if there is hypocrisy, if a pledge is
taken and then violated. Just now, there is no question of hypocrisy,
for there has been no pledge.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 3-8-1924
228. NATIONAL EDUCATION CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS 1

AHMEDABAD ,
August 1, 1924
Resolution No. 1:—This Conference is of opinion that, since the
object of establishing national schools is that they may help in
winning swaraj and promote the Non-co-operation movement, the
principles of non-co-operation should not at all be compromised in
conducting these schools.
Resolution No. 2:—This Conference is of opinion that in run-
ning these schools importance should be attached not to the number
of pupils but to their quality. Hence those boys and girls should be
admitted whose parents subscribe to the principles which have been
accepted as essential from the point of view of swaraj and non-co-
operation, which means that:
1. those among them who are Hindus look upon the practice of
untouchability as a sin and have no objection to their children
sitting and studying with Antyaja children,
2. they welcome their children acquiring a knowledge of the
craft of spinning, and
3. they have faith in the need and possibility of unity among
Hindus, Muslims and Indians following other faiths.
Resolution No. 3:—This Conference is of opinion that the
national schools should have teachers who believe in non-violence and
truth and all items in the Non-co-operation programme as
indispensable means for winning swaraj.
Resolution No. 4:—This Conference is of opinion that every
teacher, whether man or woman, who does not already know it, should
1
As president of the Conference, Gandhiji proposed these resolutions and
initiated discussion on them.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 411

immediately learn to recognize the variety of cotton, to gin and card
it, make slivers, spin and judge the count and the quality of yarn.
Resolution No. 5:—With a view to improving the teaching
ability of primary school teachers, it is desirable that the Vidyapith
should make the following provisions for their benefit:
1. to draw up a curriculum for them;
2. to hold a common test for them;
3. to hold a test every six months for newly-recruited teachers;
4. to start correspondence classes for teachers;
5. to make other similar provisions for improving their
teaching ability.
Resolution No. 6:—Since non-co-operation is essentially a
process of self-purification and since the Congress is striving to spread
the principles of non-co-operation among villages and since it is the
belief of this Conference that the process of self-purification in
villages must necessarily begin with children, this Conference is of
opinion that the Vidyapith should accord greater importance to
primary education vis-a-vis higher and secondary education and
should, therefore, spread it among villages, making such modifications
in it as may appear necessary.
Resolution No. 7:—This Conference is of opinion that, in esta-
blishing national schools in rural areas, not the present-day Govern-
ment schools but the old-time schools should be taken as the model
and the national schools should be run on that pattern.
Resolution No. 8:—While complimenting the Vidyapith and
other independent national bodies for their effort in publishing
text-books with the praiseworthy object of giving impetus to national
education, this Conference expresses its opinion that the Vidyapith
and the other bodies concerned should pay more attention to the
quality of text-books than to their number, and also that it is necessary
in this connection to bear the country’s poverty in mind.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 3-8-1924

229. LETTER TO SUMER SINGH
S ABARMATI ,
August 2, 1924
DEAR FRIEND 1 ,
I have your letter. I am in constant touch with the A. S. Bureau2

and Sardar Mangal Singh. I do publish or comment on whatever seems
to me to be important. I shall however thank you to draw prompt
attention to any omission you may notice.3
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S IKH LANE
S INDH
From a copy: Mohammed Ali Papers. Courtesy: Jamia Millia Islamia Library
1
Secretary of the Akali Jatha
2
Akali Sahayak Bureau
3
The addressee in his letter dated July 12, 1924 had requested Gandhiji to take
up publicity about the persecution of the Sikhs.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 413

August 2, 1924
We have had a good discussion on this resolution. I wish to pour
cold water on the optimistic words uttered by Kaka Saheb. It is no use
if you accept this resolution carried away by excitement. If we do not
have the ability to implement this resolution, we should admit it. It is a
sign of strength, not of weakness, to make such admission. If you wish
to see a sample of weakness, then I am one. You can throw at me as
many stones as you like. There is egotism and self-attachment in
pretending to have what one does not have in oneself. Those who are
not able to do as much as has been set down in this resolution should
halt right here. The rest should offer cent per cent. I am here to accept
only cent per cent compliance. If we advance without taking a
measure of our strength, our condition will be like that of the textile
mill which collapsed.2 Since other buildings stood and this mill alone
collapsed, there must have been some weak spot in it. We do not wish
to be reduced to that state. Hence we wish to assess by means of this
resolution how many soldiers of non-co-operation we have and how
many of us believe in the principle of non-co-operation.
Truly speaking, the issue of principle is only indirectly involved,
but the important things are only two: Antyajas and the spinning-
wheel. Are we ready to accept them or not? One calls for a change of
heart and risking one’s means of livelihood. The other requires giving
up sloth and being active. One who does not desire this, one who has
no strength to do this, should have nothing to do with it.
The practice of untouchability in Hinduism is a great sin. With
the passage of time it is being tested. There is no doubt at all in my
mind that if Hinduism fails in this test, it will disappear from the
world. The question before us is whether we should purify ourselves
or become untouchables by keeping others as such. We have become
untouchables in South Africa.
East Africa and even here in India. Here we are prohibited from
entering places reserved for the Britishers. The Britishers have learnt
this only after coming here. They saw that here people followed a
1
Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s account of the Conference. The speech was
made when Gandhiji moved resolution No. 5.
2
Vide “Accident in Mill”, 3-8-1924.

queer religion, that one man touching another got polluted and so
avoided even standing in the shadow of that person. They thought
they too should behave in the same way, else they would expose them-
selves to danger. In this belief they established their own exclu-sive
quarters. I do not at all feel that they are to blame for it. It is we
ourselves who have taught them untouchability.
If you have strength of heart, you will even adopt the spin-
ning-wheel and also choose children whom you can teach both these
things. You will make them engrossed in these two things. If you can
do these two things, it will be a great achievement. You should not
worry about other things. Leave everything else to God. If you have
strength in you, your way is clear.
What if your livelihood is endangered while doing so? We have
been conducting the movement for swaraj precisely to create con-
ditions in which our livelihood will not be jeopardized. We can
consider that movement to have succeeded only when hundreds, thou-
sands, lakhs of boys and girls will cease to worry and become
unconcerned about their livelihood. In a country which enjoys
freedom, boys and girls do not at all think of their livelihood while
doing their duty. Nowhere else do we find such difficulty about
earning one’s livelihood as we do here. It is India’s claim that it gives
first place to activities concerning the atman. The fear of death and
livelihood, which is found in this country making such a claim, is
found nowhere else. I speak thus because I am a Hindu through and
through. Why should we have any fear about our livelihood? We
certainly have weaving as a means of livelihood. If that is not possible,
we shall split wood, break and carry stones. If we go a step further and
do the sacred work of cleaning latrines, we shall certainly get the Rs.
15 or Rs. 20 that we want, nay we shall be even wooed. Hence, truly
speaking, we have no problem of livelihood. Those who want swaraj
and yearn for it, those who feel that they should immolate themselves
in this struggle, should certainly forget all about earning their
livelihood. Then, what does it matter that one has to die of starvation,
if one’s parents, wife, and others remain hungry? It is a noble dharma
for us to eat only after feeding others. Hence we should do our best
and follow our dharma. The author of the Mahabharata has
discussed, but could not decide, whether individual effort or destiny is
more important. But we do see that everywhere our luck is always a
pace or two ahead of us. It is our dharma to put forth our best
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 415

endeavour. What egotism on our part to say, “I shall get my sister
married”! Who am I to provide food and clothing to my sister? If I
die, what then? A man like me would leave a will saying “I leave
behind me as a legacy to my sister not money but a spinning-wheel.”
My intention was not to say words of encouragement, but only
to pour cold water. But this I spoke unwittingly. If you are not
prepared to do these two things, throw out this resolution. It you are
ready, if you have the requisite strength, adopt it. If you do not adopt
it, our work will not go on. Then we cannot tell the country that we in
Gujarat have so many national schools and so many pupils.
[From Gujarati]

August 2, 1924
Shri Chandulal has not understood what I said. This question is
grave, important; it is too grave for this Conference to discuss. I was
startled to hear the words of Padmabehn.2 To me dancing girls are like
sisters. Wherever I went, I have seen them and in future, too, I shall see
them and place before them the spinning-wheel. My ideas have not
grown weaker after I went to jail. I am too full of thoughts about
women’s education to he able to present them here. It is my conten-
tion that I have thought more about this matter than anyone else. I
also maintain that this movement has brought about greater awaken-
ing among women than among others.
The spinning-wheel cannot but touch the hearts of women. That
alone is their true education, the education of the heart. And what is
the use of moving resolutions here about something which they are
already doing? These resolutions are empty words. We do not see
what grows in our own garden. Are we able to give better education
over many years than that whichmakes a woman, who had been
looked upon as uncultured and uneducated, discard her veil and come
1
Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s account of the Conference. The speech was
made in connection with Chandulal Dave’s resolution urging the National University
at Ahmedabad to make some definite arrangements for the education of women.
2
While seconding Chandulal Dave’s resolution, she had said, “What will be
our plight if Gandhiji who shows great sympathy for dancing girls would thus remain
unmindful of us?”

out in the open? Women’s education is being carried on only because
of this movement; nay, if women were not being educated, this
movement would not have been possible.
The task of women’s education is beyond the capacity of you,
me and the entire community. To think about it is like pushing back
the sea, it is like trying to grasp with one’s hand the water of a mirage.
To woman, the better half of man, who can impart education? What
does it avail us if a few women become graduates of Karve Uni-
versity1 ? Education will not be imparted thereby. To know that a
woman is more than a man is in itself true education.
We should sit down at leisure and think about it, we should dis-
cuss it with groups of persons. If you think that as Chancellor of the
Vidyapith I must do something, then I should say that the burden
which Shri Chandulal and others propose to impose on us is too
heavy. We have neither the resources nor the number of women
required therefor. The Chancellor entertains many expectations. But
what can the poor man do? One cannot educate women by spending a
few rupees and opening a few girls’ schools. Hence I sit quiet. Our
schools and colleges are of course willing to admit girls. The Vidya-
pith is willing to consider a plan if someone places it before it, but it
will not draw up one itself. Those who are ‘experts’ 2 should take up
the responsibility, present their ideas, cause a stir and join the mana-
ging committee. The Vidyapith does not want to shirk that work. But
if someone presents any big plan of education connected with swaraj,
the Vidyapith will certainly decline to consider it. The Vidyapith does
not want to disregard this subject, does not want to forget it—I am
only referring to the Vidyapith’s inability. I myself am unable to give
a thought to this resolution in a quarter of an hour. As a leader and
soldier, I humbly request you, in order that we may not be objects of
ridicule, to remove the suspicion that I have no interest in women’s
education and to withdraw this resolution.3
The credit for the work accomplished here is yours alone. You
have crushed me under the weight of obligation; crush me more by
implementing the resolutions. My only request to you is: do not leave
the resolutions here, but take them with you. Reap sweet fruits by
1
S.N.D.T. Women’s University, Poona, founded by D. K. Karve
2
The English word is used in the original.
3
At this point Chandulal Dave withdrew his resolution. Thereafter, winding
up the proceedings of the Conference, Gandhiji made the remarks which follow.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 417

implementing them and feed Gujarat too with them. May God grant
you the strength to do so.
[From Gujarati]
232. INSTRUCTIONS ON LETTER FROM

ERVINE BAKTAY1
[After August 2, 1924]
Ganesan’s publications, Y[oung] I[ndia] may be sent including
Indian Home Rule. Y. I. should be [sent] regularly and debited to Mr.
Birla. The writer should be told not to worry about payment. He may
either give free lectures or add to his earnings or do whatever use he
wishes to make of it.
From a photostat of the original: S.N. 10091
233. ACCIDENT IN MILL

As the accident in Manasukhbhai’s mill occurred in Ahmeda-
bad itself, it touches our hearts. But we do not think at all, or think
only for a fleeting instant, about the tragedy that has befallen
Malabar.2 If greater destruction of life and property than even that in
Malabar took place outside India, it would have little impact on us.
These accidents, however, tell us that there is no distinction at all
between king and pauper, Brahmin and Bhangi and man and the
lower creation. The acts of God affect all equally. Animals and men
sailing in the same boat sink together. But man differentiates and
saves one’s relations and then, if possible, rescues the animals too.
Some ofthose saved may die the next day, and even those who survive
pass away after a few days. Death spares no one. Why should we not
1
Acknowledging Gandhiji’s earlier letter of March 15, 1924 (ride Vol. XXIII,
p. 246), Ervine Baktay wrote to Gandhiji on August 2 that he had been asked by
people deeply interested in Gandhiji’s work to deliver some lectures on Indian
questions pertaining to religion, history, literature, etc. He also wrote: “I sorely need
some books written by you. I have only Ethical Religion. Yet I would like to get your
other books too, which I would order directly from the Editor-—if I had the sufficient
sum to pay for them. But I earn my living with my literary work and this brings rather
small material results.”
2
Vide “Floods in Malabar”10-8-1924.

embrace it gladly then? May not death be our greatest friend, a
saviour who sets us free from much suffering? God is certainly not
cruel, and He would not, like Nero, torture creatures for His pleasure
or send them into the world and then kill them. There is a design in all
His works.
But should we, philosophizing thus, sit quiet? Not at all. We
should ever be ready for death, and it is only by shedding the fear of
death that we can discover the means of saving others from the pain
they suffer. We are in the same boat as all others. We have no right to
think that, because death is a friend, a person may die today rather
than tomorrow. Strange are the ways of Yamaraj 1 . If we knew the
exact moment of our death, we would not suffer at all [through fear of
it]. There would be no question of helping anyone. We suffer,
however, because we do not know that moment. We are not men of
knowledge; if, nevertheless, we act as if we were, we would fall into
degradation. Thinking philosophically, we may remain calm, but
should never forget to help one another. In not forgetting that consists
true preparation for meeting death.
As for the accident in Ahmedabad, we may assume that the
mill-owners will send help to the relations of the dead. It is their duty
to do so, more than that of others. But how did this accident take
place? We see that modern buildings are comparatively weak. Con-
tractors, workmen and others cheat a lot. Sand is used in place of
cement and often bricks are so brittle that they crumble into powder.
They use weak timber and, for mortar, employ a mixture of earth and
cowdung in place of lime. Engineers, too, are satisfied with the
minimum degree of strength in order to please owners. On account of
such practices, many houses have collapsed in Bombay, burying
people to death. I hope the mill-owners will institute full inquiries into
the construction of the building and publish an authoritative statement
explaining the reasons for the accident and thus satisfy the citizens.
We should also hope that owners of other big buildings will get them
inspected and have them repaired wherever they notice weak points.
The havoc in Malabar is like a fire in the sea and it is beyond
the means of any private organization to relieve the people’ssuffering.
If, at such a time, Congressmen offer their services to relief commit-
tees seeking to help the people, one need not think that they will be
violating the principles of non-co-operation. If we had inexhaustible
1
God of death
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 419

funds, we could set up a separate body and help people. But in a
situation in which even lakhs of rupees are far too little, what can the
poor Congress do? If, therefore, the Government gives some help and
accepts our services in its effort, we should certainly offer them.
Every worker, however, should remember that true service does
not require money. It consists in work sincerely done. The service
done by the expression of love in one’s eyes or the right word uttered
at the proper time cannot be rendered with money. The help rendered
by meeting homeless men and women, by serving them and helping
them in small things in a variety of ways, by comforting them through
our mere presence, is incomparable. We cannot have too many silent
workers giving such help. Everyone can compete in this field and no
one will obstruct another. It is desirable, therefore, that Congress
bodies should not in this situation lose heart for want of funds. This is
the reply I have given to Congressmen from Malabar who asked me
for help. When I received the first telegram, I thought that we might
collect some money and send it. I even sought a friend’s help. He sent
me Rs. 250. But later, when I read the news about the vastness of the
tragedy, my heart sank. I saw that this work was beyond the capacity
of a man like me, that it was beyond the capacity of the Congress
either. All the same, if anyone sends me money, I shall certainly pass
it on to office-bearers of Congress committees. I was against sending
financial help from outside for the Vaikom Satyagraha. On this
occasion, I consider it our duty to send help if we can. The obstacle
lies in our inability, not want of will. Thinking it wise to keep quiet in
a situation in which we may wish to do what only an emperor can, but
are as helpless as a pauper, I have advised, in my second telegram, the
office-holders of the local Congress committees to be content with
giving physical services and helping, if possible, through Government
agencies as well.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 3-8-1924

234. MY NOTES
S ATYAGRAHA IN EAST AFRICA
A correspondent living in East Africa writes:1
A similar picture has been painted by another person also.
There must be, therefore, some truth in what he says. A struggle in
which even a few went to jail with pure hearts cannot fail altogether.
But, to the people, it will seem to have. failed as long as discriminatory
laws remain unrepealed. The correspondent has pointed out good
reasons for the failure. The community must remove them. But those
who believe that satyagraha is a means merely of harassing the
Government commit a serious error. The aim of satyagraha is
self-purification. The harassment which naturally follows our doing
our duty cannot be helped. But our aim should not be harassment. If
drink addicts give up drinking, the owners of liquor-booths will-in-
deed suffer, but the aim of those who give up drinking is not to make
them suffer. Their aim can be to reform the owners as well. But,
undoubtedly, it is wrong to boycott those who do not join satyagraha.
That will harm the movement, not help it. A satyagrahi should rely
only on his own truth and on his capacity to bear suffering, that is, for
tapascharya. He need not be concerned if others do not follow him.
People do not join him for lack of faith or of strength. Experience
alone removes lack of faith. Strength comes from example. In neither
case is coercion justified.
TO NON -CO-OPERATORS OF GUJARAT
I have often admitted that it is the fault of the non-co-operators
that they have not been able to win the love of the co-operationists.
But that does not give either the right to harm the country. At the
beginning of 1922, many co-operationists were willing to do khadi
work. Quite a few among them had come to believe that the economic
condition of the country could certainly be improved through khadi.
The matter rested there. Now, when an attempt is being made to revive
the spinning-wheel movement vigorously, I ventured to seek once
again the help of the co-operationists. What should a beggar be
ashamed of? Co-operationists and non-co-operators maycertainly
have different ideas of duty to the country. The Hindu strives in one
1
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 421

way to attain moksha, the Muslim in another. That is no reason why
they should fight. Both are right from their own points of view. But
we believe that our political emancipation consists in their practising
mutual tolerance.
Similarly, non-co-operators and co-operationists should tolerate
each other, both parties working according to their own lights. Where,
moreover, both agree in their ideas, why should they not work
together? I have heard it said that as long as I regard the spinning-
wheel as an instrument of non-co-operation, co-operationists will not
help in that programme. Why should it be so? Just because I see
Rama, that is dharma, in the spinning-wheel, should others who may
look upon it as a means of producing yarn, i.e., wealth, keep away
from it? The spinning-wheel as such suggests neither Rama nor yarn.
The person who works it produces yarn and, therefore, sees that in it.
A person like me may invest it with significance as symbolizing the
spirit of non-co-operation. But I myself have said that once the
spinning-wheel has become universal, the need for non-co-operation
will disappear. Why should not the co-operationists help in bringing
this about.?
But the responsibility lies wholly with the non-co-operators. The
gulf between co-operationists and non-co-operators is the result of the
latter’s mistakes. It is for us, then, to bridge that gulf. It is with that
aim that I am addressing this request to co-operationists, suggesting to
other non-co-operators by what I am doing that they should appeal to
co-operationists with whom they come into contact to take up
spinning. They should teach them spinning if they do not know it. It
is not as if only those who joined the Congress had the duty of
spinning. It is the duty of every Indian. We should, therefore, entreat
co-operationists with all love to start spinning. We should not feel hurt
if they do not listen to us. We should renew the request when we get
another opportunity, and have confidence that, if the spinning-wheel
possesses the power we think it does and if there is no anger in us, the
co-operationists are sure to take up the spinning-wheel.
A P ERSEVERING TEACHER
This letter1 is from a teacher of an Antyaja school in Botad.

How good it would be if all schools could run as this one does!
1
Not translated here

C ORRECTION
A correspondent from Rangoon writes:
In your “Satyagraha in South Africa”1 you have described the late Seth Ahmed
Mahomed Cachalia as a Memon from Surat. This is not correct. You should
have described him as a Sunni Bohra gentleman of Surat district.
I knew that Mr. Ahmed Cachalia belonged to the Sunni sect but, as
Sunni Bohras from the Surat side were known in South Africa as
Memons from Surat, I described him in that way.
EARNING THROUGH WEAVING
I agree with what he suggests I should state. I still believe that
one can certainly earn more than Rs. 10 a month if the hand-spun
yarn is of uniform quality. I believe that if a clever, that is, educated
and hard-working, weaver gets yarn spun on order, buys it up and
weaves it, he will certainly earn more. But it is true that one who wants
to make money should not take up weaving of hand-spun yarn. This
work is a great experiment for the country. Only the brave will
undertake it. I am sure of this, that those who engage in it will
certainly not starve.
A C ONVERSATION WITH ME
A correspondent has sent me a printed report of a conversation I
had with a swami about untouchability, and asks me if there is any
truth in it. I read that report and was pained by it. I see merely a
half-truth in almost every line of it. My statements have been
altogether distorted. My views about untouchability have received
such wide publicity that it is not necessary to discuss them here again.
But it is my request to all those who come to see me not to publish
any report of the conversations they have with me, or, if they do want
to publish a report, they should read out the draft to me first and then
publish it. To readers my request is that any views attributed to me in
a report should not be regarded as mine unless the report is
authorized by me.
So many men and women come and see me. If I were to read all
that they write about me or my views or take upon myself the
responsibility of correcting the inaccuracies in their reports, I would
1
Which appeared serially in Navajivan from April 1924 to November 1925
2
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 423

have to spend much of my time in that work only. I am sure no one
wants my time to be wasted in this manner. I myself am not at all
prepared so to waste it. Hence! for all those whohave some pity for
me, the best way is not to publish any report of a conversation with
me. Even those who have none should not publish their conversation
with me, for, in their unkindness, they will not understand me. Should,
however, some unkind friend not pay attention to my request, wise
readers should not credit what they write.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 3-8-1924
235. TELEGRAM TO SAROJINI NAIDU1

August 4, 1924
DEVI SAROJINI
TAJMAHAL
BOMBAY
HEALTH ALL RIGHT. FRIDAY EARLY ENOUGH.
HOW ARE YOU PADMAJA.
GANDHI
From a. photostat: S.N. 10094
236. TELEGRAM TO HAKIM AJMAL KHAN2

August 4, 1924
HAKIM SAHEB
AJMALKHAN
S HRINAGAR
HEALTH ALL RIGHT. AM CLOSE TOUCH MAHOMED ALI.
HE SAYS PRESENCE UNNECESSARY YET. HOW ARE YOUR
DAUGHTER. DO NOT WANT COMMENCE TRAVEL TILL
END MONTH UNLESS ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY.
GANDHI
1
This was in reply to Sarojini Naidu’s telegram of August 4, which read: “Wire
health. Shall spend Friday, Saturday Ahmedabad unless required earlier.”
2
This was in reply to Hakim Ajmal Khan’s telegram of August 4, which read:
“Wire health. When visiting Delhi where your presence badly wanted.”

Sravana Sud 4 [August 4, 1924] 1
CHI. INDRA,
Received your letter. Do you wish to drag me out of my sphere
of work? What can I write about Shivaji Maharaj? I feel ashamed to
say that I know nothing more than what I read about him in my
student days.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS GANDHI
S HRI INDRA VIDYAVACHASPATI
“ARJUN”
DELHI
From the Hindi original C.W. 4859. Courtesy: Chandragupta Vidya-lankar

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Your health will improve to the extent you
stop worrying. You should take black raisins or big-size red currants
after soaking them overnight in water. Clean and soak them. You
should heat and drink the surplus water left after absorption by the
raisins. It would be good to heat it even with the currants. I am
making arrangements for Hajira.
Blessings from
BAPU
SISTER VASUMATI

BHAISHRI VALJI,
I have your letters. Mahadev tells me that Swami immediately
returned to you your article on Simla. I wonder why it has not
1
The postmarks bear the date August 5, 1924.
2
Ibid
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 425

reached you. I shall ask Swami. If I could possibly go to Simla I
would do so, merely to meet Panditji1 and you, if for nothing else. I
would very much wish to go to Srinagar, but as the saying goes,
“nobody would be unhappy if everybody could have his way” and
so on. Did I not write to you that, after my apologizing for the use of
the word talleen [absorbed], Anandshankarbhai wrote to me a sweet
letter to say that my use of the word was correct. Words with a
repetitive meaning are thus used. However, I shall make the necessary
correction in regard to the word aavkardayak [welcome]. I shall also
make use of the passage from Ayurveda2 . I have no fever at all.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
V. G. DESAI
S TERLING C ASTLE
S IMLA
240. TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SECRETARY, A.I.C.C.,

ALLAHABAD3
August 5, 1924
WIRED BOTH LAST WEEK FLOODS TOO VAST FOR CONGRESS
CAPACITY. WE SHOULD CO-OPERATE WITH NEUTRAL AGENCY
EVEN GOVERNMENT IF THEY ACCEPT SERVICE. PERSONAL SERVICE
CAN AND MUST ALWAYS BE GIVEN. IF CONGRESS CAN IT
MAY RAISE SPECIAL SUBSCRIPTION.
GANDHI
1
Madan Mohan Malaviya
2
Hindu system of medicine
3
This was in reply to a telegram from the General Secretary of the Congress,
Allahabad, dated August 4, which read: “Srinivas Iyengar proposes immediate grant
fifty thousand for flood relief. Rajagopalachari requests conversion Tamil loan fifteen
thousand to grant to enable give help floods. All-lndia funds now one lakh
twenty-five thousand fixed deposit, twenty-two thousand current account, twelve
thousand liabilities. Wire opinion both request.”

241. TRIBUTE TO ANNIE BESANT1
S ABARMATI ,
August 6, 1924
As everyone knows, it is my misfortune to hold certain views as
to policies and principles fundamentally different from Dr. Annie
Besant’s. But that fact does not in any way detract from my regard for
her as a woman of high character, noble purpose, ceaseless energy and
indomitable courage. She loves India with the devotion of a daughter.
Her industry and application are the envy of us all. Her courage never
shone so brilliant as when, at the risk of losing popularity, she
opposed Non-co-operation. May she be long spared to serve India
and humanity.
M. K. GANDHI
242. LETTER TO K. NATARAJAN

August 6, 1924
DEAR MR. NATARAJAN 2 ,
I thank you for your letter. I did see the cutting you have kindly
sent me. I felt like shooting the reporter when I saw the wire. But as it
is against my creed to do so, I subsided and believed that no sane man
or woman could credit me with any such absurd remark.3 There is no
mention of the wheel in any of my wires. How can there be? The
wheel may assist when the people have settled down on dry land and
have recovered from the nervous prostration that must have overtaken
thousands of our countrymen. 4 What I did say to the people of
Ahmedabad was that the work was beyond the capacity of any private
agency, but that, if they would send me money, I would see that it
went to the proper quarters. I added that all of the hearers, rich and
poor, could spin for their naked countrymen and women, and send
me the yarn and I would undertake to see that it was utilized for the
1
This was sent on the occasion of the completion of fifty years of her public
service.
2
Editor, The Indian Social Reformer, Bombay
3
Vide “Interview to Associated Press of India”, 7-8 1924.
4
The reference is to the floods in Malabar in July 1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 427

relief of the sufferers. The fact is the news has stunned me. I am
fretting with myself for our utter incapacity when nature delivers her
stunning blows. It is my unquenchable belief in the utter goodness of
the Deity that makes me hope for good even out of this seeming
calamity and prevents me from becoming a raving maniac.1
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI

BHAISHRI VALJI,
Swami says that your article, “Swaraj in Simla”, 3 has already
been sent to you. It seems it has been lost; you had better write it
again. The servant of a foreign-cloth merchant cannot forsake the
relatives of those who wear foreign cloth. It would have been better if
you had kept up your practice of correcting errors. It would be des-
irable that you do it even now. Why can’t you decide which articles in
Navajivan should be translated into English?
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
V. G. DESAI
S TERLING C ASTLE
S IMLA
244. BELOW THE BELT

What has been said about the Government so often is being
proved again and again, viz., that, no matter what it grants to popular
clamour, it always insists on having its way by hook or by crooks The
Press Law is gone only to be replaced by new activities under the laws
1
On August 8, this letter was read out by the addressee at a public meeting
presided over by G. K. Parekh.
2
From the reference to the article on Simla, it is evident that the letter was
written in 1924. In that year Sravana Sud 6 fell on August 6. Vide also `’Letter to V.
G. Desai”, 4-8-1924.
3
The title of the article was “Simla under Swaraj”.

of sedition and libel. Everything the Government were able to do
under the Press Law is now being done without it and without diffi-
culty. The extraordinary judgment given against the Chronicle does
but confirm this view. It is difficult to believe that a public servant can
possibly bring an action for damages for comment upon his acts as
such made by a journalist in the discharge of his profession. I
understand that the case against the Chronicle is not the first of its
kind. The Bande Mataram and the Zamindar of Lahore had to pay
damages under similar circumstances. Which is worse? Forfeiture
under the defunct law or damages under a libel suit? After the result
of the Chronicle case, who can dare criticize frankly and freely the
acts of Government servants? The editor of a daily newspaper, when
he begins writing his leading article, does not weigh his words in
golden scales. He may be betrayed into a hasty word. Must he pay for
it even though it did it obviously in good faith, without malice and in
the public interest? The writer in the Chronicle certainly did not know
Mr. Painter and had no more interest in maligning him than the
learned judge himself who has awarded what I venture to regard as
vindictive damages.
The public will refuse to believe that Mr. Painter had suffered
anything because of the Chronicle comments. But I make bold to
think that he has lost more in public estimation by his victory than by
the Chronicle comment. He has cleared nothing by getting a verdict
against the Chronicle. But he has shown that he is not capable, in a
sportsman-like manner, of standing strong public criticism. I feel
sorry for him.
What, however, I am concerned about is the position of
journalists in view of this case. One is not always able to prove one’s
convictions and, if one is to criticize public acts and their doers, it is
necessary to set forth one’s convictions without being called upon
always to prove them. For instance, I feel morally certain that the
judgment of the judge in Sir Sankaran Nair’s case was warped.1 I am
morally certain that the judge was politically biased in favour of Sir
Michael O’Dwyer. And yet, if what I have said be regarded libellous
and if the judge sent me notice of action, I should have to tender a
humble, abject and unconditional apology for having expressed my
candid opinion in the interest of public good. I should have to tender
the apology because I could not prove what I have stated.
1
Vide “Notes”, 12-6-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 429

Mr. Painter is but an unconscious pawn in the big game. This
Government is making hay while the sun shines upon it. We seem to
be disorgannized—a house divided against itself. Hindus and Mussal-
mans would gladly continue to indulge in the pleasant pastime of
breaking one another’s heads. Civil disobedience is a far-off cry.
Whilst we are fighting among ourselves, the Government is consoli-
dating its power in every possible manner. We may not blame it. It is
perfectly natural for it. These libel actions are calculated to demora-
lize Indian journalism and make public criticism over-cautious and
timid. I am no lover of irresponsible or unjustifiably strong criticism.
But the caution to be beneficial must come from within, not [be]
superimposed from without.
One thing is clear to me. If we have lost ground by our
dissensions, political or religious, the Government have lost more by
its taking advantage of our misfortunes and by seeking to punish
innocent criticism of public officers for their public conduct, by
inducing or permitting the latter to embark upon libel actions. We
may feel too paralysed for immediate effort, but every act of the
Government which is meant to take a mean advantage of our weakness
and every hit below the belt does but intensify our opposition to it.
The paralysis will be short-lived, the opposition must be co-terminous
with the existence of the system which makes our unfortunate position
possible.
245. TEACHERS IN CONFERENCE

The Gujarat Vidyapith has at the present moment nearly 30,000
children in its national schools who are being taught by over 800
teachers in nearly 140 institutions, of which two are colleges and one
devoted to ancient research. The figures include also 13 high schools,
15 middle schools, 15 special schools for untouchables teaching over
300 boys and girls. The number of girls studying in these institutions
are [sic] not more than 500. The Vidyapith has acquired a plot of
land and has already erected a fine boarding house which is to serve
the purpose also of lecture rooms till a separate building is erected.
These figures do not include the national schools not affiliated to the
Vidyapith. Nor do they represent the highest watermark. That was
reached in 1921. Several schools have since closed, some others are

likely to close in course of time. The attendance, too, is not on the
increase. Gujarat like every other province has suffered from the
general depression in the Congress ranks.
Notwithstanding the depression, however, the record is highly
creditable to Gujarat which was, and probably still is, educationally,
one of the most backward of our provinces. Measured by the swaraj
standard, the experiment may not be regarded as an achievement; but,
judged by itself, the experiment is an amazing record of progress for
its four years’ existence. It shows considerable organizing power,
financial ability and faith in non-co-operation regarding education. I
can say all this with complete detachment as, though resident in
Gujarat, I have lived least in it whilst the experiment was in progress
and had no hand in working it. The credit belongs solely to Vallabh-
bhai and his very able lieutenants. During the stormiest and the
longest period, I was resting in Yeravda and, therefore, was not avai-
lable even as an adviser.
No wonder, then, that the teachers met in conference last week
and, whilst taking stock of their position and shaping their future
policy, wanted me to guide their deliberations. I wish that I could have
done better justice to the task entrusted to me. My indifferent health
and my heavy preoccupations rendered previous study and prepara-
tion (adequate for the purpose) impossible.
Whilst I was able heartily to congratulate the numerous teachers
who attended the conference on the success that the figures I have
quoted signified, I had to point out the serious and obvious flaws and
weaknesses of the several institutions they were conducting. National
schools, to be worth the name in terms of swaraj, for the attainment of
which they were brought into existence, must be conducted with a
view to advancing the national programme in so far as it was appli-
cable to educational in institutions. Thus, for instance, national schools
must he the most potent means of propagating the message of the
charkha, of bringing Hindus, Mussalmans and others closer together
and of educating the untouchables and abolishing the curse of
untouchability from the schools. Judged by this standard, the experi-
ment must be pronounced, if not a failure, certainly a very dismal
success. Out of 30,000 boys and girls, hardly one thousand are
spinning on 100 charkhas at the rate of _ hour per day. Hundreds of
charkhas are lying idle and neglected. Whilst in theory the schools are
open to the untouchables, very few, as a matter of fact, have
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 431

untouchable children in them. The Mussalman attendance at the
schools is poor. I had, therefore, no hesitation in advising that now we
were to strive nor after quantity but quality. The test for admission
must be progressively stiffer. Parents who did not like their children to
learn spinning or to mix with untouchable children might, if they
chose, withdraw them. I had no hesitation in advising that teachers
should run the risk of closing down their schools if the condition of
running them required the exclusion of untouchables and the
charkha. It was not enough to tolerate untouchable childre if they
stole in, but it was necessary to draw them into our schools by loving
care and attention. The teachers were not to wait for Mussalman and
Parsi parents to send their children, but it was necessary to invite such
parents to send their children. A national teacher must become a
swaraj missionary within his own sphere. He should know the history
of every child under his care and know the children not in his schools.
He should know their parents and understand why they did not send
their children to his school. He would do all this work not in an
intolerant spirit but lovingly. Thus and thus only would national
schools be truly national in terms of the Congress resolution.
The difficulty of the task is unmistakable. This Government has
made everything mercenary. Character is no test for anything. Mecha-
nical ability to go through a superficial syllabus is the sole test. Every
profession has been degraded to mean a career. We become lawyers,
doctors and schoolmasters not to serve our countrymen, but to bring
us money. The Vidyapith, therefore, had to recruit for teachers in
such a soul-killing atmosphere. The majority of the teachers have had
to rise superior to themselves and their surroundings. The wonder is
that they have at all responded to the call of the country.
But, now, after nearly four years’ experience, we must turn over
a new leaf. We cannot afford to remain at a standstill and not sink. We
must, therefore, insist upon the boys and girls plying the charkha for
at least half an hour daily. It is an education of no mean sort for thirty
thousand boys and girls and eight hundred teachers to be spinning,
i.e., labouring for the country for half an hour every day. It is a daily
practical lesson in patriotism, useful toil and giving. That a boy should
begin giving even during his education without expectation of return
is an object-lesson in sacrifice he will not forget in after-life. And to
the nation it means a gift of 1,875 maunds of yarn per month. It will
supply at least one dhoti each to 5,000 men. Apart from every other

consideration, let every teacher work out the value of the lesson learnt
by each child in thinking that he or she with five others may be
spinning in one month yarn enough for supplying one dhoti to each
of his countrymen rendered naked during the recent floods in
Madras.
The reason, however, for the ill success of the constructive part
of the Congress programme in the national schools must be told.
Painful discovery is being made that we who are the chosen of the
people have not even learnt spinning. The schoolmasters as a class
have hitherto taken no steps to qualify themselves as carders and
spinners. No wonder if they are not then able to enthuse their pupils
and if the charkhas are everywhere conspicuous by their absence.
It is, however, most gratifying that resolutions suggested for
remedying the defect were all adopted by an overwhelming majority.
Industrial occupation for teachers and pupils is a new thing for us.
The want of response is, therefore, perhaps natural. But now that the
teachers have adopted the resolutions, it would be a serious reflection
upon them if they fail to live up to them. If the teachers will it, I do
not doubt that the majority of the parents will not grumble about their
children learning the noble art of spinning and giving half an hour
each daily to the nation and sitting side by side with untouchable
children. And what Gujarat teachers have resolved to do will, I hope,
be adopted by the national teachers throughout the country.
246. NOTES
A DIFFICULTY
A Hubli correspondent writes:
There used to be eleven members on the Managing Body of the Hubbi
Taluka Congress Committee. The complete Managing Committee should
according to the rules of the constitution of the Karnatak Provincial Congress
Committee, consist of 10 members at the least.
As soon as the Ahmedabad resolutions were passed 9 out of these
eleven members resigned as they could not conform to the recommendations
of the resolutions.
The General Body of the Hubli Taluka Congress Committee consists of
only 1,000 members out of a total population of 1,50,000 in the Taluka. A
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 433

meeting of this body was held on the 9th instant. Only 24 persons attended.
The meeting accepted the resignations as there was no possibility of inducing
the members to withdraw the same on any grounds. The meeting then
authorized the remaining two members of the Managing Body, i.e., the
Vice-President, Mr. Visanji Shet, and the Secretary, Dr. Hardikar, to carry on
its work till such time as the vacancies may be filled up. The meeting resolved
that the next meeting of the General Body should be called in the last week of
July, 1924, for the purpose of electing members to the vacancies on the
Managing Body.
This meeting came off yesterday, July 27, 1924. Full publicity was
given to this meeting by handbills and even by approaching individually
many families in the town and explaining the Ahmedabad Resolutions. In
spite of all this, only 30 persons attended the meeting from out of 1,000
members. Though given to understand that another matter they had to consider
was the election of 10 members to the Dharwar District Congress Committee
before the 10th of August, as the meeting of that body was to be held on that
date, the meeting adjourned the consideration of the item of electing its
Managing Body members; neither did it elect representatives to the District
Committee. The members that were present did not think that It would be
proper to take the responsibility of electing the representatives for 1,000
persons to the District Committee. Nor did the nominations of persons
fulfilling the Ahmedabad recommendations come up. The meeting therefore
adjourned the consideration of these items sine die.
The conditions here are:
1. The General Body members never assemble more than 25 or 30 strong
nowadays.
2. They are not yet decided as to shouldering the responsibility of acting
for 1,000 members.
3. If they want to elect representatives satisfying the Ahmedabad
recommendations, there are no such persons coming up for working on
the representative organizations.
4. If any election to these bodies is to take place, it can only be of those
persons who will not be able to conform to the Ahmedabad
recommendations in toto.
5. Hence the General Body will have to elect only such persons as can
come up to do Congress work and will conform to the
recommendations as far as possible.
(The boycotts can be carried out by many of the representatives
here if litigation in Government courts and boycott of Government
educational institutions is excluded.)
6. Therefore, the Congress Committee will have either to suspend its

work till such time as the All-India Congress Committee withdraws its
drastic recommendations or continue in a state of inaction and
lifelessness till some future date which is not in sight. And it appears
that the General Body is bent upon doing the latter as was demonstrated
in yesterday’s meeting.
In my opinion, the whole of the difficulty arises from inability
to understand the implications of the A.I.C.C. resolutions. The nine
gentlemen have certainly done well in resigning. If they have not
retired in disgust but in a sportsman-like spirit, they can assist without
being officials and help to conduct even the new elections so as to get
properly-qualified persons elected. If, however, they do not believe in
the boycotts, they should offer themselves for re-election, boldly try
to convert the electors to their views and invite them to elect them. The
whole situation rests with the electors if the committee at
Hubli is a living organization. The A.I.C.C. resolution in question was
passed in order to give the electors guidance but not to fetter their
choice. They have a perfect right to elect those who do not believe
either wholly or partially in the present Congress policy. In properly
conducted elections, it is the only honest method of sounding the
country’s opinion. We shall never know the real mind of the country
or make any real headway unless we conduct election in the proper
spirit. Let the Hubli committee register the names of those who
subscribe to the Congress creed and pay 4 annas and let them elect
whom they choose. These will be the proper representatives whether
they believe in the Congress programme or whether they do not. I
have been asked whether one man can pay for hundred men and get
their names registered. I would call this buying votes and, therefore,
dishonest. The idea is to get those men and women who themselves
pay 4 annas for membership. If these real electors, after having had
the pros and cons of the programme placed before them, decline to
elect any but those who believe in the programme and if only a few
can be found ready to serve on those terms, I should have no
hesitation in working the programme with those few representatives.
There is no other way of working out results of policies and principles
in a scientific and true spirit.
F OR F AMINE R ELIEF
In support of my proposition that the spinning-wheel is the most
potent instrument of famine relief, the secretary, Tamil Nad Khadi
Board, writes:
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 435

It may not perhaps be accurate to describe the Coimbatore District as
‘poor’. But it is mostly a ‘dry district and a failure of the monsoons, as
happened last year, necessarily involves a famine. At the end of the last year
there was intense famine. Cattle were available gratis. Spinning was the
easiest and most natural occupation the women could turn to and thousands of
women besieged the khadi producers for cotton. The latter gave to as many as
possible and, as a consequence, in the months of November and December, all
the invested capital had been locked up in khadi to nearly 75,000 rupees
worth. The producers had to stop production in February when the members of
the Khadi Board were on tour in these parts. I have been a personal witness to
the great misery of the village folk, when they heard that merchants had
stopped issuing cotton. I am glad to report that we have turned the corner and
the production is again in full swing.
Even at this early stage, the price of Tiruppur khaddar is not pro-
hibitive. It is from 8 to 9 annas per square yard. This is chiefly due to the fact
that only the best cotton is used and, as you are aware, good
cotton has been selling at fancy prices for the last one year. With the fall of
cotton prices, the price per square yard may be lowered to 7 or even 6 annas.
Its texture, I can confidently assert, compares favourably with the mill-cloth.
WHAT A BRAHMIN S AYS
A friend sends the following which will be read with interest:
I am a Brahmin born and bred in Konkan. During the first thirteen years
of my life, I may be said to have exclusively lived in villages and, for seven
years after that, divided my time between villages and cities. My
great-grandfather died an ascetic; my grandfather was so strict in his Brahmin
observances that he bathed even on the day of his death. My father used to
recite two chapters of Gita every day besides the whole of Rudri, the lengthy
scriptural prayer to God Shankara. On Mondays and especially Sravana
Mondays, he would be reciting it for eight to ten hours in the presence of our
village Shankara. I did not know the scripture in the beginning when I was
drenching the ‘Linga’ with at least five hundred ghadas of water during those
hours. I am narrating these facts only to prove that I was not born or bred in
Anglicized or civilized atmosphere but in a dharmik one.
In that atmosphere I was taught that it brought spiritual welfare to be
able to spin sufficient yarn for my sacred threads. My grandfather, my father
and my uncles all used to spin. My spiritual preceptor used to spin all the
while that he was teaching me sandhya or Rudri. We had a cotton tree of our
own. We made slivers in the crudest fashion. I had a great hankering for
spinning. The spindle was a most inefficient variety. A thin sticklet passed

through a hole bored in the centre of a pice that had got too smooth to be
current was my spindle. We called it chatee.
I nave to say much the same thing of our women. Women, and
especially widows, who in those days had no aim except to get spiritual
benefit, went to listen to kathas and Puranas. While they listened, they spun
yarn with their fingers alone which they collected round the neck of a small
earthen pot. That yarn was then twisted into wicks which were soaked in ghee
and burnt as an oblation to earn merit (punya) in the eyes of God. The
spinning not only did not lower those women, but gave those ladies a higher
Brahminic and religious position.
My only object in saying these things is to prove that spinning does
not at all convert the Brahmin into a Vaisya. I am a Chitpavan Brahmin
belonging to the Ratnagiri District.
‘FAULTY P RODUCTION ’?
A sober friend writes:
In the last issue of Young India you have referred to over-production of
khadi and to the necessity of organizing sales. You have also expressed a
desire that cities like Bombay may take over surplus stock. But, if there is lack
of organization for sales, is not the system of production faulty? Khadi even
today is much dearer than mill-cloth and it is doubtful if it lasts sufficiently
long to balance its costlines. At present only those who are swayed by strong
sentiment and who have spare money with them can indulge in the luxury of
khadi. Your note suggests a sort of bounty. But what can bounty by itself
achieve? It will fail in its object if the system of production is defective. If one
rightly interprets your utterances, the charkha movement aims at making
villages self-sufficient so far as cloth is concerned; that is to say every cottage
should spin for itself. But can it be said that the production is increasingly
carried on in this direction? How many villages have become self-sufficient or
are about to be sot
If, as you suggest, interprovincial khadi trade is not desirable, equally it
is undesirable to collect and stock khadi in towns for the simple reason that its
comparative dearness makes its disposal uneconomical. Disposal is made
possible by appeals to feelings which is not always the right way.
Khadi is only seemingly dear. I have pointed out in these pages
that it is wrong to compare khadi with other cloth by comparing the
prices of given lengths. The cheapness of khadi consists in the
revolution of one’s taste. The wearing of khadi replaces the conven-
tional idea of wearing clothes for ornament by that of wearing them
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 437

for use. Opinion is divided as to the want of durability of khadi.
Division of opinion is based probably on difference of experience.
Different experience is inevitable so long as we have not arrived at
uniformity in spinning. Four years’ spasmodic effort is surely not
enough to standardize the quality of hand-spun yarn. Every infant
industry must struggle in the beginning. The sobriety of the friend
disregards sentiment. But sentiment is a most powerful factor in the
world. We cook our meals in our homes not because home-cooking is
cheap according to the modern science of economy, but because there
is an age-long sentiment behind it. Even school-boy economists could
show that, when you count the cost, labour, fuel and wear and tear of
utensils and rent, hotel food is cheaper than home-cooked. It is
necessary to provide bounty for the khadi at the present moment. As
Acharya Ray has very properly pointed out in his recent manifesto,
what the State will not do must be done by the patriotic sentiment of
the people. The object of the khadi movement is correctly stated by
the writer. And that object can be fully achieved if we who desire to
serve the masses realize the need of the spinning-wheel and cultivate a
taste for it and its production. If I throw the wheel at skeletons of
Orissa, they will not look at it. But if I begin spinning in their midst,
they will take to it like fish to water. The masses do as the great ones
do, not as they preach. Hence the necessity for the spinning resolu-
tion. It gives us a real sense of responsibility towards the villages, it
fills the air with the spinning taste and cheapens khadi. If the spinning
resolution is faithfully carried out by the country, it has a potency of
which we have as yet no conception.
A HOMILY
You are already in a mood to flatter the Mohammedans and it seems as
though you think, by exonerating them from their high-handedness, you can
keep them in close touch with the Hindus. You must now learn to distribute
blame among the parties involved, as justice requires it, as this policy of
seeking to blame the weak and meek members of the nation and flattering the
strong and high-handed element is by no means a wise policy.
This is but an extract from a long homily addressed to me by a
Hindu friend. I know that many other Hindus think like this friend.
The truth, however, is that, in an atmosphere surcharged with suspicion
and passion, my impartiality is bound to be mistaken for partiality.
Those Hindus who refuse to see anything good in Islam or Mussal-
mans are naturally shocked to find any defence of Islam or its

votaries. I remain unmoved and unperturbed. For I know that some
day my Hindu critics will admit the correctness of my estimate. They
will perhaps admit that there will be no unity unless each party is
prepared to understand, appreciate and make allowances for the
other’s view-point and even weaknesses. This requires a large heart,
otherwise called charity. Let us do unto others as we would that they
should do unto us.
DOINGS IN DELHI
A letter received from Maulana Mahomed Ali shows that he is
making every effort to secure perfect reconciliation between the
various parties in Delhi, and is hopeful of success. He is also trying to
fix up an inquiry. It requires very delicate handling. There is so much
mutual distrust that the Maulana Saheb says there are some people
who do not want any inquiry at all. He is carrying on all these nego-
tiations although he is so ill that he has to lie on his back practically
through the whole of his time and has to be carried about in a doli 1
from place to place. Let us hope and pray that the Maulana Saheb will
soon regain his health so as to be able to do justice to the very heavy
task before him.
ADDRESSES TO ORDER
Mr. B. F. Bharucha, who is doing khadi propaganda in the
Punjab just now, writes:
During the last few days, there have sprung up in Amritsar three
publicity committees:—Hindu, Muslim and Sikh! It is these committees, that
are going to present addresses to the Governor, Sir Malcolm Hailey, on his
visit to Amritsar. At a public meeting held at the Jallianwala Bagh on the 28th
instant, they have been disowned. But that won’t stop their propaganda.
Besides the Congress Committee, the Khilafat Committee, and the Sikh
League, there are three other communal bodies in Amritsar —the Hindu Sabha,
the Muslim Sangathan of Dr. Kitchlew and the Shiromani Committee of the
Sikhs.
The questions he asks are: who are these publicity committees
and whether they have any other object for their existence save that of
presenting the new Governor with addresses. How nice it would be if
the Governors and other officials will recognize the inevitable and
simply refuse to receive addresses. I would not even mind co-
1
Palanquin
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 439

operating with them to found a society for stopping all addresses by
anybody whatsoever to anybody, whether official, non-official and
whether Moderate, Liberal, Swarajist or No-changer. The addresses do
no good to anybody and they have now ceased to be instruments of
propaganda. The public will no longer be deceived by these shows
which more often than not mean nothing but cheap advertisements for
those who present them. Why should not honest work be its own
certificate of merit?
THE MALABAR F LOODS
The floods in the Southern Presidency are so vast in their
magnitude that imagination refuses to picture them. They demonstrate
man’s helplessness. Fruits of years of patient toil have been swept
away in a moment. Help seems almost a mockery. Whilst, therefore, I
have given my opinion that effective relief is beyond the capacity of
the Congress, I have not desired it to mean that Congressmen should
do nothing. Personal service is always of course there. But even
monetary assistance must be given where-ever it is possible for
individuals to render. If, therefore, readers of Young India would care
to send me subscriptions for relief, I would gladly receive them and
utilize them in the best manner I should know. I am certain that the
damage is too vast for sporadic or isolated effort. Some agency that
would command universal confidence should handle the work of
relief. I repeat that Congressmen should not hesitate to help Govern-
ment agency in the face of this awful calamity. Adversity makes
strange bed-fellows.
MAULANA HASRAT MOHANI
So the great Hasrat Mohani1 is to be released on the 12th instant.
He is to be in Ahmedabad on his way to Cawnpore. A great reception
is in store for him wherever he goes. I do not know what views he
holds today. As everybody knows, I differ from him in many ways.
His views of conduct even in jail are so hopelessly different from
mine. His views on swadeshi are in my opinion even dangerous. But
our differences notwithstanding, my respect for him, his patriotism, his
learning, is very great. He has a tenacity of purpose which is the envy
of friends and despair of foes. He has suffered for his religion and his
1
1875-1951; nationalist Muslim leader; took active part in the Khilafat
movement and was Gandhiji,s chief opponent at the Khilafat Conference of
November 1920.

country as very few of us have done. I hope, therefore, that he will
have a rousing reception wherever he goes.
VIRAR, NOT BERAR
In a recent issue of Young India I stated that a Swarajist friend
had complained of No-changers having retained their position by
forcible means. A friend from Berar wrote saying it could not be
Berar. I asked the Swarajist friend and he tells me the repudiation was
correct. The complaint was against Virar, not Berar. I apologize to the
Berar No-changers for the misunderstanding which they will appre-
ciate was pardonable. Virar No-changers beware! If I was an autocrat,
I should immediately require these militant No-changers to resign
their membership of the Congress unless they apologize publicly to
the Swarajists and to the Congress. Of course, I assume that this time I
am correctly reporting my informant, and that my informant himself
was correctly informed.
A R EMEDY ?
A correspondent suggests a solution of the Hindu-Muslim
question in the course of a letter from which I take the following:
The Mohammedans will respect the Hindus when the former find that
the latter are equal to them in strength of body, and then and then only will
union be possible. You will, therefore, concentrate all your energies on the
uplifting of the Hindu race in body. Let the Hindus set up akharas in every
village and town for exercise and let them eat nourishing food. You should
preach to them not to spend much on the marriage of their sons and daughters,
but keep brahamacharya up to the age of say 21. You will thus be doing a
great service to the Hindu race and the attainment of swaraj will follow as a
matter of course. Please publish this letter in Young India.
The correspondent will level down both Hindus and Mussalmans
to the position of brutes continually measuring brute strength for the
purpose of existence. Only he forgets that between brutes there is no
love lost. I want the Hindus to be physically strong. I want them to
fear no man. These are necessary not merely for Hindu-Muslim unity,
but even for national existence apart from unity. But I know that
possession of mere physical strength will not bring about unity. We
should still be fighting like ‘cats and dogs’ so long as we have no love
in us for one another. I for one do not consider it worth while to
devote my life to procuring an armed neutrality. I want lasting peace
that springs from toleration of each other’s religion. It is the old
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 441

story; whether as between ourselves and English or between Hindus
and Mussalmans, we want change of heart. Everything else will follow
as a matter of course. The correspondent prescribes brahmacharya
for developing physical strength. It is a base use to make of a priceless
possession to think of self-restraint for acquiring physical prowess. Do
Tommies observe self-restraint for becoming Sandows? Let the
correspondent quietly work out the implications of his prescription. I
wish we had an army of 10,000 real brahmacharis. We should then
conquer Mussalmans, Englishmen and everybody. Does not the
correspondent realize that his brahmacharis will not fight as he
suggests? It is true that they will not need to do so either.
R ETURN OF R EGISTERS
The following committees have already sent registers containing
names of representatives who are registered to spin from month to
month.
Bengal .. .. .. .. .. 1,066
C.P.Hindustani .. .. .. .. 1,055
Bihar .. .. .. .. .. 790
Gujarat .. .. .. .. .. 381
Bombay .. .. .. .. .. 237
U.P. .. .. .. .. .. 242
Burma .. .. .. .. .. 36
The other provinces except Assam, Delhi, Berar, Utkal, Punjab
Sind and Kerala have notified that they will send their registers before
the 10th instant. I do hope that these remaining provinces will not fail
to send their registers and, what is more, their quota of yarn. I take it
for granted that those who have sent the registers will also see to it that
the members spin their yarn also. It is interesting to note that Bengal
has the largest number of representatives. C.P. Hindustani comes next.
If all these representatives send and continue to send their quota
regularly, we should be able easily to put khadi on a stable basis.

[AHMEDABAD ,
August 7,1924]
I have just seen the letter referred to. I never said any such thing
at the Lokamanya Anniversary meeting or anywhere else. I have sent
several telegrams to the afflicted presidency, but in no one of them
have I even mentioned the word ‘spinning’ or ‘khaddar’. It surprises
me that any one should have believed the report. I must however
adhere to the opinion I have given that the relief is beyond the
capacity of any private agency, nor can such relief come out of the
Congress funds. The All-India Congress Committee has very little
money left now. The calamity is such that everybody, co-operators,
Non-co-operators, Liberals, officials should give their very best. I am
taxing myself as to how I can help. On the receipt of the very first
telegram, I made an appeal in Young India. I approached a friend
privately also and received a donation from him. I am still moving in
the matter. I have already made a similar appeal to the readers of,
Navajivan but, in my opinion, no one man’s efforts to collect funds
can possibly be adequate to the amount of the relief required. The
State alone can do it efficiently and it is for that reason that I have not
hesitated to advise Congressmen to place their services at the disposal
of any State agency. Private aid will come in fitly to supplement the
work done by the State agency. It will not be for the first time in my
life that I shall have identified myself with such relief work. I know
enough of it to understand that relief will be necessary for many
months to come.
The Hindu, 8-8-1924
1
At the interview, Gandhiji’s attention was drawn to a letter in The Times of
India criticizing him for the advice to spin which he was said to have given to the
flood-stricken people in Malabar.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 443

248. SPEECH AT GUJARAT MAHAVIDYALYA1
AHMEDABAD ,
August 8, 1924
MEMBERS OF THE STAFF AND STUDENT FRIENDS,
Shri Kripalani sang for you a song about a king. 2 If that king
returned after two years, though he had said that he would come back
after six,. the fault was his, not the people’s. He should have
understood that the people had had no time for preparations.
You have given what you could. Before I say anything about it,
however, I have to give a decision. It is not necessary to give the
names of the parties. They will, of course, be well known among you.
A teacher has asked in a letter whether he should spin for Gandhi’s
sake or the country’s. This is an easy question to answer. Being
students in the Vidyalaya, you probably know that every question can
be looked at from two points of view— black and white or extreme
and moderate, and both may be correct if we consider the question
from the standpoint of the parties concerned. The man who spins for
Gandhi’s sake is right from his point of view. He who spins for the
sake of the country is also right, because he knows that Gandhi will
pass away tomorrow. His attitude may be said to be more correct
because, while the first one loves a perishable being, the second loves
his country, and a country is certainly not a perishable object. If we
secure swaraj with the help of the sword, we shall have to depend
entirely on the sword to preserve it. This is a universal law. As long,
therefore, as the country exists, so long will there be need for the
spinning-wheel. This view is inspired by pure love, notblind
attachment. A third thing. Why should we not ply the spinning-wheel
entirely for our own sakes? By our talk about self-sacrifice, renun-
ciation, etc., we are deceiving the world. Our renunciation is not
self-sacrifice; it is our pleasure, nothing else. There is in it the
1
At a meeting held to welcome Gandhiji, on his first visit to the Gujarat
Mahavidyalaya since his release, the students presented him with a purse of Rs. 1,229
and a considerable quantity of hand-spun yarn, the sale proceeds of which were also to
be devoted to Malabar flood-relief. J. B. Kripalani, Principal of the Vidyalaya,
presided.
2
Welcoming Gandhiji, Kripalani had quoted in his speech a poem from
Rabindranath Tagore’s Gitanjali, the theme of which was that the king could not be
welcomed in as befitting a manner as one would have liked.

selfishness of satisfying our own longing. Moreover, for the sake of
the country means for our sakes. If we get ready to ply the
spinning-wheel for our own sakes, we would never give it up
afterwards—just as we cannot give up our bodily functions like eating,
drinking, and so on. However, all the three points of view are true,
each for the person who holds it.
Live as you like,
Realize Hari anyhow.
In these lines, Akha Bhagat has expressed one’s whole duty in life.
One should ply the spinning-wheel not to deceive oneself, not to
deceive the country or other people, but for one’s own satisfaction.
All work will shine out as long as we do not do it for show. The more
we have of right knowledge, the less subject shall we be to attachment.
Even so, if we do a good thing, whether out of attachment or love, it is
bound to profit us. There is attachment in a son’s love for his father.
Some credit for my having learnt to speak the truth goes to my father.
I did not know at that time that truth is the highest thing. But I
certainly had attachment enough for my father to feel that I should do
a certain thing to please him. Restrained by my love for my mother, I
stopped eating meat and saved myself from sin. Had this not
happened, I would have been today among the most wicked men in
the world. I was thus forced by my attachment to rise; though, indeed,
who can say that I have risen? I merely escaped falling. And this
because I was ruled by my attachment to my father and mother, by
keeping to my vow. Vows have been the support of my life. The point
is that one may do a good thing from any one or more out of a
variety of motives. The issue you have raised need not have been
raised at all. It is true, of course, that the idea was that we should spin.
But it would not be right that, having given me five toles of yarn, you
should set aside the spinning-wheel. You will only fall by doing so.
The spinning-wheel must simply go on working. Whether the idea will
remain permanently or disappear depends only on the spirit in which
you work.
The students of the Mahavidyalaya ought to try and understand
certain principles on which the institution has been founded. Every-
one joining this institution as a student should know them, for without
that this national college will not remain national. We should under-
stand what we have thought to be the means of winning swaraj; if,
having understood them, we do not act accordingly, we shall be
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 445

deceiving the world. One may acquire much knowledge in the
Vidyalaya, be very proficient in English, may be able to pronounce
difficult Sanskrit words with such flourish that the learned men of
Kashi hold us in respect —but all this will signify nothing. You
are-not here to learn these things, you are here to learn what you will
not learn elsewhere. They count for more than all the rest. These
things are the spinning-wheel, mixing with the Antyajas and bringing
about unity among Hindus, Muslims and Parsis. Have you come into
contact with any Antyaja children? Do you meet any Muslim or Parsi
children? And do you tell them that there is room for them in the
Mahavidyalaya? Do you urge them to join the Mahavidyalaya? If,
even then, they do not join, the fault will not be yours. Fate alone will
be to blame.
If any person from outside comes to test you, he will not be
impressed by your answers which may show your proficiency in
English, Gujarati or Sanskrit. He will have observed from a distance
whether you ply the spinning-wheel and whether you have abolished
untouchability. The spinning-wheel, freedom from untouchability and
Hindu-Muslim unity—any observer should be able to notice these
things carried to perfection. If you pass the test in respect of other
things, that will mean nothing. You will have wasted the years spent in
the Mahavidyalaya.
I thank you for what you have been doing. If now you do not
take one step forward, you and the country will be put to shame. Be
such servants of the country that the people are filled with admiration
for you. I for one entertain the greatest expectations of the Gujarat
Mahavidyalaya. Just think how much money we have spent on it. We
have spent as much as 90 per cent [of the available funds]. Work out
the figure of this expenditure and calculate what we have spent on
each student. People will shudder over it, just as I do. You should
impatiently question yourself what you have given to the country in
return for the money spent on you. If the future generations are
not likely to be pleased with your work, it will be good for you to
leave this institution. Think over the matter and resolve in your mind
that you will have adopted whole-heartedly all those items of the
Non-co-operation programme which should be permanent features of
swaraj. You will be worthy workers only if you understand this thing;
you will then derive incalculable benefit from what has been spent on
you. Just as the seeds in the field sprout and grow into corn, so will the

money spent on you yield fruit. I wish to tell you as your friend,
fellow-student and Chancellor, that you have only two courses open to
you. You must accept one or the other. It is one thing to give yarn for
the sake of the Chancellor and another to do so to please me. If you
have faith in me and do something out of love or attachment for me,
there is something in it, but it will be a different matter if you do
anything merely to please me. If you have faith in the spinning-wheel
and yet you do not spin, and then you shake off your lethargy on my
persuasion and for my sake, that will be good of you. If, however, you
do a thing in which you have no faith at all, merely to please me, that
would be very bad. It would be hypocrisy, it would be fraud and
deception. The teacher who said that one must spin for the sake of the
country must have meant this.
If you do not have faith that the Hindus, Muslims, Parsis,
Christians and Jews are your brethren and if you are not ready to act
accordingly, you should by all means leave the Mahavidyalaya. You
should go your way and the Vidyapith will plan its own programme
of work.
While speaking of this, I remembered the Mahavidyalya buil-
ding. Many Antyaja workmen work there and they experience
difficulty about water. If you can do so, you yourselves should join
the Antyajas in the work and let the other workmen leave. But I see
that you do not have the necessary physical strength and love of
labour to do that. In such circumstances, you should make arrange-
ments to supply water to the Antyajas and to the others separately.
You will tell me that you will get exhausted with physical labour and
ask, moreover, how you can find time for studies. I tell you that you
can manage even that with Shri Kripalani’s help. You can ask the
workmen belonging to the higher castes to fetch water and serve it to
the Antyajas, tell them that, if they do not have compassion for
members of lower castes, you yourselves will serve water to the latter.
In doing so, you will be giving them an object-lesson in compassion
and satyagraha. Do at least this, sit down for your meal only after
bathing and feeding the Antyajas. We may live in the open or in an
unfinished building, but should never forsake the Antyajas. By acting
in this way, we shall end the oppression by the higher castes. The
teachers cannot give you this education, nor will you get it from
books. If the teachers succeed in giving it, it will be by setting an
example to you by their own conduct. At the time when this
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 447

Vidyapith was established1 , I had said that, if this institution was meant
only to impart education in the three Rs, I was not qualified to be its
Chancellor. The Vidyapith and other institutions were founded with
the idea that they would be devoted to developing strength of
character. It is my duty to remind you of this and you should accept
this essential feature and live in keeping with it.
Take it that you are committing a sin if your spinning-wheels lie
unprotected against sun and rain. Just as you keep the apparatus in the
laboratory clean and tidy, so should your spinning-wheel also be
found. I certainly expect to find with you spindles, leather-holders,
cotton, slivers, etc., of the best quality. It is not right that you should
look to the Ashram for that, because you are known as “Visharads”2 .
If I cannot expect this of you, of whom else can I? You should surely
have enough self-respect to secure these things on your own.3
Eat less but donate money. Reduce the amount of milk you take
so that you can save money. If you have been spending any time
doing nothing, spin and pay something. Pay money yourselves and
go out collecting funds and collect as much as you can on your
responsibility. Let us learn to die for the country. Let us cultivate
burning love for the country, for that is the meaning of national
education. We can offer shelter to people on dry ground if they have
to sleep in the wet, and take their places ourselves; we can serve the
country in this way only if we have in us the motherly love about
which we learnt in our childhood from Dalpatram4 . There is no
meaning in your giving anything from what you do not need. Give
other things as well, putting yourselves to some positive inconve-
nience. There will be pure love in doing so, and you will not want to
boast about it.
[From Gujarati]
1
In 1920
2
Literally, those who are proficient
3
Gandhiji then appealed for funds for the relief of flood victims in Malabar.
4
A 19th-century poet of Gujarat

S ABARMATI ,
August 9, 1924
Very confidential
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I promised to write to you an important letter, but I have not
been able up to now. I was ready four days ago when I received Mrs.
Naidu’s letter informing me she was coming here. I, therefore,
stopped the letter pending her arrival. I wanted to say that I was
prepared to facilitate your securing the Congress machinery, actually
assisting you to do so. In no case will I be party to vote-catching in
the sense it is being understood at the present moment. I would be
prepared to work outside the Congress but not in opposition to it. I
have no interest in anything but promoting a peaceful atmosphere,
khaddar, and Hindu-Muslim unity and removal of untouchability. In
all this I know I should get your assistance. I would naturally have an
organization for that work, but not with any desire whatsoever to
capture the Congress ultimately. I would not like to waste the nation’s
time in wrangling over getting a majority in an atmosphere such as is
prevalent today.
If you are not prepared to take over the whole of the Congress
machinery, I am quite prepared to facilitate your taking over those
Provinces where you think you have no difficulty in running it.
Short of my coming into your programme, I would like to place
myself at your disposal.
Then there is the question of the Congress President. Rajagopa-
lachary, Gangadharrao and Rajendra Babu insist on my accepting the
office. Vallabhbhai and Shankarlal approve of my idea of not
accepting. Jamnalal is neutral and so is perhaps Mrs. Naidu. I forget
to say that Shaukat Ali too is insistent that I should accept the office.
The only condition that will make me reconsider my position would
be your desire that I should accept. Will you please consult Messrs
Das, Kelkar and others and let me know what you would advise me to
do in both the matters referred to by me?
I have read this letter to Mrs. Naidu.
Yours sincerely,
From a copy: C.W. 5177. Courtesy: Krishnadas
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 449

250. LETTER TO BADRUL HUSSAIN
S ABARMATI ,
August 9, 1924
MR DEAR BADRUL,
I was pained to learn from Mrs. Naidu that you thought I had
asked you to sit down in a village and work there to the exclusion of
every other activity and although you could do more work. I do not
remember having said any such thing at all. But I do remember
having told you that, if you could not organize on a large scale with-
out extraneous help, you should certainly go to the villages and begin
there. It is wrong to produce on a large scale if there is no local
market. But if you have confidence in yourself and can organize the
whole of Hyderabad, nothing would please me better. Only, you must
become self-supporting. Nor do I wish to prevent you from manufac-
turing the finest khaddar you can and from making it as ‘artistic’ as
you can. I must have been in an idiotic state when I spoke to you, if
you carried the impression that I wanted you only to manufacture the
coarsest khaddar when you were capable of producing the finest. And
it would be the last thing in the world for me to ask anyone to do
anything that may not be to his or her taste.
Do please write if I am not clear. And share this letter with
Padmaja1 so that she may know my views.
Yours,
BAPU
BADRUL HUSSAIN, E SQ.
ABID MANZIL
HYDERABAD (DECCAN)
251. LETTER TO HANSESHWAR RAY

S ABARMATI ,
August 9, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. When a wife does not agree with her hus-
band’s views but is otherwise pure, the husband can win her over by
1
Daughter of Sarojini Naidu

affection free from animal passion. During the process, the husband
must follow that which he regards as best, leaving the wife free to do
as she thinks best. But she must not expect the husband to pay for her
expensive tastes. The husband is bound to support her so far as food
and clothing are concerned. She is entitled to divide his income, but
she cannot expect him to incur debts for her. I am satisfied that where
pure affection alone rules, all differences vanish or, in spite of diffe-
rences, an honourable way out is found.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
HANSESHWAR R AY ,
7/I . . . . .
C ALCUTTA .
252. LETTER TO TIRATH RAM JANEJA

S ABARMATI ,
August 9, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
You have my sympathy in your distress. Suicide is a sin and, as
all sin means separation, the distance between you and your wife must
widen with suicide. Nor will death solve the problem. For you will go
to your destined place and she to hers. But whilst you are yet in the
present body, you can correct yourself. Was it the body you loved or
the soul within? If it was the body, you could have embalmed it and
kept it chained in your room. If it was the latter, sulely her soul is still
with you. Is not the memory of all that was good in her enough for
you? Or was your love merely selfish? Loved ones should be nearer to
us for their deaths.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
TIRATH R AM JANEJA , E SQ.
C AWNPORE
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 451

253. LETTER TO ALI BROTHERS
Sabarmati,
August 9, 1924
MY DEAR BROTHERS,
I have wires from both of you. I do not know where you are. If
Bi-Amma is within reach, please give my warmest respects to her. Tell
her I shall not be sorry if God takes her away. No mother can depart
this world with more pride and satisfaction than she. The sorrow will
be felt for those who may be left behind. We do not like to part with
the oldest of our relations. Mother we want with us for all time. God
has however willed otherwise. But though the body dissolves, the spirit
ever abides. May it then be well with you whether she is permitted to
remain with us yet a while or whether she is taken away.
Yours,
M. K. G.
MAULANAS S HAUKAT ALI
AND MAHOMED ALI
254. ADVICE TO LABOUR UNION 1

AHMEDABAD ,
August 9, 1924
The Labour Union can place evidence before the Inquiry
Committee if it likes to do so. But I have intentionally advised the
Labour Union that it is not necessary to tender evidence on its behalf.
As the organizers of the Labour Union are non-co-operators, they
cannot take direct part in the inquiry, but they can take some part as
advisers and protectors of the workmen. The inquiry is so much
restricted that the workmen will derive no benefit from it. Another,
stronger, reason for the Labour Union to take no part in the inquiry is
its methods of work. It has chosen to deal with mill-owners, as far as
possible, with sweet reasonableness. The Labour Union cannot, there-
fore, take part in such an inquiry without very strong reasons. The
Labour Union has to look to two things—to ensure greater safety o
1
This was published in Majoor Sandesh, the organ of the Ahmedabad Labour
Union, with reference to an accident in the Gujarat Ginning Mill.

the buildings in the future and to get compensation for the dead
and the injured. This inquiry has no direct connection with the
question of compensation. For the future safety of the buildings, the
Labour Union is fully alive and negotiations are going on with proper
autho-rities.
255. FLOODS IN MALABAR

I have been receiving telegrams asking for help in connection
with the floods in Malabar. Who can help where thousands of houses
have been destroyed, crops washed away and fertile soil turned into
sandy waste! At this juncture, one way out is to rest content with what-
ever help the Government extends. Such aid as it wishes us to provide,
we should offer, if we can. Even when all this is done, there is certainly
room for private donations and voluntary service.
Relief measures in respect of this calamity cannot be completed
in a day or even in a month. They will go on for a year or more. The
relief work in connection with the floods in South Kanara last year has
continued till today. Meanwhile, there have been floods there once
again, so they have now to start relief work afresh. But when relief
measures taken for one whole year could not cope with the damage
caused by a minor flood, how much more time is likely to be taken
when a whole province is as good as submerged in water? Hence I
certainly wish to rouse the generosity of the people of Gujarat.
The Gujaratis had very liberally helped famine-stricken Orissa.1
They have contributed to many other funds. Appeal for help can be
made only to those who have been accustomed to give help. There-
fore, I appeal to every reader of Navajivan on behalf of the helpless
people of Malabar. One may send whatever one likes and however
much one likes. We can get some help through children even by
teaching them the geography of Malabar, by telling them of the cala-
mity and thereby rousing their sentiment of love.
Every reader
1
In 1920-21
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 453

1. can donate a day’s earning;
2. can get his neighbour to do similar sacrifice;
3. can contribute an amount equal to the price of his day’s
food;
4. can spin more on this account and send the yarn;
5. can curtail to some extent his requirements of cloth and
donate the cloth saved;
6. can give up his addictions, if any, and donate the money
thus saved.
7. One who cannot give up his addiction altogether should give
up part of it and donate whatever money is thus saved.
8. One who is accustomed to comforts or luxuries can, because
of this calamity, give up a few and thus spare something for
help. He who does so himself can inspire his friends and
relatives to do likewise.
In regard to this work there can be no distinction between co-
operators and non-co-operators.
The reader should rest assured that every possible step will be
taken to ensure that the money and the articles received will be duly
utilized for the purpose.
None should ask how much money would be needed. ‘The
more the merrier’ is the rule which applies here. Even when we give
or do whatever we can, it will be found inadequate. Whatever is
offered with a good intention is worth a million. I urge all to contri-
bute generously according to their capacity. I intend to acknowledge
in Navajivan whatever contributions are received. I had received Rs.
250 from a gentleman when the news of the first floods in South
Kanara were published, and I take this opportunity to acknowledge it.
[From Gujarati]
256. EDUCATION CONFERENCE

This conference was held and is now over. It should be regarded
as an important conference from the point of view of teachers and the
general public too. But these are not days when either of them would
attach importance to it. The value of teachers is recognized neither by
the public nor by the teachers themselves. They are valued according

to their salary. A teacher is paid less than an ordinary clerk. Hence, in
practice, a teacher is valued less than a clerk. Is it for this reason that
we refer to a teacher as mehtaji1 ?
If it is so, how can we expect that the teachers’ worth will ever
rise? Can anyone raise the salaries of seven lakh teachers in seven lakh
villages? If the salaries of so many teachers do not rise and if it is
considered necessary to raise them, we should rest content with
employing high-paid teachers in a few villages and allowing the rest to
go without education. We have been doing this since the establishment
of British rule. We realize that this practice is wrong. Hence let us find
out a scheme which can cover all villages. Under this scheme, teachers
will not be valued according to their salaries and work. Teachers
themselves will place more value on their teaching work than on their
salaries. In short, teaching should be regarded as the teachers’
dharma. The teacher who takes his food without performing that
sacrifice should be looked upon as a thief. If that is done, there will be
no shortage of teachers and yet they will be valued a million times
higher than millionaires. By changing his outlook, every teacher can
enjoy that position even today.
It is up to the teachers to make a success or failure of this
conference. The key to success lies in the teachers’ pledge. If the
teachers learn all the processes in regard to spinning as a matter
ofduty and present not less than 3,000 yards [of yarn] to the Congress
every month, the conference may be considered to have been largely
successful. Every teacher can do at least this much. The immediate
task before national teachers is to help in winning swaraj. The first and
the least help which they can offer is to spin and wear khadi. He who
does this will have done everything else. He who does everything else
except this does nothing.
Lastly, in accordance with the dictum of the Gita, ‘‘Lesser ones
follow the example set by great ones”, the pupils will follow their
teachers. Thus, the people will easily gain a lot from the work of the
teachers and pupils.
The other test concerns the practice of untouchability. If the
teachers have soul-force, they will surely attract the Antyajas to their
schools. If thereby the school breaks up, what does it matter? A school
should support religion; religion does not exist for the sake of the
1
Literally, one doing a clerical job
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 455

school. If we cannot teach the object-lesson of eradicating untouch-
ability to children, what else shall we teach them? Some parents may
say, “Do not teach too much truthfulness to our children, because by
following the path of truth they will become unfit to engage in
business.” What will the teacher say then? Will he not do without
those children? How will it profit anyone to study history, geography
and arithmetic divorced from truth? Similarly, the teachers should
request the Muslims, Parsis and members of other communities to
send their children to national schools.
If the teachers would forget the question of their livelihood and
think only of their duty, the schools will come to have new vitality and
become truly national, and then alone will they be of use to the
national movement. It is the first lesson for the young and the old, for
men and women, that they should remain loyal to a pledge once they
have accepted it.
[From Gujarati]
257. MY NOTES
GREATNESS OF THE HIMALAYAS
It is not as if only Englishmen knew or discovered that one’s
health improves by staying in the Himalayas. The reader will like to
read the translation1 that-a friend has sent me of the verses in praise of
the Himalayas to be found in Ayurveda, in order to show that their
greatness has also been recorded in our ancient books.
While reading this who would not feel that such ancient
statements go to show that the lives of our ancestors must have been
full of poetry? A very simple thing has been adorned with figures of
speech and rendered sweet. They could do that because the people
then were contented. India was, comparatively speaking, happy. Even
the poorest did not starve. The land of Bharat was independent. Will
not such an age come again? The vaids 2 proved to be true; that age
will return only when we prove ourselves to be true. The vaids should
themselves go to the Himalayas and get refreshed, acquire honesty of
purpose, discover medicines and give their benefit to us so that they
1
Not translated here
2
Physicians practising Ayurvedic system of medicine

may earn spiritual merit. Today the vaids are intent on demanding a
rupee for service worth a pie; they have nothing of the research spirit
of the West, but imitate the West’s greed for money, learn by rote old
verses and dispense medicines and add to the number of diseases
instead of reducing it. They tempt the disease-stricken by their various
advertisements in newspapers and make us perpetual slaves to them
and their medicines. If, however, they would stay in the Himalayas and
make researches, and also attempt to make us self-controlled they
would promote their own welfare as well as ours. We may learn from
them of one medicine which can do what a hundred may not. Today
the mountains are fit resorts only for the rich or the ascetics. The
middle classes have to lead their lives somehow by imbibing endless
medicines.
ACCIDENT IN A MILL
A Government committee is investigating at the moment the
causes of the accident which occurred when a mill collapsed. The
terms of reference are very limited in scope. The duty ofthe owner of
the mill is much larger than this; that of the Mill-owners’ Association
is larger still and that of the Mill-workers’ Union is in a way the
largest of all.
The Government committee may do what it likes, but it is the
clear duty of the owner of the mill to support to the full the families
rendered helpless. Whatever may have been the cause of the accident,
the-poor workers had no hand in it at all. In such circumstances,
whether law enjoins it or not, the mill-owners are in duty bound to
support the helpless families, to provide medical treatment to the
wounded and hereafter to take greater precautions in regard to the
sound condition of the building.
It is the duty of the Mill-owners’ Association to maintain the
good name of every mill-owner. It is bound to maintain and be
answerable for the condition of the buildings of all mills. It should
call some impartial building expert, get him to inspect mill buildings
and obtain his certificate in respect of every building of the mills, get
removed whatever defects may have been pointed out by him and
should ascertain whether or not the mill-owners concerned have made
proper provision for the medical treatment of injured mill-workers
and for the maintenance of helpless families.
The responsibility devolving on the workers’ union is both
heavy and delicate. It is its especial duty to safeguard the interests of
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 457

workers. There is constant apprehension that the mill-owners may
regard this as a breach of the union’s obligations. Nevertheless, the
union ought to take such steps as are necessary to protect the life of
workers. It is the natural and first step to get this ensured through the
mill-owners. If no help is forthcoming from the mill-owners, adequate
steps ought surely to be taken independently of them. I wish, however,
to give my detailed idea about this through the Majoor Sandesh only;
hence I do not take up space for it in Navajivan. But I shall merely
say that the mill-owners should not put the labour union into an
awkward position and they should realize that the union leaders do
not wish ill to them, but wish them well. Moreover, keeping this in
mind, they should assist the labour union in its work as the workers’
guardian and take from it the help they require.
“AAVKAR -LAYAK KE -DAYAK?”
“Simlanivasi” asks me whether just as I accepted a correction
concerning the word talleen, I would not correct the phrase aavkar-
dayak. I have already introduced that correction in the article itself.
Dayak means that which gives, layak means fit. In thissense, we should
consider Government’s tyranny as aavkarlayak, not aavka-rdayak.
Who knows how many such mistakes are being committed? Hence I
should like to make the pleasant suggestion that every educated reader
of Navajivan should correct such errors himself when he reads the
paper.
TEACHING F ACILITIES
It is reported that many men, women and children in Ahmeda-
bad are keen to learn spinning. If facilities in the way of spinn-
ing-wheels, etc., are available many of them intend to do spinning. In
order to obviate any possible inconveniences in this regard, brother
Laxmidas has released the following information.1
[From Gujarati]
1
Not translated here

258. SOME OBJECTIONS ANSWERED1
(A correspondent to Navajivan sends a formidable letter
where-in he objects to most of my propositions and generally my way
of life. A friend has translated my reply to it for the benefit of the
readers of Young India. Translation of the letter is not given as the
reply itself enables the reader to know the objections.)2
Right conduct is not like Euclid’s right line. It is like a beautiful
tree, not one of whose millions of leaves is like any other. Though,
therefore, they are from one seed and belong to the same tree, there is
none of the uniformity of a geometrical figure about any part of a
tree. And yet we know that the seed, the branches and the leaves are
one and the same. We know, too, that no geometrical figure can bear
comparison with a full-blossomed tree in point of beauty and gran-
deur.
Therefore, where the correspondent sees inconsistency, I see
neither contradiction nor insanity in my life. It is true that, as a man
cannot see his back, so can he not see his errors or insanity But the
sages have often likened a man of religion to a lunatic. I, therefore,
hug the belief that I may not be insane and may be truly religious.
Which of the two I am in truth can only be decided after my death.
I never asked my audience to substitute the spinning-wheel for
the rosary. I only suggested that they could go on spinning taking the
name of ‘Narayana’ simultaneously. And whilst today the whole
country is on fire, I think it behoves us all to fill the buckets of the
spinning-wheel with the water of yarn, and extinguish the fire with the
name of ‘Narayana’ on our lips.
I want to see the spinning-wheel everywhere, because I see
pauperism everywhere. Not until and unless we have fed and clothed
the skeletons of India will religion have any meaning for them. They
are living the cattle-life today and we are responsible for it. The
spinning-wheel is, therefore, a penance for us. Religion is service of
the helpless. God manifests Himself to us in the form of the helpless
and the stricken. But we, in spite of our forehead marks, take no
notice of them, i.e., of God. God is and is not in the Vedas. He who
1
The original of this article was written in Gujarati and published in
Navajivan, 10-8-1924, under the title ‘’Rosary or the Spinning-Wheel”.
2
This prefatory paragraph was published, along with the translation, in
Young India, 14-8-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 459

reads the spirit of the Vedas sees God therein. He who clings to the
letter of the Vedas is a Vedia—a literalist. Narasinha Mehta does
indeed sing the praise of the rosary, and the praise is well-merited
where it is given. But the same Narasinha has sung:
Of what avail is the tilaka and the tulsi, of what avail is the rosary and the
muttering of the Name, what avail is the grammatical interpretation of the
Veda, what avail is the mastery of the letters? All these are devices to fill the
belly and nothing worth without their helping to a realization of the Para-
Brahma.
The Mussalman does count the beads of his tasbih and the
Christian of the rosary. But both would think themselves fallen from
religion if their tasbih and rosary prevented them from running to the
succour of one who, for instance, was lying stricken with a snake-bite.
Mere knowledge of the Vedas cannot make our Brahmins spiritual
preceptors. If it did, Max Muller would have become one. The
Brahmin who has understood the religion of today will certainly give
Vedic learning a secondary place and propagate the religion of the
spinning-wheel, relieve the hunger of the millions of his starving
countrymen and only then, and not until then, lose himself in Vedic
studies.
I have certainly regarded spinning superior to the practice of
denominational religions. But that does not mean that the latter should
be given up. I only mean that a dharma which has to be observed
by the followers of all religions transcends them, and hence I say that
a Brahmin is a better Brahmin, a Mussalman a better Mussalman, a
Vaishnava a better Vaishnava, if he turns the wheel in the spirit of
service.
I certainly did not repeat the divine word ‘Rama’, nor count the
beads on account of a feeling that my end was near. But I was too
weak then to turn the wheel. I do count the rosary whenever it helps
me in concentrating on Rama. When, however, I rise to a pitch of
concentration where the rosary is more a hindrance than a help, I drop
it. If it was possible for me to turn the wheel in my bed, and if I felt
that it would help me in concentrating my mind on God, I would cer-
tainly leave the rosary aside and turn the wheel. If I am strong enough
to turn the wheel, and I have to make a choice between coun-ting
beads or turning the wheel, I would certainly decide in favour of the
wheel, making it my rosary so long as I found poverty and starvation
stalking the land. I do look forward to a time when even repeating the

name of Rama will become a hindrance. When I have realized that
Rama transcends even speech, I shall have no need to repeat the name.
The spinning-wheel, the rosary and the Ramanam are all the same to
me. They subserve the same end, they teach me the religion of service.
I cannot practise ahimsa without practising the religion of service, and
I cannot find the truth without practising the religion of ahimsa. And
there is no religion other than Truth. Truth is Rama, Narayana, Ish-
wara, Khuda, Allah, God. As Narasinha says, ‘The different shapes
into which gold is beaten gives rise to different names and forms; but
ultimately it is all gold.’
I have nothing to withdraw from what I have said about mach-
ines in the Indian Home Rule, and a reference will show that I have
included the printing press in the machines. It must be remembered
that it is not Indian Home Rule depicted in that book that I am placing
before India. I am placing before the nation parliamentary, i.e.,
democratic swaraj. I do not suggest today a destruction of all the
machines, but I am making the spinning-wheel the master-machine.
The Indian Home Rule depicts an ideal State. The fact that I cannot
come up to the ideal condition of things laid down therein is to be
attributed to my weakness. I believe that there is no religion greater
than ahimsa, and yet I cannot escape the himsa which is inevitably
involved in the processes of eating and drinking. The ideal of ahimsa
is, however, ever before me; therefore, even in these processes, I do
endeavour to restrain myself: I am striving every moment to reduce
even those functions to a minimum.
What I have said about hospitals is also true. And yet I suppose I
shall resort to the few medicines I hold lawful, so long as I retain the
least attachment for my body. I went to the hospital as a prisoner. I
did not run away from it immediately on my release, because I
thought it my duty to remain under the care of those who had treated
me with courtesy and kindness.
I am, however, ashamed at the very fact of my illness, inasmuch
as I believe that a man should never fall ill. It is humiliating for me to
take any medicine, and the more so that it was at all necessary to take
me to the hospital.
I have never preferred killing a dacoit to winning him over with
love. But he who is not equal to that love, who cannot master all the
love that the act demands, has the right to protect his proteges and his
property even by killing the dacoit.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 461

It is a gross error to liken the Englishmen to dacoits. The dacoits
loot you by sheer violence, the Englishmen do so chiefly by seducing
us. There is thus a great difference of method in the two. A liquor-
vendor also robs me of my soul by selling his liquor. Should I suggest
killing him, or non-co-operating with him? But if an Englishman
brutally assaults you, or a liquorvendor forcibly tries to pour liquor
down your throat, and if you will not win both over by love, then it is
open to you to engage them in an armed combat. It would make no
difference if the aggressors in the case were one or many, weak or
strong.1
I have ventured to give a reply to the above letter, but I have a
doubt whether it was proper to do so. I have assumed the
correspondent’s object to be pure; hence only I took the trouble to
reply to him. But I think it can be seen from my reply that usually a
great deal of erroneous thinking is found in such correspondence.
It seems the life of many educated people has become devoid of
thought. As long as one cannot deduce a corollary from a principle,
one can be held to have no knowledge of the principle at all. If the
correspondent had gone deep into the subject and thought profoun-
dly over it, he himself could have deduced all the answers that I have
given. Truly speaking, all these replies are already there in my earlier
writings. But I find from the letters I receive that correspondents’ lazy
thinking is a common fault and hence I have to give this reply. But I
advise every reader and correspondent that they should think deeply
on every subject, because by doing so they will save themselves from
many misconceptions .
“Reading without reflection is fruitless.”
Navajivan, 10-8-1924 and Young India, 14-8-1924
259. APPEAL TO DONORS
About the Malabar catastrophe, I have written in the Gujarati

Navajivan.2 But I know there are a good many generous-minded
1
The two paragraphs that follow are not found in Young India and have been
translated from Navajivan.
2
Vide “Floods in Malabar”, 10-8-1924.

people among the readers of Hindi Navajivan. I appeal to them to
give as much as they can.
[From Hindi]
260. LETTER TO A. W. BAKER

S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR MR. BAKER,1
I have received two letters from you. The first I acknowledged. I

have the book too. Do write always please. But I feel that I must go
my way. We are all searchers. It is well with us so long as we do not
interpose the ‘I’ between God and ourselves.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
A. W. B AKER, E SQ.
P.O. P ORT S HIPSTONE
NATAL
1
An advocate of Natal
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 463

261. LETTER TO PAUL F. CRESSEY
S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
We are taught from childhood discipline in self-denial. Though,
therefore, in the East, we ever fail to live up to it, we know that life is
not for indulgence but essentially for self-denial. Would that the
students of America could imbibe that one lesson.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
P AUL F. C RESSEY, E SQ.
GRANVILLE, O HIO
U.S.A.
From the manu7script of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai
262. LETTER TO LALA BULAKIRAM

S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I would not like to send any message to the Amir1 . I would like
my work to speak for itself. Nor would I care to send any present. My
yarn has not been separately converted into cloth.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
PS.
I have just received your second letter. I rather like their resig-
nations. We are responding to Truth. Satyagraha is not excitement. It
follows calm determination. I shall wait indefinitely.
M. K. G.
LALA BULAKIRAM
BHASKER P RESS
5 KUTCHERY R OAD
DEHRA DUN
1
Of Afghanistan

263. LETTER TO R. KANE
S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for your letter.
(1) I am against compulsory education. Compulsion may be
unjust. It is certainly unnecessary.
(2) If we get swarajya today, I should resist any attempt to make
primary or any education compulsory. We have not yet tried the
voluntary system.
(3) The Yeotmal Municipality will be within the terms of the
Congress resolution if it availed itself of the compulsory education
measure. But, if I had any say in the matter, I would plead with the
Councillors to try all voluntary effort before trying compulsion. I
know the evil effects of the latter wherever it has been tried.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
R. KANE, ESQ., M.L.C.
YEOTMAL
264. LETTER TO MANGALSINGH

August 10, 1924
DEAR SARDAR MANGALSINGHJI,
This will introduce to you Mr. Valji Desai who has been a
co-worker for a long time. He went to jail soon after me on the same
charge. Please help Mr. Desai in any manner that may enable him to
stay in the Punjab and study things.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C.W. 5996. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 465

265. LETTER TO ALI HASAN
S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
I did have your letter. A Hindu is one who believes in the Vedas,
Upanishads, Puranas, & c., and Varnashrama dharma. I am unable to
agree with you that we may reject the claim of those who say they
belong to particular religions. I claim to be the best judge of what I
believes Don’t you?
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
MR. ALI HASAN, BAR-AT-LAW
PATNA
266. LETTER TO C. R. DAS

S ABARMATI ,
August 10, 1924
DEAR FRIEND,
A friend of Mr. Khopkar has handed the enclosed to me. He
says Mr. Khopkar thinks you could not have signed the paper. But if
you have, Mr. Khopkar is prepared, he says, to prove his innocence to
your satisfaction. Will you please tell me what I should say to Mr.
Khopkar’s friend?
I hope you and Mrs. Das are keeping well.
Yours sincerely,
M. K GANDHI
MR. C. R. D AS
C ALCUTTA

267. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
CHI. JAMNALAL,
Please see the letter I have written to Motilalji. I have asked
Krishnadas to send a copy of it to you. Govind Babu is working in
Orissa. You may inspect his work and, if you approve of it, give him
monetary assistance from the Gandhi Seva Sangh funds. His ability is
very limited, though his demand is great, viz., Rs. 200/- a month. Of
course, this much is not to be given. If he passes your test, you may
give him Rs. 50/- a month. Examine his case carefully.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati original: G.N. 2848

CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. My weight has no doubt gone down, but in
other ways my health is definitely good. Do whatever you can after
reading about Malabar in Navajivan.
I hope you go out for walks regularly. You need not worry if
any letters or words in your writing are scratched.
Today Haribhai has come here.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Make it a habit to take black French plums soaked in water.
Your second postcard has come just. Most probably I shall be here.
Do come soon.
BAPU
SISTER VASUMATI,
1
The date is given according to Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, a collec-
tion of Gandhiji’s letters to Jamnalal Bajaj.
2
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 467

BHAI VALJI,
Since I had sent your article on Simla to the press for printing, it
was none of my job to send it to you. But you and Swami being close
friends, the latter would naturally take as much liberty as he likes. You
had written the article in such a small hand and so close that it was
difficult for me to read it and the Swami seems to have, therefore,
returned it to you. Now write it again.
Running the journals is not the only difficulty in my going
there.
I was just going to send Anandshankarbhai’s letter to you, but
something crossed my mind and I gave up the idea. I had accepted
your correction and it is in there. But I remember I gave up the idea
of sending Anandshankarbhai’s letter to you as I thought that to do
so would be a sort of vanity on my part. I had no time to write a
humorous letter.
I have already explained the distinction between layak and
dayak.
I am sending a letter for Mangalsingh. All Sikhs are simple and
humble. If Mangalsingh is not there: give it to any Akali Sikh you
may meet.
MOHANDAS
1
From the reference to the article on Simla, published in September 1924, it is
evident that the letter was written in 1924. In that year, Sravana Sud 10 fell on
August 10.

I got all your letters. I get a lot of help from them.
It is also hard for me not to write what I believe to be true about
Sarojini. The people must make up their minds what work they should
take from whom. If I praise someone for one of his activities, why
should anybody conclude that he is in all respects perfect. Though I
say all this, I do wish that you should continue to write to me whatever
thoughts come to your mind.
I know that Malaviyaji does not approve of my views in regard
to the Hindu-Muslim problem. I, however, strongly believe that we
have no other remedy for the purpose. True, we can create a sort of
artificial unity for a while, but that won’t help us to make any
headway.
I cannot give you any advice in regard to Sunderlalji. Yes, I
know this much in this matter that Jamnalalji did not give him the help
he wanted on his own condition. Jamnalalji knows him far better than
I. Whatever you may do in this matter, take Jamnalalji’s advice.
I thank you for the two months’ donations which you tell me
you have sent to Jamnalalji. It was on the strength of these donations
that I asked Jamnalaiji to make some provision for the Dakshina
Bharat Hindi Prachar Sabha and two other institutions.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
1
The letter appears to have been written after the article “Bombay, Remember
Sarojini”, 3-7-1974. In 1924, Sravana Sud 10 fell on August 10. Vide also “Letter to
G. D. Birla”, after 3-7-1924.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 469

271. LETTER TO SHAUKAT ALI
S ABARMATI ,
August 11, 1924
I have your two letters. I am sorry about Bi-Amma. I hope you
will get the permission you have sought. That we should be exiles in
our own country! And yet play about swaraj! The pity of it all!
The health having suffered, I got Vithalbhai to put down the
Corporation address for 30 th August. 1 So, ordinarily, I should like us
to start touring in the beginning of September. But I have written to
Mahomed Ali and have told him I could now go to Delhi if he wants
me. I must try and see whether I can stand the strain. Even if he does
not need me, I think we should begin work through Delhi. I observe
that Moharram Day is 12th August. It is another anxious date for us. I
do not know where we should find ourselves that day. Consider all
these things and think out where we should be.
I know your own difficulties about the Khilafat work. As for the
swaraj movement so for the Khilafat, I think we shall find we shall
have to rely upon the quality of a few workers rather than the quantity
of many.
I have said my say about the choice of the President. There is so
much passion about that it seems almost impossible to do clean work
if one has to fight for a majority. The latter must come easily if it is to
be at all useful. I intensely dislike the Western method of attaining
majorities.
I will try to read the Khilafat news.
With love,
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
MAULANA S HAUKAT ALI
BOMBAY
1
Vide “Letter to Vithalbhai Patel”, 17-5-1924.

272. LETTER TO ANANDANAND
Monday [August 11, 1924] 1
BHAISHRI ANANDANAND,
I have your letter. Keep on issuing supplements. I shall give you
eight galleys regularly. I have found a way for it yesterday. We shall
have to see what to do after what has been written is finished. We shall
see about it when the time comes. I shall send you a wire about how
many columns are ready for Navajivan. Perhaps I may miscalculate,
but I shall be careful.
I quite see that we must pay attention to the ‘business’ side also.
It is for you to stick to it. I may say something hasty while thinking of
other aspects, but ultimately I shall come round, because I am after all
a satyagrahi and will ever remain that.
I do not think Valji is right in his view of the English of the
History of Satyagraha. We want to improve Gujarati only. Since the
English version has been taken up by Madras, we may not interfere
with it. Ganesan is a straightforward man. Money is not his God. His is
a big venture. Let us encourage him and promote the Gujarati work
ourselves. Do let me know if there is any flaw in this.
We should be prepared to give on occasion more pages in
Young India.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: G.N. 7753
1
The reference to Ganesan suggests that this letter was written on the same day
as the one addressed to V. G. Desai, the following item.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 471

BHAISHRI VALJI,
I have not been able to follow clearly what Ganesan has to say
and your question. But, in a general way, I would advise you to leave
the matter to Ganesan’s discretion.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
[PS.]
The replies to other matters have been given yesterday.
V. G. DESAI
S TERLING C ASTLE
S IMLA

BHAISHRI GHANSHYAMDAS,
I have your letter. Mr. Aiyar’s letter had no effect on me, for
my way of saving the Hindu religion is quite different. I do not
believe that starting a journal will do any good. In the Punjab we have
not given any chance to the Muslims. Mr. Das could not possibly do
anything else. Having himself framed the pact, how could he break it
at the crucial time? Nobody is stopping me from going to Delhi. In
any case, I hope to go there in September.
Do keep writing to me about everything and send me any litera-
ture that may be worth reading.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
1
The addressee was at Simla during 1924.
2
The reference to Gandhiji’s visit to Delhi in September suggests that the
letter was written in 1924. Gandhiji went to Delhi in August and again in September
1924. In that year Sravana Sud 11 fell on August 11.

[PS.]
I return Aiyar’s letter herewith. I have received Rs. 10,000/-
today. I wrote a letter to you yesterday to your Hardwar address.
275. TELEGRAM TO SAROJINI NAIDU1

[On or after August 12, 1924]
SAROJINI NAIDU
TAJ
BOMBAY
UNNECESSARY ATTEND MEETING. IDEA IS NON
CO-OPERATORS SHOULD ASSIST GOVERNMENT AGENCY
FOR RELIEF.
GANDHI
276. TELEGRAM TO K. MADHAVAN NAIR2

[On or after August 12, 1924]
MADHAVAN NAIR
VAKIL
C ALICUT
RAISING FUNDS CLOTHES. INCESSANTLY THINKING OF
FOODLESS CLOTHLESS HOMELESS COUNTRYMEN. .
GANDHI
1
This was in reply to Sarojini Naidu’s telegram of August I 1, received by
Gandhiji on August 12, 1924, which read: “Sherif proposes inviting Governor
preside. Requesting flood meeting. Wire if Non-co-operators can join.”
2
This was in reply to Madhavan Nair’s telegram of August 12, 1924, which
read: “Toured through flooded area. Opened relief centres with aid of Marwari relief
fund in greatly distressed area. Your article may dishearten contributors. Any contri-
bution is welcome either large or small if Congress without funds. Kindly appeal
general public people. Starting one month’s food relief essential. Housing grant may
be left to Government. A lac of rupees will save a lac of people.”
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 473

277. TELEGRAM TO BOMBAY MUNICIPAL CORPORATION
[On or after August 12, 1924] 1
P RESIDENT
MUNICIPAL C ORPORATION
BOMBAY
YOUR WIRE. WILL GLADLY REACH BOMBAY 29TH .
GANDHI
278. LETTER TO NAGINDAS AMULAKHRAI2

S ABARMATI ,
August 13, 1924
I have gone through your first book 3 and was impressed by the
hard work you have put into it. The arrangement is on the whole quite
good. I have noticed nothing in it which could be considered
inconsistent with the author’s object. I see no improperity in its being
translated.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 2-11-1924

[August 13, 1924] 4
CHI. MATHURADAS,
If I possibly can I want to resume the habit of writing in ink.
I have been planning to write to you for the last three days.
1
This was in reply to a telegram from the President, Bombay Municipal
Corporation, dated August 11, 1924, received by Gandhiji on August 12, which read:
“Sir Cowasjee Jehangir Hall not available on thirtieth for presentation of
Corporation’s address to you. Do kindly make it convenient to accept the address on
Friday twenty ninth afternoon.”
2
The letter was written to the addressee in connection with the series entitled
‘Gandhi Shikshan’ edited and published by him in 1923.
3
Entitled Satyagraha, the series ran into thirteen books.
4
From Bapuni Prasadi

Today you have stolen a march over me. Your letter has arrived. You
have made a good collection. It will be of great help to Raja1 . It was
also necessary.
I have sent a telegram to Debji saying that it is not necessary to
attend the Sheriff’s meeting. Whatever the composition of the
committee we have only to help.
I am fully convinced that it is a mistake and a terrible one, to
expect me to pronounce on every matter. My reply to any question
would be determined by the way the question is put. I can even make
a mistake in replying that way. Everyone should draw corollaries from
the basic postulates.
You have not read what Nagindas has written.2 I have. I bow my
head to his zeal. He has written to me in great pain. I read the first
book. I have liked the arrangement. There is no violence done to the
meaning. He has taken a lot of trouble.
Finally, the main point which impelled me to write the letter. A
boy has to be found for Radha 3 . Let me know if there is any young
man you know in the Modh or some other Bania community. He
should be a simple man. He should not be greedy. He should be
healthy and should have respect for khadi. He should be of good
character. I am not worried if he has no money.
Collect the clothes.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar
1
C. Rajagopalachari was doing relief work for the flood victims in Malabar.
2
Vide "The Acid Test", 19-6-1924.
3
Daughter of Maganlal Gandhi
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 475

280. LETTER TO EDITOR, “TEJ”
Sravana Sud 13 [August 13, 1924]
BHAI GUPTA,
I daily bow, times without number, to that Krishna alone who is
the author of the Gita, who is the master of 16,000 senses, who is an
akhand brahmachari1 , who is free from passion and who is the Lord
of our hearts, and to none else.
[From Hindi]

CHI. INDRA,
At the present time, on every ceremonial occasion, I offer this
one prayer to God: “O God, change the hearts of Hindus and Mus-
lims alike, cleanse them of poison; fill them with love. Let them all
realize that they should spin for the sake of their poor countrymen.
Cleanse the hearts of the Hindus of all impurity and remove untouc-
hability.”What else can I send? I am sure your efforts will be crowned
with success.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
P ROF. I NDRA
“ARJUN” OFFICE
DELHI
282. PERTINENT QUESTIONS

A correspondent asks:
Are you in favour of the introduction of compulsory primary education
system in India? Is it unjust or unnecessary to make this education compul-
sory? If we get swarajya, in the present condition of our country, will you
1
One whose celibacy is inviolate
2

make primary education compulsory throughout the whole of India?
I fear I must answer the main question in the negative. I am not
quite sure that I would not oppose compulsory education at all times.
All compulsion is hateful to me. I would no more have the nation
become educated by compulsion than I would have it become sober
by such questionable means. But just as I would discourage drink by
refusing to open drink shops and closing existing ones, so would I
discourage illiteracy by removing obstacles in the path and opening
free schools and making them responsive to the people’s needs. But,
at the present moment, we have not even tried on any large scale the
experiment of free education. We have offered the parents no induce-
ments. We have not even sufficiently or at all advertised the value of
literacy. We have not the proper schoolmasters for the training. In my
opinion therefore, it is altogether too early to think of compulsion. I
am not even sure that the experiment in compulsory education. has
been uniformly successful wherever it has been tried. If the majority
wants education, compulsion is wholly unnecessary. If it does not,
compulsion would be most harmful. Only a despotic Government
passes laws in the teeth of the opposition of a majority. Has the
Government afforded full facilities for education to the children of
the majority? We have been compulsion-ridden for the past hundred
years or more. The State rules our life in its manifold details without
our previous sanction. It is time to use the nation to voluntary
methods even though, for the time being, there may be no response to
prayers, petitions and advice addressed to the nation. It has had little
response to its prayers. Nothing is more detrimental to the true growth
of society than for it to be habituated to the belief that no reform can
be achieved by voluntary effort. A people so trained become wholly
unfit for swaraj.
It follows from what I have said above that, if we got swaraj
today, I should resist compulsory education at least till every effort at
voluntary primary education has been honestly made and failed. Let
the reader not forget that there is more illiteracy in India today than
there was fifty years ago, not because the parents are less willing, but
because the facilities they had before have disappeared under a system
so foreign and unnatural for the country. The same thing is
happening today in Burma.
The writer’s other question is:
Are you in favour of primary education being compulsory by the
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 477

municipal and local bodies, by taking advantage of the present Compulsory
Primary Education Act, specially when it is possible to do so by the hearty
support of members of all shades of opinion?
This question has reference to Non-co-operators. I am of
opinion that it is not inconsistent with the Congress resolution to take
advantage of the Act if the councillors wish to do so. But for the
reasons mentioned, I should hesitate straightway to adopt compul-
sion. Before giving a decided opinion on merits and apart from the
fundamental objection to compulsion, I should like to know (l) whe-
ther attempt has been made to make primary education free and with
what result; (2) whether every parent has been canvassed and his
objection noted and met wherever it was reasonable. It is slovenly and
impatient to rush to compulsion without trying all available mild
means. It is not reasonable to assume that the majority of parents are
so foolish or heartless as to neglect the education of their children
even when it is brought to their doors free of charge.
283. WANTED EXCITEMENT

I present the readers with extracts from a letter received from a
lawyer who has made considerable sacrifice in the national cause.
When he non-co-operated, he sold out his books. He is now despon-
dent. He ends his letter by saying, ‘I have written this letter only to
relieve my surcharged mind. If it is ignored, I shall not feel disappo-
inted.’ I cannot ignore any genuine article. I have therefore adopted
the middle course. I have boiled down the letter by expunging sorro-
wful and admonitory portions. Here then are the extracts that call for
comment:
The charkha, Hindu-Muslim unity and removal of untouchability have
not appealed to the masses for the last two years. There is no sign of coming
change.
The No-changers should form their programme in conformity with
human nature. They should take into consideration that there must be
excitement to call forth mass enthusiasm. Satyagraha is the best form of
excitement But it should be a direct and open fight with the Government.
Intercommunal satyagraha is harmful. It only gives advantage to the
Government to fight in the darkness and behind the trenches at safe distance It

leaves plenty of way for intrigues and mischievous propaganda. To enter into
open fight with the Government strong issues should be selected on which
wider public sympathy can be enlisted. Any of the following issues will fulfil
these conditions, one of which may be selected.
1. Boycott of courts and establishment of arbitration in villages,
towns and cities with offices for registration of documents.
2. Boycott of currency by replacing it with hundis.
3. Suppression of drinks and intoxicating drugs.
I do not believe that we have worked enough among the masses
to entitle us to know that the three things do not appeal to them. What
experience we have of the masses, i.e., the villages, goes to show that
the charkha has appealed to them. They simply need organising But
we who claim to be their leaders refuse to go to the villages and live in
their midst and deliver the life-sustaining message of the charkha. The
writer simply does not know the masses. Or he should know that the
Hindu-Mussulman masses do not quarrel. Delhi is not a village. And
there, too, it would be a libel to say that the poor people quarrelled.
We incited them to the fratricidal fight. The untouchability is
undoubtedly a difficult point among the masses. It does, however,
appeal to them, only it appeals in a way we do not like. They hug the
exclusiveness which they have inherited for ages. But if we cannot, by
our purity, unselfishness and patience, cure them of the disease, we
must perish as a nation. The sooner every political reformer realizes
the fact the better it is for him and the country. We must refuse to give
up the struggle or postpone it till after swaraj. Postponement of it
means postponement of swaraj. fit is like wanting to live without
lungs. Those who believe that Hindu-Muslim tension and untouch-
ability can be removed after swaraj are living in the dreamland. They
are too fatigued to grasp the significance of their proposition. The
three things must be an integral part of any programme of swaraj. But
though the task is difficult, it is not impossible. I claim therefore that
this threefold programme of construction is in strict conformity with
human nature as it exists in India. It is in keeping with the daily
requirements of a people that is bent on making progress.
But the friend says, there must be ‘excitement’. I do not know
what the word means. For workers there is enough excitement in the
three things. Go to any village, put up a wheel and call the villagers to
embrace their untouchable brethren. The children will dance round
the forgotten wheel and the villagers will be inclined to pelt you out of
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 479

their midst for asking them to embrace the untouchables unless you
ask them in a reasonable and sweet way. This is ‘excitement’ that
giveth life. But there is another variety of it which ‘kills’. It is
momentary excitement that blinds people and makes them create a
splash for a moment. That kind of excitement cannot bring swaraj. I
can conceive its use for a fighting people prepared to wrest power
from other hands. The problem in India is not quite so simple. We are
not prepared and we are not fighters with arms. The Englishmen do
not rule merely by force. They have seductive ways also. They can
carefully conceal their fist in soft-looking gloves. The moment we
show intelligent organization, honest but unbendable purpose and
perfect and disciplined cohesion, they will hand over the whole
administration to us without a blow and serve India on our terms, as
we today unwittingly or unwillingly slave for them on their terms.
Satyagraha is not excitement of the second variety. It dies in
such atmosphere. It needs the development of calm courage that
knows no defeat and despises revenge. Even intercommunal satya-
graha (if it is satyagraha) strengthens the nation for fighting the
Government. The unseemly fight between No-changers and Pro-chan-
gers is not satyagraha in any sense of the term. The disgraceful events
of Delhi are clearly not satyagraha. The only instances of inter
communal satyagraha are the Vaikom and Tarkes-hwar. I know
something of Vaikom because I am supposed to be directing it. It
must succeed if the satyagrahis are patient, absolutely truthful,
absolutely non-violent, yes, in thought, word and deed, and if they are
gentle towards their opponents and remain fixed to their minimum. If
they fulfil the conditions, the orthodox Hindus will bless them and
they will strengthen and not weaken the national cause. Of Tarkeshwar
I know next to nothing. But the result can only be good if it is true
satyagraha.
The correspondent’s method of bringing about a state of ‘exci-
tement’ is in keeping with his misunderstanding of satyagraha. He
does not realize that arbitration courts and registration of documents,
if they have the element of compulsion in them, must defeat the very
end the writer has in view. And if they are devoid of compulsion, they
will offer less excitement than the wheel if only because no one will
care to register documents in private courts. Boycott of currency
without the stick behind will be still less exciting. I would give much
to be able to revive liquor shops picketing if a calm atmosphere can

be established and ‘peaceful’ picketing can be found. Experience
shows that our picketing in 192I was not all peaceful.
True solution is to he found from within. It is not the masses but
we that have lost faith. For the correspondent, who is in charge of a
Congress committee, says that resignations arc pouring in upon him.
Why? Because those who are resigning have no faith in the
programme. Whereas hitherto they were playing, now they are taking
themselves and the nation seriously. They are responding to truth. I
regard these resignations a distinct gain to the cause. If all play the
game and either carry out the resolutions or resign, we should know
where we are. To the secretary in charge I would suggest that he
should invite the electors, if there are any at all on his register, to elect
their representatives. If the members were practically self-appointed,
as I fear is the case in many places, the secretary may safely remain
the sole true representative of the Congress, if he has faith in himself
and the programme. He is then free to devote his whole time and
attention to spinning. I promise that he will not find himself the only
one so devoted to spinning. There is no cause for despondency for a
man who has faith and resolution.
284. THE MORAL OF IT

I have seen the letter addressed to the A.I.K.B. by the Punjab
local secretary in which he speaks in glowing terms of Mr. Bharucha’s
efforts during his all-too-brief stay there. He has been able to infuse
vigour into the khadi movement and to assist in disposing of the
surplus khadi by hawking. Over six thousand rupees worth was sold in
Amritsar and Lahore. The secretary says that this is the slack season in
the Punjab. Could Mr. Bharucha go again in September, when all who
have gone out will have returned, there will be much more work done.
I congratulate Mr. Bharucha on his success and hope that he will be
able to revisit the Punjab. The moral, however, of the visit is that every
province, if it wills, can dispose of its own khadi. The people are
willing if the workers are ready.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 481

285. NOTES
MR. K ELKAR ’S C ONTEMPT
I do not think Mr. Kelkar or tie Kesari will lose by the punish-
ment awarded by the learned judges of the Bombay High Court. Both
will survive the fine. Mr. Kelkar has earned the congratulations of
journalists and public men on the brave stand he took up. The judg-
ment has only enhanced the status of the Kesari, great as it already is.
But why this extreme sensitiveness on the part of the judges? They will
surely not lose by fearless public criticism. It may not be always
justified or defensible. I have not seen the articles which constituted
the contempt. But what is the public gain from the punishment? Will
Mr. Kelkar or the public think more kindly of the judges? If the
articles merely impute bias to the judges, they have but echoed public
opinion. The bias need not be conscious. Bat popular belief is that it is
there in cases between Europeans and Indians. My own experience,
wide in South Africa and comparatively limited here, confirms the
popular belief. The analysis which I published in these columns of the
judgments in 1919 of the special tribunals in the Punjab undoubtedly
established the charge of bias against the judges of these tribunals in
the Punjab.1 Justice as between Europeans and Indians is a rare
commodity. I would like to think otherwise. But it has not been possi-
ble. I am prepared to admit that, under similar circumstances, any-
body else would have done likewise. That is another way of saying
that human nature is the same in all climes. And judges are but human
beings having the same frailties and are guided by the same feelings
as the average man. I would, therefore, respectfully point out to the
judges that, if they resent public criticism in the manner they appear
to have done in the Kesari case, they shut themselves against healthy
influence. Surely it must serve as a tonic for judges when a journalist
of Mr. Kelkar’s status and experience finds it necessary to criticize a
judgment. European judges, if they will struggle against natural bias
and one sided influences that operate upon them, should, in my
humble opinion, encourage and welcome the criticism of Indian
journalists. The pity of it is that they rarely, if at all, read such criti-
cism except when it comes up before them for punishment. The
1
Vide “Congress Report on the Punjab Disorders”, 25-3-1920.

judgment against Mr. Kelkar may make editors conceal their opinion
or gild it. It will then seek a subterranean passage. We have already
more than our ordinary share of it. I cannot help saying that the
punishment awarded against Mr. Kelkar is calculated to increase the
falsity of the life that surrounds us and still further to embitter the
relations between Europeans and Indians. It was so unnecessary.
‘KING C AN DO NO WRONG ’
Mr. Kelkar, if he criticizes a judge, must pay Rs. 5,000, the
Chronicle must pay Rs. 15,000 for criticizing a Collector. But Lord
Lytton, because he is the King’s representative in Bengal, may libel
the womanhood of India with impunity and may probably receive
applause from his admirers for his ‘frank’ talk. His Excellency is
reported to have said in a serious speech that ‘mere hatred of autho-
rity can drive Indian men to induce Indian women to invent offences
against their own honour merely to bring discredit upon Indian
policemen.’ If it was not in a report of his speech, but if it was merely
a reporter’s summary, I would have refused to believe that a respon-
sible Englishman could be capable of such a ‘blazing indiscretion’.
Lord Lytton evidently does not know or does not care to know how
deeply Indian sentiment can be stirred by such charges against Indian
women. Has Lord Lytton incontestable proof for the assertion he has
made? If it is merely the testimony of the police he has relied upon,
he has relied upon, a broken reed. His advisers should have warned
him against putting faith in any such interested testimony. But why
has he been able to utter such calumny with impunity? If public
opinion in Bengal, and for that matter in India, was effective, he would
not have dared to utter such a charge even if it could be established in
an isolated case? But there is no public opinion in the country that can
assert itself today. Let not even the mightiest in the land, however,
consider that they can flout Indian sentiment for ever. Hindu-Muslim
feud and the differences between Pro-changers and and No-changers
are temporary aberrations in the national movement. But the insults of
Englishmen in high places sink deep in the hearts of all Indians. It is
so humiliating to contemplate a closing up of all ranks among us on
the strength of indiscreet acts of irresponsible representatives of the
King.
A BUSINESS-LIKE R EPORT
The Tamil Nadu Khadi Board has sent to the A.I.K.B. an
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 483

excellent resume of its work. If I had space at my command, I should
give the whole report. As it is, I must be content with giving a
summary. It deals with production and sales in the centres under its
control. The secretary expects soon to be able to manufacture Rs.
50,000 worth of khadi per month. The Tirpur depot now produces
between 15 to 20 thousand rupees worth per month. Local sales keep
pace with the production. And thus sales and production react upon
each other. They are steadily improving the quality of khadi and are
now trying to introduce coloured khadi saris. For production they
begin, as is only proper, with storing cotton. They have purchased Rs.
50,000 worth of cotton which is all insured. Training depots too have
been established where young workers are trained to gill, card and
spin. The disbursements appear to me to be modest and they have full
check over their departments. At their model training school at Kovur,
they have over a dozen youths at present under training. These are
under severe discipline. They rise early in the morning at 4-30 and
attend to all the labour themselves. They become used to all the
variety of carding-bows and wheels. An interesting table is attached to
the report giving the quantity of cotton ginned, carded and spun by
every scholar under training. The special feature of their propaganda
consists in organizing bhajan parties resulting in much interest being
taken in their work. At Kovur about 50 homes possess cloths of yarn
of their own spinning. Let the reader imagine what concentration,
method, business habits, honesty, organizing ability and co-operation
must be required for such work. Let him next imagine one such
district fully organized for khadi and self-contained. It is then easy
for him to know that for that district at least there is swaraj. Let him be
certain that, steady as the progress is, the district will not be fully
equipped for khadi unless the curse of untouchability is removed
from it. For voluntary production and distribution, there must be
voluntary co-operation. That call only come when the least of the
inhabitants feels a pride in being a free citizen of that little common-
wealth.
P ROMPT ACTION
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has sent the following to the U.P.
Government regarding the proscription of Prof. Ramdas Gaur’s Hindi
readers:
The attention of the United Provinces Provincial Congress Committee has
been drawn to the notice issued by the U.P. Government declaring, under

Section 99 A of Act V of 1898, all copies of Prof. Ram Das Gaur’s Hindi
readers Nos. III, IV, V and VI as well as extracts therefrom, ‘forfeited to His
Majesty’. These readers have been in used forsome years past in a large number
of schools. Their principal contents are extracts from classical Hindi writers
and it is difficult to understand what passages or extracts in the books are
supposed to offend against section 124A of the Indian Penal Code. I shall be
obliged if you will kindly point out the particular passages which in the
opinion of Government are objectionable and have led to the proscription of
the books. My committee will carefully consider these passages and, if they
are satisfied of their impropriety, will certainly advise Prof. Gaur to remove
them from his books. I shall be glad if you will kindly send me an early answer
as the books are being used in many schools connected with my committee.
The Pandit has sent a similar letter to the U.P. Minister of
Education. The public will watch the developments with curiosity.
Meanwhile, the publishers are said to have filed legal proceedings for
setting aside the order. The books have been sold in thousands. The
Government will, therefore, be hard put to it to confiscate all the
books unless the boys and girls voluntarily destroy theme As yet there
is no movement in that direction. On the contrary, the books are still
in use as before. But, of course, the Government may have many cards
up its sleeve and may be able in its own time to confound those who
are harbouring these tainted books. The public will be glad to learn
that the learned author has kept no copyright in the books.
A WELCOME C ORRECTION
The convenor of U.P. Khadi Board wires to say ‘figures pub-
lished last week for U.P.. do not show total number registered to spin.
Registers are being sent in as we receive lists from subordinate
committees.’ I welcome the correction and look forward to a list that
will eclipse Bengal. For next to Bengal, U.P. is the most thickly popu-
lated of our provinces.
ORTHODOX P ROTEST
The President of Savarna Mahajan Sabha at Vaikom sends me
letter enclosing resolutions protesting against my countenancing
satyagraha at Vaikom and urging me to stop it. The writer tells me
that I have been misled by my informants. I have endeavoured to
study both the sides impartially and I have come to the conclusion
that the satyagrahis have, on the whole, been scrupulously correct in
their conduct and that they have been sustaining the struggle under
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 485

trying Circumstances. I am sorry to say that I am, therefore, unable to
satisfy the orthodox friends and advise withdrawal of satyagraha.
A GOD -SEND
Even the Roods, though they have been merciless to Malabar in
general, seem to have favoured the suppressed countrymen. For I read
the following in a letter to Mr. Rajagopalachari from the Satyagraha
Camp at Vaikom:
The question of temple-entry and social equality has been solved m
more than a dozen places by the floods by the collecting of all people of all
castes and creeds in the temples and houses which are otherwise forbidden.
Even interdining between Nambudri and Pulaya has been effected by the fury of
the gods. The floods in the State have completely isolated Vaikom.
Common misery is the most adhesive cement yet known to the
world. It is so cruel that it is no respecter of persons. It puts the prince
and the peasant in the same watery grave.
QUIET WORK
Again, how is it possible to advise stoppage of a movement
which shows so much grit as is described in the following from the
same letter?
In spite of the bad weather conditions, no effort is spared in the char-
kha work in the Ashram. Almost all the volunteers know to spin well and the
charkhas are being sent to the barricades except during heavy showers. Half
the number have learnt to card and I am making it compulsory that the
spinners must use their own carded cotton. Tape-making is also going on. Ere
long we will set up a loom.
I must respectfully refuse to believe that cultured young men
doing such honest work in the faith that it purifies them and helps
them in their struggle against passion and prejudice can possibly
deceive the public or me. They have no interest in so doing. For their
faith is in their work.
IT MELTS S TONES
But the president of the meeting in his letter says, “You seem to
think that satyagraha, when offered to a brother will gradually melt
away the opposition of the latter and win him over to the side of the
satyagrahi. This is not our experience here.” I do not wonder that the
hearts of the orthodox have not yet been touched by the sufferings of
the satyagrahis. They have not suffered long enough yet nor intensely

enough. Even suffering cannot be manufactured. They must take
whatever God may have in store for them. If He wants them to have to
linger away in suffering, they must Submit to it cheerfully. They
dare not shirk the severest trial nor may they dare stage-play suffer-
ing. That was one of my reasons against the Sikh friends resis-ting
arrests and inviting fire. My uniform experience is that true suffering
melts the stoniest hearts. With my own eldest brother, it took fully
thirteen years. I do not reproduce all the letters I received from
English friends. But some of them are humble recognitions of the evil
done (true enough in ignorance) by the English rulers. What are these
recognitions if they are not in conscious response to suffering?
Nothing can shake me from the conviction that given a good cause,
suffering for its sake advances it as nothing else has ever done. To the
orthodox Hindus I need net point out the sovereign efficacy of
tapasya. And satyagraha is nothing but tapasya for Truth.
A DISTURBING ITEM
There is however in the president’s letter a disturbing item. I
must give it in his own words as follows:
I bring to your notice an incident that took place at Chenganur under
the auspices of the adherents of the Congress party on 6th July, 1924. This was
a savarna meeting announced to be held at the place. A representative of our
committee was also invited to attend. By the machinations of a mischie-vous
clique, the meeting was subjected to a set of resolutions which were quite
contrary to the propositions adopted for presentation at the meeting. Our
representative and several other savarna members immediately left the hall
and called up another meeting composed of very respectable caste Hindus at
the residence of the Vanjipozhey chief, the premier landlord of Chenganur.
Leave this alone, however gruesome and treacherous the tactics be. What we
painfully deplore is that an organized attempt was made to vilify and hoot him
and to lay hands on him if possible. He had to come away from the place
without giving scent of his departure. This incident I refer to you just to bring
to your notice the manner in which Congress propagandism is pursued in
Travancore now.
I ask conductors of the campaign to send me an explanation
which I shall gladly print. They will not, I trust, hesitate to admit the
error if any has been committed.
R EPORTERS BEWARE !
The A.P. reporter in Ahmedabad lost me (temporarily I hope)
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 487

all the reputation for humanity that I had built up through painful
toil. For he reported me as saying that the only message I could send
to afflicted Malabar was that those who were rendered naked and
hungry and homeless should spin of Mr. Painter may receive Rs.
I5,000 for damage to his reputation, I think I should receive at least
Rs. 1,50,000 for damage done to mine. And if I could receive that
sum, I should retrieve somewhat my lost reputation and make over the
sum without deduction to the Malabar sufferers. But unlike Mr.
Painter, I acquit both the reporter and the agency from all blame. The
local reporter tells me he was not present at the meeting. The people
who attended the meeting heard little, but the listeners thought I had
said something about spinning. What would be more natural for me
than that I should ask the Malabar suffers to Spill for food, clothing
and lodging? Was not the great Acharya Ray doing the same thing?
The poor reporter forgot that Dr. Ray was doing it after the people
had settled down. However, the awful slip is a lesson for the reporters
and the public. The reporters hold the reputation of public men in the
hollow of their hands. It is not a light thing to misreport public men’s
speeches and acts. The public have to be equally careful about
believing every report. a., gospel truth. So far as I am concerned, I
must continue to warn the public and all concerned against believing
what may be reported of me unless it . is certified by me as correct. I
am in no hurry to have every word oft mine reported The reporters
would, therefore, dome a favour, if they would not report me at all
when they cannot get their notes confirmed by me.
I am obliged to say all this because I have many painful
memories of misreporting. In I896 I published in India a pamphlet
covering 30 pages or more on British Indians in South Africa 1 . A
five-line summary was cabled by Reuter to Natal2 . It was wholly
contrary to the gist of my pamphlet. This very incorrect report
inflamed the Natal colonists. I was nearly lynched to death by an
infuriated crowd on my return to Natal. Lawyer friends pressed me to
bring a suit for damages. But I was a non-resister even then. I refused
to sue.3 I lost nothing by not suing. When the colonist perceived that I
was not a ‘bad sort’. and that they had cruelly misjudged me, they
1
Vide “The credentials”, 14-8-1896 to “Notes on the Grievances of the British
Indians in South Africa”, 22-09-1896
2
Vide “Memorial to Secretary of States for the Colonies”, 15-03-1897
3
ibid.

regretted the error. I therefore, in the end lost nothing by self-res-
traint. But I have no desire to court another such experience even
though it may bring me added glory. I want to put in more work, if
God so wills it. I must, therefore, ask the reporters to spare me yet a
while.
HELP TO MALABAR
I have not written the foregoing lines merely be put reporters
and the public on their guard. Under the best of circumstances
suchmistakes will occur. I am satisfied that there was no wilful neglect
either in Ahmedabad or at the headquarters. But I wish to utilize the
occasion for getting more money for the sufferers. I invite all those
who were indignant over my supposed callousness to send me as
much as they can towards helping the sufferers. I have invited the
readers of Navajivan not merely to give me out of their savings, but
even out of their necessaries, to share their clothes and food With the
sufferers. The response has been quick and generous. The students of
the Mahavidyalaya have, after the style of Shraddhhanandji’s Pupils
of the Gurukul during the South African campaign, been doing
manual work at labourers’ wages on the very premises that are being
built for them. The possibilities of such effort are immense. Boys
and girls even under 12 have given up milk for a number of days, the
savings to be devoted to the relief fund. This means in some cases 3
annas per day. Adults are denying themselves one meal per day.
Boys and girls are giving up their clothes, retaining for them-
selves the veriest minimum. A girl has given up her silver anklets. A
boy has given up his valued gold ear-rings. 4 sister has sent in her
four heavy gold bangles, another her heavy gold necklace. These are
not exhaustive but typical instances. A little girl brought out all the
coppers she had stolen. The National College students and others have
given me heaps of yarn they have already spun. Others propose to
spin for a certain period daily on behalf of the sufferers.
These to me are more precious than the donations in the next
column, generous as they are in several cases.
May these offerings, but especially the little offerings and self
denials of the little ones, give comfort to the homeless, hungry and
naked men, women and children of the afflicted areas. I invite the
readers of Young India who have not paid elsewhere to the fund to
send their quota. Telegrams before me tell me that clothing will be
just as welcome as money. The poorest must identify themselves with
their countrymen in Malabar by some act of self-denial.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 489

C LOTHING
With reference to clothing being received in abundance, I wish
to inform readers that no distinction is being made as to handspun or
other clothing. Those who haste still got mill or foreign clothes
may send these. Inquiry has been made in Bombay as to where
clothing should be delivered. I suggest arrangements being made with
the Provincial Congress Committee. Pending such arrangements,
delivery may be made at the Navajivan depot in the Princess Street,
Bombay. Donors will however please note the following instructions:
1. Dirty clothes should be washed and folded.
2. Torn clothes should be mended and folded.
3. All clothing should be well packed and tied in parcels with list
of clothing and name of donor attached.
These will not be acknowledged separately in these columns.
But donors will do well not to deliver anything without a receipt being
obtained at the office of delivery. I would warn donors from paying
or giving any article to anyone without taking a full receipt and know-
ing the collectors.
Whilst it flatters my pride to receive monies and jewellery and
clothing at the Navajivan and Young India offices, I would ask the
readers not to worry where they make their donations. They may pay
wherever they like. It is enough 50 long as they pay. In a calamity of
such magnitude as that through which the South is passings there
should be no distinction between co-operators and non-co-operators.
As for the funds being sent to me, I am conferring with Mr. Vallabh-
bhai as to the best method of distribution. I am in correspondence
with Mr. Rajagopalachari regarding the disposal, but if those who have
been sending me wires will kindly send their suggestions I shall be
grateful for them.

286. TELEGRAM TO MAHOMED ALI
[SABARMATI ,
August 15, 1924] 1
PROPOSE MEET SHAUKATALI TONIGHT AND START TOMORROW
MORNING METRE GAUGE. MACHINERY NOT YET DISPATCHED.
ASKING SWAMI SEND LIST. HOPE BIAMMA ALL RIGHT.
GANDHI
287. TELEGRAM TO C. F. ANDREWS2

[August 15, 1924] 3
C HARLIE ANDREWS
DWARKANATH TAGORE LANE
C ALCUTTA
WELCOME. HOPE YOU ARE STRONG. LOVE FROM ALL. GOING
DELHI TOMORROW.
MOHAN
1
This was in reply to a telegram from Mahomed Ali received on August 15,
1924, which read: “Please start immediately if possible catching fifteen morning
mail. Failing that broad gauge mail via Baroda. Reconciliation probably if you come.
Wire departure.”
2
This was in reply to a telegram from C. F. Andrews dated August 14, 1924,
which read: “Arrived safely. My dearest love. Sending articles.”
3
Gandhiji left for Delhi on August 16, 1924. This telegram was sent a day
before.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 491

288. TELEGRAM TO HAKIM AJMAL KHAN1
[AHMEDABAD ,
August 15, 1924]
LEAVING FOR DELHI TOMORROW MORNING. HEALTH TOLERABLE.
HOPE YOU AND DAUGHTER WELL. ARE YOU COMING
DELHI.
GANDHI
289. LETTER TO DR. SAIFUDDIN KITCHLEW

S ABARMATI ,
August 15, 1924
DEAR DR. KITCHLEW,
An unknown correspondent has sent me a cutting from Arjun. I
had it translated in Urdu. Will you please go through it and let me
know what truth, if any, there is in it?
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI

S ABARMATI ,
August 15, 1924
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I thank you for your letter.
I am sharing with you my whole soul.
The more I think of it the more my soul rises against a battle for
power at Belgaum. But I do not want to be mixed up with the Councils
programme. This can only happen by Swarajists’ manning the
Congress or their not acting upon the Congress. I am quite willing to
follow whichever course commend itself to you and our friends. With
1
This was in reply to a telegram from Hakim Ajmal Khan dated August 14,
1924, and received on the 15th, which read: “Wire health and when do you go Delhi.”

me in the Congress, the Councils, etc., should remain out of it. Then l
can assist you. Or with them In the Congress, I must be practically out
of it. I would then gladly occupy the place I did from 1915 to 1918.
My purpose is not to weaken the power of the Swarajists, certainly not
to embarrass them. Show me the way and I shall try my best to suit
you. If there is anything not quite clear in this, please ask.
I am off to Delhi tomorrow in reply to Mahomed Ali’s wire.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai; also
S.N. 10117
291. LETTER TO RAJA OF KANIKA

S ABARMATI
August 15, 1924
DEAR RAJA SAHEB,
I must apologize for not having acknowledged your two letters
earlier. I wanted to study the papers on my file before replying. I am
so pressed for time 1 that I have not yet been able to study them. I
hope to do so soon and write to you further. Thanking you for pro-
mise of prompt attention,
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
RAJA OF KANIKA
ORISSA
292. LETTER TO SONJA SCHLESIN

S ABARMATI ,
August 15, l 924
MY DEAR MISS SCHLESIN,
Though late in the day, your letter was most welcome. If you
wanted to make it a model of neatness, you have failed badly. The
same slovenliness, the same smudging. I can almost see your inky
1
The source has: “I am so pressed for work”.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 493

fingers in your letter. Here is the certificate 1 you want. You will be
entitled to accuse me of untruthfulness in that I have not certified to
your slovenliness. Let me hope the new ‘master’ will fare better. I
must refuse to plead guilty to all the charges you have noted against
me. Why should I care about giving you a ‘business certificate’? But
how are the mighty fallen ! Regarding the £24, I thought the draft of
150 included the amount. However, I am writing to Parsee Rustomji to
write off the whole of the balance, whatever it might be, of the £150.
My health is fair. Now that you have commenced to write, will
you continue?
The rest I must leave to2 Ramdas to deal with.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
ENCLOSURE
S ATYAGRAHASHRAM ,
S ABARMATI ,
August 15, 1924 3
Miss Sonja Schlesin served me as confidential secretary in South
Africa for nearly seven years and during a most important part of my
public life. She was entrusted with heavy responsibilities including
account-keeping, involving transactions extending to four figures at a
time. She came in touch with hundreds of people belonging to
different races and nationalities. During my last incarceration in South
Africa, she was in sole charge of my affairs. I never once had reason
to doubt her integrity or ability. Indeed, she did not work for the sake
of pay but for the sake of the work itself which she loved. Her services
were available to me at all times of the day. Her knowledge of
shorthand and literary talents were of great assistance to me. I could
not wish for a better secretary. I should like to hear that she was
entrusted with a post requiring close attention, strictest honesty and
ability.
The letter is from the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary and the enclosure
from a photostat: S.N. 10118
1
Vide the enclosure.
2
The source has ‘ideal with”.
3
The source has “1914”, a slip of the pen.

293. LETTER TO K. NATARAJAN
S ABARMATI ,
August, 15, 1924
DEAR MR. NATRAJAN,
Before I went to jail I wrote to Mr. Petit asking if Pandit
Benarasidas could be paid out of the I. C. A. 1 funds in connection
with his work regarding Indians overseas. I was given to understand in
the jail that Mr. Petit was prepared to recommend half the amount
asked. Mr. Petit however has no recollection of this. Pandit Benarasi-
das gives to the Gujarat National College during College months
about two hours per day for teaching Hindi. The rest of his time
including the long vacations of four months he devotes wholly to the
work for Indians overseas. He has made this cause his own and has
become an expert in these matters. Mr. Petit admits the value of the
Pandit’s services, but says he should be in Bombay. Pandit Benarasi-
das is a quiet man of a retiring disposition. He is essentially a student.
I have placed at his disposal rooms at the Ashram where he is staying.
I do not think that his work will be more valuable for his stay in
Bombay. Of course, he can go to Bombay whenever his presence is
required. The Pandit is at present being paid Rs. 130 per month, on
my recommendation, by the Gujarat Vidyapith. His co-worker,
Totaramji of Fiji, who is also living at the Ashram is being paid Rs. 50
out of Ashram funds. Rs. 50 are paid for the expenses on postage,
wires, etc., incurred by the Pandit. But I feel that it is not right to
saddle the College or the Ashram with the expenses when the largest
part of his time is given to the overseas work. I therefore feel that the
Association should pay at least of the past expenses, and in future _ of
the Rs. 230 disbursed monthly by the College and Ashram. Will you
please let me know if my proposal appeals to you?2
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the typewritten office copy: S.N. 9989
1
Imperial Citizenship Association
2
Acknowledging this letter, Natarajan replied, Inter alia: “ . . . I think it may be
possible to meet your wishes as regards the payment of a proportion of the expenses
incurred by you out of the Ashram Funds for the work on behalf of Pandit Benarasidas
and Totaramji. . . I do not think that there will be any objection to Panditji and
Totaramji submitting a monthly account either in the form of a diary or otherwise, as
you may suggest ...”
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 495

294. LETTER TO JAMNADAS GANDHI
Sravana Vad 1 [August 15, 1924] 1
CHI. JAMNADAS 2 ,
Take Revashankerbhai’s advice. I see no harm in utilizing
Doctor Saheb’s money3 for the building.
I am leaving for Delhi tomorrow. The agitation will subside by
itself.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . J AMNADAS K . G ANDHI
OPP. M IDDLE S CHOOL
NAVA P ARA, R AJKOT
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 6027. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
1
Gandhiji left for Delhi on August 16, 1924. The letter was written a day
earlier. In 1924, Sravana Vad I fell on August 15.
2
Jamnadas Khushalchand Gandhi; Gandhiji’s nephew; joined Phoenix in
1911; principal, National School, Rajkot, from 1929 to 1937
3
Money donated by Dr. Pranjivan Mehta

APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
SWARAJISTS’ STATEMENT ON COUNCIL-ENTRY1

May 22, 1924
We are obliged to Mahatma Gandhi for the trouble he has taken to discuss with
us the various points involved in the question of Council-entry and are indebted to
his courtesy for the opportunity we have had of seeing an advance copy of the
statement he has issued to the Press. The views expressed by him in the course of con-
versation and those embodied in the Press statement have all been considered by us
with care and attention due to his great personality, but with all the reverence we
entertain for him and his opinions, we remain unconvinced by his reasoning.
We regret we have not been able to convince Mahatma Gandhi of the sound-
ness of the Swarajist position regarding Council-entry. We fail to understand how
such entry can be regarded as inconsistent with the doctrine of the Non-co-operation
resolution of the Nagpur Congress.
But if non-co-operation is more a matter of mental attitude than of the appli-
cation of a living principle to the existing facts of our national life with special refe-
rence to the varying attitudes of the bureaucratic Government which rules that life, we
conceive it to be our duty to sacrifice even non-co-operation to serve the real
interests of the country.
In our view this principle includes self-reliance in all activities which make
for the healthy growth of the nation and resistance to the bureaucracy as it impedes
our pro-gress towards swaraj. We are, however, anxious to end this fruitless verbal
discussion making it clear, however, that Council-entry is and can be thoroughly
consistent with the principle of non-co-operation as we understand that principle to
be.
We desire further to make it clear that we have not used in our programme the
word ‘obstruction’ in the technical sense of English Parliamentary history. Obstruc-
tion in that sense is impossible in subordinate and limited Legislative bodies, such as
the Legislative Assembly and Provincial Legislatures under the Reforms Act undou-
btedly are. Possibly another word should have been found to convey our rneaning. We
may state, however, that our position is really not so much of obstruction in the
Parliamentary sense as that of resistance to the obstruction placed in our path to
1
This was issued jointly by C. R. Das and Motilal Nehru on behalf of the
Swaraj Party.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 497

swaraj by the bureaucratic Government. It is this resistance which we meant to imply
when we used the word obstruction. This was clearly indicated in the way we defined
and described non-co-operation in the preamble to the constitution of the Swaraj
Party. It is the removal of such bureaucratic obstruction which we feel we must
emphasize. This is the policy which we have hitherto followed in the Legis-lative
bodies and it is this policy which must in future be more and more effectively directed
to the varying needs and problems of our national life.
Here again we are anxious to end all verbal discussion as to whether this can be
aptly described as a policy of “uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction”. We
are content to detail our policy and then leave it to our friends to give it a more appro-
priate name, should they so desire.
In the light of this principle and policy, we would here state our future pro-
gramme of action within and outside the Legislative bodies.
Within the Legislative bodies we must continue:
(1) To threw out budgets unless and until the system of Government is altered
in recognition of our rights or as a matter of settlement between the Parliament and
the people of this country. In justification of this step, all that we need point out are a
few salient facts connected with the budget in the Central Government, which are
more or less true of Provincial budgets also. Out of a total of 131 crores (excluding
Railways), only 16 crores are votable. Further, out of the non-votable amount, as
much as 67 crores, i.e., more than half the amount of the budget, is for military
expenditure. It is thus clear that the people of this country have a right to vote only
on less than one eighth of the total amount of the budget, and even the exercise of
this limited right is subject to the power of restoration in the Governor-General.1 It
is, therefore, clear that the people have neither any voice in the framing of the budget
nor any control over those who frame it. They have no power either over the raising
of the revenue or its expenditure. On what principle then, may we ask, is it our duty to
pass such a budget and take the responsibility of being a party to it? We have no
doubt the support of many self respecting men in the country in holding, as we do,
that it is, our clear duty to throw out such budget in all Legislative bodies, unless and
until this vicious system is changed.
(2) To throw out all proposals for legislative enactments by which the
burearcracy proposes to consolidate its power. It is conceivable that some good may
incidentally result from a few of such measures but we are clearly of opinion that in
the larger interests of the country it is better to temporarily sacrifice such little
benefit rather than add an iota to the powers of the bureaucracy which already
irresistible.
1
Section 67-A of the Government of India Act empowered the Governor-
General in-Council to restore cuts if that course was considered necessary.

(3) To introduce all resolutions, measures and bills which are necessary for the
healthy growth of our national life and the consequent displacement of the bureau-
cracy. We heartily accept the suggestion made by Mahatma Gandhi in his statement
and we think that the resolution mentioned by him in support of the cons-tructive
programme of the Congress should certainly be accepted by the Swaraj Party. The
principle of self-reliance and resistance to the bureaucratic obstructions upon which
we have hitherto acted, calls for their adoption, and if the constructive work of the
Congress comes within the principle of non-co-operation, no less do these
resolutions although they represent constructive activity within the Legislative
bodies
(4) To follow a definite effective policy based on the same principle to
prevent the drain of public wealth from India by checking all activities leading to
exploitation.
To make this policy effective we should take and occupy every place which is
open to the members of the Central and Provincial Legislatures by election. In our
opinion we should not only fill elective posts, but serve on every committee when it
is possible to invite the attention of the members of our party to this important
question and we call upon them to decide this matter as soon as possible.
Our policy outside the Legislative bodies should be as follows:
In the first place, we should give our whole-hearted support to the cinstructive
programme of Mahatma Gandhi and work that programme unitedly through the
Congress organizations. We are decidedly of opinion that our Council work must
necessarily lose much of its strength without the backing of the outside constructive
work; for it is not inside but outside The legislatures that we must look her the
sanction without which the effective carding out of our Council policy is impossible.
Indeed in the matter of constructive work the mutual support of both inside and
outside activity must, in our opinion, give strength to the very sanction upon which
we rely. In this connections we un-hestiatingly accept the suggestion of Mahatma
Gandhi regarding civil disobedience. We can assure him that the moment we find that
it is impossible to meet the selfish obstinancy of the bureaucracy without civil
disobedience, we will retire from the Legislative bodies and help him to prepare the
country for such civil disobedience, if by that time the country has not already
become prepared, and we will then unreservedly place ourselves under his guidance
and work through the Congress organization under his banner in order that we may
unitedly work out a substantial programme of civil disobedience.
In the second place, we must supplement the work of the Congress by helping
labour and peasant organizations throughout the country. The problem of labour is
always a difficult problem to solve in every country, but in India the difficulties are
greater. On the one hand we must find out a way of organization by which we can
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 499

prevent exploitation of labour by capitalists or by landlords, but on the other hand
we must be on our guard to see that those very organizations may not themselves be
the source of oppression by nursing extravagant and unreasonable demands. Labour
undoubtedly requires protection, but so do industrial enterprises. Our organization
must protect both from exploitation and the Trade Union Congress must be so
organized as to be able to serve this useful purpose. We bold that in the long run the
real interests of both and the country at large are identical.
We feel happy that we have had this opportunity of putting our views before
the country side by side with Mahatma Gandhi’s opinion, for we feel certain that the
perusal will make it obvious that, notwithstanding some differences of view, there is
an abiding and fundamental unity amongst both parties of the Indian National
Congress. Both parties feel the necessity of working the constructive programme
whether within or outside the Legislative bodies. In this direction, we feel confident,
lies the germ of a fruitful alliance between Mahatma Gandhi and the Swaraj Party. Our
joint effort in the same or different directions will furnish a fitting answer to the
bureaucracy unwilling to recognize the rights and liberty of the Indian people, and we
emphatically assert that, in our determination to work with the same object in the
same or different spheres is expressed the determination of the Indian nation to bring
the struggle for swaraj to a successful issue.
The Voice of Freedom, pp. 519-23
APPENDIX II
LETTER FROM BHAGWAN DAS
BANARAS ,
June 5, 1924
TO THE EDITOR, YOUNG INDIA
DEAR SIR,
I have read, as many thousands of others must have read, with anxious care and
deep attention, your weighty pronouncement on “Hindu-Muslim Tension: Its Cause
and Cure”, in Young India for 29-5-1924. The many fairly well-known (but not
equally well-realized) truths which it puts plainly, frankly, freely, in admirable
language, will now be brought home to millions (through translations), by the autho-
rity of your profoundly trusted sincerity, as they were not before. Yet it seems to me
that a deeper diagnosis of the Cause and a more radical prescription for the Cure are
needed. I, therefore, in compliance with your own footnote, submit a few questions
with respect to some of your statements, in the hope of further elucidation.
(I) You say, at p. 1761 : “My own experience but confirms the opinion that the
1
The page numbers cited are those of Young India.

Mussalman as a rule is a bully, and the Hindu as a rule is a coward.” Is it really always
and everywhere so, as a rule? If always so, or only sometimes so, why is it so?
Without the full answer to these questions, the mere advice to the Hindus to be
brave, either non-violently, or violently, will remain ineffectual.
Are the Mussalmans and the Hindus of India two different races, two different
ethnic stocks? Most patently not. Ninety-nine per cent of the Mussalmans are
descended from Hindu ancestors or are recent converts in their own persons.
Is the record of the Hindu soldiers, Sikhs, Gurkhas, Dogras, Rajputs, Jats,
Baiswaras, Mahrattas, Ahirs, Nayars, Telingas, of even the non-combatant stretcher-
bearer Kahars, worse than that of any Mussalman soldiers, or any Christian soldiers,
European or any other? Undisputedly not, again.
How then are we to interpret your statement that “in the majority of quarrels,
the Hindus come out second best”? If by quarrels we understand the ‘religious’
Hindu-Muslim riots and individual fights in India, then, and then only, your state-
ment becomes entirely correct, is it not? Your subsequent sentence makes this
perfectly plain: “I have noticed this in railway trains, on public roads, and in the
quarrels which I had the privilege of settling.” Now why is it that, when there is no
difference of race or ancestry between them, when there is no inherent bravery (or
bullyness, which is a very different thing) in the one or inherent cowardice in the
other—why is it that the Hindu behaves as a coward in these petty quarrels and
rowdinesses, and tempts and evokes the bravery or the bullyness in the Mussalman?
Is it something in take present condition of the two religions as such which
makes the Hindu such a coward and the Mussalman such a “brave”? Can it be this
miserable “touch-me-not” business, this awful hypocrisy of self-centred selfishness
and conceited and sanctimonious self-righteousness born of the notion of hereditary
superior and inferior castes—which, killing all mutual sympathy, prevents Hindu
from helping Hindu in such quarrels, and therefore makes each one a coward, because
of the sense of helplessness, while the Mussalman’s democractic religion ensures
him help and makes him “brave”
It is not only the so-called depressed classes that are untouchables; all the
castes and sub-castes and sub-sub-castes of Hindus are all mutually untouchables,
more or less, in this, that or the other respect! A religion which has come to this pass
of mutual touch-me-not and therefore antipathy and distrust must necessarily breed
cowards who must necessarily be eaten up by the “braves” whom they must nece-
ssarily bring into being by providing the temptation. Islam, also degenerate as it is
today, is yet distinctly better in some respects than the degenerate Hinduism of today.
If it had only less slaughter and more philosophy, it would be as good as any of the
higher forms of Hinduism, and far better than most of the lower ones.
(2) At p. 183 you say, “If Hindus set their house in order, I have not a shadow
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 501

of doubt that Islam will respond in a manner worthy. ... The Hindus. . . must shed
timidity or cowardice.” Please tell the Hindus more plainly how they should set their
house in order, how shed their cowardice. Is not the canker at the heart of Hindusim-
in-practice today the root cause of its degeneration, this very same mutual ‘touch-me-
not” business? Several Banaras pundits refused to sign a vyarashtha (fatwa)
sanction-ing the reconversion to Hinduism of the Malabar Hindus alleged to have
been forcibly converted to Islam! They had been touched by Islam and been
irretrivably lost forever!
If my neighbour has a servant whom I very much want for myself, and if my
simply touching him makes him wholly unfit for further service to my neighbour, and
to available to me for my service, why should I not touch him? There is every
inducement on earth for me to touch him! Why are there no such conflicts between
Christians and Muslims, as between Hindus and Muslims? Indeed, the Christians
make converts from among Mussalmans as well as Hindus, and yet they arouse no
such ire among Mussalmans as the Hindu shuddhi and sangathan affair has done.
Why is it so? As you have justly pointed out, at p.180, it is the manner of the
shuddhi and the sangathan which is the cause of the trouble—the self-display and the
drumming and trumpeting. If the Hindus, and especially the Hindu priests, had only a
little more sense, more honest common sense, and a little less sanc-timonious
hypocrisy and suicidal cunning, they would simply declare that anybody who chose
to call himself a Hindu might do so, and might inter-dine with any other Hindu whose
personal habits, in respect of food, and taste and temperament and ways of living
were similar, the whole trouble would cease at once. With the provoking
abandonment of this arrogance of untouchable purity (which yet is so feeble and
cowardly that, instead of purifying the less pure by its touch, itself dies under any
other’s mere touch) no incentive, no provocation, would be left to Mussalmans to
make converts from Hinduism, willy-nilly. Hindus and Mussalmans would begin to
behave as free and friendly human beings to each other. Knowing, or at least feeling,
that they were all equally men, human beings first, and Hindus or Mussalmans
afterwards,—equal men, equally free to put on or put off at will the label of Hindu or
Muslim or Christian, etc., like clothes, though bound to be good and honest in their
dealings with each other, as brothers, because of the common “Father in Heaven”,—
they could no longer think of breaking each other’s heads over the most trumpery
causes.
And the Hindus have no sufficient reason for not making such a declaration.
Eating and drinking and marrying are supposed to be main factors in “purity”—as
indeed they are, together with clean thinking. In respect of drink, Islam is “purer”
than Hinduism, since, in theory, it prohibits intoxicateing liquor, which Hinduism
does not, strictly, though condemning them. In respect of food, both eat flesh and

fish and fowl; only Islam eats the cow and eschews the pig, and Hinduism eats the pig
and eschews the cow; while Christianity impartially eats both and drinks liquor also.
In respect of marriage, both Hinduism and Islam are, theoretically, and to some extent
practically, polygamous. Why then this excessive non-co-operation of “touch-me-
not or I die, or at least have to bathe”?
A plain and periodically repeated pronouncement from you, dear sir, seems to
be very greatly needed by the Hindus, on these matters.
(3) At p. 1.77 you say, “We sowed the seed and the goondas reaped the
harvest.” How, in what way and why did we sow the seed? Why do the respectables of
the two communities continue to behave hypocritically? Why do they not try
sincerely for peace? Inherent, pure, ‘sheer cussedness’, or because no sufficient endea-
vour has been made to induce them to understand each other and the common object of
both?
(4) At p. 177 you say, “Another potent cause of the tension is the growing
distrust even among the best of us.” Why is there any distrust, and why is it grow.
ink? Can it possibly be due to the fact that the meaning of the words swaraj and
religion is not clearly understood; that there is no agreement about the meaning of
these two very important and interconnected words; that no effort has been made to
secure an agreement between all the workers on this essential matter, though there is
a lip-profession by all that they all want swaraj and all want God?
(5) At p. 179, you say, “We have to discover points of contact”. Do you mean
between individuals, as such, in respect of temperament, taste, habits, etc., for
establis hing individual friendships, or between communities, for social amenities;
or between political parties, for political colligation; or between religions, for really
deep-seated ant lasting unions and federations?
(6) At p. 182, you speak of leaving “the pen in the hands of, say, Hakim
Ajmal Khan” to settle various political matters. Why to you mention his name and no
other? Is it not because you know or, at least feel, (as some others of us have felt, that
he is a man fast and a Mussalman afterwards; that he is a good ant just and
philanthro-pic man and (or rather because he is) not ‘religion’-ridden man.
Supposing he is incapacitated—which God forbid—could you suggest many other
names in place of his? And is there no other, and safer and sounder, way of settling
these political matters than this very risky process of entrusting the whole work to
one human being, of delicate and frail health, even though he is trusted by both
communities in a degree next only to yourself? Is there no way of creating a body of
such men and women, and of maintaining its numbers at a reasonable figure, by
constant recruit-ment—the People’s Parliament, their Legislative Assembly, their
Court of Arbitra-tion, their Supreme All-India Panchayat?
(7) At p. 182, you say, “Hindu-Muslim Unity mean swaraj. I see no way of
achieving anything in this afflicted country without a lasting heart unity between
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 503

Hindus and Mussalmans of India.” And everybody else says it too. But how may we
bring about this unity? By simply telling the two communities: unite; unite; don’t
quarrel; don’t quarrel; don’t object, the one to cow-slaughter, the other to music? Why
is it that, despite endless at monitions to this effect, they decline to unite, and
continue to quarrel ant to object—indeed, worse now than before? Do you not think it
would be much more effectual to proclaim the “points of contact”, or rather the
“point common between all religions”, more specifically, and deligently, and
repeatedly?
I remain, dear sir,
Yours sincerely,
BHAGWAN DAS
Young India , 19-6-1924
APPENDIX III
MOTILAL NEHRU’S LETTERS
(A)
“SOONITA”,
RIDGE ROAD ,
MALABAR HILL,
July 25,1924
DEAR MAHATMAJI,
I enclose a copy of the questions I handed to Maulana Mahomed Ali on his

recent visit to Allahabad for favour of written replies. He was putting up with us and
was in Allahabad for a whole day after the questions were handed to him. When. he
was leaving I reminded him of them, but he only said that there was some
misapprehension and referred me to Maulvi Rafi Ahmad for further information. This
gentleman was standing by and he at once protested his ignorance, but the Maulana
made some humorous remark and left immediately after. I then asked Jawaharlal if he
knew whether the Maulana Saheb intended to answer the questions at all—he said he
could not say. There is, of course, no objection of the Maulana Saheb to answer these
or any other questions, but in the absence of clear replies, I am left to draw my own
inferences which may or may not be correct.
I may mention that the facts referred to in Qs. 3 & 4 have been established to
my satisfaction by reliable evidence. I should like very much to know what you think
of them. If I could have your views on the remaining questions also, it would greatly
help me in shaping my own course of action.

I shall be in Bombay for four or five days Will you kindly let me know when
you are arriving here?
With regards,
Yours sincerely,
MOTILAL NEHRU
Questions submitted by Pandit Motilal Nehru to Maulana Mahomed Ali,
President of the Indian National Congress, for favour of answers.1
Questions:
1. Is it your interpretation of the resolution passed by the All-India Congress
Committee at it last meeting held at Ahmedabad, read with the relevant
resolutions pas ed by the Congress at Delhi and Cocanada, that it is open to
No-changer to carry on active propaganda in the country against
Council-entry?
2. If so, do you agree that it is equally open to Swarajists to carry on counter
propaganda?
3. Is it true that you and Maulana Shaukat Ali have already begun active propa-
ganda against Council entry and have actually tried at Lucknow to use your
influence to persuade Swarajist members of Legislative Councils to come out?
4. Is it true that either you or Maulana Shaukat Ali or both have put it to the
Swarajists and other Congressmen that the issue was whether they would
accept Mahatma Gandhi or Pandit Motilal Nehru as their leaders?
5. Are you working to secure a majority to obtain a verdict Of the forthcoming
Congress
(i) generally in favour of any resolutions which Mahatma Gandhi may wish to
submit to the Congress?
(ii) specially
(a) to rescind the compromise resolutions passed at the Delhi and
Cocanada Sessions relating to Council-entry
(b) to re-introduce the penalty clause in the resolution relating to hand-
spinning passed by the All-lndia Congress Committee at Ahmedabad, and
(c) to exclude all Swarajists from membership of the All-lndia Congress
Committee and the various Provincial, District and Tahsil Congress
Committees
6. If your answer to any part of the preceding question is in the affirmative, do
you agree that it is open to Swarajists to carry on counter-propaganda?
7. (a) Do you agree that the All-lndia Congress Committee and the various
Provincial, District and Tahsil Committees though loosely described as the
1
In the questionnaire supplied to him, Gandhiji put down his answers to
Questions 1,2,5,6 and 7.
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 505

executive of the Congress are really deliberative bodies consisting of hundreds
of members and that each has a small council of its own to transact purely
executive business?
(b) If so, is it the intention to exclude Swarajists from the pure executive only
in the Central and Provincial Organizations or also from the larger deliber-
ative bodies mentioned above?
Handed to Maulana Mahomed Ali at Allahabad on 18-7-1924.
M. L. N.
From a photostat of a typewritten copy: S.N. 9002
(B)
“SOONITA”,
RIDGE ROAD ,
MALABAR HILL,
July 28, 1924
DEAR MAHATMAJI,
Thanks for your letter answering some of the questions I put to Maulana
Mahomed Ali.
After I sent you my last letter enclosing a copy of the questions, I read in the
papers that you had lost considerable weight and were suffering from headache and
occasional fever. Please pardon me for troubling you with the questions in your
present state of health. I would not have done so had I seen the papers before writing.
I am now getting very anxious about your health. The most obvious thing to
do is to stop all work at once and take complete rest. But the misfortune is that you
will not do this. All great men have their weaknesses and sometimes they are more
than those of ordinary men. Specially in matters concerning the care of their own
persons. You recognize the fact that you are not physically fit for the work you have
undertaken and yet will not do the one thing which everybody including yourself
knows has to be done to restore you to your normal state of health ! I do not know
any name for that other than national misfortune.
I shall be perfectly frank with you even at the risk of offending you. Let me
tell you plainly that the kind of work you are doing at present can very well wait and
that the nation will not be in the least poorer if it is not done at all and if in its place
we have our Gandhi restored to health and vigour at the end of say a month or even
two months. I should cut you off from all communication with India for a time and
send you out in the open sea for a fairly long cruise without any land being in sight
for six weeks. The least that you can do is to take a trip to see Ceylon where you will
have an entire change of surroundings. Your dak should await you at the Ashram

during your absence. But it is useless to go on writing in this strain. I am afraid I can
make no impression on you and there is nothing for us but to resign ourselves to
whatever the future has in store for us. I have however made up my mind about one
thing and that is that I will not be a particeps criminis in the suicide you are
committing by troubling you with any further correspondence or talk about any work
however urgent it may be until you have very considerably improved your health.
Your postcard 1 must be awaiting my return to Allahabad. I am going back day after
tomorrow night. I should have run up to Sabarmati for a day if 1 thought I could be of
any use whatever. But I expect no good to come out of my visit and have therefore
given up the idea. Let me however ask you a question. Would you put me down as mad
if I were to ask you to spend a few weeks on the bank of the Ganges some five miles
out of Allahabad at a garden house belonging to a friend of mine which is at my entire
disposal? This is the only alternative to your going out to sea that I can think of for
the benefit of your health.
Yours sincerely,
MOTILAL NEHRU
From a photostat of a hand-written copy: S.N. 9004
1
This is not available,
VOL.28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15 AUGUST, 1924 507

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1.

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 1

2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 3

4 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

2. BOYCOTT FOREIGN CLOTH

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 5

6 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 7

8 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I am in receipt of your letter of the 5th of May. I instituted enquiries

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 9

10 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 11

12 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 13

4. SAR0JINI’S SPEECH TO CHILDREN

5. STATEMENT TO ASSOCIATED PRESS OF INDIA

14 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 15

16 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

6. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 17

7. LETTER TO VASUMATI PANDIT

18 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

9. TELEGRAM TO DR. CHOITHRAM GIDWANI

10. LETTER TO G. V. SUBBA RAO

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 19

12. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA

20 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 21

22 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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24 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 25

15. MILL-HANDS AND KHADI

mantra or formula has twelve syllables; hence dwadash.

26 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

16. SATYAGRAHI REPROACHES

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 27

28 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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30 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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20. TRIUMPH OF SPRING

32 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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34 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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36 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

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38 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 39

25. NOTE TO SHANTIKUMAR MORARJI2

40 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

27. A SILENCE-DAY NOTE 4

[Between March 11 and May 28, 1924] 5

VOL. 28 : 22 MAY, 1924 - 15AUGUST, 1924 41

28. TELEGRAM TO SARALADEVI CHOWDHARANI1